The Evolution and Development of the Taiwanese Offshore Tuna Fishery, : An HMAP Asia Project Paper

Transcription

1 Chen, Ta-Yuan ( 陳大元 ) China Research Centre, University of Technology Sydney The Evolution and Development of the Taiwanese Offshore Tuna Fishery, : An HMAP Asia Project Paper Working Paper No. 159 September 2009 The views presented in this paper are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect those of the Asia Research Centre or Murdoch University. Working papers are considered draft publications for critical comments by colleagues and will generally be expected to be published elsewhere in a more polished form after a period of critical engagement and revision. Comments on this paper should be directed to the author at dr.henry.chen@gmail.com. Copyright is held by the author(s) of each working paper: No part of this publication may be republished, reprinted or reproduced in any form without the permission of the paper s author(s). National Library of Australia. ISSN:

2 ABSTRACT A number of maritime studies have been made on the history of Taiwan's tuna fishery; however, to date they have only focused on aspects of the life and work of the fishers and their fishing communities. None of the studies undertaken thus far have been from the angle of ecological history. The purpose of my research is to fill this gap. The tuna longline fishery was introduced to Taiwan in 1913 by the Japanese, and then developed along separate lines in Kaohsiung and northern Taiwan. The tuna longline fishery in northern Taiwan was initially very prosperous because it was located close to the main market, Japan. However, it was soon replaced as a centre for the industry by its counterpart in Kaohsiung. Kaohsiung's tuna fishery grew at a rapid pace for two reasons: firstly, the southerly location of Kaohsiung's Fishing Port meant it was in close proximity to Southeast Asia where the waters were rich in tuna resources. Secondly, the production of bait for the tuna fishery proliferated on a large scale among local fish farms. The tuna longline fishery of Taiwan further developed in the postwar period. Kaohsiung then became the undisputed centre of distant water longline fishing. In the 1970s, however, Donggang also emerged as another offshore longline fishing centre in Taiwan. All of these fishing ports played very important roles in the historical development of Taiwan's offshore tuna fishery. This research aims to trace the development of longline fishing techniques and their long-term impact on Taiwan's offshore tuna fisheries, and to link the impact of quantitative and qualitative changes in offshore tuna resources to changes in the character of Taiwan's fishing communities. 1

3 INTRODUCTION The depletion of tuna stocks in the waters of Southeast Asia has presented a substantial challenge to the fishing communities of post-war Taiwan. A number of studies have been made on relevant issues from the perspective of marine ecosystem studies. However, none of the studies thus far have been undertaken from the perspective of ecological history. In order to fill this gap, the purpose of my research is to link the impact of quantitative changes in offshore tuna resources to the growth and decline of Taiwan's fishing industry, and to trace the development of longline fishing techniques and their long-term impact on Taiwan's offshore tuna fisheries. I limit the temporal range of my study to two significant moments in regional time; namely the years between 1912 and The year 1912 was when tuna fishing was introduced in Taiwan. I limit the geographic scope of my research to Taihoku (Taipei) State and Takao (Kaohsiung) State. Tuna fishing was introduced to Taihoku State in the early 1910s. However, the centre of tuna fishing gradually shifted to Takao State in the mid-1930s (See Map 1). In the first part of my paper, I will explain how the exploitation of tuna resources in Southeast Asian waters reshaped the fishing communities of pre-war Taiwan. In the second part of my research, I will describe and analyse the interactions between the changes in tuna abundance, the development of onboard fishing facilities and the growth and decline of the tuna longlining industry in post-war Taiwan. Statistical data used in this paper are mainly taken from Taiwan Yuyeshi Ziliao Suanbian: Tongjipian (1) Mingjhi-Dajheng, Taiwan Suisan Tokei, and fisheries yearbooks published by the fishing authorities in post-war Taiwan. 1 2

4 Map 1: Taihoku State and Takao State and their fishing ports: Kiryu, Sooku, Takao and Toko fishing ports THE DEVELOPMENT OF OFFSHORE TUNA LONGLINING FISHERY IN PRE- WAR TAIWAN Tuna longlining fishing was introduced to Taiwan in This new fishery developed separately in Taihoku State and Takao State. In Taihoku, fishers used Kiryu and Sooku as their home ports and fish in the nearby fishing grounds. The early development of Taihoku s tuna longlining fishery was very difficult, partly because fishers were not familiar with the fishing grounds of the tuna fishery, and partly because mackerel, the major source of tuna fishing bait, was expensive. Fortunately, the problem was soon solved after fishers began using mullets and milkfish as tuna bait. Local fish farms provided longlinermen with large quantities of milkfish at reasonable prices. In 1918, people in Taihoku started to export tuna products to Japan. 2 The success of tuna trading between Japan and Taiwan greatly accelerated the development of the tuna fishery in northern Taiwan, because both the Sooku and Kiryu fishing ports were geographically close to Japan, the main market for tuna products [see Map 1]. 3 In 1923, the Japanese government spent 650,000 constructing the fishing infrastructure of the Sooku Fishing Port. The new-built port facilities not only reduced the running costs of longliners, but also encouraged Japanese fishers from Oita and Ehime to 3

5 north. 10 The view that the centre of Taiwan s tuna longline fishery shifted from the north to use Sooku as their homeport. In the early 1930s, more than one hundred fishing vessels were using Kiryu and Sooku as supply bases. 4 When tuna longlining fishing was first introduced to the Toko and Takao fishing ports, local fishers only used sail-powered boats in coastal waters. They even believed, wrongly, that sail powered longliners were more suitable to harvest tuna than motored vessels. However, the situation gradually changed after the mid-1910s when Taiwan s tuna fishing industry gradually expanded its fishing territories to greater distances which only motored vessels could reach. 5 The success of the motored tuna longlining industry in northern Taiwan greatly encouraged fishers in the south to motorise their boats. 6 The development of the tuna fishing industry in southern Taiwan soon caught up with that of northern Taiwan for three reasons. Firstly, fish farms in southern Taiwan harvested large amounts of mullets and milkfish, which provided local longlinermen with sufficient fishing baits for their commercial fishing activities. Secondly, both the Takao and Toko fishing ports were adjacent to Southeast Asia, the most important tuna fishing ground in the pre-war years. 7 Thirdly, armed with refrigeration facilities, tuna longlinermen in southern Taiwan also started to export their tuna products to Japan after By 1928, approximately 150 offshore longliners were installed with 30-horsepower engines in southern Taiwan. Some large-sized longliners were even installed with 120-horsepower engines. 8 The number of motored longliners in southern Taiwan increased at a great speed, which enabled fishers to expand their fishing territories from coastal waters to the heart of Southeast Asian waters. 9 The development of the tuna fishery in the south of the island soon exceeded that of the the south of the island is supported by the statistical data in pre-war fisheries yearbooks. Table 1 indicates that during the period 1916 to 1923, the tuna landing in Taihoku was more than Takao s, although only by a small margin. The year 1924 is considered a milestone in the history of Taiwan s tuna fishery. In that year, the volume of tuna catch in Taihoku was only 226,009 kins; 11 however, 788,045 kins of tuna were yielded in Takao State. The annual tuna catch of Takao State was about three times that of Taihoku s. Since 1924, the annual tuna catch of Taihoku stagnated at between 200,000 to 400,000 kins for more than a decade. However, the annual tuna catch in southern Taiwan was making astonishing progress during the same period of time. The subsequent gap in the tuna catch between the south and north therefore widened rapidly. In 1939, 10,195,164 kins of tuna were harvested; in that year the development of Takao s offshore tuna industry had reached its peak. However, at the same 4

6 time, the annual catch of Taihoku s tuna fishery was at it slowest point, at only 28,000 kins. The output of Takao s tuna fishery was 364 times more than Taihoku s. Without a doubt, Takao State had become the centre of Taiwan s tuna fishery. The geographic distribution of bonito resources overlapped with that of the tuna species to a large extent. 12 Considerable quantities of tuna were also harvested by bonito boats as by-products in northern Taiwan. Thus, further distinguishing the tuna output yielded by bonito boats enables us to observe the growth of Taiwan s tuna longlining fishery more precisely. I use the annual tuna catch in 1931 as an example. Table 1 shows that the annual tuna catch of Taihoku was 169,706 kins that year. However, 4,241,712 kins of tuna were harvested in Takao. It seems that the annual tuna catch of Takao State was 25 times more than that of Taihoku. In fact, the gap between the two places tuna catch was much wider than 25 times. Table 2 shows that only 25,000 kins of tuna were yielded by Taihoku s tuna longliners; the rest were harvested by bonito boats. In the same year, tuna longliners in southern Taiwan harvested 4,187,995 kins in total, which was 176 times more than that of their counterparts in the north. The island-wide tuna catch harvested by offshore tuna longliners was 4,262,928 kins. The tuna catch from the Takao State accounted for 98.2 per cent of the total catch. Besides comparing the volume of tuna landing, the view that the centre of Taiwan s tuna fishery was gradually shifting from the north to the south of the island is also supported by other statistical comparisons. In 1935, the number of Takao s tuna longliners had exceeded that of Taihoku. In 1933, the total tonnage of Takao s longliners exceeded that of their counterparts in the north, but one year later, Taihoku caught up again. However, since 1935, Takao s tuna longliners have maintained a distinct lead in total tonnage. The year 1935 was a turning point of Taiwan s tuna fishing industry. The number and total tonnage of Taihoku s tuna longliners and their tuna catch started to shrink rapidly thereafter. The average tonnage of Takao s tuna longliners continuously increased along with the development of tuna fishing generally in Southeast Asian waters. In the early 1930s, the average tonnage of tuna longliners from Taihoku and Takao states were almost on par with each other. However, the average tonnage of Taihoku s longliners continuously dropped off afterwards. It even fell to 5.5 tons in In the same year, the average tonnage of Takao s tuna longliners reached its historic peak, at 24.1 tons per longliner. This means that tuna longliners that fished in Southeast Asian waters were approximately five times larger than those in northern Taiwan. 5

7 The fishing facilities onboard Takao s tuna longliners also enabled fishers to work more efficiently than their counterparts in Taihoku. This view is supported by the comparison of the level of manpower input between the two places tuna fishing. In 1932, longliners only employed 0.7 fishers per registered ton in Takao State. However, in the same year, their counterparts in Taihoku had to hire 2.1 fishers per registered ton. Obviously, tuna longliners in southern Taiwan were much more efficient than their counterparts in the north. Tables 6 and 7 also show that the gap of manpower input further widened with the exploitation of marine resources in the waters of Southeast Asia, and reached a peak in It should be emphasised the lesser manpower input per vessel ton did not prevent longliners in southern Taiwan from harvesting more tuna. We can see this by comparing tuna catch per vessel ton yielded by Taihoku s and Takao s longliners. In 1941, every vessel ton in Takao State harvested kins of tuna; however, in Taihoku, only kins were yielded (See Table 8 and 9). Table 9 shows that tuna catch per vessel ton remained stable from 1932 to 1941 even though the tuna longliner fleet in Takao State expanded rapidly during the same period. It also reveals the crucial information that the expansion of Takao s longliner fleet and their onboard fishing facilities did not affect tuna abundance in the waters of Southeast Asia. In other words, overexploitation of tuna resources in the waters of Southeast Asia had not yet emerged as a problem in the pre-war years. The centre of Taiwan s tuna longline fishery shifted from the north to the south of the island due to two reasons. Firstly, the tuna fishing grounds off northern Taiwan extended only fifty or sixty miles from the northeastern coast of Taiwan to the Senkaku Islands where the Japan Current passed by. However, the tuna fishing grounds off southern Taiwan were vast and productive. Secondly, the southward expansion of tuna fishing was also greatly encouraged by the fishing authorities. 13 Many research vessels were built by the fishing authorities of Taiwan to conduct fishing experiments and research. In 1929, the Takao State Government built Takao-maru, which was installed with a 320-horsepower engine and had a displacement of 320 tonnes. In 1931, the Central Colonial Government built Shonan-maru. It had a displacement of tonnes and was installed with a 500- horsepower diesel engine. 14 These two experimental ships were considered very large in the early 20 th century. Besides conducting fishing experiments with research vessels, fisheries experts also went to sea with civilian tuna longliners, or entrusted fishing experiments to fishing companies whose longliners operated in the waters of Southeast Asia. 15 Encouraged by the Government s fishing experiments, the tuna longliners from southern Taiwan continually expanded their 6

8 Sooku. 19 The Taiwan Suisan Yoran of 1925 reveals that the colonial government implemented fishing territories southward. In 1928, the most distant fishing grounds that they could reach were 250 miles from the coast. 16 In 1934, some tuna longliners had fished in the waters of the Sulu Sea, and even the Celebes Sea. 17 In addition to the availability of vast and productive tuna fishing grounds in Southeast Asia, the Southward Development Policy (Nanshin Seisaku) of the Japanese colonial government also had a profound influence on the southward expansion of Taiwan s tuna fishing territories. In 1936, Kobayashi Seizo, a Naval Reserve Admiral, was appointed Taiwan s Governor-General. He introduced three important policies soon after assuming office; the Assimilation Movement (Kominka), the Policy to Industrialise Taiwan (Kogyoka), and the Policy to Shape Taiwan as a Stronghold for Southward Development (Nanshin Kichika). The latter is also known as the Southward Development Policy. The southward presence and regional movement of the Japanese navy directly encouraged the southward development of Taiwan s fishing industry. The military expected fishing boats to collect intelligence information for the navy, and fishing vessels from Taiwan were also keen to offer strategic services. 18 Tuna longliners from southern Taiwan now became more active in the waters of Southeast Asia than before. They even entered the waters of the Philippines, Indochina and Borneo, and conducted fishing activities in the coastal waters of those countries. THE IMPACT OF TUNA FISHERY ON PRE-WAR TAIWAN The exploitation of tuna resources in the waters of Southeast Asia had a profound influence on the society and industrial development of pre-war Taiwan. A large number of Japanese fishers, especially longlinermen, had migrated to Taiwan. Some came through the government s migration schemes, but others arrived in Taiwan as independent fishers. Both groups made substantial contributions to the development of Taiwan s industrial tuna fishery. The survey of 1903 showed that approximately 191 Japanese fishers had been working in Taiwan. However, before 1909, Japanese fishing migrants mostly lived near Kiryu fishing port. After 1909, some chose to settle in other Taiwanese fishing ports like Takao and fishing migration schemes on several occasions. 20 A number of fishing ports in Taiwan, namely Sooku, Toko, Roko, and Koshiryo, were selected by the government for this purpose. Those who migrated to these selected ports would be generously subsidised, with their resettlement allowance and ship construction fee covered by the government. However, this 7

9 scheme did not work out very well, because Japanese migrants could not get used to the living environment of Taiwan. Some of them suffered badly from local diseases. Besides, Japanese fishers were not knowledgeable about the marine environment and commercial fishing seasons of Taiwan. They had difficulty conducting fishing activities in the waters off Taiwan, and their fishing results were far from satisfactory. As a result, some of them returned to Japan, while others quit their fishing careers and worked in other industries. The fishing migration scheme was eventually suspended. 21 In 1926, encouraged by the construction of the Sooku Fishing Port, the Taihoku State Government also launched a migration scheme. Twenty fishing families from Kochi Prefecture were invited to work in Sooku. In the next year, nearly 100 fishing families from the Kochi, Oita, and Ehime Prefectures were invited to settle in Sooku. 22 By 1927, the number of Japanese fishers who lived and worked in Taiwan had increased to more than one thousand. 23 In fact, the number of Japanese migrants who came to Taiwan through these official schemes would probably be more than two or even three thousand, if the official numbers also included their family members. In addition, considerable numbers of fishers migrated to Taiwan outside the government s schemes. Due to the lack of relevant statistical data, we cannot pinpoint the number of those independent fishing migrants. Japanese fishers had introduced longlining techniques to Taiwan, and played a significant role in the development of Taiwan s offshore tuna fishery. 24 Some even remained in Taiwan and worked as fishing masters for Taiwanese distant-water fishing enterprises in the early post-war years. The business links between Taiwan and Japan s tuna fishing industries are still strong in the 21 st century. 25 Japanese longlinermen not only brought fishing techniques to Taiwan, but also established fishing companies in Taiwan. It was the first time in Taiwan s history that people in the fishing communities established companies to undertake commercial fishing. As mentioned before, the fishing territories had expanded within a few years more than a thousand miles from the coast of Taiwan to the waters of the South China Sea and the southern part of the Philippines. Conducting tuna longlining activities in remote waters required large and well-equipped fishing boats which ordinary fishers could not afford. Also, the most lucrative tuna season was only from October to March. 26 Those who wanted to work in this tuna fishery had to be financially strong enough to endure hardships during the rest of the year. Only a few people were capable of running this capital-intensive fishery. 27 In order to purchase tuna boats and operate in remote waters, fishers had to raise funds and establish fishing companies. Three types of fishing companies existed in pre-war Taiwan: 8

10 vessel. 29 The exploitation of tuna resources in the waters off Taiwan led directly to the rise of a) Companies which only owned a ship- in most cases, the vessel owner worked as a fishing master on his own ship. The company s finances were generally too fragile to cope with any challenge presented by poor fishing returns or a slump in tuna prices (in fact, it is inaccurate to call it a company). b) Companies which possessed many ships, in which the vessel owner owned a number of longliners. He stayed onshore and acted as an entrepreneur. c) Joint-ownership companies, in which several wealthy families from fishing communities raised funds to build and manage a longliner together. These three types of tuna fishing companies had developed into the mainstream of the Taiwanese fishing enterprises in post-war years. 28 In some cases, people from different ethnic backgrounds worked together in a company. Not every fishing master could conduct good fishing activities or run a successful tuna business on their own. Some suffered financial hardships and teetered on the edge of bankruptcy. In order to save their fishing enterprises, they were forced to seek financial support from wealthy businessmen. As new migrants lacking a strong business network in Taiwan, some Japanese vessel owners who struggled financially chose to sell their longliners to Taiwanese businessmen in exchange for an opportunity to work as a fishing master on the modern ancillary industries to fishing, including the ice-making industry, refrigeration industry, and tuna-canning industry. The Taiwan Ice-making Joint-stock Company (Taiwan Seihyo Kabushiki Kaisya), the first ice-maker in Taiwan, was established in 1901 to satisfy the demand for ice in Taipei City. The daily output of this pioneering ice-manufacturer was only 5 tons initially. The icemaking industry grew rapidly, partly because of the urbanisation of Taiwan, partly because of the growth of the tuna fishery. When the tuna fishing grounds were expanded from the coastal waters off Taiwan to parts of Southeast Asia within a few years after tuna fishery was introduced to Taiwan, the duration of fishing voyages became much longer than previously. In order to keep the tuna catch in good condition at sea, fishers had to store their tuna with ice cakes. The demand for ice for fishing purpose thus increased along with the rapid expansion of Taiwan s tuna fishing territories. Several ice-makers were set up in Taihoku and Takao State within a number of years. In 1933, there were 16 ice-makers in the Taihoku State with a daily output of tons. In the Takao State, there were 11 ice-makers which produced 180 tons of ice per day. 30 The Taihoku Refrigeration Company was set up in Taihoku in

11 This was the first refrigeration company in Taiwan. The capacity of its refrigeration storage was so limited that it could only accommodate 100 tons of frozen items. The main clients of refrigeration storage were butchers and fish dealers because they needed to preserve the unsold quantities of their meat or fish products. 31 Initially, the refrigeration storages could not stand on their own accord. Many of them were run by ice-makers. 32 This emerging industry played an extremely important role in the tuna trade between Taiwan and Japan, as tuna catches unloaded in Taiwan could be preserved at refrigeration storages before being exported to Japan. The development of the Taiwanese tuna fishery in the waters of Southeast Asia led directly to the development of the tuna-canning industry and other tuna processing industries. The fishing authorities and the people in the fishery-related industries had tried to establish fish canneries several times; however, their efforts were not successful. In the mid-1930s, the rapid development of Taiwan s tuna fishery in Southeast Asia and the growing demand for tuna cans in the international market boosted the fishing authorities confidence to develop the tuna canning industry once again. 33 The Taiwan Fishing Industry Co., Ltd. (Taiwan Suisan Kogyo Kabushiki Kaisya) was the first enterprise that successfully produced canned tuna. It was located in Takao State, and therefore enjoyed a geographical advantage in obtaining fresh tuna. Tuna harvested in the waters of Southeast Asia could be processed by the cannery soon after being unloaded at Takao Fishing Port. In the mid-1930s, the fishing authorities set up a laboratory in Takao to improve the quality of tuna cans, and increased efforts to explore overseas markets for Taiwan s canned tuna products in southern China and Southeast Asia. 34 Canned tuna in oil produced by the Taiwan Fishing Industry Company was exported to Germany and Italy. In 1940, 30,000 boxes of canned tuna in oil were exported to Europe. 35 Not every part of tuna could be used to produce canned tuna; approximately 10 per cent of tuna meat would be discarded in the production process. These inferior parts were used to produce canned tuna in tomato juice, and sold in Southeast Asian markets. A large quantity of minced tuna was also unintentionally produced in the production process. The tuna mince was canned and sold in Takao s local market. 36 In addition, tuna canneries in Takao also tried to produce canned tuna for the military. 37 In the beginning of the industry, tuna harvested by Taiwan s fishing vessels was sold and consumed exclusively in Taiwan Island. The price of tuna products in Taiwan was slightly cheaper than those in Japan. The situation began to change in 1918 when trade dealers in northern Taiwan started to export fish products to Japan. 38 At the outset, all the fish 10

12 products were exported to Japan through Kiryu Port. In 1924, the opening of the direct sea route between Takao and Yokohama enabled longlining companies to export their tuna products directly from Takao port. Tuna landed in northern Taiwan was exported to Moji, Shimonoseki, Kobe and Yokohama. Tuna harvested in Takao State was mainly sold to Yokohama. 39 Besides the direct sea routes between Taiwan and Japan, the ice making industry and the refrigeration industry in Taiwan also played a crucial role in the development of the tuna trade between Japan and Taiwan. As mentioned, ice supply enabled tuna longliners to conduct fishing activities in remote fishing grounds. Similarly, it also helped fish dealers keep their tuna fresh during the long journey from Kiryu or Takao to Japan. Usually, every two or four tuna were placed with ice in a big wood box before being loaded onboard a cargo ship. 40 The birth of the tuna trade between Taiwan and Japan had left a profound impact on the tuna longlining industry of post-war Taiwan. A solid business partnership between Taiwanese longliner owners and Japanese fish dealers had been forged in the pre-war period, and these business links still remain strong today. Pre-war fishing activities at sea did not tangibly affect tuna stocks in Southeast Asian waters, as overexploitation of tuna did not emerge as a problem in the pre-war years. However, the exploitation of tuna resources had a profound influence on the society and economy of pre-war Taiwan. The industrial tuna fishery was introduced to Taiwan; businessmen started to form fishing companies; modern fishing ancillary industries grew up; business links between Taiwanese vessel owners and Japanese fish dealers were established, and numerous Japanese fishers migrated to Taiwan. This pre-war influence continued into the post-war years. Joint-ownership fishing companies in post-war Taiwan are the best example of this. The tuna fishing territories were further expanded after the end of the Second World War, but the running expenses of a tuna longliner became prohibitive in post-war Taiwan. Those who were interested in running a tuna fishery usually adopted the pattern of jointownership, and raised funds and built longliners together. The ways they ran the business and shared the profit were exactly the same as pre-war styles. The experience in the colonial period also enabled people to work comfortably with those from different ethnic backgrounds. Fishing migrants were forced to return to Japan after the end of the Second World War. The vacuum that the Japanese fishers left was soon filled by new fishing migrants from different parts of Taiwan, or even from China. 11

13 THE GROWTH AND DECLINE OF OFFSHORE TUNA FISHERY IN POST-WAR TAIWAN The fishing authorities of post-war Taiwan also encouraged vessel owners to exploit tuna resources in the waters of Southeast Asia. The aim of this policy was to compensate for the loss of fishing grounds in the East China Sea, which shrank rapidly in the mid-1950s when the KMT regime withdrew its troops from the Zhoushan Islands, a small archipelago in the coastal waters off north-eastern Zhejiang Province, China. The South China Sea, Sulu Sea and Celebes Sea were all considered ideal fishing grounds for fishers to restart their tuna longline fishery in the post-war years. 41 Like the pre-war years, investigations into tuna resources were still being launched in the waters of Southeast Asia. Taiwan s fisheries experimental vessel, Haicing Hao, was frequently sent to the South China Sea for the investigation of marine resources in 1954, 1960, 1961 and From 1956 onwards, it was also tasked to investigate the tuna population in Southeast Asian waters, the Indian Ocean and the South Pacific Ocean. In the process of the investigation, rich tuna resources were discovered in the Banda Sea, and in the waters off Sumatra and northwestern Australia. 42 As we have seen, the centre of Taiwan s offshore tuna longlining fishery shifted from Taihoku (Taipei) to the Takao (Kaohsiung) State in the pre-war years. However, along with the development of the fishing industry in post-war Taiwan, the centre further shifted from Kaohsiung to Donggang (Toko). This is evident from a comparison of the annual volume of the tuna landed in each locality. Table 10 shows the volume of tuna catch unloaded by Kaohsiung and Donggang s offshore tuna longliners from , and therefore provides a clear picture of the development of the offshore tuna longline fishery in Southern Taiwan over five decades. In 1954, the volume of tuna catch unloaded at the Donggang Fishing Port was 2,459 tons. In the same year, Kaohsiung s offshore tuna longliners harvested 8,115 tons of tuna; the volume of Donggang s offshore tuna landing was approximately one-third of Kaohsiung s. 12

14 Map 2: the Kaohsiung (Takao) and Donggang (Toko) fishing ports in postwar Taiwan Kaohsiung had developed into a centre of distant water tuna longlining industry in the pre-war era, and its offshore tuna fishery still remained strong until the mid-1970s. Table 10 indicates that from 1954 to 1975, the volume of tuna harvested by Kaohsiung s offshore longliners grew at a steady pace. The development of Kaohsiung s offshore tuna fishery eventually reached a peak in 1975, when the volume was as much as 36,873 tons. However, from that year onwards, the annual tuna catch harvested by Kaohsiung s offshore longliners gradually declined. The volume of tuna yielded by Donggang s offshore longliners also robustly grew from the mid-1950s to the late-1970s. The volume of tuna harvested by Donggang s offshore longliners exceeded that of their counterpart in Kaohsiung respectively in 1962, 1973 and The year 1977 was a milestone in the history of Donggang s offshore tuna fishery; the offshore tuna landing in Kaohsiung would never be able to compete with Donggang s tuna catch again after that year. Donggang Fishing Port officially replaced Kaohsiung, and became the centre of Taiwan s offshore tuna longlining fishery. In 1979, the development of Donggang s offshore tuna fishery culminated in a peak catch of 32,592 tons. After that year, the volume of its tuna catch gradually dropped as well. 13

15 The volumes of Kaohsiung and Donggang s tuna catch (offshore fishery) both dwindled over the next two decades. Table 10 shows that in Donggang s case, the volume of tuna yielded by offshore tuna longliners decreased gradually. However, for some reason, the volume of Kaohsiung s tuna landing abruptly slumped respectively in 1994 and In 1994, its offshore tuna landing suddenly fell from 2237 to 505 tons. In 2001, it plummeted to 42 tons. In 2005, the annual volume of Kaohsiung s offshore tuna catch was merely 26 tons. It is safe to say that Kaohsiung s offshore tuna fishery in Southeast Asia is now moribund. The rapid development of Taiwan s offshore tuna longline fishery had led to a massive decrease in tuna stock in the waters of Southeast Asia and the South-western Pacific Ocean. I use a 30-ton offshore tuna longliner that operated in the waters of the Philippines as an example. Before 1950, the hold could be easily filled to the brim with fish and it would return to Taiwan in three weeks. In 1964, it took on average more than two months to fill the hold with fish. Taiwanese longlinermen therefore had to spend more time at sea than before. 43 In order to fish more efficiently, Taiwanese vessel owners always equipped state-ofthe-art fishing equipment onboard their longliners. 44 However, the volume of tuna catch yielded by Kaohsiung and Donggang s offshore tuna longliners continued to shrink year after year. This clearly indicates that the improvement of fishing equipment did not necessarily increase the volume of the tuna caught. Instead, it actually worsened the depletion of tuna resource in the waters of Southeast Asia. I used Donggang, the centre of Taiwan s offshore tuna fishing industry, as an example. In 1985, every vessel ton of Donggang s offshore tuna longliner yielded approximately 0.7 tons in the waters of Southeast Asia. Twenty years later, in 2005, annual catch per vessel ton harvested was less than 0.3 ton (See Table 11). Clearly, the intensive fishing of Taiwan s offshore tuna longliners has led to the depletion of tuna resources in the waters of Southeast Asia. THE IMPROVEMENT OF TAIWAN S ONBOARD FISHING EQUIPMENT AND ITS IMPACT ON THE TUNA FISHERY IN POST-WAR SOUTHEAST ASIA The overexploitation of tuna presented a substantial challenge to longlinermen in the postwar years. In order to fish more efficiently, Taiwanese fishers regularly updated their onboard fishing facilities soon after the newest equipment appeared on the market. They achieved better fishing results in the short term. However, from a long-term point of view, their up-todate fishing devices only accelerated the trend towards the overexploitation of tuna in Southeast Asian waters. In the early post-war years, most offshore tuna longliners were installed with semidiesel engines. There were many drawbacks with this old model of marine engine; they were 14

16 heavy and highly fuel inefficient. A substantial sum of money was always spent in the purchase of the vessel s fuel, which was a heavy financial burden to vessel owners or fishing companies in the long term. Moreover, semi-diesel engines were also large in size and occupied considerable space on board the vessel. As a result, the space for the fish hold and sleeping berths had to be heavily compressed, which not only brought about inconveniences to the daily lives of longlinermen in their long voyages, but also reduced the capacity to store fish onboard. In addition, the engine operation always caused severe hull vibrations, which shortened the ship s operating life. To install a diesel engine was very expensive. In order to encourage vessel owners to use diesel engines, the government provided them with loans for this purpose. 45 To re-establish the business connections between the Japanese fish dealers and the offshore fishers of Taiwan, especially those in Donggang, the government encouraged the export of tuna from southern Taiwan in the mid-1970s. However, selling tuna products to the Japanese market was not as simple as the Taiwanese offshore fishers had expected, because the quality of the tuna meat required for Japan s sashimi market was extremely high. The meat had to be completely fresh, and its skin had to be free of scrape marks. Some longliners had installed traditional semi-diesel engines which produced constant vibrations during the voyage, which left fish bruised and with scrape marks on their skin. Less than one-tenth of the catch met the strict quality requirements of Japan s sashimi market. With a view to solving this problem, offshore longliner owners started to install diesel engines. 46 This new model of marine engine effectively reduced noise and vibrations, so damage to the fish was kept to a minimum on long voyages. The small size of these new engines also helped vessel owners minimise fuel expenses and opened considerable onboard space for fish holds. Thus, offshore longliners could harvest tuna more efficiently than before. 47 When the tuna longlining fishery was introduced to Taiwan at the beginning of the 20 th century, the longlines that fishers used were made from bark thread. 48 People in the fishing communities had to buy bark at the local shop, and manufacture longlines on vacant lots in their village. The process was complicated and time-consuming, because the strings broke frequently. 49 Usually, women in the fishing communities took charge of this task, because it did not require too much physical strength. 50 Longlines made from bark thread were thick, and easily scared off the tuna; therefore, the fishing returns were not satisfactory. Bark thread longlines were gradually replaced by factory-made cotton longlines in the early post-war years. In the 1950s, cotton-made longlines were sold in every fishing tackle store. They were comparatively thinner than bark thread longlines, which helped fishers harvest 15

17 tuna more efficiently. Furthermore, the prices were low and affordable. Women in the fishing communities no longer needed to make bark thread longlines. 51 Both bark thread and cotton yarn easily rotted and became frayed in water. In order to lengthen the usage life of longlines, before mid-1950, people in fishing communities had to clean the longlines and provide a protective coating at least once a week. The maintenance of longlines was time-consuming and laborious. 52 Some longlines were protected with mineral pitch. Longlines treated with mineral pitch could effectively prevent both the cotton yarn and bark string from being eroded by sea water. 53 However, both bark longlines and cotton longlines became thick after being treated with mineral pitch. Old offshore longlinermen said in interviews that the tuna were always frightened away by fat longlines, especially in rough seas. In order to avoid this problem, fishers started to use nylon yarn as a substitute for cotton longlines. By the 1960s, nylon yarn was used throughout the fishing industry. 54 The introduction of nylon longlines had a substantial impact on Taiwan s offshore tuna industry. For a start, people in the fishing communities no longer needed to spend so much time on the maintenance of longlines. To some extent, the use of this new product changed the traditional outlook and employment opportunities for workers of the offshore fishing communities of Taiwan. Furthermore, nylon longlines are pliable but extremely strong. The length of current nylon longlines is several times longer than that of the older cotton longlines, which enables fishers to harvest tuna much more efficiently than before. However, it also inevitably worsens the problem of overexploitation of tuna resources in the waters of Southeast Asia. From 1967 onwards, an increasing number of offshore tuna longliners in Taiwan were equipped with auto fishing reels, which enabled onboard longlinermen to fish more efficiently during fishing voyages, and also helped longliner owners reduce labour costs, as they did not need to hire as many workers as before. 55 Along with the development of Taiwan s offshore tuna industry, fishing territories were gradually extended to waters thousands of miles away from the homeports. To fix the vessel s location at sea and to reach remote destinations, fishers could no longer simply rely on past fishing experiences. Instead, they had to use some onboard equipment. In the early post-war years, besides the compass, small-sized tuna longliners were equipped with radio; experienced fishers could fix the vessel s location at sea by judging the direction of radio sound waves sent from onshore stations in Kaohsiung and Donggang. 56 Sextants were also commonly used in offshore tuna longliners heavier than 20 tons. Those who knew how to use sextants would not easily impart their skills to other fishers, because in the early years, sextant users had a higher chance of being hired as fishing masters. In order to cultivate this 16

18 skill, the fishing authorities held seminars at port areas for offshore fishers. 57 Nowadays, most of Taiwan s longliners are equipped with the Global Positioning System (GPS) and satellite phones. Telecommunication across oceans and continents no longer presents a problem. 58 Fish finders had been commonly used by offshore tuna longliners heavier than 10 tons since the mid-1970s. This revolutionary device enabled fishers to gauge water depth and mark the exact location of tuna shoals in the fishing grounds. 59 Tuna resources in the waters of Southeast Asia gradually thinned out. In order to harvest tuna resources more efficiently, Taiwanese longliner owners made every effort to improve their onboard fishing equipment. The use of diesel engines saved considerable onboard space for fish-holds and lengthened the duration of fishing activities. The use of nylon yarn enabled longline manufacturers to substantially lengthen the longlines. The introduction of GPS allowed fishers to explore tuna resources in more remote oceans, and fish finders helped fishers to mark the exact locations of tuna shoals. Their state-of-the-art fishing equipment enabled them to have better fishing returns. However, from a long-term point of view, their efforts to increase fishing efficiency only worsened the problem of the depletion of tuna resources in the waters of Southeast Asia. The depletion of tuna populations and the improvement of fishing equipment interacted as both cause and effect. THE DEPLETION OF TUNA RESOURCES IN THE SOUTHEAST ASIAN WATERS AND THE DEVELOPMENT OF TAIWAN S GLOBAL-SCALE FISHERIES To prevent problems caused by overfishing in the traditional fishing grounds close to the island, the fishing authorities of Taiwan started to encourage vessel owners to explore new fishing grounds in more remote oceans in the late 1960s. The depletion of tuna populations in Southeast Asian waters was therefore one immediate cause for the growth of Taiwan s global-scale fisheries. In 1950, Taiwanese offshore tuna longliners only fished in the Bashi Strait, South China Sea, and Sulu Sea. In 1954, Taiwanese longlinermen started to fish in the Banda Sea and Flores Sea. During the period from 1958 to 1960, some Taiwanese longliners also tried to conduct fishing activities in the waters off Sumatra and Java and in the Bay of Bengal in the eastern part of the Indian Ocean. 60 In 1953, when an American company, the Van Camp Sea Food Company, established a modern tuna canning factory in American Samoa, tuna longliner fleets from Taiwan, Japan and Korea were invited to fish there. 61 Eleven Taiwanese longliners from the Kaohsiung Fishing Port substantially fished in Samoan waters as pioneers, completing an unprecedented expedition in 1964, 62 which is a milestone in the 17

19 history of Taiwan s fisheries development; it was the first time that Taiwan s civilian fishing companies had undertaken such a long voyage and fished in the heart of the southwestern Pacific Ocean. 63 The success of their fishing venture encouraged many Kaohsiung longliner owners to exploit tuna resources in the waters of remote oceans. 64 Generally speaking, largesized longliners fished in the waters of the Indian Ocean. However, for safety reasons, smaller longliners preferred to fish off Samoa. They could travel along the coastlines of the Philippine archipelago before moving to the Indonesian archipelago and then the Solomon Islands. 65 Taiwan s distant water fishing industry had gained a major head start over all other Asian fishing nations apart from Japan. 66 In 1968, the fishing authorities in Taiwan implemented a new 5-Year Programme for the Acceleration of Taiwan Fisheries Development ( , Jiasu Fajhan Taiwan Yuye Wunian Jihua). 67 Due to this new programme, a tremendous amount of loans from the Asia Development Bank and the World Bank were allocated to Taiwanese fishing companies to build new distant water vessels. As a result, the fishing grounds of the Taiwanese fishers were continuously extended across Southeast Asia and beyond. 68 By 1968, the aggregate tonnage of Taiwan s distant water tuna longliners had reached 85,300 tons. By the end of 1972, the number of the Taiwanese tuna longliners operating in the waters of the Southern Pacific Ocean was as high as 238. Those that fished in the waters of the Atlantic Ocean totalled The Taiwanese tuna longlining fishing industry had emerged as a global scale fishery in the 1970s, harvesting tuna in the Pacific, Indian and the Atlantic Oceans. In 1974, the annual volume of Taiwan s distant water tuna landing was behind only Japan and the United States; Taiwan had become a major international tuna fishing power. 70 In the early years of post-war Taiwan, most civilian tuna longliners from Kaohsiung and Donggang had to return and unload their tuna catch at homeports after their fishing activities in the waters of Southeast Asia. From start to finish, the fishing voyage took two to three months. Some Taiwanese fishers called this old-style operation dangpanghai. 71 However, along with the rapid expansion of Taiwan s longline fishing territories, the problem of logistical support caused by the geographical distance between Kaohsiung and fishing grounds in the southern hemisphere presented a substantial challenge to Taiwan s fishing enterprises. Vessel owners removed this obstacle by cooperating with foreign fishery agencies on the condition that the entire catch must be sold to them at negotiated prices. Cooperation with American and Japanese fish dealers greatly benefited Taiwanese distant water fishing companies because they were now assured of continuous financial aid and the port services which fish dealers provided at their overseas supply bases. 72 By 1971, 53 18

20 overseas supply bases for Taiwanese longliner fleets had been systematically established in the Pacific, Indian and Atlantic Oceans, as well as the Mediterranean Sea. 73 The major supply ports in the Pacific Ocean included American Samoa, Fiji, Tahiti and Santo. In the Indian Ocean Taiwanese longliners used Singapore, Penang (Malaysia), Port Louis (Mauritius), Tamatave and Diego Suarez (Madagascar), and Durban (South Africa). At the rim of the Atlantic Ocean, Taiwanese longliners used Santa Cruz and Las Palmas (Spain), Abidjan (Côte d'ivoire), Cape Town (South Africa), Monrovia (Liberia), Dakar (Senegal), Buenos Aires (Argentina), Sint Maarten, São Vicente (Republic of Cape Verde), Tema (Ghana), Walvis Bay (Namibia), and Recife (Brazil). 74 WHO IS FISHING IN THE WATERS OF SOUTHEAST ASIA TODAY? As mentioned, the gradual depletion of tuna resources in the waters of Southeast Asia drove Taiwanese tuna longliner fleets to harvest tuna in more remote oceans. Did it mean that the traditional fishing grounds were abandoned by Taiwanese fishers? Some Taiwanese longlinermen continue to work in the waters of Southeast Asia. In the wake of the development of Taiwan s tuna longline fishery, those who had been fishing in Southeast Asian waters now expanded their operations further into the Indian, South Pacific and Atlantic Oceans, and those who had been fishing in the coastal waters off Taiwan Bashi also began to operate in the Banda Sea or Celebes Sea. 75 In other words, those longliner owners whose vessels used to fish in the waters of Southeast Asia now undertake fishing activities in more remote oceans, with the vacuum in Southeast Asia filled by Taiwanese coastal fishers, especially those from Donggang. In Kaohsiung, as the centre of Taiwan s fishing industry, distant water tuna longliners have fished in remote oceans like the Indian, Pacific and Atlantic Oceans. Encouraged by the success of distant water longliners, Kaohsiung s offshore tuna longliners left the waters of Southeast Asia earlier than their counterparts in Donggang Fishing Port. Presently, Kaohsiung s tuna longliner owners have totally given up their traditional fishing territories in the waters of Southeast Asia, to concentrate on the exploitation of tuna resources in other oceans. However, some of Donggang s tuna longlinermen still remain in the waters of Southeast Asia. This view is strongly supported by the fact that the annual volume of Kaohsiung s offshore tuna landing in 2005 has dropped to 26 tons, but in the same year, Donggang s offshore longliners still harvested 7,168 tons of tuna (See Table 10). The thinning of tuna populations in nearby fishing territories has forced Donggang s longlinermen to harvest tuna resources in more remote waters. Table 14 indicates that when 19

21 the volume of Donggang s offshore tuna landing was shrinking, the volume of tuna catch landed at the Donggang Fishing Port by Donggang s distant water vessels was increasing at a steady pace. In 1999, the tuna catch harvested by Donggang s distant water longliners exceeded that of the offshore longliners. This year was the milestone in the development of Donggang tuna fishery, when Donggang was no longer just an offshore fishing port. There is a final point to highlight. Donggang s longlinermen left their traditional fishing grounds in the waters of Southeast Asia much later than their counterparts in Kaohsiung Fishing Port, partly because traditionally Kaohsiung was the centre of Taiwan s distant water fisheries, so that its fishers felt confident in undertaking long voyages and conducting fishing activities in remote oceans, and partly because fishers in Donggang were much more conservative. They preferred to build small-sized offshore longliners, and fish in nearby waters. When they were forced to harvest tuna in more remote seas by the emerging problem of overexploitation, they still chose to fish in the waters of the southwest Pacific Ocean or the eastern part of the Indian Ocean, which, comparatively speaking, are not very far away from their traditional fishing territories in Southeast Asia. Only a select few in Donggang s fishing community will follow the Kaohsiung fishermen s example and explore new fishing territories in the waters of the Atlantic Ocean or the Mediterranean Sea. Many longliner owners at Donggang Fishing Port stated in interviews that they preferred to fish in fishing grounds abandoned by their counterparts in Kaohsiung. The biggest benefit of this conservative attitude is that they do not need to take risks of poor catches resulting from unfamiliarity with new fishing territories. 76 CONCLUSION The exploitation of tuna resources in the waters of Southeast Asia had a significant influence on the economy activities and society of pre-war Taiwan. Numerous fishing migrants from Japan and other parts of Taiwan arrived at the major fishing ports of the island where they established fishing companies and the industrial tuna longline fishery. Modern fishing ancillary industries emerged alongside the development of tuna fishery, such as ice-makers, refrigeration storages and tuna canneries. The work of the fishing migrants and the rise of the tuna ancillary industries enriched the cultural, social and economic life of Taiwan s fishing communities, while the birth of the tuna trade between Taiwan and Japan laid a solid foundation for fisheries cooperation between the two nations in the postwar years. The depletion of tuna resources in Southeast Asian waters in the 1970s posed a major threat to the sustainability of Taiwan s offshore tuna fishery. To cope with this problem, 20