Constraints on the Contraction of Preposition and Definite Article in German

Transcription

1 Constraints on the Contraction of Preposition and Definite Article in German University of Osnabrück Concept Types and Frames, Düsseldorf August 20-22, 2007

2 Outline The Problem 1 The Problem 2 3 4

3 The Problem In German, both the contracted and the un-contracted form of preposition-article-combination is used: (1) Felix sitzt in dem (*im) Auto, das er sich letzte Woche gekauft hat. (Fritz is sitting in the (*CONTR-in-the) car that he bought last week.) (2) Julius Cäsar starb im (*in dem) März. (Julius Cesar died CONTR-in-the (*in the) March.)

4 The Problem (3) Felix and Anna are talking about the St.-Marien-Hospital in Osnabrück. Felix says to Anna: a. Ein Freund von mir arbeitet in dem Krankenhaus. (A friend of mine works in that hospital.) b. Ein Freund von mir arbeitet im Krankenhaus. (A friend of mine works in a hospital.) in dem and im clearly have different meanings. So, what we need is a theory that accounts for the differences in meaning and in distribution (cf. (1) and (2)).

5 What We Won t Look at Contractions in colloquial language or certain dialects (e.g. umme Ecke (round the corner), aufer Strasse (in the street), inner Uni (at university), etc.) Contractions preceding given names and family names Collocations that contain contractions, like im Nachhinein (with hindsight), im Geheimen (in private), im stillen Kämmerlein (when nobody watches you), etc. Inner structure of contractions (in dem > im vs. in einem > im)

6 What We Will Look at The use of un-contracted (e.g. zu der, zu dem, in das, an dem, bei dem, etc.) and contracted forms (e.g. zur, zum, ins, am, beim, etc.) in (a subset of) standard written German The constraints governing the use of these forms... as proposed by Löbner (1985) and by me

7 Questions We Will Try to Answer 1 Normally, either the contracted or the un-contracted form is acceptable in a particular sentence. What are the underlying constraints that govern the use of the two forms? 2 If, like in (3), both forms are acceptable, the two sentences are usually interpreted differently. What is this due to? 3 What linguistic evidence do we have?

8 Contractions in Löbner s Definites (1985) In German, certain prepositional phrases in which the preposition and the definite article are contracted to a reduced form (as in zur < zu der, beim < bei dem, fürs < für das and others) are also definite. (Löbner 1985: 279) Cliticization of the article to a preposition as a host... is possible if and only if the NP is semantically definite and not too complex... Contracted forms are particularly frequent in configurational uses [and... ] the contracted forms are not possible... in the same phrases as soon as they are used to refer pragmatically in our sense to specific objects. (Löbner 1985: 311f)

9 Contractions in Löbner s Definites (1985) In German, certain prepositional phrases in which the preposition and the definite article are contracted to a reduced form (as in zur < zu der, beim < bei dem, fürs < für das and others) are also definite. (Löbner 1985: 279) Cliticization of the article to a preposition as a host... is possible if and only if the NP is semantically definite and not too complex... Contracted forms are particularly frequent in configurational uses [and... ] the contracted forms are not possible... in the same phrases as soon as they are used to refer pragmatically in our sense to specific objects. (Löbner 1985: 311f)

10 Contractions in Löbner s Definites (1985) Semantic Definites FC1s (individual concepts) FC2s (functional concepts with explicit or implicit arguments) Configurations (abstract situations) Pragmatic Definites Anaphoric definites Endophoric definites Deictic definites

11 Contractions in Löbner s Definites (1985)... the contracted forms are not possible... as soon as they are used to refer pragmatically in our sense to specific objects. (4) Felix hat sich ein Haus gekauft. Zu dem (*Zum) Haus gehört ein riesiger Garten. (Felix bought a house. To the (*CONTR-to-the) house belongs a huge garden.) (5) Ich habe mir dieses Buch von dem (*vom) Mann, der nebenan wohnt geliehen. (I borrowed this book from the (*CONTR-from-the) man who lives next door.)

12 Contractions in Löbner s Definites (1985)... the contracted forms are not possible... as soon as they are used to refer pragmatically in our sense to specific objects. (6) Pointing to a shop: In dem (*Im) Laden kann man Wein kaufen. (They sell wine in the (*CONTR-in-the) shop.) makes correct predictions

13 Contractions in Löbner s Definites (1985) Cliticization of the article to a preposition as a host... is possible if and only if the NP is semantically definite and not too complex... Contracted forms are particularly frequent in configurational uses The biconditional is too strong. The implication only works in one direction: If a contraction is used, then the following NP is a semantic definite, but if the NP is semantically definite it is not necessarily the case that a contraction can be used.

14 Contractions in Löbner s Definites (1985) (7) 1989 rief der iranische Revolutionsführer Ayatollah Chomeni in einer Fatwa gegen den Roman Die Satanischen Verse zum Mord an dem Schriftsteller Salman Rushdie auf. (Die ZEIT 09/2006: Ehre der Kampflinie) (In 1989, the Iranian revolutionary leader Ayatollah Chomeni appealed for the murder of the writer Salman Rushdie in a fatwa against the novel The Satanic Verses.) The nominal is semantically definite. It is an FC1, because it is a definite description that consist of the definite article, a sortal noun, and a proper name of some sort (Löbner 1985: 299).) It is not a pragmatic definite, because it is neither anaphoric, endophoric nor deictic.

15 Contractions in Löbner s Definites (1985) (8) Sinn Feins Kontrolle über die katholische Arbeiterklasse und weite Teile der breiten Mittelschichten hat sich weiter verfestigt. Weder die weltweite Abscheu ber den brutalen Mord an dem Katholiken Robert McCartney durch eine Gruppe von IRA- und Sinn-Fein-Leuten im Januar dieses Jahres noch die mutige Kampagne seiner Schwestern und seiner Verlobten, die bis ins Weisse Haus getragen wurde, vermochten daran etwas zu ändern. (Die ZEIT 32/2005, Politik: Revolutionäre Nostalgie) (Sinn Fein s control over the catoholic working class and a good part of the middle class is still strong. Neither the world-wide disgust at the murder of the catholic Robert McCarthy by a group of IRA- and Sinn Fein-followers this January, nor the courageous campaign of his sisters and his fiancee, which even reached the White House, could change anything.)

16 Contractions in Löbner s Definites (1985) (9)... Dieser Beschluss war von dem Vater eines der beiden getöteten Soldaten durchgesetzt worden. ( Marinesoldaten-eingestellt a 8800.html, ) (... This adjudication had been enforced by the father of one of the two dead soldiers.) Here, we also have a semantic definite (an FC2 with an explicit argument).

17 Contractions in Löbner s Definites (1985) (10) Mit der Revision rügt der Kläger, die Auffassung des FG [Familiengerichts, M.C.] sei nicht mit dem Gleichheitsgrundsatz vereinbar. Der vom Vater eines nichtehelichen Kindes an die Mutter geleistete Unterhalt müsse ebenso wie in anderen Fällen gesetzlicher Unterhaltspflichten steuerlich berücksichtigt werden. ( ) (... The alimony paid CONTR-by-the father of an illegitimate child should?have a depreciation tax shield?.) Another semantic definite (an FC2 with an explicit argument). But the phrase seems to be used as a sortal concept here, rather than as a functional concept.

18 Contractions in Löbner s Definites (1985) (11) Julius Cäsar starb im März. (Julius Cesar died in March.) (12) Annas Freund hat im September Geburtstag. (Anna s boyfriend s birthday is in September.) The highlighted phrases appear to be semantic definites (possibly FC2s with implicit arguments). But the speaker of (13) need not even know in which year Ceasar died. And in a conversation about people who happened to die in March, the respective years do not seem to play a crucial role. The phrase seems to be used as a sortal concept.

19 Contractions in Löbner s Definites (1985) (13) Julius Cäsar starb im März. (Julius Cesar died in March.) (14) Annas Freund hat im September Geburtstag. (Anna s boyfriend s birthday is in September.) The highlighted phrases appear to be semantic definites (possibly FC2s with implicit arguments). As to (14): Anna s boyfriend s birthday is every September, an implicit argument for a year does not seem to play a crucial role. Also this phrase seems to be used as a sortal concept.

20 Contractions in Löbner s Definites (1985) (15) Felix ist beim Arzt. (Felix is seeing a doctor.) (16) Anna liegt im Krankenhaus. (Anna is in hospital). Both highlighted phrases should be semantic definites. Why? Is doctor an institution here? Hospital? Why should the situational argument play a crucial role here (as opposed to sortal concepts)? Or are we dealing with abstract situations here, i.e. with configurational uses? But where should the relational link come from that is required for configurations?

21 Contractions in Löbner s Definites (1985) Cliticization of the article to a preposition as a host... is possible if and only if the NP is semantically definite and not too complex... Contracted forms are particularly frequent in configurational uses The biconditional is too strong. The formulations cliticization... is possible and particularly frequent are also problematic. Contracted forms are not only possible or particularly frequent in a given situation, they are obligatory in certain contexts and prohibited in others.

22 My Proposal Consider the following sentences in different utterance situations: (17) Felix ist beim Arzt. (18) Felix ist bei dem Arzt. (Felix is CONTR-with-the/with the doctor.) Felix has been feeling ill for some time. Speaker refers to someone or other who fits the description, determining the referent is not necessary Felix is at the village s doctor s, having dinner. Speaker refers to a particular person who plays a unique role in a locally restricted domain At a party. Speaker refers to a particular person, the nominal is used anaphorically

23 My Proposal Nominals can be used in three different ways: Generalisingly, small-worldy, and contextually. Generalising use no reference to a particular object Small-world and contextual use reference to a particular object Generalising and small-world use contracted form Contextual use un-contracted form

24 The Generalising Use... is characterised by the fact that the speaker does not refer to a particular object, but rather to something or other (or everything) that fits the descriptive content.... characteristically contains generic statements and/or generic nominals (in the sense of Krifka (1995)).... always requires the contracted form.

25 The Generalising Use (19) Felix ist beim Arzt. (Felix is seeing a doctor.) (20) Ein Freund von mir arbeitet im Krankenhaus. (A friend of mine works in a hospital.) (21) Julius Cäsar starb im März. (Julius Cesar died in March.) irrelevant which doctor or hospital speaker does not refer to a particular object

26 The Generalising Use (22) Anders als beim Menschen, geht beim Leguan der Kopf einfach in die Schnauze über. (In contrast to humans, the iguana s head simply merges with the mouth.) generic statement (a statement about a general property of iguanas) generic nominal (the nominal is used to refer to the kind iguana-iguana)

27 The Generalising Use (23) Vom Nachdenken bekommt Felix immer Kopfschmerzen. (Thinking hard always gives Felix a headache.) Infinitive-nominalisations seem to always be used generalisingly. But we need a better understanding of the meaning of such nominalisations to make more precise judgements. In other words: I have no idea why they behave this way!

28 The Small-world Use... is used to refer to a particular object that has a unique function or role in a restricted domain or in a (possibly rather small) community.... The referent does not have to fit the descriptive content, the description is a tool that enables the audience to pick out the right referent.... contains bridging anaphors and local names.... always requires the contracted form.

29 The Small-world Use Bridging Anaphors (24) Anna hat neulich ihr altes Radio repariert. Am Transistor war etwas kaputt gegangen. (The other day, Anna has repaired her old radio. The amplifier was broken.) referent of amplifier has a unique function/role in a restricted domain only, not generally (cf. objects that have more than one amplifier) the domain is restricted with the help of the first sentence

30 The Small-world Use Local Names... are used to refer unambiguosly to a particular object in a restricted domain or in a (small) community.... are also used to refer to regions or named buildings. (Here, the community might be rather large.)

31 The Small-world Use Local Names (25) Felix ist beim Arzt. (Felix is at the (village s) doctor s.) (26) Der Sohn vom Bürgermeister wurde gestern verhaftet. (The son of the mayor was arrested yesterday.) both referents perform a unique function/role in a certain community the nominal can thus be used as (unambiguous) names here

32 The Small-world Use Local Names Nominals that are used to refer to regions or named buildings/monuments: (27) im Irak, im Deutschland der Nachkriegszeit, im südlichen Italien, am Brandenburger Tor, beim Stephansdom, etc. (in Iraq, in post-war Germany, in Southern Italy, at the Brandenburger Tor, beim Stephansdom, etc.)

33 The Small-world Use Local Names Nominals that are used to refer to regions or named buildings/monuments:... always require the contracted form in the presence of an appropriate preposition if they are usually preceded by the definite article (e.g. im Irak, im Nahen Osten (in Iraq, in the Middle East)).... also require the contracted form if the nominals are modified in a certain way in order to single out a particular type (e.g. im Deutschland der Nachkriegszeit, im südlichen Italien (in post-war Germany, in Southern Italy)).

34 The Small-world Use Local Names Sometimes the use of a small-world nominal seems to evoke a set of alternaltives, but the underlying mechanisms are not clear: (28) Am Kopf des Toten haben wir eine Schädelfraktur festgestellt. (We found a skull fracture on the head of the body.) (29) Anna asks Felix whether he enjoyed Mirso s wedding. Am Abend war mir langweilig. (I was bored in the evening.) (30) Im letzten Monat hatte Anna eine Telefonrechnung von 500 Euro. (CONTR-in-the previous month, Anna s phone bill was 500 Euros.)

35 The Contextual Use... is used to refer to a particular object that does not necessarily perform a unique function or role in a restricted domain or in a (small) community.... The referent does not have to fit the descriptive content, the description is a tool that enables the audience to pick out the right referent.... characteristically contains nominals that are used anaphorically, endophorically, or deictically (?but also everything that doesn t fit into one of the other categories?).... always requires the un-contracted form.

36 The Contextual Use (31) Felix hat sich ein Haus gekauft. Zu dem Haus gehört ein riesiger Garten. (Felix bought a house. To the house belongs a huge garden.) (32) Ich habe mir dieses Buch von dem Mann, der nebenan wohnt geliehen. (I borrowed this book from the man who lives next door.) (33) Pointing to a shop: In dem Laden kann man Wein kaufen. (They sell wine in that shop.)

37 The Contextual Use (34) Ihre Partnerschaften: Eine erste Liebe wird als einigermassen glücklich beschrieben, doch bei allen nächsten wurde es immer irgendwann kompliziert, vor allem bei dem Vater ihres ersten Kindes, einem schwierigen, psychisch höchst labilen Menschen, von dem sie sich am Ende trennt. (Die ZEIT 06/2006, Leben: Aus dem Leben gestrzt) (Her relationships: A first love is described as having been rather happy, but with all the others, things got complicated, especially with the father of her first child, a difficult, psychologically highly instable man, with whom she finally breaks up.) Anaphoric, endophoric, or deictic nominal??

38 The Contextual Use (35) Im Jahr ihrer Entlassung [Brigitte Mohnhaupt, M.C.], 1977, beging sie - unter anderem mit Klar - die Morde an Generalbundesanwalt Buback und zwei Begleitern, später an dem Dresdner Bank-Vorstandsvorsitzenden Ponto und an dem Arbeitgeberpräsidenten Schleyer. (Die ZEIT 08/2006, Deutschland: Kein populistisches Recht) (In 1977, the year following her release, Brigitte Mohnhaupt was involved -as was Klar- in the murder of attorney general Buback and his two escorts, and later that of the Dresdner Bank s chief executive Ponto and of the president of the Employers Association Schleyer.) Anaphoric, endophoric, or deictic nominal??

39 Generalising Use No reference to a particular object Used in generic sentences or as generic nominals Requires the contracted form Small-world Use Reference to a particular object Used in bridging anaphors or as local names Requires the contracted form Contextual Use Reference to a particular object Used as anaphoric, endophoric, or deictic nominals Requires the un-contracted form

40 Generalising Use (36) Felix geht nicht gern zum Zahnarzt. (Felix doesn t like going CONTR-to-the dentist.) Small-world Use (37) Anna hat ihre Tasche beim Bürgermeister vergessen. (Anna forgot her bag CONTR-at-the mayor s.) Contextual Use (38) Felix blättert in dem Buch, das er sich heute gekauft hat. (Felix is skimming through the book that he bought today.)

41 Nominalisations as generalised use? Evocation of alternatives for some small-world nominals? Inclusion of the rest into the category of the contextual use? Nonetheless, the proposed solution seems to make the correct predictions in the vast majority of cases! Some of the problems for Löbner s proposal can be accounted for with this approach... without relying on the distinction between semantic and pragmatic definites.

42 Possible further research questions: What could be possible implications for other theories of definiteness? Or can the presented proposal be integrated into existing theories? What is the relation between genericity and the generalising use of nominals? What is the relation between the small-world and the generalising use? Find more corpus data? Spoken language corpora? What else? Do you have any suggestions, comments, questions?