BRIEFING. Non-European Migration to the UK: Family and Dependents.

Transcription

1 BRIEFING Non-European Migration to the UK: Family and Dependents AUTHOR: DR SCOTT BLINDER PUBLISHED: 21/03/2016 NEXT UPDATE: 21/03/2017 4th Revision

2 This briefing examines data on non-eu/eea migration to the UK of people whose basis for entry to the UK is through ties to a family member. Family migration includes what we identify as family unification migration (those coming to join family members already living in Britain as citizens or settled residents) and dependents who accompany or join a migrant with only temporary leave to remain in the UK. Key Points Non-EU Family migration increased from the 1990s to, then declined between and. Different data sources do not show a consistent pattern regarding the number of non-eu family migrants since. Asia remains the most common region of origin for non-eea family migrants to the UK. A majority of non-eea family unification migrants are women. More than nine in ten non-eea migrants with permission to enter the UK as spouses or fiancé(e)s are spouses (i.e. already married before they arrive). Tier 1 and Tier 2 migrants bring the most dependents, per capita. Understanding the evidence Alongside work, study, and asylum, family migration is one of the four main categories of non-european migration to the UK. Yet there is no single clear way to measure it. Estimates of family migration vary not only across different data sources, but also across different definitions of family migration.in the most expansive definition, family migration includes anyone coming to the UK for the stated purpose of joining or accompanying a family member. Data from the Office of National Statistics, including the International Passenger Survey and LTIM (Long-Term International Migration) estimates, are based on this broad definition. In data based on non-eea passengers entering the UK or entry clearance visas issued to non-eea nationals, finer distinctions can be made among different sets of family migrants. First, some migrants gain entry to the UK because they are the family member of a British citizen, or of a non- EEA national with indefinite leave to remain in the UK (i.e. a settled migrant). These may be designated as family unification (or family formation and reunification ) migrants. Second, other migrants, called dependents, gain entry to the UK as family members of people who are themselves migrants to the UK with limited (temporary) leave to remain.third, some non-eea migrants enter the UK as family members (almost always spouses or partners) of EEA nationals. Such individuals may obtain EEA family permits, but are not required to do so, and they may or may not be EEA nationals themselves. Thus this briefing does not generally include EEA family permits in counts of non-eu family migration. Different data sources show different levels of family migration. Some reasons for these discrepancies are well-known. For example, IPS data are limited to people planning to stay in the UK for a minimum of one year, but border admissions data and visa data are not. On the other hand, IPS data are from a sample survey that is subject to a margin of error. Also, the IPS classifies family migrants based on migrants own self-reports, rather than the basis of their legal right to enter the UK. (For more on different among data sources, see the Migration Observatory Report: Top Ten Problems in the Evidence Base for Public Debate and Policy-Making on Immigration in the UK.) This briefing focuses on THE MIGRATION OBSERVATORY PAGE 2

3 non-eu or non-eea migrants. The IPS includes migrants of all nationalities, and classifies them as EU or non- EU nationals. Most Home Office data gathered through control of immigration include only non-eea/swiss nationals.the LTIM estimates used in this briefing have been only partially revised by the ONS. In their Quality of Long-Term International Migration estimates from 2001 to report published on 10th April, the ONS revised the total net migration estimates for 2001-; this suggests that the total net migration between 2001 and was underestimated by 346,000 net migrants. This revision is based on evidence of underestimation by the LTIM, especially of migration from the A8 Eastern European countries. However, a revised version of inflows and outflows as well as breakdowns by citizenship or reason for migration, etc., is not available. Alongside work, study, and asylum, family migration is one of the four main categories of non-european migration to the UK. Yet there is no single clear way to measure it. Estimates of family migration vary not only across different data sources, but also across different definitions of family migration. In the most expansive definition, family migration includes anyone coming to the UK for the stated purpose of joining or accompanying a family member. Data from the Office of National Statistics, including the International Passenger Survey and LTIM (Long-Term International Migration) estimates, are based on this broad definition. In data based on non-eea passengers entering the UK or entry clearance visas issued to non-eea nationals, finer distinctions can be made among different sets of family migrants. First, some migrants gain entry to the UK because they are the family member of a British citizen, or of a non- EEA national with indefinite leave to remain in the UK (i.e. a settled migrant). These may be designated as family unification (or family formation and reunification ) migrants. Second, other migrants, called dependents, gain entry to the UK as family members of people who are themselves migrants to the UK with limited (temporary) leave to remain. Third, some non-eea migrants enter the UK as family members (almost always spouses or partners) of EEA nationals. Such individuals may obtain EEA family permits, but are not required to do so, and they may or may not be EEA nationals themselves. Thus this briefing does not generally include EEA family permits in counts of non-eu family migration. Different data sources show different levels of family migration. Some reasons for these discrepancies are well-known. For example, IPS data are limited to people planning to stay in the UK for a minimum of one year, but border admissions data and visa data are not. On the other hand, IPS data are from a sample survey that is subject to a margin of error. Also, the IPS classifies family migrants based on migrants own self-reports, rather than the basis of their legal right to enter the UK. (For more on different among data sources, see the Migration Observatory Report: Top Ten Problems in the Evidence Base for Public Debate and Policy-Making on Immigration in the UK.)This briefing focuses on non-eu or non-eea migrants. The IPS includes migrants of all nationalities, and classifies them as EU or non-eu nationals. Most Home Office data gathered through control of immigration include only non-eea/swiss nationals. The LTIM estimates used in this briefing have been only partially revised by the ONS. In their Quality of Long-Term International Migration estimates from 2001 to report published on 10th April, the ONS revised the total net migration estimates for 2001-; this suggests that the total net migration between 2001 and was underestimated by 346,000 net migrants. This revision is based on evidence of underestimation by the LTIM, especially of migration from the A8 Eastern European countries. However, a revised version of inflows and outflows as well as breakdowns by citizenship or reason for migration, etc., is not available. THE MIGRATION OBSERVATORY PAGE 3

4 Non-EU family migration has increased less than other categories According to IPS estimates, non-eu family migration to the UK increased from an average of 35,000 per year in the 1990s to 51,000 in, or 19% of all non-eu immigration that year. These estimates include both dependents and family unification migrants. Family migration, like overall migration to the UK, increased from 1997 to the mid- 2000s, peaking at 74,000 in (see figure 1). Also similar to other categories of migration, family migration declined in the second half of the 2000s. These shifts in family migration were smaller in magnitude than similar shifts in migration for work. As a result of these trends, family migration comprises a smaller share of overall migration now than it did in the 1990s (see our briefing on Immigration by Category: Workers, Students, Family Members, Asylum Applicants). Although this briefing focuses on non-eu migration, it is worth noting that, including EU nationals, family migration is now at similar levels to the 1990s. LTIM estimates of family migration were 90,000 in 1991 and averaged 75,000 during the 1990s. LTIM estimates had increased to 105,000 by but fell to 86,000 in. Figure Non-EU/EEA migration to the UK, family & dependents Number of people Visas (excl. EEA family permits) IPS (non-eu nationals) Passenger entries (inc. asylum dependents) Sources : ONS Table 3.08a, Home Office Immigration Statistics Tables vi.04, ad.03.w,.s,.f, as.01, as.02 Note: Annual data for 2015 were not yet available for border admissions and estimates from the International Passenger Survey (IPS) at the time of the update of this briefing. All data sources include both family unification and dependants of migrants with limited leave to remain. Similar to IPS data, Home Office data on border admissions and visas issued also show a rise in non-eea family migration through, followed by a sharp decline from to. The trend after is less clear. IPS data show an increase in non-eu family migration between and, while visas and border admissions suggest a slight decrease over the same period. Because the data are collected differently and the IPS excludes people coming for less than one year, such discrepancies between data sources in the short term are not unusual. Home Office data also show much larger numbers than IPS estimates. The inclusion of short-term migrants in the Home Office data, as well as people who were issued visas but did not actually make the trip to the UK, are one reason behind this difference. THE MIGRATION OBSERVATORY PAGE 4

5 Work dependents outnumber family unification migrants Figure 2 shows that border admissions of those admitted as spouses, partners, or children declined from 53,300 in to 37,400 in and declined further to 21,700 in. Dependents of work permit holders (including, since, labour migrants in the Points-Based System) increased from 13,400 in 1990 to a peak of 49,000 in before falling to 29,600 in. Border admissions data on student dependents show a decrease from 23,300 in to 11,500 in. The number of asylum seekers dependents decreased from 20,600 in 2001 to 6,700 in, during the early 2000s, then fluctuated between 4,700 and 6,200 from to and increased to 7,300 in. Figure 2 Components, non-eea family & dependent migration, Family unification (spouses, fiancees, children) Work dependents (deps of work permit holders only, until ) Student dependents Asylum dependents Sources : Home Office, Immigration Statistics ad.03.w,.s,.f, as.01,.02 Asia most common region of origin Passenger entry data, compiled from samples of landing cards submitted at ports of entry, provide further information on the components of family and dependent migration. Among the regions used in Home Office classifications, Asia is the source of more family migrants and dependents than any other area, as shown in figure 3. In, according to border admissions data, 40,000 family migrants and dependents were from Asia (classified by nationality rather than country of birth), or 58% of the total. This included 28,000 people admitted as dependents of migrants and 12,000 admitted as spouses, partners, and children of British citizens or migrants previously granted settlement. The latter figure includes 11,600 conventional family route migrants and 300 husbands, wives, or children granted settlement on arrival. THE MIGRATION OBSERVATORY PAGE 5

6 Figure 3 25k Family & dependent migration by nationality, 20k 15k 10k 5k 0k Europe Americas Africa Oceania Middle East India, Pakistan, Bangladesh Rest of Asia dependents family (incl. settled on arrival) Source : Home Office, Immigration statistics ad.03.w,.s,.f,.o Asia has been the most common region of origin for family migrants since at least, as shown in figure 4 (which excludes dependents and migrants granted settlement on arrival). Family unification migration from Asia has dropped from 30,400 in to 11,600 in, which is below levels. Figure Family unification migration by nationality, Europe (non-eea) Americas Africa Asia Middle East Oceania Other nationalities Source : Home Office, Immigration statistics ad.03.f Women outnumber men, spouses outnumber fiancé(e)s, adults outnumber children Examining family migration by relationship type, again using passenger entry data, reveals several key points. First, women outnumber men among family migrants, in contrast with labour migrants and student migrants (figure 5). THE MIGRATION OBSERVATORY PAGE 6

7 There are more wives than husbands entering the UK for family unification. Women comprised 75% of migrants admitted as spouses or fiancé(e)s in, and at least 60% in every year since Among marital partners, 94% of arrivals were spouses compared to 6% fiancé(e)s. The percentage who were spouses remained between 87% and 93% in each year since 1997.) In addition, children comprise an increasing share of family unification migration, increasing from 7% (1,890 children) in 1997 to 15% (3,000) in. Migrants entering as civil partners, unmarried partners, and proposed civil partners increased to 1,800 (8% of family unification migration) in, up from 90 people in when this category first appeared. Unfortunately, passenger entry data do not clearly distinguish people admitted as parents, grandparents, and other relatives of UK citizens or residents. Such relatives are tracked in data on grants of settlement. They comprised about 2% of family and dependent settlement grants in (see Figure 6 of the Migration Observatory briefing on Settlement in the UK ). A Home Office () Occasional Paper also disaggregated family migrant visas granted in, showing that 2,665 visas were granted to adult and elderly dependents, or 5% of family route visas. Passenger entry data also do not show how many spouses or fiancé(e)s are (to be) married to British citizens, as opposed to migrants with indefinite leave to remain in the UK. Again, this information is available for grants of settlement since, and shows at least 86% of such settlement grants in went to migrants who married British citizens. Data do not show how many of those British citizens were foreign-born themselves. The Home Office () examined a selection of 531 records of migration through marriage in among applicants from selected countries to analyse this question, although the data have limitations: samples are small for each country and not all the samples were randomly selected. For those that were randomly selected, according to Migration Observatory correspondence with the Home Office, the data show variation in the share of sponsors who were themselves foreign born, from 11% of people sponsoring American spouses to 43% of those sponsoring Indian spouses and 67% of those sponsoring Bangladeshi spouses. Figure Family migration by relationship to UK citizen/resident Husbands Male fiances Wives Female fiances Children Civil and unmarried partners and proposed civil partners Source : Home Office, Immigration statistics Table ad.03.f THE MIGRATION OBSERVATORY PAGE 7

8 % Female (wives/fiancees) 90% 80% 70% 60% 50% Percentage female of marital partner migrants, - Middle East Asia Europe (non-eea) Americas Africa Oceania The composition of family unification migration varies with migrants nationality, as shown in figure 6 (gender The composition of family unification migration varies with migrants nationality, as shown in figure 6 (gender proportions) and Figure 7 (proportion of marital partner migrants who arrive in the UK as alreadymarried spouses). The percentage of arriving spouses and partners who are female is highest among Middle Eastern and non-eea European nationals. The share of women is lowest among nationals of countries in Oceania and Africa. Migrants from different regions also show differences in the ratio of spouses to fiancé(e)s or, in other words, the share of marriagerelated migrants who are already married when migrating to the UK, compared with those coming to the UK to get married. Comparing regions of origin, the share of alreadymarried partners has consistently been highest for migrants from Africa, the Middle East and Asia, at around 95% for % married at time of migration 100% 90% 80% 70% 60% each region in. The lowest percentages of spouses, meanwhile, are found among migrants from Oceania (84% spouses) and the Americas (87%). Source : Home Office, Immigration Statistics, Table ad.03.f Spouses as share of marital partner migrants, - Figure 6 Figure 7 Asia Africa Middle East Europe (non-eea) Americas Oceania Source : Home Office, Immigration statistics ad.03.f THE MIGRATION OBSERVATORY PAGE 8

9 Tiers 1 and 2 migrant bring most dependents, per capita Shifting from family unification of settled residents and citizens to dependents of people with limited leave to remain in the UK, available data show the number of dependents attached to each main category of migration (work, study, family, and asylum), and to each subcategory with the Tiers of the PBS. These data show which groups of migrants more often bring family members with them, often expressed as a ratio of dependents to main applicants. As seen in Figure 8, Tier 1 and Tier 2 work migrants bring more dependents per main applicant with them than other groups. For every visa granted to main applicants in the five year period from to 2015, there were 2.2 dependent visas in Tier 1 and 0.7 dependent visas in Tier 2. Ratios were lower in other categories: 0.1 dependents per student, 0.04 per Tier 5 temporary worker, and 0.3 dependents per asylum applicant. Figure Dependents by main applicant visa, Tier 1 Tier 2 Tier 5 non-pbs Study Asylum applications Ratio (dependent visas per 1 main applicant visas) Source : Home Office, Immigration statistics vi.04 and as.03 Note: student visitors are excluded. Due to data availability, calculations for asylum applications refer to the five year period of -. High likelihood of settling Family and dependents comprise a larger share of settlements than of initial in-flows of migrants to the UK. A Home Office study found that 77% of family migrants entering the UK in had been granted settlement by the end of, while 19% no longer had valid leave to remain in the UK (Migrant Journey: Sixth Report). Dependents are less likely to settle than family unification migrants, since their stay in the UK depends on the length of stay of the main migrant in their family. Among main applicants, rates of settlement are lower in the work and study routes than in the family route, which should apply to dependents in those paths as well, since their ability to settle depends on the main applicant in the family being granted settlement. Additional details, including the only available data on parents, grandparents, and other family members, can be found in the Migration Observatory briefing on Settlement in the UK. THE MIGRATION OBSERVATORY PAGE 9

10 Evidence gaps and limitations Family and dependents comprise a larger share of settlements than of initial in-flows of migrants to the UK. A Home Office study found that 77% of family migrants entering the UK in had been granted settlement by the end of, while 19% no longer had valid leave to remain in the UK (Migrant Journey: Sixth Report). Dependents are less likely to settle than family unification migrants, since their stay in the UK depends on the length of stay of the main migrant in their family. Among main applicants, rates of settlement are lower in the work and study routes than in the family route, which should apply to dependents in those paths as well, since their ability to settle depends on the main applicant in the family being granted settlement. Additional details, including the only available data on parents, grandparents, and other family members, can be found in the Migration Observatory briefing on Settlement in the UK. References Home Office. The Migrant Journey: sixth report Home Office, London, government/publications/migrant-journey-sixth-report/migrant-journey-sixth-report#forward-view-analysis Home Office. Family Migration: evidence and analysis, 2nd ed. Occasional Paper 94, Home Office, London, Further readings Charlsey, K., N. Van Hear, M. Benson, B. Storer-Church. Marriage-related migration to the UK. International Migration Review 46, no. 4 (): Kofman, Eleonore, Sue Lukes, Veena Meetoo, and Pauline Aaron. Family Migration to United Kingdom: Trends, Statistics and Policies. NODE Policy Report, BMWF/ICMPD, Vienna,. Kraler, Albert. Civic Stratification, Gender and Family Migration Policies in Europe. Final Report, International Centre for Migration Policy Development, Vienna,. Related material Migration Observatory Report - Top Ten Problems in the Evidence Base for Public Debate and Policy-Making on Immigration in the UK. ONS - Quality of Long-Term International Migration estimates from 2001 to guide-method/method-quality/specific/population-and-migration/international-migration-methodology/ quality-of-long-term-international-migration-estimates-from-2001-to----full-report.pdf%20 Migration Observatory briefing - Immigration by Category: Workers, Students, Family Members, Asylum Applicants. Migration Observatory briefing - Settlement in the UK. settlement-uk THE MIGRATION OBSERVATORY PAGE 10

11 The Migration Observatory Based at the Centre on Migration, Policy and Society (COMPAS) at the University of Oxford, the Migration Observatory provides independent, authoritative, evidence-based analysis of data on migration and migrants in the UK, to inform media, public and policy debates, and to generate high quality research on international migration and public policy issues. The Observatory s analysis involves experts from a wide range of disciplines and departments at the University of Oxford. COMPAS The Migration Observatory is based at the ESRC Centre on Migration, Policy and Society (COMPAS) at the University of Oxford. The mission of COMPAS is to conduct high quality research in order to develop theory and knowledge, inform policy-making and public debate, and engage users of research within the field of migration. About the author Dr Scott Blinder Assistant Professor, UMass-Amherst scottblinder@polsci.umass.edu Press contact Rob McNeil Head of Media and Communications robert.mcneil@compas.ox.ac.uk + 44 (0) (0) Recommended citation Blinder, Scott. Non-European Migration to the UK: Family and Dependents. Migration Observatory briefing, COMPAS, Oxford Univesrity, UK, March 2016 THE MIGRATION OBSERVATORY PAGE 11