Tone bearing units in Norwegian (and Swedish) revisited: Moras vs. syllables

Transcription

1 U N I V E R S I T Y O F B E R G E N Tone bearing units in Norwegian (and Swedish) revisited: Moras vs. syllables Gjert Kristoffersen Overview Introduction Typology of single peak accent 2 dialects Interplay between stress and Accent 2 in a group of Swedish dialects in words which had a monomoraic stressed syllable in Old Norse/Swedish 2 1

2 The disyllabic window Accent 2 only occurs in words with more than one syllable Irrespective of dialect, the accentual melodies are aligned with the stressed syllable plus the post-stress syllable (= the disyllabic window). Bergen, Hordaland A2 Levende nå A1 Levenet nå Accent 2 as delayed accent 1 Irrespective of dialect, accent 2 is either identical with accent 1 with respect to tonal shape, or consists of an extra tone prefixed to the accent 1 melody In both cases, accent 2 can be interpreted as a melody where the part that is identical with accent 1 occurs later with respect to a fixed point, e.g. the onset of the stressed vowel Bergen, Hordaland H? H L L A2 Levende nå A1 Levenet nå

3 The Gårding/Bruce Typology 1 Based on a survey of Swedish dialects, but can be extended to Norwegian without problems Two main types Single peaked vs. double peaked accent 2 Type 1: Single Peak accent 2 (West and North N.) 350 Type 2: Double Peak accent 2 (East N.) H H H The Gårding/Bruce Typology 2 Subdivision within each group Early vs. late realization of (final) Accent 2 HL From here on: Only type 1 Realization of HL in accent 2: Type 1a: Late in stressed syllable (= early) Type 1b: In post-stress syllable: (= late) Type 1a: Stord, Hordaland Type 1b: Bergen, Hordaland

4 Modeling the difference between the two types Basic difference Type 1a: Tbu = mora Type 1b: Tbu = syllable Same rule of association Accent 1: Associate H to first tbu from left Accent 2: Associate H to second tbu from left A theory that assumes association between melodies and syllables only, will need additional machinery to account for this difference 7 Stress and Accent 2 in words which had a monomoraic stressed syllable in Old Norse/Swedish Data from Type 1a dialects in the Dalarna region in Sweden Retained monomoraic stressed syllable: Level stress in Skattungbyn Stress shift in Nusnäs Development of a (potential) three way contrast in Sollerön 8 4

5 Monomoraic stressed syllable Archaic feature survived from Old Norse in some Norwegian and Swedish dialects Normally the disyllabic window consists of a heavy, stressed syll. followed by a light syllable (= [µµ]σ [µ]σ), i.e. a trimoraic structure In the dialects where a stressed syllable may be monomoraic, the window can also manifest itself as a balanced structure consisting of two light syllables, i.e. ([µ]σ [µ]σ) Does the accent 2 H associate with the second mora/ syllable also here? 9 Level stress in Skattungbyn: Data Peak well into the second syllable Contour through second syllable identical with Accent 1 contour Accent 1 Accent 2 with heavy stressed syllable Level stress: Accent 2 with light stressed syllable Duration (ms.) = Syllable boundary 10 5

6 Level stress: Analysis Extending the analysis of accent 2 as H-association to second tbu from left, contributes an explanation of the metrical ambiguity that characterizes level stress 11 The quantity shift In most dialects of Norwegian and Swedish, except Finland Swedish, light, monomoraic stressed syllables were expanded to heavy, bimoraic. This has also happened in most dialects in the Dalarna region, but with some peculiar results Stress shift in East Mora (Nusnäs) Development of a potential three-way tonal contrast in Sollerön 12 6

7 Map repeated 13 Stress shift in East Mora (Nusnäs): Data While in almost all dialects, the quantity shift hit the initial root syllable, which was the metrically strong one in Old Norse, it hit the final syllable in East Mora, causing lengthening and the stress to shift to the final syllable. 400 Accent Accent 2 Final stress from level stress Duration (ms.) = Syllable boundary 14 7

8 Stress shift in East Mora (Nusnäs): Analysis Data from Meyer (1937) suggest that the peak in East Mora before the quantity shift was even more delayed than in Skattungbyn. This may have led to an even stronger stress perception associated with the final syllable, which led to this syllable being expanded and stressed. 15 Three-way tonal contrast in Sollerön: Preliminaries The canonical two-syllable window consists of three moras, i.e. three potential targets for the H. Not all are used, both Type 1a & b exploits only two. When the initial syllable of a level stress structure is expanded to bimoraic, a new mora is inserted between the one associated with the accent 1 H (initial mora) and the one associated with the accent 2 H (mora in final syllable) In most cases this final H has been retracted to the newly inserted mora, causing accent 2 and level stress to merge. But not in in Sollerön 16 8

9 Three-way tonal contrast in Sollerön: Data In this dialect, the peak representing accent 2 in level stress structures was not retracted, but remained on the final syllable/third mora. 350 Accent 1 Accent 2 Accent 3(?) Duration (ms.) = Syllable boundary 17 Three-way tonal contrast in Sollerön: Analysis Despite the durational differences that can be observed in the example, this cannot explain the different timing of the two peaks At the sametime, the accent 2 H in words in words with heavy stressed syllable remained on the second mora, and the accent 1 H on the first. 18 9

10 References ü Bruce, Gösta & Eva Gårding A prosodic typology for Swedish dialects. Nordic Prosody, ed. by E. Gårding, G. Bruce & R. Bannert, Lund: Dept. of Linguistics, University of Lund. ü Bye, Patrik. 4. Evolutionary typology and Scandinavian pitch accent: Kluwer Academic Publishers. ü Hognestad, Jan K. 7. Tonelag i Flekkefjord bymål. Norsk Lingvistisk Tidsskrift ü. 8. Prosodisk utvikling i en sørlandsdialekt. Gjensyn med Flekkefjord. Norsk Lingvistisk Tidsskrift ü Tonelagsvariasjon i norsk. Synkrone og diakrone aspekter, med særlig fokus på vestnorsk. Kristiansand: Universitetet i Agder. ü Kristoffersen, Gjert. 3. The tone bearing unit in Swedish and Norwegian tonology. Take Danish - for instance, ed. by H. Galberg Jacobsen, D. Bleses, T.O. Madsen & P. Thomsen, Odense: University Press of Southern Denmark. ü Fra jamvekt til etterleddstrykk og tonelag 3: Kvantitetsomleggingen i Ovansiljan. Maal og Minne ü Meyer, Ernst A Die Intonation im schwedischen. Erster Teil Stockholm: C. E. Fritzes Bokförlag. ü Riad, Tomas. 3. Diachrony of the Scandinavian accent typology. Development in Prosodic Systems, ed. by P. Fikkert & H. Jacobs, Berlin/New York: Mouton de Gruyter. ü Xu, Yi peak delay: When, where and why it occurs. Paper presented to the Proceedings of The 14th International Congress of Phonetic Sciences, San Francisco,