1 CULTURAL AND COMMERCIAL PRACTICES AT BOM RETIRO: CHANGE AND PERMANENCE Práticas culturais e comerciais no Bom Retiro: mutações e permanências Tula Fyskatoris 1 (PUC-SP) Raquel Carvalho Maia 2 (UAM) Mariana Braga 3 (PUC-SP: COS CPS) Abstract: The neighborhood of Bom Retiro, in São Paulo, is the focus of this study. The diversity of individuals from various locations, whether from the city, whether from other States of Brazil, compose the complexity of this street set in wholesale and retail trade of fashion. Such scenario invite us to observe urban and commercial practices to highlight, here, the marks of identity of numerous migratory groups that coexist and/or pass through the neighborhood, beyond that, unveiling the permanence of those cultural traits that make up the neighborhood's memory and the actual development of the city of São Paulo. Keywords: memory; fashion; trade. Resumo: O bairro do Bom Retiro, em São Paulo, é o foco deste estudo. A diversidade de sujeitos oriundos de várias localidades, seja da própria cidade, seja de outros Estados do Brasil, compõem a complexidade desse polo de rua no comércio de atacado e varejo de moda. Tal cenário nos convida a observar as práticas urbanas e comerciais para destacar, aqui, as marcas identitárias dos inúmeros grupos migratórios que convivem e/ou passam pelo bairro, além de desvelar as permanências desses traços culturais que compõem a memória do bairro e do próprio desenvolvimento da cidade de São Paulo. Palavras-chave: memória; moda; comércio. About Bom Retiro The neighborhood of Bom Retiro situated in the central region of São Paulo 4 city, significant commercial hub was formed organically. Its emergence and expansion are intrinsic to the city's growth for the unplanned meeting of various commercial establishments, a mix of shops and services that 1 Tula Fyskatoris has a Master and a Doctoral degree in Social History at PUC-SP. Fashion researcher, with special interest in retail at the city of São Paulo. Publisher of books and of the dobra[s] magazine and editor at Estação das Letras e Cores Editora. 2 Raquel Carvalho Maia has a Master degree in Design at Universidade Anhembi Morumbi. She is a journalist and works in fashion retail at the clothing and accessories segments. Teaches at Senac São Paulo. 3 Mariana Braga is finishing her Master studying in Communication and Semiotics at PUC-SP (sponsored by CNPq) under the guidance of Prof. Dra. Ana Claudia de Oliveira. Also graduated in Fashion Design at Universidade Estadual de Londrina (UEL) and integrates the Centro de Pesquisas Sociossemióticas (CPS) coordinated by Prof. Dr. Ana Claudia de Oliveira. 4 The access to the neighborhood is favored by a wide buses network and, especially, by the lines 1 (Blue) of the Metrô and 7, 10 and 11 of CPTM. In the future, the Line 4 (Yellow) of the São Paulo Metrô will attend the region.
2 developed so scattered and disorderly, sometimes favored by offering low-cost real estate acquisition and/or maintenance. According to Ponciano (2004), in the Decade of 1880, the entrepreneur Manfred Meyer was responsible for the development and the urbanization of the Bom Retiro neighborhood a large number of farms and ranches of "retreat" for the weekend. It is quite possible, points out Dertônio (1971), a farm with that name has given rise to the name of the neighborhood. The expansion of Bom Retiro also benefited of the topography-floodplains of the Tietê and the Tamanduateí rivers along with the railway São Paulo Railway that spurred the installation of factories, small trades, warehouses and depots of products. In the first decades of the 20th century, the Bom Retiro has established itself as an industrial neighborhood and had the concentration of the poorest population, favored by the proximity with Downtown where people could shop and, mainly, obtain employment coupled with its proximity to the railroads. The allotment of the neighborhood, comparatively cheaper, was attractive as an option of housing and for the installation of manufacturing companies by national or foreign entrepreneurs; at the same time, developed a diversified commerce in order to meet the needs of the local population, which, since the 19th century, counted with immigrants. It is worth noting that at that time the neighborhood grew sustained by European immigration, such as Portuguese (between 1870 and 1890) and Italian (mostly between 1900 and 1940), in addition to the Spaniards. With the fast urbanization of the city of São Paulo, driven mainly by coffee culture, the Bom Retiro neighborhood gained the adhesion of other immigrants. Some of them were the Lebanese, Syrian and Jews these at the end of the 19th century from the North of Alsace, Africa and Europe and from the beginning of the years 1920, from Russia, Poland 5 and neighboring countries motivated by poverty and anti-semitism due to the first World War (MIZRAHI, 2003). Nevertheless, in the first three decades of the 20th century, the neighborhood has retained the residential and industrial functions the textile factory Afolayan, founded in 1886, was one of the industries in the region. With the works of the new Train Station of Luz, the construction of the overpass connecting the streets José Paulino and Couto de Magalhães, and the creation of the passage under the railway line, giving access to the Alameda Nothman, multiplied the means of entry into the neighborhood. 5 The living conditions in Poland after World War I were not easy and it stimulated the immigration of several families to Bom Retiro in São Paulo. The Grunkraut family was one of them, which, according to Maia and Anjos (2015), arrived in the year The father Salomão, his wife Regina and their five children, settle in a townhouse in the Ribeiro de Lima Street. He peddled while his wife were committed to the sewing machine. Shortly thereafter, they bought the first machines and hired seamstresses. In 1933, they create the Manufaturas Varsóvia its first mane, which eventually turned into Manvar, one of the most promising beach fashion confections in the 1980 s.
3 In the mid-1930, in fact, the Jews stood out in Bom Retiro, primarily as peddlers, and later established in the industrial and commercial activities. It was at that moment that the neighborhood turned into a red-light district transferred from the Downtown primarily for the Aimorés St. Prostitution and the police action prevailing in the neighborhood until then contributed to the fall of housing prices that have been purchased largely by Jews real estate devaluation ensured the expansion of your business. In the years 1940, according to Truzzi (2001, p. 150), the great concentration of Jews, mainly in the upper part of the district, improved the development of a conducive environment, "is the business that prospered, whether in terms of their sociability, culture or religion". Thus, Dertônio (1971, p. 52), referring to the Jews, emphasizes, "the language of the neighborhood, which in the first quarter of a century had the influence of the Italian language, is now being affected by the Yiddish language of this people" and that non-israelites "effect of assimilation" already starting to embrace it. In early 1950, the "Jewish neighborhood", as it was called, confirmed its commercial vocation fundamentally products of clothing, even though they often took picket stores funds and made small sewing workshops that gave support to commercial activity. In the hands of the Jews there were also small factories of fine clothes and multiplied the shops of wholesale and retail-focused on the street José Paulino 6 until 1916, street of immigrants trade expanded into the street Aimorés, today one of the main commercial routes (of wholesale) of Bom Retiro. During this period, emerged the first galleries and shopping malls. However, this new conformation of Bom Retiro that offered the residential, industrial and commercial functions in addition to the enrichment and the economic rise from its activities prompted the Jewish community to abandon the neighborhood. Therefore, they house elected Paulista Avenue and the neighbourhood of Higienópolis, among others and to reduce its participation in trade, though remain until then how much owners of real estate in the region. Thus, other migratory groups took over the functions commercial and industrial of the neighborhood. From the years 1950, arrived the Greeks and Armenians. With shy presence since 1900, the emigration of Greeks for Brazil was driven by Civil war between 1946 and 1949, in such a way that in the years 1960, there were approximately fifteen thousand in the State of São Paulo in Bom Retiro, were 6 Camargo explains that it is a tribute to Coronel José Paulino Nogueira, a farmer born at the city of Campinas. He was president of the Banco Comercial de São Paulo (São Paulo Commercial Bank), directed the Companhia Mogiana de Estradas de Ferro (Mogiana Company of Railroads) and gained prominence for his services in the fight against the yellow fever epidemic that struck his hometown. Source: Dicionário de Ruas (Street Dictionary). Available in: <http://www.dicionarioderuas.prefeitura.sp.gov.br/paginaspublicas/listalogradouro.aspx>. Accessed in: March 10th, 2015.
4 about 100 families (SOARES, 2007). Stood out in the industry of clothing, but with the growth of Korean immigration to Brazil many gave up and returned to their country of origin. According to Soares (2007), the first ship of immigrants from Korea arrived in São Paulo in 1963, with 103 passengers on board. Kim (2009) clarifies that a large portion of the immigrants came from Seoul and settled in Bom Retiro and, during the Decade of 1960, Koreans began buying stores in the neighborhood. However, it was in 1980 s that they were consolidated in the region, transforming the family trade in a corporate structure and, by implementing numerous changes in production processes and commercialization, they mastered these activities in Bom Retiro. Consequently, Jews and Greeks abandoned the region's trade. In addition, many descendants of the Jewish community became professionals in other areas and did not continued the family business currently, the Koreans dominate the trade in Bom Retiro but is noticeable the presence of the Jewish community, as well as Italians and, more recently, of Bolivians. It is true that, until the year 1980, there are references in the press that signal the presence of Jewish immigrants in the neighborhood. On the other hand, it is important to note that at this point the confections stores at Bom Retiro have established themselves as suppliers of finished products for some stores installed in the neighborhood, as for shopkeepers to numerous localities, sometimes set in exquisite places like the Jardins neighborhood in São Paulo. In addition, to shopping malls of the city of São Paulo, which in the last decade won highest proportion the Bom Retiro converters supply grids of fashion retail. The Bom Retiro today: between change and permanence Today, the Bom Retiro stands out among the largest commercial hubs of fashion in Brazil, especially women's clothing it has estimated that 55% of this segment in the country has its origins in the region. There are about 1,700 merchants, of whom 1,400 are manufacturers, which generate around 50 thousand direct jobs and 30 thousand indirect jobs. On average, circulate daily through the region 80 thousand people in festive dates and that number could reach 120 thousand people. Daily, are created, on average, six new pieces by brand. Resellers of clothing perform most of the purchases (60%) and the region receives per day about thirty buses from various localities of the country and abroad. The Bom Retiro moves R$ 3.5 billion per year. 7 The consuming public is not restricted to low-income families the Bom Retiro trades meets broad layers of the population. The feminine products stand out on sales volume, followed by accessories, 7 Data available in: <http://www.bomretironamoda.com.br/historia>. Accessed in: March 10th, 2015.
5 haberdashery, trims, decorative items, bed, bath & beyond, fabrics and men's clothing. In retail, the average expense revolves around R$ 200 in wholesale, the figures range from $ 3,000 to $ 5,000. Of daily users that pass through the region, 90% are women, between 13 and 70 years of age. From the sotres in the neighborhood, it is estimated that 80% are destined for women's fashion. 8 Diniz (2012) adds that these women come from mainly southern and northeastern regions of Brazil, of which 60% are owners of boutiques, small shops and informal goods salespersons. In Bom Retiro, a large part of the commercial activity is sustained in the manufacture of the products and, therefore, prices are more competitive and appealing to consumers of various layers of the population. Especially in the last decade, we have witnessed a remarkable metamorphosis in the neighborhood encouraged by the corporate management of Koreans, the example of the practice of "sales of ready delivery". 9 Other measures were significant for the mutation of Bom Retiro: the speed in the production and marketing of products and abbreviation of this cycle; investments in research sets, at the points of sale the stores became more spacious and clean; the showcases, elaborated and in tune with the "latest" fashion trends and consumers gain greater comfort in purchases. Although this still is not a unanimity so that, often, the selling points resemble at stores in shopping malls sophisticated of São Paulo, also, the professionals have become more skilled. On the other hand, since the early 2000, large retailers chains like Zara and H&M, adopted the fast-fashion system than in the national market was assimilated by retail chains like C&A, Renner, Riachuelo and Marisa. Consequently, many of the smaller manufacturers companies laid down in Bom Retiro and became responsible for supplying these great multi-branding and wholesalers of Brazil. Consequently, the production cycle became more agile and short and the number of pieces (and updates) made available to customers (wholesale and retail) have multiplied. The street José Paulino along streets Cesare Lombroso and Aymorés, comprise a set of streets specialized in wholesale and retail trade, mainly on female clothing, the so-called clusters that, according to Nakano, Campos and Rolnik (2002, p. 147) are: 8 ROTEIRO oficial do Bom Retiro e região, São Paulo, ano 3, n. 3, p , 2011/ Until the mid-1990s, it was common for the clothing manufacturer to submit its collection to the customer that realized your purchase order on the one hand, that minimized the risks of the manufacturer which produced exactly what had already sold; on the other hand, it represented a delay in placing the products in stores, apart from the drawbacks and delays during the production of the pieces, compromising customers sales. For the buyer, there was the advantage of extending the financial disbursement considering that the payment was only made on the delivery of the products. On prompt delivery, the customer has immediate access to the products, therefore can make them available quickly on your point of sale, there isn t need to wait for the request to be produced.
6 [...] excerpts or sets of streets and often occur spontaneously, from unprecedented historically located or anchor ventures, proximity of referential elements, access facilities, offering low-cost real estate and/or the presence of a built environment conducive to install the necessary dependencies of storage and marketing. The concentration of activities, in turn, creates places of reference for suppliers and consumers, reinforcing traders preference for that location, which tends to value and becomes, ultimately, an indispensable address. 10 These specialized streets streamline the time of shopkeepers and consumers that can find all they need with greater ease and speed. It is worth remembering that the neighborhood of Bom Retiro has other specialized streets such as street Júlio Conceição (trims); street Silva Pinto (various types of clothing); street Ribeiro de Lima (handbags and accessories); street of Graça, (knitting, fabric shops and stores of industrial sewing machines); and the street São Caetano, the so-called "Street of brides". It is important to note that the street José Paulino is one of the most visited because there is great diversity, especially in regard to women's fashion and the trade that meets both the wholesale and retail. The streets Aimorés and Professor Cesare Lombroso, are recognized as "fashion" and more sophisticated (and more expensive) than the street José Paulino, although they are reserved to the wholesale trade. At Bom Retiro, there are still options for purchases and services in shopping malls and galleries currently, there are 17 in total. In highlight, are the Bom Retiro shopping mall, the largest mall in the neighborhood with more than 400 stores, and Lombroso Fashion Mall, wholesaler with clothing even from other commercial hubs of São Paulo, such as Bras and Itaim Bibi, and from other States, such as Goiás. Nevertheless, with the South American immigration grows, the wholesale trade of Bom Retiro was built mostly by the work of those immigrants mainly composed by Bolivians, Paraguayans and Peruvians as well and camouflages a serious problem: employment of illegal labor in subhuman conditions. By not speaking the Portuguese language and not having documents, many of these immigrants end up being exploited by the owners of the sewing workshops; working in exchange for lodging, food and negligible paying. The profile of the explorers also comes changing there are employers of foreign origin, as South Koreans, also regular Bolivians who open small businesses and hire their fellows in an irregular manner, a reproduction of a practice witnessed in other migratory groups settled in São Paulo. Another way to drain 10 Translated from the original: [...] trechos ou conjuntos de ruas e ocorrem muitas vezes espontaneamente, a partir de precedentes historicamente localizados ou empreendimentos âncora, da proximidade de elementos referenciais, das facilidades de acesso, da oferta de imóveis a baixo custo e/ou da presença de um ambiente construído propício à instalação das dependências necessárias de armazenamento e comercialização. A concentração de atividades, por sua vez, cria lugares de referência para fornecedores e consumidores, reforçando a preferência dos comerciantes por aquela localização, que tende a se valorizar e se torna, em última instância, um endereço indispensável. (Nakano, Campos and Rolnik, 2002, p. 147)
7 this production is through informal trade, hazing still in Bom Retiro and common practice in the first half of the 20th century the ambulant trade 11, is one of the stays that we want to emphasize in this study. The itinerant trade Levin (1987) points out that concentrated in the neighborhood of Bom Retiro, be a clientelchic or a "Russian salesman" 12 synonym for the hawkers (from door to door) or seller for benefits was the fate of many Jewish and Syrian-Lebanese immigrants. Bresser (2001) notes that many of the Jews had prejudice towards arts and crafts and physical works therefore preferred to follow the path of sales works of the Syrians and Lebanese, selling a little bit of everything. Figure 1: Syrians and Lebanese hawkers. Source: Oficina Cultural Oswald de Andrade Important to remember that in the late 19th century, the stimulus to immigration promoted by the Brazilian Government to supply the manpower required by coffee economy, on the one hand, increased the population of the city and, consequently, the consumer market; on the other hand, caused the shortage of 11 The term ambulant, from the Latin word ambulante, means: the one that strolls, wanders, roams (CUNHA, 1986). As highlighted by D Angelo (2000), ambulant is that who gets license by paying it to the City Hall, and so being allowed to commercialize products in the pathways and public places. The ambulant is categorized as: effective jogging from one place to another, carrying on your goods or equipments close to your body; mobile spot the activities are performed with or without the aid of motor vehicles, or with demountable and detachable equipment; and fixed spot, ambulant who use non-removable tents in previously designated locations, in public pathways and parks. For more details about the ambulant trades in the first half of the twentieth century, see Fyskatoris (2006), chapter With the advent of World War II, the turcos (Turkish people) became the russos da prestação (Russians of provision) for, at the end of the war, being know as gringos (GRÜSNPUN, 1983).
8 urban jobs, because many of these immigrants settled in the city. Similarly, usually not adjusted to the activities of the crops those immigrants addressed to work on the trade and on the industry, backed by the practice as artisans in their homeland. However, as were not always absorbed into the formal labor market, commercial activity consisted as an alternative and represented an opportunity for economic and social rise for those who came to live in Sao Paulo. Truzzi (1997, p. 58) is emphatic about the importance of Syrian-Lebanese immigration to trade in a general way, pointing out that "the Syrians and Lebanese operated as pioneers, a true revolution in business practices". The author adds, "[ ] yet for all this, wouldn't it be too much to say that they, in Brazil, 'invented' the popular trade, giving official recognition to its parameters as commonly employed today. 13 According to D'Angelo (2000), in the 1930 decade, migrants of Minas Gerais and from the northern and northeastern regions swelled the mass of hawkers in the region. It was during this period that there was a strict crackdown on this informal trade, for which the city required license, clean bill of health, among other documentation. The author warns that the peddlers have become preferred target of the police of Estado Novo and street vendors 14 were held usually under allegation of loitering, making usual street vendor's association with the practice of illicit activities, justifying why the term has acquired a derogatory character. Worth pointing out that long before the introduction of credit systems in the city of São Paulo the hawkers have instituted the practice of selling the provision. This fact reveals a sharp insight not only to the shortage of financial resources of its clients, but also to the very survival of their activities, which depended on the payment even though whimsy and not always constant, of benefits for customers. 15 Such mode of trade remained in the region and, when it was not possible to grant more credit to customers, they made payments preferably in sight a practice that remained for long in the neighborhood. However, more recently, marketers of Bom Retiro ceded to the adoption of the sale with checks and/or credit card. Initially, the "door-to-door" salespersons suffered merciless criticism from traders of the stores for uneven competition, primarily by the non-payment of taxes, but a moment later, they became the employees of major retailers and assisted in the sale of goods, more specifically the "leftovers". Those, which the hawkers started selling in neighborhoods far from the downtown city, likewise Bom Retiro, that 13 On this topic, see Truzzi (1971). 14 The word camelô, from the French camelot, means the merchant who sells trinkets or other items, in the streets, hawking them typically (Translated from the original, CUNHA, 1986, p. 143). According to Hamilton D Angelo (2000), the term camelô started being used in the city as a reference to the ambulant trade from the 1930 s. 15 The fashion retailers from the end of the 1920 s disseminated the credit system. For more information, see Fyskatoris (2006), chapter 2.
9 was until then a peripheral district. Even today, mainly in the street José Paulino, informal practice is visible in the sale of fashion products (clothing and accessories), as well as on edible sale. Similarly, still applies the trade of counterfeit goods and/or smuggled with obvious damage to the local economy and why not Brazilian it is possible to observe that keeps on a "collaboration" between formal and informal traders. Figure 2 e 3: The informal trade daily practice on the street José Paulino. Collection of Raquel Maia Commercial establishments At this moment, we can see the reasons why it is considered that the Bom Retiro is a more democratic place of consumption. The neighborhood is open and integrated into the community, into the city; also there is easy access by public transport either by proximity to the central area of the city, and is diverse in the offer of products and services in such a way that encompasses broad layers of the population. On the other hand, the universalization of the fashion trends and adoption of fast-fashion equalized the design of the luxury brands and popular brands. In Bom Retiro, Koreans began to make quickly available to the market the latest trends yet with different raw material (and inferior) of luxury brands, which necessarily does not represent an obstacle to the consumer of the "Bomra", as it is known affectionately in the neighborhood. The types of establishments present in the neighborhood reveal the marks of migratory groups who settled there, to live and/or work. At the sophisticated shops, the elaborate showcases exhibit products,
10 mostly female clothing stores that invest in physical arrangement, such as lighting and sound system, highlighting the pieces of clothing in large and attractive scenarios. Moreover, there is the less sophisticated stores, mid-sized, that usually highlight prices and promotions, with less elaborate showcases and without the concern to compose scenarios or seduce customers, which, for example, sells sportswear showing traces of the Koreans who imposed a new form region to commercialize. Figures 4 and 5: On the left, we see a shop a little more sophisticated with stylized and bolder showcases mannequins; on the right, however, a slightly less sophisticated shop in which we note a minor concern about the visual composition of the showcase. Collection Raquel Maia By contrast, there are popular stores with large bunkers on certain "visual pollution", exposing stacked products, displaying plates with promotional values of low prices and often rely on the help of boys who stay outside the establishments announcing the deals, calling the subject transiting to buy products, which are sold inside the shop. At the same time, the stalls of street vendors are set up on sidewalks and selling all kinds of products, in particular, clothing and accessories. That scenario refer us to the first half of the 20th century when predominated the trade of small and medium sizes and the peddlers.
11 Figures 3 and 4: on the left, a most popular shop that offers a bit of everything; to the right, note the stalls of street vendors who occupy spaces on the sidewalks of Rue irregularly. Collection Raquel Maia The diversity of subjects Roughly speaking, Bom Retiro is governed by excess buyers and passers-by rushed in one fluid motion between bodies that (almost) touch while passing through; of colors and shapes that emerge from the multitude of products that are marketed and that blend with a multitude of bodies. In this scenario, it is important to consider the relevance of this locality in the Brazilian market for fashion and tourism shopping. It is not without reason that the region is valued in several areas, so that in the Schematic of Generic Values (Planta Genérica de Valores - PGV) 16 of the São Paulo City Hall (2014), a square meter of the street José Paulino, for example, reached R$ 8.4 thousand. Interestingly, that value is above the Oscar Freire Street, in the area of the Jardins (R$8,396 m²), a commercial pole of the city backed to the luxury retail. Factors that demonstrate the economic importance of the Bom Retiro as a fashion polo producer and a center that offers a multitude of pieces, at affordable prices and fast consumption products, which are in agreement with the rapid seasonality of fashion. Therefore, the neighborhood attract consumers form 16 Corresponds to the assessed value, the basis for the calculation of taxes. It is estimated to be 30% below market value.
12 Brazil and even from other countries, such as describe Maia and Martins, (2014, p. 2) about one of the important streets in the neighborhood: In José Paulino street, various types of buyers are pulled together, including the informal salesperson, from sellers of shops to the street vendors, which, in a continuous motion, trigger the actions of buying and selling, experiencing the democratization of consumption or the illusion of it. A shop to another, consumers are hastily with bags in their hands. Go off in the mass of people and products exposed in public areas to narrow the amount of passers-by [...]. 17 Daily, more than 75 thousand people between retailers, professional buyers, owners of small shops and buyers that are street vendors, move wholesale trade, in addition to individual consumers seeking retail products with attractive prices. In Bom Retiro, a large part of the commercial activity relies on proper manufacture of products. Therefore, the prices are more competitive and appealing to those consumers who come in search of releases, news, good prices and deals. Final Considerations In the course of the work, we tried to trace the diachronic of the Bom Retiro neighborhood to reach the examination that it represents today: a commercial pole, multicultural and filled with multiple experiences. The story of the neighborhood allows us to elucidate and understand how the neighborhood that we study can be met in such configures. From "bom retiro" for the rest, it became a good retreat for those who show, until today, at the city of São Paulo, welcoming them and offering trading, commercial and cultural spaces. Similarly, makes clear that the plurality of the subject is intrinsic to the configuration of commercial diversity: from the totally informal trade, passing by the small and medium trade, and reaching the trade of sophisticated stores and prices that are not so accessible. The miscellany that we see today is also the mixture of identities that took place previously between peddlers and local traders, foreign and local. Finally, the study of history and memory in the neighborhood of Bom Retiro allows, also, knowing the particularities and marks of identity of those who participated in the construction and expansion of 17 Translated from the original: Na rua José Paulino, aglomeram-se sujeitos de vários tipos, de compradores particulares a sacoleiras, de vendedores das lojas aos ambulantes, que, num movimento contínuo, fazem desencadear as ações de compra e venda, vivenciando a democratização do consumo ou a ilusão dela. De uma loja para outra, os consumidores andam apressadamente com sacolas nas mãos. Apagam-se na massa de pessoas e de produtos expostos em espaços de circulação estreitos para a quantidade de transeuntes [...].