1 a. Eu não encontrei ela. Ela tinha saído.

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1 1 When Perfect means Plural Brenda Laca, Patricia Cabredo-Hofherr, Sandra de Carvalho (UMR 7023 Université Paris 8) 1. Introduction The facts Compound tenses whose auxiliary is in the present indicative tend to show a more restricted distribution than non-present or non-indicative forms. In a particularly restrictive Northeastern variety of Brazilian Portuguese (BP), the felicitous use of the construction ter have + PP in the present indicative (henceforth PRES-PERF ) requires a plurality of events/intervals. Proposal The PRES-PERF is to be analyzed as a temporal pluractional, contributing an undespecified pluractional operator (frequentative/ habitual/ incremental). It not only affects temporal structure, but also determines a particular relation between this temporal structure and the time of evaluation, and of the time of evaluation and Utt-T. The PRES-PERF conflates the expression of eventuality modification with that of the relations between Ev-T and Ast-T, and between Ast-T and Utt-T Plan of the talk Peculiarities of the PRES-PERF in (NE)-BP: non-resultative, unambiguously universal, highly restricted universal Pluractional properties of the PRES-PERF The internal structure of the PRES-PERF -interval. A non-compositional analysis Towards an explanation 2. Peculiarities of the PRES-PERF in NE-BP The distribution of the PRES-PERF clearly differs from the distribution of other Perfect forms whose auxiliary is not in the present indicative (Amaral & Howe 2004, Schmitt 2001). 1 a. Eu não encontrei ela. Ela tinha saído. I not find.pf.1sg her. She have.impf.3.sg go-out.pp I didn t find her. She had gone out b. Eu não encontro ela. #Ela tem saído [saiu OK]. I not find.pr.1sg her. She have.pr.3.sg go-out.pp [go-out. PF.3SG] I don t find her. She has gone out 2 a. Pedro vai entrar pela porta de trás. Eu ja vou ter Pedro go.pr.3.sg enter.inf by+the door behind. I already go.pr.1.sg have.inf This is a preliminary report on ongoing joint work. The first author takes full responsibility for all possible errors.

2 2 desarmado o segurança. disarm.pp the guard Pedro will come in through the back door. I will have already disarmed the guard b. Pedro está entrando pela porta de trás. #Eu ja tenho Pedro LOC-be.PR.3.SG enter.ger by+the door behind. I already have.pr.1.sg. desarmado [desarmei OK] o segurança. disarm.pp [disarm.pf.1.sg OK] the guard Pedro is coming in through the back door. I have already disarmed the guard 3 a. Não acredito que João tenha matado o segurança. not believe.pr.1.sg that J. have PR.SUBJ.3.SG kill.pp the guard I don t believe that Joao has killed the guard b. #Acho que João tem matado [matou OK] o segurança. find PR.1.SG that J. have PR.3.SG kill.pp [kill.pf.3.sg OK] the guard I think that Joao has killed the guard 2.2. The PRES-PERF lacks not only resultative or (recent) anteriority readings, but also (a) inferential uses, (4a); (b) future perfect uses (4b); (c) combinations with ja already (4c); (d) generic/habitual contexts (4d). 4 a. [PFQU 14. Situation: It is morning. A wakes up, looks out of the window and sees that the street is wet] #Tem chovido durante a noite. [Deve ter chovido/ (Parece que) choveu] have.pr.3.sg rain.pp during the night. [must have rain.pp/ seem.pr.3.sg that rain.pf] It has rained during the night [It must have rained/ It looks like it s rained] b. #Quando a Ana regressar de Groningen, when the Ana return.inf of Groningen já tu tens acabado a tese (Amaral & Howe 2004: ex. 12 OK) already you have.pr.3.sg finish PP the thesis When Ana gets back from Groningen, you will have already finished your thesis c. Ela (#já) tem escrito artigos. She (#already) have.pr.3.sg write.pp articles She has already written articles d. #Ultimamente, quando eu ligo, o responsável tem saído. Lately when I phone. PR.1.SG, the person in charge have.pr.3.sg go-out.pp These days, every time I phone, the person in charge is away 2.3. Universal (or Inclusive ) readings are obligatory 5 a. Since 2000, Alexandra has been living in LA. b. Petros has been sick for the past two weeks. 6 a. Você tem feito seus deveres de casa? you have.pr.3.sg do.pp your homework? Have you done/been doing your homework regularly? b. Pedro tem dormido na varanda o inverno inteiro. Pedro have.pr.3.sg sleep.pp in-the balcony the winter whole Pedro has been sleeping on the balcony all this winter

3 3 c. Esse tipo de cinema tem desaparecido na cidade a toda velocidade. This type of movie-theater have.pr.3.sg disappear.pp in+the town to all speed Movie-theaters of the kind have been rapidly disappearing from town In English and in other languages, universal readings arise only in the context of certain interval or measure adverbials (Iatridou, Anagnostopoulu & Izvorsky 2001/2003): 7 a. Peter has been in Boston. [NON-UNIVERSAL] b. Peter has been in Boston since Tuesday/for two months [AMBIGUOUS] c. Peter has been in Boston at least since Tuesday/ for two months now [UNIVERSAL] By contrast, the PRES-PERF consistently exhibits universal readings in any context A peculiarly restricted instance of a universal perfect Universal readings require homogeneous situation descriptions (statives, habituals) and are incompatible with perfective or bounded aspect. Thus, they can be analyzed as the result of embedding a homogeneous eventuality description or an instance of [UNBOUNDED]/ [IMPERFECTIVE] aspect under a Perfect operator (Iatridou, Anagnostopoulu & Izvorsky 2001/2003, Pancheva 2003). But by far not all types of homogeneous situations can be felicitously embedded under the PRES-PERF. negation 8 a. She hasn t arrived yet. b. #Ela ainda não tem chegado [chegou OK] she still not have.pr.3.sg arrive.pp [arrive.pf.3.sg OK] stage-level states 9 a. #Esse livro sempre tem estado na prateleira da direita. This book always have PR.3.SG be. PP in+the shelf of+the right This book has always been on the righthand shelf b. #Essa loja tem estado fechada (ultimamente). This shop have PR.3.SG be. PP closed (lately). This shop has been closed for some time c. #Pedro tem estado no jardim/ nos Estados Unidos. Pedro have PR.3.SG be. PP in+the garden/ in+the United States Pedro has been in the garden / in the US d. Pedro tem estado muito doente nos últimos tempos. Pedro have PR.3.SG be. PP very ill in+the last times Pedro has been very ill lately e. Pedro tem estado bêbado / aborrecido. Pedro have PR.3.SG be. PP drunk / upset Pedro has been drunk / upset

4 4 10 a. Como tenho??estado/ andado deprimida últimamente, as have.pr.3.sg be.pp / walk.pp depressed lately ler o seu texto me fez acreditar que tudo ficaria bem. read.inf the your text me make.pf.3sg believe that all turn-out.cond.3.sg well Since I have been depressed lately, reading your text led me to believe that all would go well iteration is a necessary condition for felicitous use of the PRES-PERF (Schmitt 2001, Amaral & Howe 2004). 11 a. Pedro tem dormido na varanda o inverno inteiro. Pedro have.pr.3.sg sleep.pp in-the balcony the winter whole Pedro has been sleeping on the balcony all this winter b. #O urso tem dormido na sua caverna o inverno inteiro. The bear have.pr.3.sg sleep.pp in-the his cave the winter whole The bear has been sleeping in his cave all this winter iteration is not a sufficient condition for felicitous use 12 a. #Maria tem tossido sem parar/ muito desde ontem. Maria have.pr.3.sg cough.pp without stop / a lot since yesterday Mary has been coughing non stop/ a lot since yesterday b. #Desde que ele conheceu Maria, ele tem esperado as cartas dela. since that he meetpf.3.sg Maria, he have.pr.3.sg await.pp the letters of-her. Since he met Maria, he has waited for her letters a comparison with the English Present Perfect Progressive 13 a. Mary has been singing for some time. CONTINUATIVE b. Mary has been calling you since this morning. FREQUENTATIVE c. Mary has been dining out a lot lately. HABITUAL d. Oil prices have been rising for some time. INCREMENTAL In accordance with what we have seen for negated events, for states, and for protracted events (11b), continuative readings are not possible for the PRES-PERF. By contrast, frequentative, habitual and incremental readings are possible, as shown in (14a-b): 14 a. (#)Eu tenho feito as camas desde segunda feira. FREQUENTATIVE/ I have.pr.1.sg do.pp the beds since Monday HABITUAL Since Monday, I have been doing the beds b. Desde os anos 80 o número de estudantes tem aumentado. INCREMENTAL since the years 80 the number of students have.pr.3.sg increase.pp The number of students has increased since the eighties conditions on the length of the interval 15 a. #Eu tenho feito as camas desde as oito da manhã.

5 5 I have.pr.1.sg do.pp the beds since the eight of+the morning I have been doing the beds since eight o clock in the morning b. #Ela tem perguntado por você toda a manhã. she have.pr.3.sg ask.pp for you all the morning She s been asking for you the whole morning Conditions on the structure of the interval : discontinuity 16 a. Desde os anos 80, o número de estudantes tem aumentado. since the years 80 the number of students have.pr.3.sg increase.pp The number of students has increased since the eighties b.?? O nível do rio tem aumentado muito nos últimos anos. The level of+the river have.pr.3.sg increase.pp a lot in+the last years The water level has risen a lot these past years In (16a) the increase in the number of students can only be measured by comparing values at the beginning of each school year, whereas in (16b), the increase in the level of water can be measured by comparing values at the beginning of much shorter intervals. Summing up: the PRES-PERF lacks resultative or anteriority readings, and consistently behaves like a Universal perfect of a particularly restricted kind. It requires that the interval stretching from some point in the past up to Utt-T not be a homogeneous interval of validity for the temporal property denoted by the eventuality description, i.e. that it not be filled by the temporal trace of a single event and thus excludes continuative readings. Discontinuity and distribution of the temporal property over a sufficiently large interval are necessary conditions for felicitous use of the PRES-PERF 3. Pluractional characteristics Discontinuity and conditions on the length of the interval are typical for some bona fide temporal pluractionals, such as described by Van Geehoven (2004). The interaction of the PRES-PERF with nominal arguments and with some adverbials also replicates well-known properties of temporal pluractionals. no multiplication effects on singular indefinite arguments. 17 a. #Tenho comido uma maçã. have PR.1.SG eat.pp an apple I have eaten an apple b. # Qaartartoq sivisuumik qaaqattaarpoq [=VG 2004 (30)] qaartartuq sivisuu-mik qaar-qattaar-puq bomb.abs lengthy.ins explode-qattaar- IND.[-tr].3SG A/the bomb exploded again and again for a long time. c. # Juan anduvo disparando un tiro [=Laca 2006] Juan walk.sp.3.sg shoot.ger. a shot Juan has been shooting a shot

6 6 possibility of distributive correspondences with some plural nominal arguments (most notably with bare plurals, but also with cumulative degree quantifiers): distinct subevents or subintervals of validity of the verb are mapped onto different individual parts of a plural participant. 18 a. Tenho comido maçãs. have PR.1.SG eat.pp apples I have been eating apples b. Qaartartut sivisuumik qaaqattaarpoq [=VG 2004 (30)] qaartartuq sivisuu-mik qaar-qattaar-put bomb.abs.pl lengthy.ins explode-qattaar- IND.[-tr].3SG SIC! A/the bomb exploded again and again for a long time. c. Juan anduvo disparando tiros [=Laca 2006] Juan walk.sp.3.sg shoot.ger. shots 19 a. Muitas / #Vinte pessoas têm morrido no Iraque. many / twenty people have.pr.3.pl die.pp in+the Irak A lot of / #twenty people have been dying in Irak b. Muitos / # Vinte estudantes têm aderido ao Partido Comunista. many / twenty students have.pr.3.pl join.pp to+the Communist Party A lot of / #twenty students have been joining the Communist Party interaction of pluractionals with adverbials indicating repetition: pluractionals only admit degree quantifiers, never precise or vague cardinals (Yu 2003, Laca 2006). 20 a. Eu tenho visto muito /??muitas vezes a sua irmã ultimamente. I have.pr.1.sg see.pp much/ many times the your sister lately. I ve been seeing your sister a lot/?many times lately b. #Eu tenho visto três / várias vezes a sua irmã ultimamente. I have.pr.1.sg see.pp three/ several times the your sister lately. # I ve been seeing your sister three/ several times lately c. #Eu tenho dito milhões de vezes pra não fazer isso. I have.pr.1.sg tell.pp millions of times for not doing this # I ve been telling you millions of times not to do this cyclic quantified expressions ( every day ) and distributive expressions ( once a week ), versus frequency adverbs 21 a. Tenho visto (a) sua irmã todo dia. have.pr.1.sg see.pp the your sister every day I have been seeing your sister every day b. Ela tem ligado uma vez por semana. She have.pr.3.sg phone.pp one time by week She s been phoning once a week c. #Geralmente/ #Na maior parte do tempo tenho visto a sua irmã na escola. usually / in+the most part of+the time have.pr.1.sg see.pp the your sister at school? Usually/ Most of the time I ve been seeing your sister at school

7 7 Summing up: Like pluractionals, the PRES-PERF has no multiplication effects on indefinite arguments which could be attributed to an operator scoping over the arguments, but it allows for distributive correspondences between subevents and plural participants. The associated event plurality cannot be cardinalized, and the distribution with other adverbs points to the lack of an accessible level of atomic subevents. 4. The internal structure of the PRES-PERF interval Discontinuity: what counts as a multiplicity of events of the same type by contrast with the occurrence of a single protracted event? 4.1. Temporal gaps S-cumulative descriptions (Rothstein 2004) require temporal gaps for plural instantiation readings. 22 a. Tenho viajado muito nos últimos tempos. have.pr.1.sg travel.pp much in+the last times. I ve been travelling a lot lately b. Decidi ir ao médico porque tenho tido dores de cabeça muito fortes. decide.pf.1.sg go to+the doctor, because have.pr.1.sg have.pp aches of head very strong I ve decided to go to the doctor, because I ve been having very bad headaches iteration and intermittency readings with telic event descriptions that can be easily shifted into activities (Amaral & Howe 2004). 23 a. O João tem lido esse livro. [Amaral & Howe 2004] The Joao have.pr.3.sg read.pp this book. (i) João has been reading this book repeatedly. (b) João has been reading this book on and off. b. João tem lido tudo que o professor indica/ os livros de P. Freire. Joao have.pr.3.sg read.pp all that the professor recommends/the books of P.Freire. Joao has been reading everything the teacher recommends/ the books by P. Freire 24 a. Maria anda leyendo la Guerra y la Paz. (Laca 2006) Maria walk.pr.3.sg read.ger the War and the Peace Mary has been reading War and Peace (repeatedly/on an off) incremental predicates (degree achievements) 25 a. Desde os anos 80, o número de estudantes tem aumentado. since the years 80 the number of students have.pr.3.sg increase.pp The number of students has increased since the eighties b.?? O nível do rio tem aumentado muito nos últimos anos. The level of+the river have.pr.3.sg increase.pp a lot in+the last years The water level has risen a lot these past years

8 Aspectual periphrases estar + Gerund PROGRESSIVE (King & Suñer 1980), ir + Gerund INCREMENTAL temporal structure (gradual or successive aspect) andar + Gerund FREQUENTATIVE and/or HABITUAL temporal structure viver + Gerund HABITUAL and CONTINUOUS temporal structure (see Campos1980) 26 a. Esse menino está fazendo besteira. This kid LOC-be.PR.3.SG do.ger nonsense This kid is doing nonsense b. A gente vai vivendo como pode. The people go.pr.3.sg live.ger as can. PR.3.SG We go on living as well we can c. Esse menino anda fazendo besteira. This kid walk.pr.3.sg do.ger nonsense This kid is doing nonsense d. Esse menino vive fazendo besteira. This kid live.pr.3.sg do.ger nonsense This kid is always doing nonsense The PRES-PERF is only compatible with andar + Gerund: 27 a. *Esse menino tem estado fazendo besteira. This kid have.pr.3.sg be.pp do.ger nonsense b. *Esse menino tem ido melhorando. This kid have.pr.3.sg go.pp improve.ger c. Esse menino tem andado fazendo besteira. This kid have.pr.3.sg walk.pp do.ger nonsense d. *Esse menino tem vivido fazendo besteira. This kid have.pr.3.sg live.pp do.ger nonsense andar + Gerund ensures discontinuity of the distribution of the temporal property throughout the interval. The progressive, the incremental and the continuous habitual all presuppose a homogenous distribution, at least at the relevant level of granularity A potential exception to discontinuity: stage-level states without gaps gradable versus yes/no-states 1 deprimido depressed, bébado drunk, doente ill, aborrecido upset : OK vázio empty, fechado closed, locative predicates : OUT 28 a. Como tenho?estado/andado deprimida ultimamente, as have.pr.3.sg be.pp / walk.pp depressed lately ler o seu texto me fez bem. read.inf the your text me do.pf.3.sg. well. 1 In the variety described by Amaral & Howe (2004), all stage-level states are admissible and give rise to continuative or iterative readings.

9 9 Since I have been depressed lately, it was good for me to read your text b. # Paulo tem estado no jardim. Paulo have PR.3.SG be. PP in+the garden Paulo has been in the garde (for some time). c. # Essa loja tem estado fechada (ultimamente). This shop have PR.3.SG be. PP closed (lately). This shop has been closed for some time The definition of states as totally homogeneous predicates (Dowty 1979, Rothstein 2004) ignores a relevant difference between gradable and simply yes/no properties. One is depressed, drunk or upset to different degrees, so that there is no total homogeneity for the intervals of which the property holds. slight preference for the copula andar in these contexts As a copula, andar conveys the same sense of intermittency or discontinuity that characterizes its uses as a modifier verb in the periphrasis andar + Gerund. 5. The analysis Two properties of the PRES-PERF : (a) the location of the described eventuality in a sentence in the PRES-PERF : the left boundary (LB) of the temporal trace precedes the highest anchor (Utt-T) and its right boundary (RB) cannot strictly precede the highest anchor (and must probably follow it). (b) the internal structure of the interval: discontinuous, but regular distribution of the temporal property/ event predicate denoted by the basic eventuality description (verb plus arguments and V/VP-internal adjuncts) throughout the whole interval. 28 Utt-T [V_V_V_V_V_V_V...] LB RB Analytical problem: property (a) involves ordering relations between intervals, and can thus be captured by time-relational approaches to aspect, whereas property (b) concerns the temporal structure of the described eventuality, and thus falls into the realm of eventuality modification. 2 The time-relational problem would not disappear by eliminating Utt-T as highest anchor: we would still need to say that there is an interval (the interval of evaluation) which is properly included in another interval with a particular temporal structure. 2 Note that the problem would subsist even under the wholesale adoption of interval semantics: relative location of an interval still remains quite distinct from the distribution of a temporal property over this interval. An analogous problem arises in the analysis of habitual aspect, if it is indeed the case that habitual aspect is associated to imperfectivity, since the latter requires that the interval of evaluation be included in the interval of which the eventuality holds.

10 10 The problem in a neo-reichenbachian framework (Smith 1991, Demirdache & Uribe-Etxebarria 2000) 29 Utt-T [ ] Ast-T [V_V_V_V_V_V_V...] Ev-T The position attributed to Ast-T (not including the RB of the iteration, with its LB possibly coinciding exactly with the LB of the iteration, and with its RB coinciding with Utt-T) is justified by the behavior of some interval adverbials with the PRES- PERF. Interval adverbials introduced by desde since and by até until modify Ast-T by giving its left resp. right boundary (Schaden (2007). 30 a. Até agora, tenho andado no mundo de cabeça levantada. until now, havepr.1.sg walk.pp in+the world of head raised. Up to know, I have walked around this world holding my head up b.#até ontem, tenho andado no mundo de cabeça levantada. until yesterday, havepr.1.sg walk.pp in+the world of head raised. Until yesterday, I have walked around this world holding my head up 31 a. Desde os anos 80, o número de estudantes tem aumentado. since the years 80 the number of students have.pr.3.sg increase.pp The number of students has increased since the eighties b. Tenho feito as camas desde a segunda feira. have.pr.1.sg do.pp the beds since the Monday Since Monday, I have been doing the beds Perfect Time Span- adverbials : últimamente lately, nos últimos tempos / anos / meses recently, these last years/ months. The PRES-PERF operator 32 PRES-PERF : λp λi E e, e [e Ε & e Ε] & e, e Ε [(P (e) & P (e ) & τ(e) o τ(e )] & i τ(e) & RB τ(e) i & RB(i) = Utt-T [first line: pluractional properties; first two conjuncts in the second line: aspectual properties (i=astt, interval of evaluation); last conjunct: deictic temporal location] Non-compositionality Given the morphological makeup: [Tense/Mood (present indicative) + [auxiliary (ter) + [Past Participle]]] an analysis in which bits of semantic information are attached to bits of morphology would be clearly preferrable. Two purportedly compositional analyses. Giorgi & Pianesi (1997: ) 1. The Portuguese Present Perfect refers to a habit.

11 11 2. The form ter in this construction is not an auxiliary, but a homophonous full verb (a predicate of events) meaning keep. 3. The participial clause combining with this full verb contains a hidden generic operator, Gen, which ensures repetition. 4. When ter + PP appears in the Present tense, ter cannot function as an auxiliary, because the resulting form would compete with the synthetic simple (perfective) past form, which is itself able to act as a present perfect (with resultative, inferential, present relevance, and experiential readings). The auxiliary version of ter can surface in the case of the pluperfect (and the prospective/future perfect, the perfect infinitive, the perfect subjunctive etc.) because a competing form is lacking. This solution is not entirely compositional: hidden operator modifying temporal structure in order to fulfill the requirements of the higher element (ter keep ) coercion (de Swart 1998) non-compositional mechanism. There is no justification for the operator being a generic one or one requiring some sort of iteration (If the ter appearing in the PRES-PERF literally means keep, it would select for any homogenous situation, and only to give rise to iteration effects in the case of non-homogenous (punctual, telic) basic eventuality descriptions, as illustrated by (33a-c): 33 a. Mary kept singing for hours. b. Mary kept arriving late. c. Mary kept knocking at the door. There is no conclusive syntactic evidence for the assumption that ter has the status of a full verb in the PRES-PERF and the status of an auxiliary in the other compound tenses (Schmitt 2001). Schmitt (2001) 1. The Present Tense, both in Portuguese and in English, selects for stative predicates. 2. The Perfect in English has a homogeneous, stative predicate as output, whereas it has a non-homogeneous (bounded) predicate as output in Portuguese. Combination of a Present with a Perfect in Portuguese would require a coercion operator with a homogeneous stative predicate as output between the Perfect and the Present. Since the output of the Perfect is bounded, the coercion operator will produce an unbounded iteration of bounded eventualities as the state description required by the Present. Coercion non-compositional mechanism. Portuguese vs Spanish The Spanish Present Perfect even in highly restrictive varieties such as Mexican and Rio de la Plata Spanish- does not convey iteration accross the board. The Spanish Present does not differ from the English and Portuguese Present in requiring homogenous situations, but not necessarily stative ones (pace Schmitt 2001) The following contrasts (from Schmitt 2001) are at best dubious: 34 a. Pedro canta (en este momento). SPANISH Pedro sing.pr.3.sg (in this moment) Pedro is singing (at this moment) b. O Pedro canta (*neste momento). PORTUGUESE

12 12 The Pedro sing.pr.3.sg (in this moment) 35 a. Pedro canta un aria (en este momento) SPANISH Pedro sing.pr.3.sg an aria (in this moment) Pedro is singing an aria (at this moment) b. O Pedro canta uma ária (#neste momento) PORTUGUESE The Pedro sing.pr.3.sg an aria (in this moment) 36 a. Pedro come una manzana (en este momento) SPANISH Pedro eat.pr.3.sg an apple (in this moment) Pedro is eating an apple (at this moment) b. O Pedro come uma maçã (#neste momento) PORTUGUESE The Pedro eat.pr.3.sg an apple (in this moment) Attributing the differences between the Present Perfect in Spanish and Portuguese to differences in the makeup or selectional restrictions of the Present in both languages is thus unwarranted. Summing up: these two purportedly compositional analyses of the PRES- PERF fail in a number of points. Giorgi & Pianesi s analysis builds on a doubtful distinction between ter as a full verb and as an auxiliary, whereas Schmitt s builds on a doubtful distinction between Presents that select for states and Presents that only select for homogeneous situations (including processes). Both analyses resort to the insertion of hidden operators (Gen in the former case, ITER or HAB in the latter), but the selectional properties of the element triggering coercion do not sufficiently justify that only these, and not other operators, should be required. In brief, the coercion mechanism assumed is not really able to account for the fact that perfect means plural in the case under discussion. 6. Towards an explanation Q. What is the obvious diference between the PRES-PERF and the rest of the Romance Present Perfects? A. The auxiliary for compound tenses in Portuguese is not a descendant from habere, but a descendant from tenere hold, keep, and auxiliary substitution of ter for haver is a relatively recent process. The specialization of the PRES-PERF (be it as a form including a pluractional component, NE-BP, or as a non-resultative, universal perfect in other less restrictive varieties) is also a relatively recent process (Sten 1973, Suter 1984). Speculation: The key to the explanation lies in ter, but the relationship between the lexical choice of an auxiliary and the semantic peculiarities is much less direct than assumed by G& P. Auxiliary substitution of ter for haver did not particularly affect the other compound forms, but in the case of the PRES-PERF, it led to the replacement of a construction conveying resultativity or anteriority (w.r.t. Utt-T or another non-past anchor) by a grammatical idiom with the semantics defined in (32) above.

13 13 Unstable competition situations in languages in which a (new) (Present) Perfect is created along an already existing form expressing anteriority w.r.t. Utt-T: Cases of a complete aoristic-drift of the Perfect: the old past form ends up losing the competition against a Perfect which has taken over most of its uses (Meillet 1909). When the old guy wins : no diachronic law requires that an innovation will expand at the expense of an older form; instead of winning over a potentially competing older form, the innovation may either disappear or become confined to a very special semantic contribution. PRES-PERF : The old guy won...and the enabling factor for the restrictive development of the PRES-PERF is to be found in auxiliary substitution, which did away with any rests of the resultative profile of the PRES-PERF. Ter gives rise in fact to a clearly resultative construction, which Portuguese shares with Spanish and Catalan, but it is a different construction, in which ter embeds a small clause constitued by an object and an agreeing Past Participle: 37 a. Eu tenho feitas as camas desde segunda-feira (Schmitt 2001) I have.pr.1.sg do.pp.fem.pl the.fem.pl bed.fem.pl from Monday. The beds are made since Monday b. Ele tem duas costelas quebradas. He have.pr.3.sg two.fem.pl rib.fem.pl break.pp.fem.pl He has two broken ribs c.??a essa hora já tenho os cabelos escovados, to this hour already have.pr.1.sg the hair.masc.pl comb.pp. MASC.PL a roupa engomada, e a maquilhagem feita. the clothes.fem.sg iron.pp.fem.sg and the make-up.fem.sg do. PP. FEM.SG At this time, my hair is already combed, my clothes ironed and my makeup done The fact that ter (and not haver) enters into the composition of the PRES-PERF does play a role in the semantic peculiarities of this form, but it is an indirect one. Ter is not a full verb in the construction at most, it should be classified as a semantic modifier like the rest of the periphrastic semiauxiliaries of the Romance languages. As such, it preserves some of the properties that characterize its use as a full verb, in particular properties relating to argument structure (external argument/topic). 38 a. #Tem chovido muito ultimamente. have.pr.3.sg rain.pp much lately b. #(Os ricos) têm construido muitas casas nesse barrio. the rich have.pr.3.sg build.pp many houses in+this neighborhood c. #(Aquí) tem feito um frio danado. here have.pr.3.sg do.pp a cold terrible Development of a construction into a grammatical idiom and semantic restriction of a construction are not exceptional processes. Mutatis mutandis, this case is analogous to what happened to gerundial periphrases with verbs of movement in Romance: from the point of view of the medieval languages, they were well on their

14 14 way to become expressions for the Progressive, but they lost out against STARE + Gerund (Laca 2000). References Alexiadou, Artemis & al. (eds) (2003), Perfect explorations. Berlin : Mouton/de Gruyter. Amaral, Patricia & Chad Howe, 2004, Reexamining the Portuguese Perfect Puzzle. 8 th Hispanic Linguistics Symposium, University of Minnesota (handout) Campos, Odette de Souza, 1980, O gerúndio no português. Rio de Janeiro. Presença. Dahl, Östen (ed) (2000), Tense and aspect in the languages of Europe. Berlin : Mouton/de Gruyter. Demirdache, H. & M. Uribe- Etxebarria (2000) The syntax of temporal relations : a uniform approach to tense and aspect, in R. Martin & al. (eds), Step by Step : Essays on Minimalist Syntax in Honor of Howard Lasnik. Cambridge, Mass : MIT Press. Dowty, David, 1979, Word meaning and Montague grammar. Dordrecht. Reidel. Giorgi, Anna & Pianesi, Fabio (1997), Tense and aspect. From semantics to morphosyntax. New-York/Oxford : Oxford University Press. Iatridou, Sabine, Agnastonopolou, Elena & Izvorski, Roumania, 2003, Observations about the form and meaning of the Perfect, in Alexiadou & al. (eds) King, Larry & Margarita Suñer, 1980, The meaning of the Progressive in Spanish and Portuguese. The Bilingual Review/Revista Bilingue VII, Laca, Brenda, 2000, Auxiliarisation et opularisation dans les langues romanes, Revue de Linguistique Romane, Laca, Brenda, 2006, Indefinites, quantifiers, and pluractionals. What scope effects tell us about event pluralities, in Tasmowski, L. & Vogeleer, S. (eds). Non-definiteness and Plurality, Amsterdam. Benjamins. Meillet, Antoine, 1909, Disparition des formes simples du prétérit, in Linguistique historique et linguistique générale, Paris, Champion De Swart, Henriette, 1998, Aspect shift and coercion. Natural Language and Linguistic Theory Pancheva, Roumania, 2003, The aspectual makeup of Perfect participles and the interpretations of the Perfect, in Alexiadou & al. (eds) Rothstein, Susan, 2004, Structuring Events, Oxford, Blackwell. Schaden, Gerhard, 2007, La sémantique du Parfait : étude des temps composés dans un choix de langues germaniques et romanes. Doctoral Diss. Université Paris 8. Schmitt, Cristina, 2001, Cross-linguistic variation and the Presen Perfect: the case of Portuguese, Natural Language and Linguistic Theory Smith, Carlota, 1991), The parameter of aspect, Dordrecht, Kluwer Academic Press. Squartini, Mario & Bertinetto, Pier Marco 2000, The Simple and compound past in Romance languages, in Dahl (ed) Sten, Holger, 1973, L emploi des temps en portugais moderne. Copenhaguen, Munksgaard. Suter, Alfred, 1984, Das portugiesische Pretérito Perfeito Composto. Bern, Francke. Van Geenhoven, Veerle, 2004, For-adverbials, frequentative aspect, and pluractionality, Semantics Natural Language