FAR FROM WHERE? Tools and data for mapping the distribution and stratification of the geographical origins of the population of Torino

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1 SISTAN SISTEMA STATISTICO NAZIONALE Città di Torino Divisione Servizi Civici Ufficio di statistica I quaderni dell Osservatorio Socioeconomico Torinese n. gennaio 00 FAR FROM WHERE? Tools and data for mapping the distribution and stratification of the geographical origins of the population of Torino

2 Sindaco di Torino Sergio CHIAMPARINO Assessore alla statistica Gavino OLMEO Direttore Divisione Funzioni istituzionali Giuliano NOZZOLI Direttore Servizi civici Enzo BRAIDA Dirigente del Settore statistica ed Emergenze metropolitane Francesca TOMASSETTI Data processing and statistics inventories Massimo OMEDE Patrizia PASETTI Maura POCHETTINO Maria PROCOPIO Realisation and Editorial Staff Massimo OMEDE Maria PROCOPIO I quaderni dell Osservatorio Socioeconomico Torinese n. gennaio 00 Città di Torino Ufficio di Statistica Osservatorio Socioeconomico Torinese Via Frejus 039 Torino Tel. 0/ Fax 0/ pubblicazioni@comune.torino.it Use of data and texts are allowed provided i that authors and sources are clearly mentioned Cover: graphical elaboration by Massimo Omedè

3 We can interpret and reconstruct the history of a city through documents, firsthand reports, its urban layout, monuments and buildings. Another method consists of analysing the demographic stratifications of its population. Torino has always been a destination city for migratory flows. When the dukes of Savoy moved their dynasty s capital to Torino in the second half of the th century, the provincial nobility, the ducal entourage of officials, soldiers who enlisted with the army and thousands of people who lived in the shadow (or at the expense) of the absolutist court all came with them. This situation continued until the 9th century, during which the Savoy capital became the centre of the Risorgimento movement and then, in 8, the capital of the new united nation. With this status came the reorganisation and expansion of the political and administrative system of the newly established Kingdom of Italy. Torino was only the capital of Italy for a brief period. The people of Torino were angered when the capital was transferred, but they soon found a way of moving on from this period of stagnation, creating a new role for their city: that of leading the modernisation and transformation of the country s financial and manufacturing systems. Thus within a few decades Torino became the driving force of a period of industrialisation, a process that required a huge workforce. This resource was available in abundance in Piedmont s rural areas. The peasants and inhabitants of the valleys were no longer forced to emigrate to France or Argentina (obligatory destinations for those seeking their fortune prior to industrialisation) and began to pour into the city s suburbs, gradually changing the appearance and fabric of the urban environment. The area around Torino, once crossed by footpaths and small canals and dotted with farmhouses and holiday retreats for the Savoy nobles, underwent a profound transformation. Fields and meadows quickly made way for new districts, factories, areas dedicated to urban social relations. In the Middle Ages there was a saying, City air brings freedom. It referred to the huge gap separating the serfs from the economic and social freedom offered by urban centres. However, the early years of industrialisation were also characterised by profound social tensions, as people began to find out that work in the factories was not always synonymous with freedom and social advancement. As industry recovered after the First World War, workers began to flock to Torino from other parts of Italy, especially from Veneto and other regions in the northeast. The Second World War was followed by another even greater period of economic recovery during which the city beckoned to hundreds of thousands of immigrants, mainly from the south of Italy, a region that was still paying the social price of underdevelopment that was also, if not mainly due to the shortsightedness of politicians across the board. With the advent of mass motorisation, Torino already equipped to accommodate a Fordist production model became the capital of the Italian automobile industry. The economic miracle lasted until the early 970s when, with over. million inhabitants, Torino reached its maximum population. Over the last thirty years economic crises and recessions, and demographic trends characterised by zero growth and the gradual ageing of the population a situation common to all Western societies have reduced Torino s population by some 30,000 people, the equivalent of a small city like Venice or Bari. In the last fifteen to twenty years another phenomenon has become apparent: the globalisation of population flows. Huge numbers of migrants are leaving their countries of origin (due to famine, war or political unrest, or simply to seek new prospects and a brighter future, just like our fathers and grandfathers) attracted by what are often just pipedreams of the Western model, a society based on consumerism and waste. In little more than a century Torino s contemporary history has been characterised by the arrival of different groups of people from different origins, who have settled in the city. The purpose of this study is to investigate the pattern of these flows over the years and see whether, among the folds of the presentday population, it is still possible to interpret this incredible mosaic of origins that has made Torino a complex, multiple and happily hybrid city. Gavino Olmeo Torino City Councillor responsible for statistics 3

4 SouthWest quarters of Torino in a old map of XIX century (up ) and in a recent air photograph (right ) 4

5 Part one TORINO: A CITY OF IMMIGRATION. MIGRATORY FLOWS TOWARDS TORINO FROM THE END OF THE 9TH CENTURY UP TO THE PRESENT DAY No hay caminos, hay que caminar inscribed on the wall of a cloister in Toledo, 3th century

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7 . Introduction: foreign migration, domestic migration and international migration in the 9th and 0th centuries Italy s industrial development in the 9th and 0th centuries progressed very slowly but was also characterised by mobility on a scale that produced profound changes to the country s demographic structure. As Italy lagged behind other countries in modernising its economic and productive systems, more than million Italians were forced to emigrate during the last quarter of the 9th century and the first few decades of the next, mainly to the Americas. Initially emigration was a phenomenon that mainly involved the north of Italy. The first people to leave Piedmont mostly headed for France, but then more and more started to move to America. As the United States imposed stricter immigration rules, however, they were more or less obliged to opt for South America. There are still numerous communities of Piedmontese origin that have made a profound mark on the culture, society and especially on the economy of countries in this part of the world, such as Argentina, Brazil, Venezuela and Uruguay. The peak in emigration from regions in the south of Italy came somewhat later, between the beginning of the 0th century and the outbreak of the First World War: in these fifteen years it is estimated that some 3 million Italians emigrated to the United States. In both cases people were following the American dream, of a country seen to offer boundless possibilities, the new frontier of economic and social advancement, a place to escape to from an Italy that was still extremely rural and where the peasant population suffered the pains of widespread poverty and fatigue, forced into silent acceptance of a system based on the excessive application of taxes and duties but also witnesses to the first social and political tensions. It is important to remember that during this period of mass emigration abroad large numbers of people also began to leave the countryside, the Alpine valleys and rural areas and move to the big cities where most of the new industries were located. Even though the process of industrialisation was still in its early stages, it was well on the way towards expansion. This was a period of rapid depopulation of entire rural and mountain areas in Piedmont and of further development of the industrial outskirts of Torino and to a lesser extent the other provincial capitals of Piedmont. The first Fiat factory was inaugurated in 900 (a year after the company was founded). It introduced the Fordist model that was to characterise Torino s socioeconomic system for the whole century. Thus Torino, along with Milan and Genoa, formed one of the country s major industrial hubs, with the consequence that more and more people moved to the city. For almost the whole of the 0th century Torino s industrial development was characterised by a huge unbalance between the continuously growing urban conglomeration and the rural and mountain regions that were losing their inhabitants. With urbanisation came rapid changes to the city: within just a few decades whole new neighbourhoods sprung up next to the 9th century tollgates ( barriere ), giving rise to the development of a densely populated and highly workingclass suburban area. If we examine the trends in Torino s population from the mid9th to the mid0th centuries, the scale of urbanisation is staggering. Although other events in Torino s history had attracted large numbers of people to the city, from the time of the Risorgimento until 8 and then afterwards when it became the first capital of a united Italy, the new manufacturing industries surpassed them by far. In just one century Torino s population increased by more than six times, from 0,000 inhabitants prior to unification, to 73,000 in 90. The First World War brought this constant and relentless growth of the city s population to a halt, although it was the terrible Spanish flu pandemic of 98 that left a permanent mark on longitudinal population trends. The Second World War, especially between 94 and 94, also slowed the rate at which the city s population was growing (Graph.). 7

8 Graph.. The population of Torino between 80 and The first half of the 0th century: urban expansion and the exodus from the rural areas of Piedmont and Veneto Since the time of Giolitti, when the capital of Italy was transferred from Torino, the city set about creating a new identity as the drivingforce of industrialisation in Italy. Whereas on the one hand Torino witnessed a period of demographic stagnation for about twenty years after the capital was transferred, first to Florence and then to Rome (Graph.), on the other a severe agricultural crisis forced many peasants to move to the city to find work as labourers in the increasingly large numbers of workshops that formed a tight network of small businesses, some of which would eventually develop into fullyfledged industrial giants. Emanuele Luserna di Rorà, who was mayor of Torino at the time the city lost its capital city status, had no doubts: no longer the political centre of the new nation, Torino must concentrate of building a new identity as a model of industrial development, to become the Manchester of Italy. An extraordinary amount of effort was put into boosting growth and an equally huge number of human resources were required to achieve this industrial miracle. In the early part of the century Torino s industries complained of a shortage of labour, stating their need for far more workers than were available on the market. Eventually a number of laws were introduced that restricted and attempted to reduce the possibility of expatriation and thus of emigration. It was for this reason that the balance of migration was always positive. Unfortunately no uniform and continuous statistical records containing information about the places of origin of the people who moved to Torino are available for the whole of the first half of the 0th century. We can, however, make estimates by crossing the few flow data that can still be found in the city s statistical records against data available regarding the people who of all those who took up residence in the city at that time are still alive and registered with the city registry office. 8

9 Graph. Migration to/from Torino between 900 and Emigrati Immigrati Once the basic validity at the level of the sample used to obtain this crossed combination has been verified, it gives us a fairly accurate picture of the geographical distribution of the origins of those who moved to Torino in the first half of the last century. Graph. Residents in Torino in 00 who migrated to Torino between 900 and 949 according to area of origin (weighted percentage with reconstructed immigration flows for the period) Italia meridionale 0% Italia insulare 4% Estero 4% Provincia di Torino % Italia centrale 4% (*) compresi i profughi istriani Italia nord orientale 7% (*) Italia nord occidentale 7% Resto del Piemonte 3% Graph. illustrates this distribution, with the information available to us today adjusted on the basis of that of the time which is fragmentary, diverse and variously grouped that can still be found. 9

10 Over half of those who came to Torino travelled a relatively short distance: one quarter came from the province of Torino. They, plus the immigrants from the rest of Piedmont, made up per cent of the migratory movements within the region. Another important migratory flow consisted of immigrants from the northeast of Italy (Veneto, Trentino, Friuli, Istria and Emilia Romagna). If we examine these origins in greater detail we find that the provinces of Piedmont from which the largest numbers of people moved to come to Torino in the first half of the 0th century were those of Cuneo and Asti. These two provinces alone provided more than two thirds of the immigrants to Torino during that period (Graph.3). A far smaller proportion came from Alessandria, and even fewer from Vercelli and Novara, towns and provinces that traditionally gravitate around other centres mainly Milan. Graph.3 Residents in Torino who migrated to Torino from other Piedmontese provinces between 900 and 949 Novara % Vercelli 0% Alessandria % Cuneo 37% Asti 33% Regrettably, given the incompleteness of the statistical records relating to this period it is impossible to use suitable weightings to calibrate the data better. In this and other cases we can only photograph the presentday situation to which we can merely assign a clearly reduced and as it were sample value. As regards immigrants from all the Piedmontese provinces, the largest numbers came from the provincial capitals: 7 per cent of the immigrants who moved to Torino in the first decades of the 0th century from the province of Cuneo came directly from the city of Cuneo itself, 3 per cent of those from the province of Asti came from the city of Asti and 4 per cent arriving from the province of Alessandria came from the provincial capital. Table. Residents in Torino who migrated to the city between 900 and 949 from the provincial capitals of Piedmont: percentages according to origin and place of birth Provincia di provenienza % di provenienti dal capoluogo % di nati nel capoluogo Cuneo 7, 3,3 Asti 3,3 0, Alessandria 4,3 9,9 Vercelli 4, 7,7 Novara,0 7,0 0

11 This also suggests that in many cases there is an intermediate move between that from the country to the big city, in which people moved to the provincial capitals, as shown in Table.: of the many immigrants arriving from other provincial capitals in Piedmont, only a portion of these originally came from those cities. Less than half in the case of Cuneo and only slightly more in that of Vercelli. 3. The second half of the 0th century: the great internal migratory flows between the 90s and 970s a After the Second World War and in the immediate PostWar period, a time dedicated to the country s material and social reconstruction, it also becomes easier to reconstruct the situation and changes in the city s sociodemographic makeup using the statistics of the time. Once again Torino turned out to be a drivingforce of the country s economic and industrial rebirth and as such it gradually became a magnet for workers, especially from the poorest parts of southern Italy and the Italian islands, who easily found work in the big factories and the network of industries supplying these, and also in the building industry and other related fields, that enjoyed an inevitable period of growth in the 90s. Table 3. Immigrants to Torino between 90 and 99 according to place of origin Provenienza Piemonte Valle d Aosta Liguria Lombardia Veneto Trentino Alto Adige FriuliVenezia Giulia Emilia Romagna Toscana Marche Umbria Lazio Abruzzo e Molise Campania Puglia Basilicata Calabria Sicilia Sardegna Totale Italia Estero Ignota Totale generale

12 Graph 3. Immigrants to Torino from the rest of Italy between 90 and 99 (excluding immigrants from Piedmont) Graph 3. Immigrants to Torino from the rest of Italy between 90 and 99 according to region of origin (excluding immigrants from Piedmont) Liguria Lombardia Veneto Trentino A.Adige FriuliVen.Giulia Emilia Romagna Toscana Marche Umbria Lazio Abruzzo e Molise Campania Puglia Basilicata Calabria Sicilia Sardegna During the 90s, excluding those who migrated to Torino directly from the rest of Piedmont (whose numbers gradually fell during the course of the decade, from 49 per cent in the early 90s, to 40 per cent at the end of the decade), the number of immigrants from the other regions of Italy grew considerably. The phenomenon exploded in 93: one should remember that in 9 work started on designing the new Fiat 00, and production commenced in 93. The beginning of mass motorisation in Italy under Vittorio Valletta, president of Fiat marked the end of the Post

13 War period and heralded a new industrial opportunity for Torino. Over 3 million of these utility cars designed by Dante Giacosa were sold in the next ten years. However, what was soon to be defined a fullyfledged economic miracle needed large numbers of human resources, that could only be found by encouraging an exodus from other regions. The agricultural areas of the south, still based on the use of obsolete farming methods, became an extraordinary source of manpower. Thus the flows of immigrants from southern Italy joined those from Veneto, who continued to move to Piedmont and Torino throughout the 90s. The largest number of immigrants to Torino in the 90s came from Apulia, which alone accounted for 0 per cent of Torino s immigrants (excluding those from Piedmont). In 9 immigrants from Apulia outnumbered those from Veneto, who were now starting to arrive in smaller numbers. These regions were followed at a distance by Sicily ( per cent of immigrants) and then, with an even smaller proportion, Calabria and Lombardy (7 per cent). This trend in terms of the origins of Torino s immigrants was confirmed over the next decade. In the 90s almost 90,000 immigrants arrived in Torino from Apulia, accounting for per cent of all arrivals, followed by more than 70,000 from Sicily, 3,000 from Calabria and 30,000 from Campania. Migratory flows oscillated in the decade between 90 and 99. The number of arrivals peaked in 9: 84,000, more than 0,000 of whom came from other regions of Italy. One should also bear in mind that the figure for 9 may in part be related to a regularisation process in connection with the general census of the population that was taken that year, which certainly caused substantial adjustments as compared to the previous situation. Table 3. Immigrants to Torino between 90 and 99 according to place of origin Provenienza Piemonte Valle d Aosta Liguria Lombardia Veneto Trentino Alto Adige FriuliVenezia Giulia Emilia Romagna Toscana Marche Umbria Lazio Abruzzo e Molise Campania Puglia Basilicata Calabria Sicilia Sardegna Totale Italia Estero Ignota Totale generale

14 Graph 3.3 Immigrants to Torino from the rest of Italy between 90 and 99 (excluding immigrants from Piedmont) Graph 3.4 Immigrants to Torino from the rest of Italy between 90 and 99 according to region of origin (excluding immigrants from Piedmont) Liguria Lombardia Veneto Trentino A.Adige FriuliVen.Giulia Emilia Romagna Toscana Marche Umbria Lazio Abruzzo e Molise Campania Puglia Basilicata Calabria Sicilia Sardegna After 9 there was a fall in the number of arrivals, at least until the middle of the decade. This was followed in the second half of the decade by another rather marked increase that was to continue into the 970s. The 970s marked the end of the economic boom and a slowdown in immigration. Although there were in fact fewer immigrants in the 970s compared to the two previous decades, they 4

15 continued to arrive in large numbers: more than 30,000 new arrivals. The immigrants arriving in Torino in the 970s came to a city that was entering a period of crisis. A crisis characterised by a decrease in the population (in 974 the population peaked at,0,84, after which it began to fall until, in the 980s, it decreased by 0,000 each year), economic recession (the energy shortage, for instance, mainly due to the ArabIsraeli conflict, which led to the introduction of austerity measures that were to have profound effects on the social and industrial fabric), a gradual deterioration of social conflicts, that would eventually lead to the years of terrorism that plunged Torino into a period of violence and social insecurity. Table 3.3 Immigrants to Torino between 970 and 979 according to origin Provenienza Piemonte Valle d Aosta Liguria Lombardia Veneto Trentino Alto Adige FriuliVenezia Giulia Emilia Romagna Toscana Marche Umbria Lazio Abruzzo e Molise Campania Puglia Basilicata Calabria Sicilia Sardegna Totale Italia Estero Ignota Totale generale As for previous decades, Table 3.3 outlines the annual flow of immigrants to Torino in the 970s: between 970 and 979 the number of immigrants fell by half. The number of Sicilians resident in Torino exceeded (though by little) the number of those from Apulia, while the percentage of immigrants from Calabria and Campania increased. Family reunification probably accounts for a large proportion of these figures: having achieved a certain standard of economic and social stability, during this period many immigrants continued to encourage their families and relatives to joint them. Another interesting fact regarding this decade is the increase in the percentage of immigrants from Piedmont, which should in actual fact be interpreted as an increase in migration between Torino and its hinterland, which was by now organically linked to the city both physically as well as socially and economically.

16 Graph 3. Immigrants to Torino from the rest of Italy between 970 and 979 (excluding immigrants from Piedmont) Graph 3. Immigrants to Torino from the rest of Italy between 90 and 979 according to region of origin (excluding immigrants from Piedmont) Liguria Lombardia Veneto Trentino A.Adige FriuliVen.Giulia Emilia Romagna Toscana Marche Umbria Lazio Abruzzo e Molise Campania Puglia Basilicata Calabria Sicilia Sardegna Between 90 and 979, i.e. during the period of mass domestic migration prompted and accelerated by the PostWar boom and the economic miracle brought about by the industrialisation process, the city registry offices handled over.3 million immigration files. In the same period 900,000 people emigrated from the city, and almost half of these emigrated from 970 onwards.

17 Graph 3.7 Migration to and from Torino between the 90s and 970s Immigrati Emigrati Graph 3.8 summarises the distribution of the origins of the people who migrated to Torino during this thirtyyear period that was such a crucial time in the city s modern history. It also illustrates the dynamics of this phenomenon over the years, with Piedmont and Veneto as the main regions of origin (there were four times more immigrants from the latter in the 90s than in the 970s) being overtaken by those of southern Italy and the Italian islands. Graph 3.8 Distribution of the origins of immigrants between the 90s and 970s as percentages 00% 90% 80% 70% 0% 0% 40% 30% 0% 0% 0% Anni '0 Anni '0 Anni '70 Italia Nord Occidentale Italia Nord Orientale Italia Centrale Italia Meridionale Italia Insulare 7

18 4. From the decrease in the population to international migration The last quarter of the 0th century was characterised by a profound change in the structure of Torino s immigration inflows. While the 980s were characterised, in terms of demographic trends, by the great flight from the city (few immigrants, a large number of emigrants), a decrease in the population (in just one decade Torino lost almost 0,000 inhabitants!), a population growth rate of less than zero (more deaths than births), the 990s will be remembered as the decade of the great influx of foreign immigrants. In the last years 70,000 foreign immigrants have arrived in Torino, mostly from the poorest parts of the world. The first foreign immigrants to come to Torino were mainly from north and central Africa, but also from China, the Philippines and South America. These first waves of immigrants were then followed by others, from Albania, the East European countries and the former Soviet empire. In recent years the largest groups of immigrants are from Romania, Moldavia and Ukraine. Reconstructing the actual demographic dynamics of this new phenomenon that began with the approach of the st century, is a particularly complex task. A significant number of foreign immigrants are in fact hidden immigrants illegal immigrants without residence permits but it is impossible to calculate the exact extent of this phenomenon, for which there are clearly no official statistics. This phenomenon is also strongly influenced by the various laws that have in turn either restricted or encouraged regularisation, on the one hand implementing coercive measures and on the other offering amnesty for illegal immigrants who fulfil certain requirements. As a result of the continuous alternation of these laws over the last twenty years, the number of legally registered foreign immigrants in the area has oscillated considerably, as shown clearly in Graph 4.. Graph 4. Foreign immigrants to Torino over the last twenty years (annual inflows) and the main immigration laws Legge 89/ Legge 943/98 Legge 39/990 D. Lgs. 489/99 Legge 40/

19 In actual fact the cumulative frequency of the various annual inflows, reconstructed in the stock data for the end of each year provides a much more linear and extremely predictive picture of how this phenomenon has evolved: the most cautious prediction is that Torino will have 00,000 foreign residents between 007 (maximum hypothesis) and 0 (if inflows continue to slow down as they have over the past two years). Graph 4. Presence of foreign nationals in Torino from 990 up to the present day While it is clear that migratory flows over the last twenty years have not only regarded people arriving from other countries or continents, this component definitely represents an important segment of these dynamics. Graph 4.3 Proportion of foreign immigrants compared to the total number of immigrants in different periods Anni '70 Anni '80 Italia 9% Italia 9% Estero % Estero 8% Anni ' Italia 8% Estero 8% Italia 8% Estero 4% 9

20 Table 4. and the following graph clearly illustrate the metamorphosis of the phenomenon over the last fifteen years. There has been an increase in the number of all foreign immigrant components, but to varying degrees according to their place of origin: the number of Asians has tripled, and that of Africans has quadrupled. The number of people from South America has increased by nine times and that of Europeans from noneu countries has increased by almost thirty times. Over the last fifteen years the total number of foreigners in Torino has multiplied by six, with an increase of +40 per cent. Today, almost half of the people who make up Torino s variegated multiethnic mosaic are noneu European nationals. Another third are Africans. The increase in the number of Europeans from the Balkans and Caucasus regions has resulted in a compression of the percentages of other components from other countries, except from South American (Graph 4.4). Table 4. Foreign immigrants to Torino in different years according to area of origin Unione Europea Altri paesi europei Asia Africa America NordCentro America Sud Oceania Altro 7 Non determinata Totale Graph 4.4 Distribution of places of origin of foreign immigrants in different years 00% 90% America Sud 80% America NordCentro 70% 0% Africa 0% 7.9 Asia 40% % 0% Altri paesi europei 0% 0% Unione Europea 0

21 The continuous inflows of new foreign immigrants (though at a slower rate, in the absence of any major regularisation measures) appears to represent, at least in part, one of the few antidotes to the disastrous decrease in the population in recent decades. It represents an important contribution to the city s population, also because the average age of the majority of foreign immigrants is very young and these components have a marked tendency to procreate (at present one in every four babies born in Torino has at least one foreign parent). Especially thanks to the widescale regularisation programme in 003, the foreigners legally resident in Torino have, at least in part, filled the gap caused by the decrease in the number of Italian nationals resident in Torino (Graph 4.) Graph 4. Distribution of the places of origin of foreign immigrants in different years Stranieri Italiani

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23 Part two THE MOSAIC OF ORIGINS TOOLS FOR CREATING A MAP OF THE DISTRIBUTION OF THE GEOGRAPHICAL ORIGINS OF THE POPULATION OF TORINO 3

24 . Torino s population today: distribution and stratification of origins Having provided a brief outline of the migratory flows to and from Torino in the last century, this second part examines how much can still be deciphered from the current demographic makeup of the city s resident population (September 00). This task is apparently easier, in that we can reconstruct the course of events over time by using a database the registry office files that is perfectly compatible with our modern query and statistical analysis tools, whereas in the first part our work was inevitably hampered by the fact that our statistical data were incomplete and fragmentary and not compatible with the digital formats that can be used with these tools. However, working on a static file such as the register of the resident population i.e. an instantaneous photograph that immobilises a situation in terms of quantity and quality also involves a series of problems. The first regards the fact that Torino s registry office procedures were computerised some thirty years ago and thus only include a portion of the information previously recorded in noncompatible databases, either in the form of punch cards, introduced in the city data processing centre immediately after the War, or the first magnetic tape machines installed in the City Council s data processing centre in the 90s. The second major obstacle consists of the impossibility of crossing the flow data presented in the first part of the study with stock data. Another problem that should not be underestimated regards the difficulty of creating a reliable map of the origins of Torino s presentday population in view of subsequent generational turnovers (second, third, fourth generations ). It is simple to say that a resident was born in Torino, but tracing the place of birth of that person s parents or grandparents is a far more complicated process. In this melting pot of origins the various combinations are multiplied and there is therefore the risk of multiplying the possible results as well. The city register database is structured according to the procedures and administrative requirements of the registry offices and counter clerks rather than the needs of researchers, statisticians or demographers (which is understandable). The processed data must therefore undergo further sorting to eliminate any errors and make them clearer and more intelligible, avoiding the use of burdensome procedures that, though justifiable, produce results that only professionals (registrars) can comprehend. This meant that we had to make some choices, both to overcome the inevitable difficulties and also to simplify the way in which the appropriate variables were aggregated and crossed in order to summarise the data without (excessively) limiting the reliability of our estimates. We started with the distributive and effective allocation of the places of birth of all 900,000 people currently resident in Torino (all data were updated to the month of September 00) and then crossed this datum with that of the period in which they migrated. Italian nationals resident in Torino and born in Italy In this context we considered it useful to divide Torino s residents into Italian nationals and foreign nationals, and analyse their origins and migratory flows separately, since the dynamics of domestic migration have been and still are different to those of global and international migration. We then bring together all these data into a single ideal overall picture in our conclusive remarks. Note that in the table the first column, as well as referring to those who were born in Torino and have always lived in the city, also refers to those who have been resident in Torino from birth but were, by chance and for a variety of reasons, born elsewhere even though their parents were resident in Torino. 4

25 Table. Italian nationals resident in Torino according to province and region of birth and period of immigration to Torino, where applicable PROVINCIA E REGIONE DI NASCITA Nati a Torino e residenti a Torino nati occasionalme nte altrove Prima del PERIODO DI IMMIGRAZIONE A TORINO Totale TORINO Area Metropolitana Altri comuni della provincia di Torino Totale provincia di Torino Alessandria Asti Biella Cuneo Novara Verbania Vercelli Resto del Piemonte Aosta Valle d'aosta Bergamo Brescia Como Cremona Lecco 3 9 Lodi 3 Mantova Milano Pavia Sondrio Varese Lombardia Genova Imperia La Spezia (segue)

26 PROVINCIA E REGIONE DI NASCITA Nati a Torino e residenti a Torino nati occasionalme nte altrove Prima del PERIODO DI IMMIGRAZIONE A TORINO Totale Savona Liguria Bolzano Trento Trentino Alto Adige Belluno Padova Rovigo Treviso Venezia Verona Vicenza Veneto Gorizia Pordenone Trieste Udine Friuli Venezia Giulia Bologna Ferrara Forli'Cesena Modena Parma Piacenza Ravenna Reggio nell'emilia Rimini 7 3 Emilia Romagna Arezzo Firenze Grosseto Livorno Lucca MassaCarrara (segue)

27 PROVINCIA E REGIONE DI NASCITA Nati a Torino e residenti a Torino nati occasionalme nte altrove Prima del PERIODO DI IMMIGRAZIONE A TORINO Totale Pisa Pistoia Prato 3 9 Siena Toscana Perugia Terni Umbria Ancona Ascoli Piceno Macerata PesaroUrbino Marche Frosinone Latina Rieti Roma Viterbo Lazio Chieti L'Aquila Pescara Teramo Abruzzo Campobasso Isernia Molise Avellino Benevento Caserta Napoli Salerno Campania (segue) 7

28 PROVINCIA O NAZIONE DI NASCITA Nati a Torino e residenti a Torino nati occasionalme nte altrove Prima del PERIODO DI IMMIGRAZIONE A TORINO Totale Bari Brindisi Foggia Lecce Taranto Puglia Matera Potenza Basilicata Catanzaro Cosenza Crotone Reggio di Calabria Vibo Valentia Calabria Agrigento Caltanissetta Catania Enna Messina Palermo Ragusa Siracusa Trapani Sicilia Cagliari Nuoro Oristano Sassari Sardegna Provenienza italiana sconosciuta 8 Territori già italiani: Fiume Istria Pola

29 It is immediately clear that almost half (47 per cent) of those currently resident in Torino have lived here from birth or were born here, regardless of the origins of their families. This figure rises to 3 per cent if we also consider those born in the province of Torino and the rest of Piedmont. per cent (more than 0,000 people) belong to the secondlargest group, which consists of those born in southern Italy and the Italian islands; one third of the latter were born in Apulia. per cent were born in the regions of northeast Italy: over 40,000 people (including refugees from Istria) mainly from Veneto. Graph. Italian nationals resident in Torino in 00 according to place of birth TORINO Provincia di Torino Resto del Piemonte Valle d'aosta Lombardia Liguria Trentino Alto Adige Veneto Friuli Venezia Giulia Emilia Romagna Toscana Umbria Marche Lazio Abruzzo Molise Campania Puglia Basilicata Calabria Sicilia Sardegna Estero Graph. Italian nationals resident in Torino in 00 according to place of birth Italia meridionale 8% Italia insulare 8% Estero % TORINO 47% Italia centrale % Italia nordorientale Italia nordoccidentale (escl. % Piemonte) % Resto del Piemonte 7% Provincia di Torino 9%

30 One interesting element consists of the fact that a significant portion of immigrants to Torino were born in Torino and returned here after a period spent elsewhere: there are almost 00,000 repatriate Torino natives ( per cent of the total, but this percentage has risen considerably in recent years: it currently stands at 38 per cent). This group of immigrants was a particularly small percentage of the total in the 90s and 90s, and now represents over one third of all new arrivals (Graph.3). Graph.3 Italian nationals resident in Torino in 00 born in Torino or elsewhere according to period of emigration 00% 80% 0% 40% 0% 0% ante Immigrati a Torino nati a Torino Immigrati a Torino nati altrove The first column of Table. refers to people born in Torino, but also as explained above to those who have been resident here from birth in that they were born to parents resident in Torino, but, for various reasons, were born elsewhere. This is a sizeable group of 3,400 people, 7 per cent of those resident in Torino from birth. It is a phenomenon that frequently regards the Torino metropolitan area or the province of Torino, or even in the other provinces of Piedmont, nor is the fairly high number of people born in Liguria surprising. However, some people were also born by chance in Apulia, Sicily or Campania and in many cases these must be the families regions of origin, which is also demonstrated by the fact that the phenomenon has become less frequent over the years and mainly regards people aged between thirty and thirtyfive. Between the late 90s and early 970s there were probably a number of people who had only recently emigrated to Torino who chose to return to their home towns or villages to await the birth of their children, where they could presumably rely upon the help and support of relatives. 0,000 of those resident in Torino were born abroad. This number obviously includes those foreign nationals who having met the specific requirements (by marrying an Italian national, or after ten years of legal residence etc.) have obtained Italian citizenship. Since 990 there has been a moderate increase in the number of foreignborn Italian nationals resident in Torino. It is interesting to note that the number of people born in the EU is exactly the same as the number of those born in Africa, and these are also the two biggest groups. While the reasons for the first case are clear, the second is mainly due to Italy s colonial policies in the early 0th century. A rapid calculation indicates that the largest portion of Africaborn residents came to Italy in the 940s (at the time of the collapse of Fascist colonialism) and in 30

31 the 90s, when some former colonies were the scene of tensions and rebellions that often resulted in the expulsion of the Italians living there. This is reflected in the fact that, while the largest group of foreignborn residents in Torino were born in France (,7), the secondbiggest group are the,04 people who were born in Tunisia. Going back to Italianborn residents, some interesting conclusions can be drawn by examining the data in Table.. in greater detail. Starting with the areas closest to the city, the first element that is immediately apparent is the large number of people born in the Torino metropolitan area. 8% of all those born in the province of Torino, which includes 34 municipalities (excluding Torino), were born in the 3 municipalities that make up the metropolitan area. More specifically the largest number of immigrants arrived from Moncalieri: 4,30. However, Moncalieri is also the place of birth of the largest number of people who have been resident in Torino from birth: 7,800. This is certainly mainly due to the fact that the maternity ward of the local hospital enjoys a good reputation among many people in Torino. Moncalieri is followed by Venaria Reale, (,0), where a large number of residents in Torino were also born by chance (,77). The third municipality in the metropolitan area is Rivoli (,9). The entire province of Torino contributed significantly to the presentday population of its provincial capital (7% in all: 38,98 immigrants and 7,3 people who have been resident in Torino from birth but were born by chance in other municipalities). Only four municipalities in the province of Torino have currently no natives resident in Torino: three (Nomaglio, Quagliuzzo and Strambinello) are in the Ivrea district, which experienced intense industrialisation in the 0th century, a process that clearly channelled people from the rural areas towards the capital of the Canavese district; the fourth is in the Val Chisone (Usseaux). None of Torino s presentday residents ever emigrated from Varisella (Val Ceronda) although one person who has been resident in Torino from birth was born there by chance. If we weigh the data regarding the origins of the Italian nationals resident in Torino against the current demographic structure of the various municipalities in the province, we obtain a number of important results. Firstly, the first fifteen municipalities in which migration towards the big city appears to have had the greatest effect in terms of depopulation (except for Bròzolo which is in the Basso Monferrato district) are all in the Alpine valleys of Lanzo and in the Canavese district: Ribordone, Ingria, Lemie, Valprato Soana, Groscavallo, Noasca, Chialamberto, Alpette, Frassinetto, Usseglio, Balme, Viù, Locana and Castelnuovo Nigra are all villages that now only have a few hundred, or even a just a few tens of residents. On the other hand, several hundred people who were born in these Alpine regions are now resident in Torino. The most extreme case regards Ribordone, a small municipality in the Canavese district on the edge of the Gran Paradiso National Park, which currently has fewer than eighty inhabitants, less than the number of residents in Torino who were actually born in this small village. It is interesting to note that the majority of emigrants from these mountain communities arrived in Torino before the great waves of interregional migration. Looking at some of the larger municipalities, there are two more mountain communities, Susa and Lanzo, from which the immigrants to Torino represent almost 0 per cent of their presentday population. These data show that the valleys of Torino were heavily affected by the depopulation of the mountain areas and subsequent urban migration. Note however that this phenomenon was felt to a lesser extent in the valleys around Pinerolo and the Susa valley where, from the beginning of the 0th century, an industrial area developed mainly in the lower valleys acting as a sort of buffer and limiting the extent of the exodus towards Torino. 3