TEMPORAL ORGANIZATIDN OF SWEDISH TONAL ACCENTS: THE EFFECT OF VOWEL DLJRATION

Transcription

1 TEMPORAL ORGANZATDN OF SWEDSH TONAL ACCENTS: THE EFFECT OF VOWEL DLJRATON Robert Bannert and Anne-Chrstne Bredvad-Jensen. ntroducton Snce Meyer's publcatons (Meyer 1937, 1954) the ncreasng nterest of phonetcans n the Swedsh word accents has resulted n many nvestgatons, e.g. Malmberg ( 1953, 1955), Haddng-Koch ( 1961), Öhman ( 1965), Alstermark and Erkson ( 1971), Erkson and.alstermark ( 1972), Gårdng and Lndblad (1973), Lafqvst (1973). A producton model of the Swedsh tonal accents was proposed by Öhman (1967) and crtczed and amended by Gårdng (197). Both proposals are dscussed by Bruce (1974) who provdes new acoustcal evdence concernng the tonal accents of the Stockholm dalect n stressed but non-focal sentence poston. Gårdng (1973) establshed a prelmnary typology, based on the characterstcs of the f manfestatons n bsyllabc words, not only for the Swedsh accents but also for the other Scandnavan (Norwegan and Dansh) word accents. nvestgatng the effect of vowel duraton on the f contour of the stressed vowel, Erkson and Alstermark (1972) presented data fora Stockholm speaker n the stressed vowel of accent 2 n nonsense words. They dscuss two ways n whch the f contour of accent 2, whch n ths dalect s manly fallng throughout the vowel segment, may be modfed when vowel duraton s decreased: (1) TRUNCATON: the fallng f contour of the short vowel, startng at the same frequency level as that of the long one, merely ends earler, whch means that ts last part s cut off or truncated. (2) RATE ADJLJSTMENT: the f contour of the short vowel, startng from the same level as that of the long one, falls more rapdly towards the end, thus mplyng a reorganzaton of the tonal contour due to the shorter vowel duraton. The complete shape of the long vowel contour, the fall from the ntal f maxmum to the fnal f mnmum, s preserved. The f contour of the short vowel s compressed and the fnal f mnmum has to be reached n a shorter tme. Therefore the curve has to fall more rapdly.

2 2 These two hypotheses are llustrated lke ths: Fgurs 1, Erkson 1 s and Alstermark's hypotheses: (1) TRUNCATON (2) RATE ADJUSTMENT f f \ ~ \ V V: t V V: t The fndngs of Erkson and Alstermark support the truncaton hypothess n the case of accent 2 of ther Stockholm nformant. The am of ths paper s to provde further nformaton on the effect of vowel duraton on the f contours of the stressad vowel segments of Swedsh tonal accents. We preferred to work wth meanngful words (n order to be able to use nave nformants), and we studed both accents of several speakers re~esentng dfferent dalects, As a consequence of the varyng segmental features of the meanngful words n our materal t s often not possble to correlate an observed change of the f contour wth one phonetc feature only. Nevertheless we beleve that our data wll satsfy the purpose of an ntroductory nvestgaton, Of course, further and more strctly controlled studes wll be necessary.. Materal As we ntended to work wth nformants who have no phonetcal tranng, we chose four quadruplets of meanngful, bsyllabc, non-compound testwords from Elert's lst of mnmal pars contrastng accent 1 and accent 2 (Elert 1972). The mast radcal shortenng of the vowel segment s acheved, as Erkson and Alstermark demonstrated, as a combnaton of phonologcal

3 3 (by means of the long-short opposton) and phonetcal condtonng (by means of the voced-voceless opposton). One par of testwords (frst lne of each set below) contaned a long vowel followed by a voced stop, The correspondng par (second lne of each set below) contaned a phonemcally short vowel followed by a voceless stop. The followng four sets of testwords (a-d) wers chosen: accent 1 accent 2 (a) tag-en (def,pl, of "grp") tack-en (def,pl, of "thanks") (b) stg-en (def,sng, of "path") stuck-en (def.sng, of "stucco") ( c) steg-en ( def, pl, of "step") skott-en (def,pl. of "shot") (d) Hagen (e,g, famly name) back-en (def,sng, of "crate") tagen (past,part, of taga= "to take") tacken (solemn mperatve of 2nd pers, pl. of tacka = "to thank") stgen (past,part, of stga= "to rse") stucken (past,part, of stcka= "to stck") stege-n (def,sng, of "ladder"} skotte-n (def,sng. of "Scotsman") hage-n ( def, sng, of "grove") backe-n (def,sng. of "hll") The four sets of testwords contan the followng structural (ssgmental) varatons; frstly betwsen the par wth long vowel and that wth short vowel, secondly between the four sets themselves, The dfference of vocedness of the medal consonant followng long and short vowel respectvsly, however, s bult nto the materal and common to the four sets, The feature of vocedness of the follwong consonant s not expected to affect the f of the precsdng vowel (Lehste and Peterson 1961), n LBfqvst's data (1973), however, there seems to be such an effect on the f peaks but ths rasng or lowerng effect s not consstent, not even for the two speakers ( 1 and 3) of the same dalect (Skåne). n set (a) the par wth long vowels s segmsntally and phonemcally dentcal to that wth short vowels, but there s an allophonc dfference of vowel qualty between the long and the short vowel, n PA symbols [cz.,] and [a] respectvely, Ths dfference of vowel qualty s also found n Erkson's and Alstermark's nonsense materal,

4 4 The pars n set (b) dffer n the phonemc vowel qualty, (, vs 1,J.), those n set (c) dffer n the phonemc vowel qualty (e vs o) and n consonantal contm<t, ( The long vowel s preceded by a dental ar 1u followed by a velar stop, and vce versa for the short vowel,) The pars of set (d), fnally, show the same allopho~c dfference n vowel qualty as set (a), both contanng the vowel phonemea, but the ntal consonants dffer. Vowel qualty affects f (Lehste and Peterson 1961), open vowels havng the lowest f, close vowels the hghest, Between the four sets there s also a dfference as to the number of ntal consonants, Sets (a) and (d) ars alke n havng one sngle ntal consonant, whereas n sets (b) and (c) the stressed vowel s preceded by an ntal consonant cluster consstng of s and the unasprated voceless stops t and k respectvely, Accordng to Rapp (1971) the number of prevocalc ntal consonants does not seem to affect the f of the followng vowel,. nformants Dur materal s derved from seven speakers representng several Swedsh dalects: 1. MV, Malmö 2. EW, Helsngborg 3. EH, Stockholm 4. LGP, Nybro, 5. BO, Järnshög, 6, BS, Jönköpng, 7. JT, Ryd, female, 2 years old l l 32 2 male 23 female, 19 l 21 male 28 l l l l l l l l l l l l The geographcal dstrbuton of the dalcets nvestgated s shown n fgure 2, Each nformant's speech s typcal of the local area, V, R ecordngs The testwords were embedded n the carrer sentence: Jag sa där ( sad there), The test sentences were spoken wth prmary stress on the test words uttered as answers to the queston: "What dd you do there?'', Each testword was repeated seven tmes wth a fallng sentence ntonaton and the tems n each set were presented n the followng order: long vowel accent 1, long vowel accent 2, short vowel accent 1,

5 5 short vowel accent 2, The sentences were spoken at approxmately the same rate and wth a tempo most convenent to each speaker, The test sentences were recorded on a Studer A 62 tape recorder, speed 7,5 ps, n the sound-proof room of the Phonetcs laboratory, The mcrophone was a Sennheser MO 421 placed about 15 cms from the speaker, As a buffer the nformants produced the quadruplet Polen - pollen (c'.ccent 1) and pålen - pållen (accent 2), all four words dfferng n spellng, The buffer was not analysed, V, Analyss The productons of the four sets of testwords were analysed va a FONEMA analyss assembly anda Fr~kjaer-Jensen ntensty meter yeldng a duplex oscllogram, af O curve and an ntensty curve, all three wrtten out on a Phlps Oscllomnk, paper speed 1 mms~c. Duraton was calbrated contnuously by a tme marker ( 1 msec), F was calo brated for each speaker from a test tape, Fve repettons of each testword were selected for measurement, The begnnng and thb end of the stressed vowel segments were marked on the duplex oscllogram and on the f curve, The f curve durng the vowel segment was drawn to connect the end ponts of the sweep oscllatons, n a few cases the curve was smoothed, Consequently the f curves to be measured do not contan any artculatory rpple, For measurements of f we chose a number of ponts along the contour, The begnnng (frst vocal cord vbraton) and the end (begnnng of the occluson of the stop), were taken for every stressed vowel segment, n order to catch the relevant features of the f contours between the begnnng and the end thus defned we determned those ponts along the curve where t showed a marked change of drecton, These ponts are: ( 1) a f maxmum or peak, from rsa to fall, (2) a f mnmum or dp, rsa, defned as the turnng pont of the curve the turnng pont of the curve from fall to (3) a pont where the contour shows a consderable change of rate, (4) the begnnng and the end of a level porton or plateau of the curve, turnng ponts from fall or rse to level, and from level to fall or rse respectvely,

6 6 The procedure for quantzaton s. llustrated n fgure 3, An example of an observed f tracng s gven to the left, Upon t the ponts chosen for measurng f ond thgr projecton upon thr t- mr Ax-,c, RY'B ndcated. To the rght s shown the result, a smplfed f contour contanng all essental nformaton of the contour, Fgure 3, Procedure for quantzaton of the f contours, f tracng smplfed f contour f f,'~ _...,, > t Gven the smplfed curves n our fgures one can easly nfer from the f tracngs of accent 1 and accent 2 of tagen and tacken for each nformant (tables 2-8 below) the characterstcs of the real f contours n each testword, The number of the ntermedate ponts vares from O to 3, Therefore, the smplfed f contours n the dagrams are determned by 2 to 5 ponts of measurements, Ther locaton along the tme axs was measured as well as the segment duratons, Ouratons are measured to the nearest 1 msec and f frequences to the nearest 1 Hz, The arthmetc means are rounded to the half of the nterval of measurement (5 msec and 5Hz respectvely}, The range of measured f frequences and duratons wthn each seres of fve repeto tons was relatvely small, Therefore the arthmetc means may be consdered relable, Offerences of 5.m3ec or 5 Hz n the data should not be consdered relevant,

7 7 V, Results Tables 2-8 gve the arthmetc means of the f frequences measured at the begnnng and at the end of the stressad vowel segments and at the ntervenng ponts, together wth the mean duratons of these ponts from the begnnng of the segment, The f contours of the four sets of testwords for each nformant are dagrammed schematcally n fgures 4-8, 1, and 12, The dagrams of the left-hand column pertan to accent 1, those to the rght to accent 2, The dagrams represent the followng sets of testwords from top to bottom: (a) tagen, tacken, (b) stgen, stucken, (c) stegen, skotten, (d) hagen, backen, Vowel duratons are normalzed so that all the long vowel segments are gven the same length n the fgures. Accordngly the short vowel length ndcates the duraton of the short vowel relatve to the correspondng long one, Thus t may be seen that the nformants shorten the vowel segments toa dfferent degree, The locatons of the ponts representng f measurements are proportonal to ther duratons from the begnnng of the segments, Below each table (2-8) the optmal f contours (one repetton of the long vowel par 'tagen - 'tagen and the short 'tacken - 'tacken) for accent 1 and accent 2 of each nformant are gven as tracngs from the oscllograms. Wth ther ad correct f of the schematzed, contour can be nferred from each Lke Erkson and Alstermark, we use the contours of the long vowels as the reference when comparng the contours of the long and the short vowels, Ths does not mply any causal relatonshp, t would be equally reasonable to relate a comparson to the short vowels, (a) The shortenng of the stressad vowel The degree of shortenng of vowel duraton from long vowel to short vowel vares among the speakers, The arthmetc means of the stressed vowel segment duratons of the four testwords, the relatve duraton of the short vowel as a percentage of the correspondng long one (the vowel rato VV:), and the dfference n~ are gven n table 1,

8 8 Tabls 1, Segment duratons, vowsl ratos and dffsrsncs of vowsl ratos bstwssn accent 1 and accent 2, Accent 1 Accent 2 Dffer- ence MEAN MEAN OURATON VV: OURATDN VV: Vv: ' msec mssc o LONG SHO:=lT oo LONG SHORT o 1 MALMÖ ' , HELSNGBORG , STOCKHOLM , NYBRO , JÄMSHÖG [) 8 6, JÖNKÖPNG , RYD L : t s found that the~duraton of the short vowel of accent 1 relatve to the long ons s always largerthan thet of ths short vowsl of accent 2 n spte of the dffersnces n vowel ty. Thus t sssms that ths strsssed vowel segment of accent 2 s shortened more than that of accent 1. The sams rslatonshp s founj for ers 1 from Skåne and 2 from Västergötland n Löfqvst ( 1973). ( b) E, contours 1. MALMÖ (MV, Tabls 2, Fgure 4) Manfestaton n ths long vowsls The f curve of accent 1 falls most of the long vowel ssg~snt, preceded by a short rse n three tes but not n 'stegen, n 'stgen, ths other testword bsgnn tr1e st--clustsr, ths ntal rse of only 5 Hz mght also be looked uoon as a plateau, t s consdsrably hgher n 'tagen (2 Hz) and 'Hagen (4 Hz). Accent 2 hasa manly rsng contour wth a short fall durng the fnal quartsr of the stressed vowel segment, n 'stgen, howevsr, ths contour

9 9 dd not rse mmedately at the begnnng of the vowel but stayed at the ntal low level for about 17 ~ (35 msec) of the segment, The appearance of ths ntal plateau seems to be a consequence of the larger duraton (21 msec or about 25 ~) of the segment compared to the duraton of the long vowel e (17 msec) n 'stegen. ncreased vowel duraton due toa slower speakng rate makes a low level contour precede the rse of accent 2 n ths dalect, The rse s delayed (Gösta Bruce, personal communcaton). Vowel shortenng The short vowel segments dsplay the most characterstc features of the long vowels, that sa fallng f n accent 1, a rsng f n accent 2. But the short f curves dffer from the long ones n one man respect. Mnor varatons apart, the fnal portons of the long vowel contours of both accents are mssng n the short vowels, They are truncated, 2, HELSNGBORG (EW, Table 3, Fgurs 5) Manfestaton n the long vowels Ths speaker belongs to the same dalect as the Malmö nformant, The f contour of the tonal accents of both speakers are very smlar n shape, The curve of accent 1 falls throughout the long vowel segment from an ntal hgh level for ths speaker, ndependent of ntal consonants, The f contour of accent 2 s characterzed by a rse preceded by a rather s~ort and slght ntal fall and followed by a fnal fall, The f n the long and short vowels of accent 2 started from approxmately the same frequency, whereas ths was the case for only two test pars for accent 1, vz, 'stgen - 'stucken, and 'Hagen - 'backen, Vowel shortenng When vowel durston s decreased radcally the shape of the long vowel contour s retaned n the short vowel segments, But agan, several mnor changes are observed 1 The short vowel contours of accent 1 start wth a short rse whle for the long vowels they are level at the begnnng, The peaks are ether hgher than the hgh level pf the long vowel contour ('stucken), lower

10 1 ('skotten) or at the same level ('tacken, 'backen). After the peak the short vowel contours fall more rapdly than for the correspondng long vowels, representng nstances or rate adju::: Lrner L B::: l::: U re:: Llt!:::t::: wl Ur the ntal rsa. Thus the short contours are totally reorganzed ( compressed). Compresson s also found n the short vowel contours of accent 2. The complete shape of the long v~wel contours (slght ntal fall or level, rsa, fall or level) s preserved, except for the absence of the ntal fall n 'skotten whch may be due to the dfferent place of artculaton of the precedng stop, The short vowel contours rsa more rapdly than for the long vowels, The peaks of the short vowel contours are lower n 'tacken and at about the same level n 'stucken, 'skotten, and 'backen. Comparng ths nformant's changes wth those of the Malmö speaker, we fnd one man dfference, The short vowel contours of the Malmö speaker for both accents represent manly a truncaton of the fnal part of the long vowel contours, whereas the complete shape of the long vowel contours of the Helsngborg nformant s preserved but compressed n the short vowels. Thus we fnd that two speakers of the same local dalect use dfferent means for manfestng the tonal accents n short vowels followed by a voceless consonant. 3. STOCKHOLM (EH, Table 4, Fgure 6) Manfestaton n the long vowels The f curve of accent 1 of the long vowel s characterzed by a rse whch, except for 'Hagen, s rather slght whle n 'stgen and ~stegen the contour ends n a plateau, The short rse of accent 2 seen n 'tagen and 'hagen s mssng n 'stgen and 'stegen, whch mght be due to the ntal consonant cluster. Otherwse the long vowel of acgent 2 shows a fallng f throughout the vowel segment, Vowel shortenng The characterstc pattern of the long vowel f curves of the tonal accents s preserved n the short vowel segments, The short vowels of accent 1 are

11 11 characterzed by a manly rsng contour, those of accent 2 by a menly fallng one, The fnal parts of the long vowel contours of both accents are truncated. The rsng-fallng pattern of 'tagen appears also n 'tacken, but n 'backen there s no rse, the f contour fallng througho out the short vowel segment as t s n 'stucken and 'skotten, whch begn w th a consonant clust Er, Bes des the truncaton of the fnal parts the short vowel f curves of both accents are shfted upwards along the freo quency axs by about 2 Hz n most cases, These consderable frequency shfts of the short vowel contours do not seem to be a consequence of dfferences n segmental structure between the four sets of test words because they appear n all of them, The frequency-shfted short vowel contours may be due to the vocelessness of the followng consonant or to the phonologcally short vowel or both. 4, NYBRO(LGP, Tabfa 5, Fgurs 7) Manfestaton n the long vowel Accent 1 s manfested as an ntal fall towards about one thrd of the long vowel segment followed by a rss durng the remanng part of the vowel segment, thus dsplayng af mnmum n the frst half of the vowel. Accent 2, on the contrary, hasa f maxmum at the begnnng of ths vowel, n 'stgen and 'hagen manfssted as a plateau, although the part of the segment s characterzed by a fall, Vowel shortenng When vowel duratons are decreased by about 5 %, the remanng short vowel contours, n general, preservs the man pattern of the long ones, t s notabla, however, that for ths nformant the asymmetrcal consonant context of the stegen - skotten pc;tr does not change the shape of the contours. The changes n the short vowel contours of ths nformant are rather dffcult to nterpret, n 'backen the contour ssems to ~B compressed although t döss not rss mors rapdly, The remanng thrss short vowsl contours of accent ars truncated because the f mnmum appears at about ths same pont of

12 12 tme as n the long vowel contours. The long fnal rse of the long vowel contours s consderably shorter n the short ones ndcatng that the fnal rart nf thr r.se s truncated. All the short vowel contours of accent 2 show some knd of reorganzaton. n 'stucken and 'skotten the curves of the short vowels are compressed, Both short [a] vowels have smlar contours. They share one feature, namely the fall, wth the other two contours, As t s steeper n 'tacken and 'backen than n ther correspondng long vowels, even these curves may be counted as nstances of compresson. 5, JÄMSHÖG (BO, Table 6, Fgure B) Manfestaton n the long vowels The f manfestatons of both tonal accents n the long stressed vowels of ths nformant show a rather smlar contour: a fall at the very begnnng anda rse whch s longer n accent 1 than n accent 2, But whereas accent 2 always hasa rather long and consderable fall (about 3 Hz) from the f peak to the segment boundary, ths fall s only slght or nonexstent n accent 1. Vowel shortenng When vowel duraton s decreased the short vowel f contours of both accents end wth af maxmum, n general, the short vowel segments of both accents are characterzed by a rsng contour, and n most cases the bref ntal fall s preserved, The fnal fallng parts of the long vowel contours of both accents never reman, they are truncated. Thus the f manfestatons of the tonal accents n the stressed vowels become rather smlar to each other, There are, however, some dfferences between the remanng short vowel contours of accent 1 and 2, The short vowel contours of accent 1 end mostly at a hgher frequency level than the correspondng ones of accent 2, Furthermore, the f dfference beo tween the fnal f and the f mnmum s larger n the short accent words than n the correspondng words of accent 2, The rsng rate s hgher n all short accent 1 words than n the correspondng ones of accent 2, except for 'backen. The correct manfestatons of the tonal accents n the mnmal tonal

13 13 par 'backen and 'backen by the nformant were checked perceptually by the nformant herself some weeks after the recordngs had been mads and also by a traned phonetcan (GB) of our laboratory, t s true that the perceptual dfference between accent 1 and accent 2 n ths testpar and for ths speaker s rather small. The f values of backen were then measured on narrow-band spectrograms mads on a Voce Prnt PV 1, The f was measured at the begnnng, the mnmum, and the fnal maxmum n the 4th and 5th partals and caltulated to the nearest 5 Hz, takng the mean of both f necessary, n the case of backen we fnd t necessary to consder brefly the contour of the second (and fnal) syllable of the testwords as well, For the.jämshög speaker f tracngs of hagen and backen from the oscllograms are gven n Fgure 9, t wll be seen that for ths nformant the hgh f level of the second syllable of accent 1 s preserved n the testword wth the.short vowel whle the rse of accent 2 s changed nta a more level contour, 6, JÖNKÖPNG (BS, Table 7, Fgurs 1) Manfestaton n the long vowels The nformant 1 s accent 1 s manfested n the long vowels as af fall durng at least the frst half of the vowel, an f mnmum, anda fnal, slght rse towards the segment boundary. n 'tagen and 'Hagen, both wth the vowel a, the fall s preceded by a short rse by 15 Hz, The f contour of accent 2, startng from about the same frequency level as accent 1, remans at ths hgh level or rses slowly towards the mddle of the vowel and falls towards the end of the vowel segment, Vowel shortenng 1, tacken, stucken, and skotten When the vowel duraton s decreased the fall of accent 1 and the hgh frequency level of accent 2 are preserved on the whole, The fnal part of the long vowel contours are truncated, But some slght varatons may be note~. The short vol\81 curve of accent 1 n 'stucken s merely cut off at the segment boundary. n 'tacken the fall of f domnates the vowel after the short rse at the very begnnng, But the f curve falls more

14 14 rapdly than n the long vowel. Towards the segment boundary the rapd fall s slowed down as s the case n 'skotten. But here the f ths sams rats as n the correspondng long vowel,.. falls at 2. backen The contours of the short [a] vowel of backen of both accents devate totally from the short vowel contours of the other three testwords whch show a smlar overall pattern, The correct performance of the tonal accents n 'backen and 'backen was checked perceptually same months later, Narrow band spectrograms and measurements were mads of all productons, as for the Järnshög nformant. As to segment duratons, the short [a] vowels do not devate from the short vowel segments of the other testwords (ses Table 7). They ars not sven the shortest segments, The mast pertn~nt dfference between the short vowel contours of accent 1 and 2 n backen les n the steeper rse and n the fnal fall of the contour of accent 2, n the case of backen we fnd t necessary to consder brefly the contour of the second (and fnal) syllable of the testwords as well. Fgurs 11 gves the f oscllogram tracngs of one representatve producton each of hagen and backen for both accents, t can be seen that the f contour of the second syllable of accent has changed, too, The rsa of the second syllable of 'Hagen has become a hgh level, The pattern of the f contour of the second syllable of 'hagen and 'backen ~~s not changed, however, remanng rsng sven after the short vowel followed by the voceless medal stop, 7, RYD (JT, Taole B, Fgurs '12) Manfestaton n the long vowels Accent 1 s manfested as a fallng f reachng ts lowest level n the second half of the long vowel, n 'stgen as late as at the segment boundary. The contour of accent 2, unlke accent 1, rses, after an ntal short fall n 'tagen and 'steg~, towards a f maxmum at about the mddle of the long vowel segment, t then falls durng the second half, reachng

15 15 the same low frequency level at the segment boundary as the correspondng curve of accent 1. j Vowel shortenng When vowel duraton s decreased the fnal parts of the long vowel contours of both accents are mssng n all cases but one (~stucken). Apart from the truncated long vowel fall of accent 2, the remanng short vowel contours, except For ~stucken, are compressed resultng n a steeper rse, ( c) Conclusons To sum up we wll attempt n the followng table to characterze the man change n the short vowel contours compared to the long ones for each nformant and for each accent, Table 9. Man ch'anges n the short contours. Accsnt! Fgure rrformants and place MV, Malmö Truncaton Truncaton 5 EW, Helsngborg Compresson Compresson 6 EH, Stockholm Truncaton Truncator 7 LGP, Nybro Truncaton Compresson 8 BO, Järnshög Truncaton Truncaton 1 BS, Jönköpng Truncaton Truncaton 12 JT, Ryd Truncatqn Truncaton Compresson Table 9 suggests that the short contours of our seven nformants are derved from th~~long ones by the prncples of truncaton n most cases and by compresson n a few cases rrespectve of the shape of the f contours of the word accents, Wthn the same dalect speakers can dffer n the knd of change observed, Furthermore, a speaker may show truncaton n one accent and

16 16 compresson n the other, Both prncples may be combned wthn one accent, V, Dscusson The alternaton of voced stop versus voceless stop n the testpars was bult nta the materal on the assumpton that a followng consonant does not affect the f contour of a precedng vowel (Mohr 1971, Leandersson and Lndblom 1971), An nvestgaton of the effect of the segmental context on a gven f contour of a Gothenburg male nformant was carred out at the laboratory. t reveals very clearly that the whole f curve of accent 2, a rsng-fallng pattern (the peak beng located at a pont about one thrd from the begnnng of the vowel segment), s rased consderably, by about 2 Hz, before a voceless stop compared wth a nasal, and somewhat less compared wth the correspondng voced stop, The f contour of accent 1, however, whch falls tr,ro ughout the vowel, appears not to be affected by the dfferent Features of the followng consonants m, b, p. Partly contradctory evdence s repo~ted n Löfqvst (1973), That s why we do not want to gve attenton to the frequency-shfted short vowel contours found wth same of the nformants. t s temptng to assocate the f rasng n short vowels, before voceless stops, and n fast speech (Gårdng etal., 1975) wth one common mechansm: a greater tenson of the muscles of the vocal organs. Apart from mnor varatons, t seems that for the whole materal of our seven nformants the short vowel contour of the frst, stressed vowel are acheved by two man strateges or programmes: ( 1 ) Certan partc of the f contours are not manfested, They are truno cated, The remanng parts of the contours of both accents may (a) stll be dfferent from each other or (b) they may resemble each other, (2) The complete shape of the contour s compressed, Therefore the curve has to rse or fall more quckly (rate adjustment). n general, we only fnd support for the two hypotheses dscussed by Erkson and Alstermark (1972), We agree wth them n callng the one effect of vowel duraton on the f of Swedsh word accent for truncao ~' but we prefer to call the other effect for compresson whch sa more general term for coverng that change than s rate adjustment, A

17 17 comprsssed contour must bs producsd wth an ncrsassd speed for the rsa or the fall, although the absolute values of the f mnma of the long contours nesd not be reachsd, maxma or f As to thsse tonal accents ssvsral lngusts (s,g, Elsrt 197, 46 and rsfersncss there) hold that thsre s only ons phonsmcally relevant tonal accent, namsly accent 2, t s manfssted n the frst stressad syllable and s followsd by a contour smlar to that of accent 1 (e,g, Gårdng 197, Gårdng and Lndblad 1973), whch s consdersd to be the manfestaton of the sentsncs ntonaton, The data of Alstermark and Erkson (1971) support ths assumpton as does Brucs (1974). Ha ponts out that ths frst syllabls of accent 2 n the Stockholm dalsct may bs a manfestaton of ths "pura" accent 2 and that ths "pure" accent 1 s not rsalzsd n sentsncs strsssed poston whsrs the f dstsrmned by the ssntsnce ntonaton nstsad, contour s Thus t sssms that shortsnng of the vowsl of ths frst syllabls n an accent 2 word msrsly affscts the tonal accent whls t changss ths ssntsncs ntonaton contour n accent 1, A dsvatng contour s found n one of ths short vowe1s of ths Jönköpng nformant: the short vowel contour of 'backen shows a rse 1 J unlke the fallng f curves n all the other testwords, As the f curves of 'backen are characterzed by a rse, the short vowel contours of both accents n t~s stressad vowel havs become very smlar, And yet, the tonal contrast n these two word s preserved, ths tonal dffsrence beng sgnalled n the second syllable, The observed changes n all the testpars of the J mshög nformant and the radcal r~organzaton of the short vowel f contour of the Jönköpng nformant result n dmnshng the tonal contrast n the frst syllable, A decrease of a gven contrast or the neutralzaton of a gven dstncton are often found n segmental phonology. But as the doman of the tonal accent 2 sat least a bsyllabc word, the second syllable (or another followng syllable dependng on the stress and acce~tuaton rules of the dalect, ses Bruce 1974) wll be avalable for the accent manfestaton f there s no neutralzaton due to the deleton of stress, At least one nstance of radcal devaton and the resultng smlarty of the short vowel contours n the frst syllable, as well as other reasons, motvate a study of not only the f. curvss of one syllable but

18 18 also those of the whole word (consstng of at least two syllables) n further nvestgatons, References Alstermark M, and Y, Erkson Swedsh word accent as a functon of word length, STL-QPSR 1, 1-13 Bredvad-Jensen A.-C An empty space on the map, Phonetc Laboratory, L'und Unvers ty. Workng Papers 9, Bruce G, 1974, Tonaccenter och satsbetonng, nsttutonen för lngvstk, Lunds unverstet, Lngvstska månadsmeddelanden, Februar Elert C.-C. 197, Ljud och ord svenskan. Uppsala Elert C,-C, 1972, Tonalty n Swedsh: Rules anda lst of mnmal pars, Studes for Enar Haugen, Scherabon Frchow et al. (ed,}, 15,1-173, The Hague Erkson Y. and M, Alstermark, 1972, Fundamental frequency correlates of the grave word accent n Swedsh: The effect of vowel duraton, STL-QPSR 2-3, 5~-6 Gårdng E. 197, Word tones and larynx muscles, Phonetcs Laboratory, Lund Unversty, Workng Papers 3, 2-46 Gårdng E, and P, Lndblad, Constancy and varaton n Swedsh word accent patterns; Phonetcs Laboratory, Lund Unversty. Workng Papers 7, Gårdng E., R. Bannert, A.-C, Bredvad-Jensen, G, Bruce, and K. Naucl~r. 1974, Talar skånngarna svenska? Åttonde sammankomsten för svenskans beskrvnng, Lund Gårdng E.,, Fujmura, H, Hrose and z. Smada, 1975, Laryngeal control of Swedsh word accents, Phonetcs Laboratory, Lund Unversty. Workng Papers 1, Haddng-Koch K, 1961, Acoustco-phonetc studes n the ntonaton of Southern Swedsh, Traveaux de l'nsttut de Phonetque de Lund, 8, Malmberg (ed,), Lund

19 ~eanderson R. and B. Lndblom, 1972, Muscle actvaton for labals gestures, Acta Otolaryng, 73, Lehste. and G. Peterson, 1951, Same basc consderatons n the analyss of ntonaton. JASA 33, L6fqvst A On ntrnsc and extrnsc F varatons. n Swedsh tonal accents. nsttutonen far lngvstk, Lunds unverstet, Lngvstska månadsmeddelanden, Oktober, 1-16 Malmberg B. 1953, Sydsvensk ordaccent, en expermentalfonetsk undersbk- nng. Lunds Unverstets Årsskrft, NF Av, 1, Bd. 49, Nr 2, 3-35 Malmberg B, 1955 Observatons on the Swedsh Word Accent, Haskns Laboratores, Report, Mmeographed Meyer E,A, Oe ntonaton m Schwedschen, : Oe Sveamundarten, Studes Scand. Phlol, Nr 1, Unv, Stockholm Meyer E. A Oe ntonaton m Schwedschen, : De norrländschc11 Mundarten, Studes Scand, Nr 11, Unv, Stockholm Mohr B. 1971, ntrnsc varatons n the speech sgnal, Phonetca Öhman S, 1965, On the coordnaton of artculatory and phonatory actvty n the producton of Swedsh tonal accents, STL-QPSR Öhman S, Word and sentence ntonaton: A quanttatve model, STL-QPSR 2-3, 2-54 Rapp K. 1971, A study of syllable tmng, STL-QPSR 1, 14-19

20 --,,..--"\- Västergötland JÖNKÖPNG \ ( \ \ \,.,; -) \.~:~" J.-,> -;~ -,J "'.). \:,- \ l \ L~ _...,..,.. ~\ ( ~ Småland! HELSNGBORG \ f _,r'-~. - " f. RYD_.. \a JÄMSHÖG. ) \ Bleknge '.;,...,~ NYBRO \;.... 'Q\ ; l MALMÖ Skåne ( Fgurs 2. The geographcal dstrbuton of the nformants,

21 Table 2. MALwj 21 F valu s (n Hz) and duratons (n meec). Accent 1 Accent 2 jtagen f o t : tacken f o t : stgen f : t : stucken fo: t : stegen f : ! t : skotten f o t : ~agen f : t : backen f : t : F tracngs of tagen and tacken, accent 1 to the left, accent 2 to the rght. Malmö. 3 n..j.'.<.j { d C",;;_. ""' '! r-- --r.,.r..., tn S - -,-

22 22 Hz ACCENT 1 ACCENT 2,,, tagen tacken 3 25 stgen stucken stegen skotten 2 hagen backen Fgurs 4. Smplfsd f contours of ths frst vowsl segment. MALMÖ D The duraton of ths long vowsls s normalzsd. Dashsd lns: short vowsl

23 Table 3. HELSNGBORG F values (n Hz) and duratons (n msec). 23 Accent 1 Accent 2 tagen f : t : tacken f : t : stgen f o' t : stucken f : t : stegen f : o t : skotten f : t : hagen f : t : !backen ; f : ' t : Fa tracngs af tagen and tacken, accent 1 to the left, accent 2 ta the rght, Helsngborg.... '..,...,..,,..-,'- _._... ~-- ~ E.. h

24 Hz ACCENT 1 ACCENT 2 24 tagen! -t r , \ tacken -; l _, 1 ' J 24 ~ -~, 2 16 "'' ' " "', stgen stucken,,--.., -1 ~ '\ \ \ '\ stegen skotten -,: 16 2 ~ hagen backen. 16El -- Fgure 5. Smplfed f contours of the frst vowel segment, HELSNGBORG The duraton of the long vowels s normalzed. Dashed lne: short vowel

25 Table 4. STOCKHOLM F values (n Hz) and duratons (n msec). 25 Accent 1 Accent 2 tagen f o: t : 24 : 5 26!tacken fo: ! t : jstgen f. o t : :stucken f o t : 8 65 stegen f : t : skotten f. o' t : 9 o 8 hagen f ; o t : backen ' f ! o t F tracngs af tagen and tacken, accent 1 ta the left, accent 2 ta the rght. Stockholm. t oo! ~ -- r-...,---~- -r---r- - -, sn cl k 5 ms

26 26 Hz. ACCENT 1 ACCENT 2 tagen tacken 2, stgen stucken 2j ~ 25 -j-..l stegen J 2L skotten ~ ~ 25j ~,,' ~-- hagen backen ~ 2~L Fgurs 6. Smplf~d f contours of the frst vowel segment, STOCKHOLM The duraton of the long vowels s normalzed, Dashed lne: short vowel

27 Table 5. NYBRO F valums (n Hz) and duratons (n msec). Accent 1 Accent 2 tfl,gen f : t : rta.cken f : t : Ptgen f : t : stucken f : t : stegen f : t : skotten f : t : hagen f : t : !backen f : , : t : ; : F tracngs of tag~n and tacken, accent 1 to the left, accent 2 ta the rght. Nybro. lz: to~ ( ~6~ " l '. ' ' +-.". t L...,,, j ' 1 k C n r r...,... k n "} f '~

28 28 Hz 1 ~ 16 -j ' ; ' ACCENT _.,,,,,.,.,,-,"'"',~r tagen tacken ACCENT 2-8 l 16 ; '""! l stgen stucken , stegen skotten l 1 1:---, '. - -.:-::::,..,,...'--:--..;; BO.,.,, ! 16 -, 12 hagen backen 1 ~ ~ Fgure 7. Smplfed f contours of the frst vowel segment. NYBRO The duraton of the long vowels s normalzed. Dashed lne: short vowel

29 Table 6. JÄM~H(jG F values (n Hz) and duratons (n asec). 29 Accent 1 Accent 2!tagen f : t : !tacken f : t : ~tgen f : t : stucken f : t : stegen fo: skotten f : Q t : ' t : nagen f o ! t : J(;lcken j f.y: t : :o 25 1.!lmeasured on narrow--band sonagrams F tracngs of tagen and tacken, accent 1 to the left, accent 2 to the rght. Järnshög. 2.oo ~ t <) c 'n t C\.. <), Y\. 3oo 2..oo k (. )l : d k

30 3, Hz L_j.ACCENT 1 ACCENT 2 tagen tacken 2 25 stgen stucken 2~ 25 stegen skotten 2 """ ~ 1\ 1.., ~"' ~ ~ 21 v..-~ hagen backen Fgure 8. Smplfed f contours of the frst vowel segment.jämshög D The duraton of the long vowels s normalzed. Oashed lne: short vowel

31 1 ~,n ol ~ -h,_~ E. )\ J...!. Fgure 9. F tracngs of hagen (above) and backen (below), accent 1 to the left, accent 2 to the rght. D Järn nformant 5 -ms GJ Accent 1 Accent 2 H2!:f:>o 2c)O l hl l 1! L Q ~ ~ ~)'\ ol t 3oo.2oo h Q. 3 2 a k k E'n ol E. 3 2 b a k

32 32 Table 7. JÖNKaPNG F values (n Hz) and duratons (n msec). Accent 1 ; Accent 2 tagen tacken stgen stucken stegen!skotten hagen! backen ' f : t : f o t : f : t : f. o' t : f : t : f. o',t..t \ s ' ~measured on narrow--band sonagrams F tracngs of tagen and tacken, accent 1 to the left, accent 2 to the rght. Jönköpng. (\ c. n! 1 ~J l f\ -l a S.h 5 m. t a L \'\ -r-. 5. \'"T\ s

33 Table 6. JPJASHÖG tagen F values (n Hz) and duratons (n meec). Accent 1 Accent 2 f o t : (tacken f : t : stgen f : t : stucken f : t : s tegen f. o t : skotten f : Q! t : hagen f : t : oacken. f11: t : !lmeasured o~ narrow--band sonagrams F tracngs of tagen and tacken, accent 1 to the left, accent 2 to the rght. Järnshög. 2.oo t -- <) c 'n --- t C\._ ~ c:. '"\ 3co k C )'l : d k

34 3, Hz L_J.ACCENT 1 ACCENT 2 tagen tacken 2 25 stgen stucken 2 25 stegen skotten hagen backen Fgure 8. Smplfed f contours of the frst vowel segment.jämshög The duraton of the long vowels s normalzed. Dashed lne: short vowel

35 'l r ~n ol ~ ~ <. 'l'.... ~ 5 Yn$ GJ Accent 1 Accent 2 H2 3oo 2<X>! hl!! L -CL ~ ej ~''\. ol. 3oo.2oo h... 3-:j 2-'{.._, _ k 3 2o bl a l 1 k E. )'\ ol. b a k Soo 1T\ s Fgure 9. F tracngs of hagen (above) and backen (below), accent Jämshög nformant to the left, accent 2 to the rght.

36 32 Table 7. JÖNKÖPNG F values (n Hz) and duratons (n msec). Accent 1 Accent 2 tagen f : t : :tacken stgen stucken stegen skotten ~agen!! backen f o t : f. o' t : f. o t : f. o t : f. o',t..t J measured on narrow--band sonagrams ! l l! 2! 245 ' ! ! F tracngs af tagen and tacken, accent 1 to the left, accent 2 to the rght. Jönköpng. \h: C\ c. n! 1 c... n ~J l {\ -t- a ' s. 'r\ 5 m11, t a LY\.- '5 rns

37 33 Hz ACCENT 1 ACCENT \ \ \ ' ' tagen tacken stgen stucken 2 stegen skotten hagen backen ~' ~ ',,~'-, 1 '~...,,_, Fgurs 1. Smplfed f contours of the frst vowel segment. Jcnkcpng The duraton of the lon~ vowels s normalzed.

38 5 ~, LY\ J.. '111 Fgure 11. F tracngs of hagen (above) and backen (below), accent 1 to the left, accent 2 to the rght. Jönköpng nformant f._ (;J.:::, Accent 1 Accent 2 Hz. 3oo ~ ~~ ~ la... d En. ol ~ hl... d ~ too ~~ b a.. k ~'\ ct.. bl a k

39 Ta.ble 8. RYD 35 F values (n Hz) and duratons (n msec). Accent Accent 2 t agen tacken stgen!stucken f : t : 13 f o 16 t : f. o' 15 t : f. o' 16! t : !o ! lo stegen skotten hagen f backen f o= t : 18 f : o t : 5 f : t : 12 f : jt D F tracngs of tagen and tacken, accent 1 to the left, accent 2 to the rght. Ryd. Hz go-1 6~k, 1yJ \ 121 t a...l.... n j \, tj1 l - -1 { ~?... r.~.. T -~ - r r 5öö rns

40 36 Hz 1 18 ~ ACCENT 1 ACCENT 2 14 tagen tacken ~ ' -t ~ +--~ 14 _j - """-. ~ " stgen stucken l 1 l j ' ~ 1 1 BO stegen skotten l "" - - -' hagen backen 1 -. j -... Fgure 12. Smplfed f contours of the frst vowel segment. RYD D The duraton of the long vowels s normalzed. Oashed lne: short vowel