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3 PART: 18 IMPORTANT SOURCE FOR SHAKESPEARE S TWELFTH NIGHT 1. ACCADEMIA DEGLI INTRONATI (founded ca. 1525). Comedia del sacrificio de gli Intronati celebrato ne i giuochi d un carnovale in Siena. 8vo. 64 leaves (the last is a blank). With the printer s device on the title-page. Early 20th century calf, small old stamp on leaf H6r, a few light marginal stains, but a very good copy. Venezia, Giovanni Padovano, [before 1553]. RARE EDITION OF THIS COLLECTION OF TEXTS produced within the Accademia degli Intronati of Siena. El sacrificio de gli Intronati celebrato nei giuochi del Carnovale in Siena l'anno 1531, followed by the comedy Gl ingannati ( The Deceived Ones ) and the Canzon nella morte d una civetta. The present edition must have been printed before 1553, the year of Padovano s death. Il Sacrificio is a verse celebration of an academic festivity performed during the Carnival of 1531, in which the academicians reduced to ashes the dearest souvenirs obtained from their ladylove, thus renouncing the services of Venus and instead entirely dedicating themselves to study and philosophy (a list of the participants is given by P. Zimmerman, A Sixteenth Century List of the Intronati, in: Bullettino senese di storia patria, LXXII, 1965, pp , and G.W. McClure, Parlour Games and the Public Life of Women in Renaissance Italy, Toronto, 2013, pp ). The Canzone nella morte di una civetta, printed at the end, is a parody of a poem written by Pietro Bembo in occasion of the death of his brother and of the whole Petrarchan lyrical production of the first half of the 16 th century. However, the main piece of the collection is the play Gl Ingannati, one of the most wide diffused Italian comedies of the 16 th century and the ultimate source of the main plot in Shakespeare s Twelfth Night (cf. J. Schiffer, Twelfth Night: New Critical Essays, London, 2011, pp. 7-8, and G. Melchiori, Shakespeare. Genesi e struttura delle opere, Bari, 1994, pp ). At least 22 editions of Gl Ingannati are recorded for the sixteenth century, the first being printed at Venice in The present edition was also used by Sanesi for his critical edition specialmente per le parti spagnuole (cf. I. Sanesi, Commedie del Cinquecento, Bari, 1912, I, p. 410, see also V. de Chaska, Early Editions of Gl Ingannati : the Problem of Overlapping Dates, in: Modern Philology, 50/2, 1952, pp ). Gl Ingannati had its first public performance in the Great Hall of the Council in the Palazzo Pubblico in Siena at the end of the Carnival in The occasion of the event is outlined in the Prologo ; it was intended as a remedy for the offence given to ladies of Siena in the Sacrificio degli Intronati a month earlier. Although the play is presented as a collective work of the Intronati, Lodovico Castelvetro and Giovanni Maria Molza (in conjunction with Claudio Tolomei) have been proposed as au-
4 thors (cf. G. Aquilecchia, Per l attribuzione della commedia Gli ingannati, in: Giornale storico della letteratura Italiana, 154, 1977, pp ). Furthermore Gl Ingannati is the first Italian comedy to introduce the female page disguise that would enjoy such success in later European comedy (cf. A. Coller, The Sienese Accademia degli Intronati and its Female Interlocutors, in: The Italianist, 26/2, 2006, pp ) The Accademia degli Intronati, a patrician literary society was founded in the wake of the Sack of Rome. The model for the society was the lay religious confraternity of the Late Middle Ages: there were elected office bearers, due, rules and regulations, and disciplinary measures. But the Intronati dedicated themselves not to hymn-singing and self-discipline, but to the pursuit of letters, both vernacular and classical, reading, disputations, composition, interpretation and writing. Their mottoes were: Deum colere Studere Gaudere Neminem lædere Nemini credere De mundo non curare (L. Petracchi Costantini, L'Accademia degli Intronati di Siena e una sua commedia, Siena, 1928, pp. 7-62, and Accademia degli Intronati, Gl Ingannati, M. Pieri, ed., Corazzano, 2009, passim). Edit 16, CNCE 45; Adams, S / CHF / $ THE FIRST MODERN GEOGRAPHICAL AND HISTORICAL DESCRIPTION OF ITALY 2. ALBERTI, Leandro ( ). Descrittione di tutta Italia..., nella quale si contiene il sito di essa, l'origine, & le signorie delle città, & delle castella, co i nomi antichi e moderni,... Et piu gli huomini famosi che l'hanno illustrata, i monti, i laghi, i fiumi,... Folio. (4), I-VII, 9-469, (28) leaves (without the blank leaves A 8 and IIII 6 ). With the engraved portrait of the author and the printer s device on the title-page. 18 th century vellum over boards, gilt title on the spine, marbled edges, title and first leaves slightly browned in the inner margin, leaf 219 with an old marginal repair, a light waterstain at the beginning and in the middle of the volume, inner margin of the last leaf reinforced, a little hole repaired in the same leaf with the loss of a few letters, altogether a very good, genuine, copy. Bologna, Anselmo Giaccarelli, January FIRST EDITION, dedicated to Henry II of France and Caterina de' Medici (Bologna, January 19, 1550), of this important historical, artistic and geographical guide of Italy, which in spite of its huge size became a true bestseller, read and looked up until the late 18th century by many foreign travelers intending to face the Grand Tour. Non esiste, tra XVI e XVII secolo, miglior guida turistica (si passi l anacronismo) dell Alberti per orientarsi nella complessa geografia e storia dell Italia dell Antico Regime (M. Donattini, ed., L'Italia dell'inquisitore: storia e geografia dell'italia del Cinquecento nella Descrittione di Leandro Alberti: atti del convegno internazionale di studi, Bologna, maggio 2004, p. X). La Descrittione di tutta Italia del domenicano Leandro Alberti, edita per la prima volta a Bologna nel 1550, è divenuta in breve tempo testo di riferimento per ogni discorso relativo all Italia, sia in quanto repertorio di materiali di argomento geografico e antiquario-erudito, sia come utilissimo strumento in grado di soddisfare per oltre due secoli le esigenze e le curiosità dei viaggiatori che dal basso medioevo avevano preso a percorrere le strade d Italia per raggiungere città e borghi per ragioni che non erano più soltanto di tipo professionale, penitenziale-devozionale o di studio (; S. Merli, La Descrittione di tutta l Italia di Leandro Alberti: breve storia di un bestseller del XVI secolo, in: Cinque donne per cinque Cinquecentine, Torrita di Siena, 2013, pp ). After the first Bologna edition, in which the author excuses himself because he did not add the already promised portion on the Italian islands, in order to not further delay the publication of the work, the Descrittione went through 10 editions until the end of the century, almost all Venetian. The work was translated into Latin by Wilhelm Kryander and published twice at Cologne (1566, 1567). The manuscript of the part describing the Italian islands, kept in the Bolognese convent of San Do-
5 menico, came into the hands of Lodovico degli Avanzi, who printed it for the first time as an appendix of the Descrittione in The 1568 edition is also worth mentioning for it was accompanied by seven engraved maps. Alberti's work is a kind of summa of the historical-antiquarian knowledge of the 15th and 16th century, modelled along the lines of the earliest and most influential example of this literary genre, i.e. Flavio Biondo's Italia illustrata, but at the same time it is also mostly the product of the author's direct experiences acquired on his many travels across the peninsula. Alberti not only exploited Biondo's work, but also consulted the latter s remarkable library and furthermore requested information from all major Italian scholars of the time, who in turn answered enthusiastically; among his correspondents stand out the names of Paolo Giovio and Andrea Alciati. He therefore was not a simple compiler, but did scrupulously sift his sources, emending the ancients, where necessary, and bringing in most original direct observations (cf. (cf. G. Petrella, L'officina del geografo: la ' Descrittione di tutta Italia di Leandro Alberti e gli studi geografico-antiquari tra Quattro e Cinquecento, Milano, 2004, passim pp ). Alberti s chorography quickly found a highly interested audience all over Europe, as is evidenced by its early presence in most of the academic libraries in Northern Europe. The enduring international impact of Alberti s work is also shown by its use by cartographers like Ortelius and Quad in their mapping and description of the Italian peninsula (cf. S. Gaiga, La Descrittione di tutta Italia di Leandro Alberti e il Theatrum Orbis Terrarum di Abraham Ortelius, in: Incontri. Rivista europea di studi italiani, 29/1, 2014, pp ). Leandro Alberti, born in Bologna, entered the Dominican order in 1493 in the convent of San Giacomo Apostolo at Forlà. Two years later, he attended philosophy and theology in the convent of San Domenico at Bologna under the guidance of G. Garzoni and S. Mazzolini da Prierio. Around 1505 he devoted himself to preaching, traveling all across Italy. For a period, toward 1515, he was among the suite of Cardinal Tommaso de Vio (Caietanus), Grand Master of the Domincan Order. Back in Bologna in 1516, he wrote the De viris illustribus Ordinis Praedicatorum, printed the following year. He was then appointed Provincial of the Holy Land and in 1525 left Rome with the new Grand Master of the Order, Francesco Silvestri da Ferrara, with whom in the following three years he visited southern Italy and Sicily. The sudden death of Silvestri in 1528 cuts short the journey and Alberti returned to Rome, where he probably conceived and started writing the work who gave him fame. In the following years, he lived in Bologna, where on the occasion of the third centenary of the translation of Saint Dominic's body, he commissioned two works of art for the Saint's shrine and wrote a memory on the latter s death and funeral. In 1536, he became Vicar of the Convent of Santa Sabina in Rome and later Inquisitor. In the first part of his Historie di Bologna was published, while the other parts appeared only after his death (cf. M. Bolognani, Leandro Alberti storico di Bologna fra coscienza umanistica e pedagogia domenicana, in: La memoria e la città, C. Bastia, ed., Bologna, 1995, pp ).
6 Edit 16, CNCE685; Index Aureliensis ; Universal STC, no ; F. Govi, I classici che hanno fatto l Italia, (Modena, 2010), pp , no. 87; H. Harrisse, Bibliotheca americana vetustissima, (New York, 1866, i.e. Leipzig, 1921), p. 450, no. 302; A. Pescarzoli, I libri di viaggio e le guide della raccolta Luigi Vittorio Fossati Bellani, (Roma, 1957), I, no. 284; / CHF 4,000.- / $ 4,150.- EARLY LITERATURE ON EMBLEMS 3. AMMIRATO, Scipione ( ). Il Rota overo dell imprese dialogo Nel qual si ragiona di molte imprese di diversi eccellenti autori, et di alcune regole et avvertimenti intorno questa material, scritto al S. Vincenzo Carrafa. 8vo. 230, (8) pp. 1 blank leaf. With woodcut ornaments on the title-page. Napoli, Giovanni Maria Scotto, Bound with: PALAZZI, Giovanni Andrea (d. 1573). I discorsi... sopra l'imprese: recitati nell'academia d'urbino: con la Tavola delle cose più notabili, che in loro si contengono. 8vo. (10), 206, (18) pp. With the printer s device on the title-page. Bologna, Alessandro Benacci, And: LAURO, Cosimo (d. 1588). Capriccio intorno al nome di Selvaggio, & le lodi delle selve. Et una lettera alla illustre signora, la signora Barbara Callina. Nella quale, oltra le lodi di essa signora si racconta donde i filosofi antichi hebbero cognitione di Dio; & quai credettero,che fossero i principij delle cose. Del Selvaggio Academico Occulto, presidente dignissimo dell'academia il Nebuloso. 8vo, (32) leaves, woodcut Accademia degli Occulti s emblem on the title-page. Bound together in contemporary limp vellum with manuscript title on spine (lacking the ties), a very fine, genuine copy. Brescia, Borella & Sabbio, (I:). RARE FIRST EDITION of this important treatise on the theory of imprese, preceded only by Paolo Giovio s Dialogo dell imprese militari e amorose (Roma, 1555). This form of personalized emblem date from the middle of the 15 th century in the revers de médailles of Pisanello. The impresa was essentially in the same format as the common emblem, but it lacked a subscription and had various peculiar rules of construction. It consisted of a motto and a picture in mutual dependence, neither of which can function meaningfully without the other (cf. D. Drysdall, The Emblem according to the Italian Impresa Theorists, in: The Emblem in Renaissance and Baroque Europe. Tradition and Variety, A. Adams & A.J. Harper, eds., Leiden 1992, pp ). Also Ammirato s treatise is written in form of a dialogue, the interlocutors being Nino de Nini, bishop of Potenza, the Florentine man of letters Alfonso Cambi, the physician and botanist Bartolomeo Maranta and the man who gave his name to the dialogue, the Neapolitan poet and playwright Bernardino Rota ( ). The work is dedicated to Vincenzo Carafa and contains apart a comprehensive theory of the impresa also a very detailed description of the forty-six imprese Rota had depicted in his villa in memory of his deceased wife, Porzia
7 Capece (he had already published a volume of poems dedicated to her in 1560). These imprese demonstrate how they can be used to construct a visitable space, which functions to a degree as a theatre of memory (cf. G. Arbizzoni, Imprese e poesia nel Rota di Scipione Ammirato, in: Un nodo di parole e di cose. Storia e fortuna delle imprese, Roma, 2002, pp , and A. Maggi, Identità e impresa rinascimentale, Ravenna, 1998, pp ; M. Favaro, Sulla concezione dell impresa in Scipione Ammirato, in: Italianistica, XXXVIII/2, 1998, pp ). Scipione Ammirato, historian, poet, novelist and playwright, was born at Lecce in the kingdom of Naples. His father intending him for the profession of law, sent him to study at Naples, but his own decided preference for literature prevented him from fulfilling his father s wishes. In Naples he frequented several literary circles and became a friend of the poets Bernardino Rota and Angelo di Costanza. Later he entered the church, resided for a time at Venice and was afterwards engaged in the service of Pope Pius IV. He took refuge in Lecce after a turbulent love affair and founded there the Accademia dei Trasformati. In 1569 he went to Florence, where he was fortunate in securing the patronage and support of Duke Cosimo I., who gave him a residence at the Medici Palace and the Villa Zopaja on the understanding that he should write his Istorie Fiorentine (which were published in 1600 and 1647 respectively). In 1595 he was made canon of the cathedral of Florence. Among his other works, some of which were only published after his death, are genealogies of noble families of Naples and Florence (cf. A. Vallone, Scipione Ammirato poeta, in: Studi e ricerche di letteratura salentina, Lecce, 1959, pp ; and R. de Mattei, Il pensiero politico di Scipione Ammirato, Milano, 1963, passim; and U. Congedo, La vita e le opere di Scipione Ammirato, Trani, 1904, passim). Edit 16, CNCE 1565; Index Aureliensis ; Universal STC, no ; G. Arbizzoni, Emblems as imprese, in: The Italian Emblem, D. Manuseto & E.L. Calogero, eds., (Glasgow, 2007), p. 13; D.S. Caldwell, The Sixteenth-Century Italian Impresa in Theory and Practice, (New York, 2004), pp (II:).RARE FIRST EDITION of Palazzi's disquisitions on imprese posthumously published by his brother-in-law, Pietro Viti da Fano. The work consists of four lectures delivered over a period of four days probably toward the end of 1569 and the beginning of 1570 in the Accademia degli Assorditi of Urbino. The work is greatly indebted to Luca Contile's Ragionamento sopra la proprietà delle imprese (Pavia, 1574). In his first Discorso Palazzi says that he was asked by the academy to speak on imprese and also provides an explanation of the impresa of the Assorditi. In the second Discorso he makes an accurate distinction between livery, impresa and emblem and deals with other kinds of symbolic image, such as ciphers and coat-of-arms (cf. S. Maffei, Giovio's 'Dialogo delle imprese militari e amorose' and the Museum, in: The Italian Emblem, D. Mansueto & E.L. Calogero, eds., Glasgow, 2007, p. 36). In the third Discorso he presents his definition of the impresa and deplores the blunting of it in recent times (cf. S. Volterrani, All' 'Hostaria del mal tempo', il realismo emblematico di Padre Antonio Mirandola, in: The Italian Emblem, D. Mansueto & E.L. Calogero, eds., Glasgow, 2007, pp ). The final lecture deals mainly with the 'corpi' of 'imprese': where to find them, which ones are suitable, and so forth (cf. D. Caldwell, The Sixteenth Century Italian 'Impresa' in Theory and Practice, New York, 2004, pp ).
8 Giovanni Andrea Palazzi obtained his first education at Fano and later taught humanities at Gubbio, Imola and Urbino, where he was tutor to Lavinia della Rovere, daughter of Guidobaldo II. He wrote a eulogy of the humanists of Imola (1573). Some of his verses are found in the anthology Per donne romane rime di diversi, edited by Muzio Manfredi (Bologna, 1575). Probably he was one of the founders of the Accademia degli Assorditi of Urbino (cf. G. Arbizzoni, Note su Giovanni Andrea Palazzi e i 'Discorsi sopra le imprese', in: Res publica litterarum, VI, 1983, pp. 9-18). Edit 16, CNCE32444; Adams, P-76; Universal STC, no ; M. Praz, Studies in Seventeenth Century Imagery, (Roma, 1975), p. 443; G. Savarese & A. Gareffi, La letteratura delle immagini nel Cinquecento, (Roma, 1980), pp (III:) RARE ORIGINAL EDITION of this literary exercise written by a member of the Accademia degli Occulti of Brescia. It contains an eulogy on forests, the nickname of the author being Il Selvaggio (the Savage) and a letter addressed to the noblewoman Barbara Callini (d. 1568), who was an influential patron of the academy, who was honored with several poems written by members of it (cf. A. Maggi, Identità e impresa rinascimentale, Ravenna, 1998, pp ). Little is known about the life of Cosimo Lauro. He was a native of Brescia, wrote a history of the bishops and noble families (never published) of that town and was an active member of the Accademia degli Occulti, founded in the early 1560s, which promoted for nearly twenty years intellectual activities ranging from poetry to mathematical debates. For the academy Lauro wrote a kind of statutory document, Ragionamento fatto dal Seluaggio academico nel nascimento dell'academia delli Occolti (1565) (cf. L. Bisello, Di minute scintille un grande fuoco. Parabola storica e testuale dell Accademia degli Occulti, in: Cenacoli: circoli e gruppi letterari, artistici, spirituali, F. Zambon, ed., Milano, 2007, pp ). Edit 16, CNCE 26867; Universal STC, no / CHF 2,300.- / $ 2,390.- MACHINES AND MECHANICAL INSTRUMENTS 4. BESSON, Jacques (ca ). Il theatro de gl'instrumenti et machine, con una brieve necessaria dichiaration dimonstrativa, di M. Francesco Beroaldo su tutte le figure, che vi son comprese, nuovamente di Latino in volgare Italiano tradotto et di moltissime additioni per tutto aummentato et illustrato pel signor Giulio Paschali Messinese. Folio. (64) leaves. With an architectural woodcut title-page, 60 engraved plates with explicative text on the verso, and with numerous ornamental initials and head- and tail-pieces. Contemporary limp vellum (recently rebacked), manuscript title on the front panel, with an old repair at the upper margin of the title-page not affecting the text, otherwise a very nice copy with wide margins, with the bookplate of the British engineer and architect William Chadwell Mylne ( ). [Genève], Lyon, [Jean I de Laon pour] Barthélémy Vincent, 1582.
9 FIRST EDITION IN ITALIAN of this celebrated machinery book. When King Charles IX of France made a royal visit to Orléans in 1569, Besson presented to the King a draft of his new treatise, what was to become the Theatrum Instrumentorum. Here he obtained a royal privilege on June 27, However, when Besson returned with the King to Paris as master of the King's Engines, the work was probably printed without a colophon in 1571 or Besson's book proved popular enough that a new edition appeared in This time there were more detailed descriptions of the instruments and machines provided by François Béroalde de Verville. The printer, Barthélemy Vincent, used the copper plates from the original edition, except for plates 17, 35, 39, and 51 for which he substituted new plates by the engraver René Boyvin and had the whole work printed at Geneva by Jean de Laon. The work continued to enjoy a great success, not only in France, until the beginning of the 17th century. François Béroalde de Verville ( ) was a novelist, poet and intellectual born in Paris. He was the son of Matthieu Brouard, called Béroalde, a professor of Agrippa d'aubigné and Pierre de l'estoile and a Huguenot. His mother, Marie Bletz, was the niece of the humanist and Hebrew scholar François Vatable. At the time of the St. Bartholomew's Day Massacre, his family fled to Geneva, but Béroalde returned to Paris in During the civil wars, Béroalde abjured Calvinism and joined the factions around Henri III of France (he may also have served in the army). In 1589 he moved to Tours (the French parlement fled here from ), and became canon of the cathedral chapter of Saint Gatien, where he remained until his death (cf. N. Kenny, The Palace of Secrets: Béroalde de Verville and Renaissance Conceptions of Knowledge, New York, 1991, passim). The success of the preceding Genevan editions prompted Claude Juge, who had financed and published them in association with Jean de Laon, a master printer in Geneva, to ask Giulio Cesare Paschali ( ) for the present Italian translation. Paschali says he based it on the Latin edition of Giulio Paschali was a Protestant humanist, from a noble family of Messina, a refugee in Geneva since Very well read and a poet, he translated Calvin's Institutions from French in 1557 and the Psalms of David from Hebrew in 1592 (cf. M. Richter, Giulio Cesare Paschali. Attività e problemi di un poeta italiano nella Ginevra di Calvino e di Beza, in "Rivista di Storia e Letteratura Religiosa", I, 1965, pp ). It is worth noticing that the ten-year privilege granted to Besson in 1569 for the first edition of
10 his book ( ) was used again for this publication in 1582 as was the Lyon location, at the shop of Barthélemy Vincent, which avoided the necessity of obtaining a printing authorization from the Geneva Petit Conseil. The dedication is addressed to the jurist Claudio Della Cov, a member of the Senate of Savoie. Jacques Besson was one of the leading French engineers of the sixteenth century, but he can be rightly considered as part of that Italian school of engineers, inspired by the work of Leonardo da Vinci, to which belonged Cardano, Della Porta, Biringuccio, Ramelli, Zonca, etc. Many Leonardo's inventions appeared in fact modified and improved in the work of these engineers and inventors of the late 16th century. One can say that Besson, together with Agostino Ramelli, introduced Leonardo's technical lesson into France (cf. D. Hillard, Jacques Besson et son Théâtre des instruments mathématiques, in; Revue française d'histoire du livre, 22, 1979, pp. 5-38, and L. Dolza & H. Vérin, Figurer la mécanique: l énigme des théâtres de machines de la Renaissance, in: Revue d'histoire Moderne et Contemporaine, 51-52, 2004, pp. 7-37). The plates show a variety of inventions: agricultural, hydraulic, and military machinery, musical instruments, different types of presses, calculation tools, etc. (cf. J. Besson, A Theater of Machines, A. Keller, ed., New York, 1965, passim). Little information has survived about Besson's early life. He was probably born in Colombières, near Briançon. In the early 1550s he taught mathematics in Paris and in 1557 he is recorded in the minutes of the town council of Lausanne, as being paid for models of pumps and fountains. In this period he converted to Protestantism. In 1559 he published his first treatise in Zurich, the De absoluta ratione extrahendi olea et aquas e medicamentis simplicibus, with an introduction by Conrad Gesner. In 1561 the citizenship of the city of Geneva was given to him as a result of his services in teaching mathematic sciences. One year later Besson became the pastor of the Reformed Church in Villeneuve-de -Berg, France. By 1565 he returned to Paris, where in 1567 he published his second treatise, Le Cosmolabe. In the following year he probably moved to Orléans. Although he enjoyed the favour of the king, shortly after the St. Bartholomew's Day Massacre of 1572, Besson emigrated to England, where he died around 1573 (cf. N. Zemon Davies, The Protestantism of Jacques Besson, in: Technology and Cul-
11 ture, 7/4, 1966, p. 513 and A. G. Keller, The Missing Years of Jacques Besson, Inventor of Machines, Teacher of Mathematics, Distiller of Oils, and Huguenot Pastor, in: Technology and Culture, 14/1, 1973, pp ). Edit 16, CNCE 5652; Index Aureliensis ; GLN 15-16, 2971; Universal STC, no / CHF 6,800.- / $ 7, BOCCACCIO, Giovanni ( ). Il Decamerone nuovamente alla sua intera perfettione, non meno nella scrittura, che nelle parole ridotto, per Girolamo Ruscelli. Con le dichiarationi, annotationi, et avvertimenti del medesimo, sopra tutti i luoghi difficili, regole, modi, & ornamenti della lingua volgare, et con figure nuove & bellissime, che interamente dimostrano i luoghi, ne' quali si riducevano ogni giornata à novellare. Et con un vocabolario generale nel fine del libro. 4to. Two parts in one volume. (12), 487, (1 blank), (12, of which the last 2 are blank), 56 pp. With the printer s device on the titlepage, large historiated initials and 10 almost full-page woodcut illustrations at the beginning of each day. Contemporary vellum, some light stains on the first leaves, but a very good copy. On the front fly-leaf is the ownership s inscription of the Swedish collector Anders Svensson: Kiöpt i London den 14 Martij 1616 för 18 Engelske skellingar af migh Andreas Suenonis Wast. (cf. O. Walde, Nicolaus Johannis Smalandius. Ett Gammalt problem i svenk bibliothekshistoria, in: Nordisk tidskrift för bok- och biblioteksväsen, Årgång XIII, 1926, p. 172). Venezia, Vicenzo Valgrisi (and Giovanni Griffio), FIRST RUSCELLI EDITION. In 1552 appeared nearly simultaneously two new editions of Boccaccio s Decameron: that of Lodovico Dolce and the present one. Dolce, whose edition appeared a few days earlier, had the occasion to some galley proofs of Ruscelli s edition, and in his preface, he harshly criticized the editorial choices of his rival (without specifically naming him). This caused a sharp dispute, which culminated in Ruscelli s Tre discorsi a Messer Lodovico Dolce (1553) (cf. M. Pacioni, Il paratesto nelle edizioni rinascimentali italiane del Decameron, in: Dante, Petrarca, Boccaccio e il paratesto: le edizioni rinascimentali delle Tre Corone, M. Santoro, ed., Roma, 2006, p. 87; and P. Trovato, Con ogni diligenza corretto. La stampa e le revisioni editoriali dei testi letterari italiani ( ), Bologna, 1991, pp , 166). Remarkable is also the statement by the printer Giovanni Griffio in his preface (leaf g 3 verso), in which he asks the reader to forgive the various errors occurred during printing, because Ruscelli s house was so far away from the press and Ruscelli himself was very reluctant to leave is. Thus, it was not possible to consult him whenever the printers were unable to decipher his original. Ruscelli certainly was the proudest of all of having introduced what he considered a more rational system of spelling and punctuation, which
12 certainly anticipated modern usage. The title page of his Decameron says that the work had been brought back to perfection no less in its writing than in its words. Ruscelli s edition became the target of a mock poem by Il Lasca ( Com hai tu tanto ardir, brutta bestiaccia ) and was also criticized by Lodovico Castelvetro (cf. C.Gizzi, Girolamo Ruscelli editore del Decameron: polemiche editoriali e linguistiche, in: Studi sul Boccaccio, 31, 2003, pp , see also B. Richardson, Editing the Decameron in the Sixteenth Century, in: Italian Studies, 45, 1990, pp , and Mayuko Fukakusa, L edizione del Decamerone di Girolamo Ruscelli (in Japanese), in: Studi Italici. Bollettino annuale dell'associazione di studi italiani in Giappone, 61, 2011, pp ). Girolamo Ruscelli (ca ), of humble origins, was born in Viterbo and became one of the leading editors of the Cinquecento. He was first active in Rome, where he founded the Accademia dello Sdegno together with Tommaso Spica and Giovanni Andrea dell Anguillara. He later settled in Venice working for such publishers as Sessa and Valgrisi. He was a friend of Bernardo and Torquato Tasso, and Pietro Aretino. The last two were to become his rivals in several bitter controversies. He also edited the works of Petrarch and Ariosto and translated Ptolemaeus treatise on geography. While in Venice he had contact with other academies (della Fratta, dei Dubbiosi, della Veniera and della Fama), and was interested in issues such as the systematization of the Italian language (cf. P. Procaccioli, Costui chi e si sia. Appunti per la biografia, il profilo professionale, la fortuna di Girolamo Ruscelli, in : Girolamo Ruscelli. Dall accademia alla corte alla tipografia. Atti del Convegno internazionale di studi, Viterbo, 6-8 ottobre 2011, Roma, 2012, pp and C. Di Filippo Bareggi, Il mestiere di scrivere : lavoro intellettuale e mercato librario a Venezia nel Cinquecento, Roma, 1988, ; ). Edit 16, CNCE 6329; Adams B-2152; Index Aureliensis ; Universal STC, no ; Mostra di manoscritti, documenti e edizioni: VI centenario della morte di Giovanni Boccaccio, Firenze, Biblioteca Medicea Laurenziana, 22 maggio-31 agosto 1975, (Certaldo, 1975), II, no ,900.- / CHF 2,000.- / $ 2,100.-
13 6. CASTELLI, Bartolomeo (d. ca. 1607). Lexicon medicum, Graecolatinum... ex Hippocrate, et Galeno desumptum. 8vo. (16), 434, (22, of which the last 2 are blank) pp. With the author s device on the title-page. 17 th century mottled calf, marbled edges, some foxing in the margins, but a very good copy. Messina, Pietro Brea, VERY RARE FIRST EDITION of what was to become the most popular medical lexicon of all times. It was preceded by works as Otto Brunfels, Onomastikon medicinae (1534), Henri Estienne s Thesaurus vocabulorum medicinalium (1560) and his Dictionarium medicum (1564), Jean de Gorris, Definitionum medicarum libri XXIII literis graecis distincti (1564), and Anuce Foes, Oeconomia Hippocratis alphabeti distincta (1588). Whereas these earlier authors concentrated only on the terminology of the ancients, Castelli also considered also modern and contemporary authors. The medical terminology was at that time very confused, so that it was not easy for the physicians to agree on the meaning of a word. With the purpose to fill that gap, Castelli sketched a history of medicine from ancient Egypt, where it was built as an autonomous science, and from ancient Greece, where the discipline received its foundations with Hippocrates, to early modern Europe passing through the Arabic physicians. Castelli shows how the medical lexicon has continuously changed and grown over the centuries thanks to the contribution of the alchemists and Paracelsus. Castelli s lexicon covers all branches of medicine, including chemistry and physics. The Lexikon was reprinted many times until the end of the 18 th century: Venice, 1607 and 1626; Basel, 1628; Rotterdam (revised by A. Ravenstein), 1644, 1651, 1657, and 1665; Lyon, 1667; Nürnberg, 1682 (augmented and edited by J. Bruno under the title Castellus renovatus); (all subsequent editions bear the title Amaltheum Castellanum Brunonianum:) Padua, 1699, 1713, 1721, 1746, and 1755; Leipzig, 1713; Genève, 1741 and 1746; Amsterdam 1746; etc. Das entscheidende Novum und damit das eigentliche Erfolgsgeheimnis von Castellis Werk ist wohl vielmehr darin zu suchen, daß sich sein Verfasser erstmals in der Geschichte der medizinischen Lexikographie, oder doch zumindest wesentlich stärker als die Autoren vor ihm, nicht ausschließlich auf die antiken Texte stützte, sondern die alte und die zeitgenössische medizinische Begrifflichkeit gleichermaßen behandelte. Das widersprach bis zu einem gewissen Grad den Idealen des philologischen Humanismus, erhöhte jedoch die praktische Nützlichkeit des Werks, das auf diese Weise die medizinische Fachsprache in ihrer Gesamtheit erschloß (M. Stolberg, Das Lexicon medicum graeco-latinum des Bartolomeo Castelli, in: Castellus renovatus: Hoc est lexicon medicum. Nürnberg, Archiv der europäischen Lexikographie, Abt. 3: Geschichte der Medizin; 10, Erlangen, 1994, passim). Born in Messina, Castelli studied theology, philosophy and medicine and taught medicine for many years in his hometown. He probably died around 1607 (cf. A. Hirsch, ed., Biographisches Lexikon der hervorragenden Ärzte aller Zeiten und Völker, München & Berlin 1962, I, p. 852).
14 Edit 16, CNCE 10022; Adams, C-921; Durling 884; Index Aureliensis ; Universal STC, no ; A. Bonifacio, Gli annali dei tipografi messinesi del Cinquecento, (Vibo Valenzia, 1977), p. 54; G. M. Mira, Bibliografia siciliana, (Palermo 1875), I, p / CHF 3,000.- / $ 3,150.- EUCLIDEAN GEOMETRY AND ARISTOTELIAN LOGIC 7. CATENA, Pietro ( ). Super loca matematica contenta in Topicis & Elenchis Aristotelis. 4to. (16) leaves. With woodcut device on title, and several woodcut diagrams in the text. Modern calf, a very nice copy. Venezia, Comin da Trino, FIRST EDITION. The theories of Pietro catena are characterized by a more radical reading of Aristotle in Proclean terms. He developed his ideas in three works (Universa loca in Logicam Aristotelis in mathematicas disciplinas, Venice, 1556; Super loca mathematica contenta in Topicis et elenchis Aristotelis, Venice, 1561, and Oratio pro idea methodi, Padua, 1563), all touching upon the relation between mathematics and philosophy, their objects, their demonstrations, and their status in the hierarchy of speculative sciences (cf. G. C. Giacobbe, Alle origini della rivoluzione scientifica : le opere di Pietro Catena sui rapporti tra matematica e logica, Pisa, 1981, passim). Catena s historical importance lies in the fact that he was one of the first author s in the 16th century dealing with the problem of a formal and epistemological validation of Euclidean mathematics, naturally proceeding from the viewpoint of Aristotelian logic and philosophy, and treating authoritatively the quaestio de certitudine mathematicarum, which, in the mid-century, preoccupied notable authors, such as Francesco Barozzi and Alessandro Piccolomini, in the context of a wider European debate on the methodus of science (cf. L. Giard L., Comment Pietro Catena lit les Loca Mathematica d'aristote", in: Vocabulary of Teaching and Research Between Middle Ages and Renaissance. Proceedings of the Colloquium London, Warburg Institute, March 1994, O. Weijers, ed., Turnhout, 1995, pp ). The main thesis common to Piccolomini and Barozzi, but rejected by Catena, was that of the middle position of mathematical entities [i.e. its position between divine philosophy, and natural philosophy], for which Catena substituted a view of mathematical universals as predicates of the rational soul that he derived from his Platonic reading of 'Posterior Analytics'. Unlike physical phenomena, which are perceived primarily through sense experience, mathematical entities are pure intelligibles, constituted only through a rational process of thought and in no need of the senses to be recognized.... Attributing a common ideal of science of Aristotle and Euclid in spite of a deep divergence of methods Catena thought that mathematical demonstrations were superior to demonstrationes potissimae as instruments of acquiring new knowledge. Hence, he claimed that knowledge of the world was only possible through the use of mathematical methods (R. Feldhay, The Use and Abuse of Mathematical Entities: Galileo and the Jesuits Revisited, in: The Cambridge Companion to Galileo, P. Machamer, ed., pp ). Little is known about the life of Pietro Catena, he was born in Venice and in 1547 obtained the chair of mathematics (the same that later hold Galileo) at the University of Padu-
15 a, where he died of the plague in 1576 (cf. J.P. Rose, Professors of Mathematics at Padua University , in: Physis, 1975, XVII, pp ). Edit 16, CNCE 10252; Index Aureliensis ; Universal STC, no ; Giordano Bruno Mostra storico documentaria, Roma, Biblioteca Casanatense, June 7- September 30, 2000, (Firenze, 2000), p. 177; C.H. Lohr, Latin Aristotle Commentaries, II: Renaissance Authors, (Firenze, 1988), p. 86; A. De Pace, Le matematiche e il mondo: ricerche su un dibattito in Italia nelle seconda metà del Cinquecento, (Milano, 1993), p. 188; / CHF 2,000.- / $ 2,100.- A GRAMMAR FOR A LADY 8. CORSO, Rinaldo ( ). Fondamenti del parlar thoscano. 4to. 104 leaves. With the printer s device on the title-page. Contemporary limp vellum with manuscript title on the spine, lacking the ties, lower part of the spine a bit worn, a very good copy with three different ownership s entries on the front fly-leaf and on the title-page (one dated 1665). Venezia, (Melchiorre Sessa, 1550). FIRST AUTHORIZED EDITION in which the author had printed on the verso of the title-page the following sentence Alla correttion di questo libro ognihuom s attenga: & non ad altra ne scritta, ne stampata. Io Rin. Corso, pointing to the unauthorized edition printed in 1549 by Comin da Trino. Furthermore, the title had the addition: Non prima veduti corretti, et accresciuti. In the same year appeared another issue with the same collation in which only the date (1550) was added. ). The work was reprinted in 1564 and included in Sansovino s anthology Osservazioni sulla lingua volgare (1562). The Fondamenti del parlar thoscano, also known under the title of Grammatica, was the first to deal with syntax in a separate section and innovative for its attention devoted to the figures of speech. Conobbero grande fortuna, attestata da cinque ristampe nel corso del secolo, grazie all agilità espositiva e ad una rigorosa e puntuale coerenza: il certo suo nuovo modo che il Sansovino apprezzò. Pur rifacendosi largamente al Bembo e al Fortunio e alla stessa grammatica latina, il Corso, in una scrupolosa ricerca della regolarità, attribuisce alle categorie grammaticali una funzione logica e un valore espressivo, giungendo per questa via ad alcune osservazioni originali nella storia della nostra grammatica, come quelle sulle figure che si discostano appunto dallo stile comune, dalla regolarità tipica, ma il cui uso è concesso per gratia et ornamento della scrittura. Inoltre il Corso è uno dei pochi, insieme con il Dolce e con il Ruscelli, a soffermarsi sulla analisi logica della proposizione e del periodo (G. Romei, Rinaldo Corso, in: Dizionario biografico degli italiani, XXIX, 1983, p. 688). In fact, this text represents a unique case: it was written for women. It was dedicate to Hiparcha, in real life Lucrezia Lombardi, niece of Giambattista
16 Lombardi, professor of medicine and philosophy at the universities of Bologna and Ferrara, and benefactor of Antonio Allegri, called Il Correggio. It is not merely a dedication to an illustrious woman of the time, but rather a work conceived specifically for the woman the author loved. In the second half of 1546, Corso had to leave Bologna owing to his precarious health conditions and spent more than two years in Correggio, where he began his grammar. During that same period, the troubles, which tormented his relationship with Lucrezia Lombardi, worsened, as we can see from the dedication The Fondamenti was born as a homage to Hiparcha, for the resilience and honesty of her love throughout the difficult time they had to share It was meant to soothe the lovers distress and give them both some respire: to Rinaldo, while writing the work and to Lucrezia while reading it. The text is therefore rich in apostrophes to Hiparcha, by means of which Corso seems to be conversing with his beloved at that time physically distant anticipating her objections and her replies and drawings her attention to some interesting points; the aim, as we read it in the conclusion of the work, is to guide Lucrezia to la via con la quale voi a scrivere havete and al vero sentimento dell altrui scritture. Perhaps, it is the identity of the addressee and beneficiary of the work that can explain the reason behind the clarity and simplicity of the exposition of the grammatical material, elements which certainly contributed to the success of the Fondamenti (H. Sanson, Women, vernacular and the Questione della lingua, in sixteenth-century Italy, in: Languages of Italy. Histories and Dictionaries, A. L. Lepschy & A. Tosi, eds., Ravenna, 2007, p ; see also id., Women and Vernacular Grammars in Sixteenth-Century Italy: The Case of Iparca and Rinaldo Corso s 'Fondamenti del parlar Toscano' (1549), in : Letteratura Italiana Antica, 6, 2005, pp ). Rinaldo Corso was born in Verona on February 16, His father was Ercole Macone (the family was originally from Corsica, hence Corso ), leader of the Venetian Republic and his mother was Margherita Merli. After her husband s death Margherita moved to Correggio where Rinaldo was educated by Bartolomeo Zanotti. Later in Bologna, he studied law with the famous Andrea Alciati. He took his degree in law when he was only 21. In 1542, he published a first commentary on the Rime of Vittoria Colonna, a second part appeared a year later (the whole commentary was reprinted in Colonna s collected poems edited by Girolamo Ruscelli in 1558). In 1546 he returned to Correggio, participated in the academy founded by Veronica Gambara (cf. A. Brundin, Vittoria Colonna and the Spiritual Poetics of the Italian Reformation, Aldershot, 2008, pp ), and began the composition of the present work. In 1549, he married Lucrezia Lombardi, mentioned by Ortensio Lando in his catalogue of illustrious Italian women (in Forcianae quaestiones, 1535). She probably is the Hiparcha to which the present work is dedicated. After Veronica Gambara s death, Corso founded an accademy by himself, the Accademia dei Filogariti. In 1554, he was named first Judge and Prior of the Board of Notaries in Correggio. From 1554 to 1557 he lived first in Venice and then in Urbino. Back in Correggio in 1557, he was accused of siding with the Pope in the war between France and Spain. After the destruction of his properties, Rinaldo left Correggio and moved to Naples, started work for cardinal Girolamo da Coreggio, and followed him to Rome. After the mysterious murder of his wife in 1567, he became a priest, first Nuncio in Policastro and then Inquisitor in Malta and Cyprus. On August 7, 1579 he became Bishop of Strongoli. He died in 1582 at the age of 57. He published many works such as Delle private rappacificazioni (1555), Il dialogo sul ballo (1555), Gli onori della casa di Correggio (1566), and Vita di Giberto terzo di Correggio detto il Difensore, colla vita di Veronica Gambara (1566) (cf. R. Finzi, Un correggese del Rinascimento: Rinaldo Corso, , Modena, 1959, passim; and A. Nesi, Rinaldo Corso, in: Corpus représentatif des grammaires et des traditions linguistiques, B. Colombat & E. Lazcano, eds. Paris, 1998, I, pp ). Edit 16, CNCE 13562; Index Aureliensis ; Universal STC, no ; Gamba, 1337; C. Trabalza, Storia della grammatica italiana, Milan, 1908, pp ; C. Vitali, Grammatiche stampate nei secoli XV e XVI e loro più preziose edizioni, Sassari, 1976, no. 83; A. Piovesan, Rinaldo Corso e i "Fondamenti del parlar thoscano", Diss., Padua, 1960, passim; H. Sanson, Donne, precettistica e lingua nell Italia del Cinquecento: un contributo alla storia del pensiero linguistico, Florence, 2007, p ,350.- / CHF 1,450.- / $ 1,470.-
17 9. DICHIARATIONE del Mirabilissimo Sepolchro di S. Giacomo delli Spagnoli fatto per lo Rever. Don Filippo Mazzola Sacristano di detta Ecclesia, Et per l eggregio Architetto M. Pietro Sale, et comandato per li Eccell. Sig. Governatori & maestri di quella, Utilissimo et Catholico ad ogni fedele Christiano. 8vo. (4) leaves. With a large historiated woodcut initial. Modern boards, upper margin cut a bit short, a good copy. Napoli, Mattia Cancer, APPARENTLY UNRECORDED leaflet describing the interior decorations and the monumental tombs of the basilica church of San Giacomo degli Spagnoli. It was originally commissioned in 1540 by the Spanish viceroy Don Pedro Alvarez de Toledo Marquis of Villafranca. The church was dedicated to Saint James, the patron saint of Spain, and designed by Neapolitan architect and sculptor Fedinando Manlio (cf. R. Pane, Architetti e ingegneri napoletani dal '500 al '700, Napoli 1969, pp ). The interior also still retains the tomb, which the Viceroy had commissioned for his wife and son, and himself. The tomb was completed, apart its inscription dated 1570, in Don Pedro s lifetime, while he was ruling in Naples. It was a commission executed by the Neapolitan sculptor, Giovanni da Nola, using Carrara marble, a gift from Cosimo de Medici, who had married the Viceroy s daughter, Eleonora, in However, he died suddenly in Florence in His body remained there and was given burial in the Florence cathedral without much ceremony (cf. R.W. Gaston & A.M. Gáldy, The Stranded Tomb: Cultural Allusions in the Funeral Monument of Don Pedro de Toledo, Sn Giacomo degli Spagnoli, Naples, in: The Spanish presence in Sixteenth Century Italy, P. Barker-Bates & M. Pattenden, eds., Farnham, 2015, pp ).
18 The tomb has also been described in a bit obtrusive manner by Giorgio Vasari (Vite, L. Bellosi & A. Rossi, ed., Torino, 1991, p. 25) as una infinità di storie delle vittorie otenute da quell signore contra i Turchi, con molte statue che sono in quell opera isolate, e condotta con molta diligenza. The leaflet was commissioned by the governors of the church and, probably intended, for distribution among the visitors of the basilica. 1,800.- / CHF 1,900.- / $ 1, DIETTERLIN, Wendel (ca ). Architectura von Auβtheilung/ Sÿmmetria und Proportion der Fünf Seulen, und aller darauβ folgender Kunst Arbeit, von Fenstern, Caminen, Thürgerichten, Portalen, Bronnen und Epitaphen.Wie dieselbige auβ jedweder Art der Fünff Seulen, grundt aufzureissen, zuzurichten, und ins Werck zu bringen seÿen, Allen solcher Kunst Liebhabenden, zu einem bestendugen und ring ergreiffenden underricht, erfunden, in zweÿhundert Stück gebracht, Geezt, und an tag gegeben Folio. Five parts. Etched title within an architectural border, etched portrait of the author, leaves (consisting of four etched part titles, 8 leaves of text leaf 23 with a half-page etching -, and 195 full-page etchings), 1 leaf (colophon). 19th century red morocco, richly gilt panels with armorial center pieces (French royal arms), gilt back, gilt inside fillets, gilt edges, from the atelier of Léon Gruel ( ) in the style of the bindings Clovis Eve made for king Henry IV of France, a few marginal repairs but an attractive copy. Nürnberg, Balthasar Caymox, 1598.
19 FIRST COMPLETE EDITION of this milestone in history of German etching (cf. E. Forssmann, Dorisch, Jonisch, Korinthisch. Studien zum Gebrauch der Säulenordnungen in der Architektur des Jahrhunderts, Stockholm, 1961, p. 5). The first version of the Architectura came out in Stuttgart, without the editor s name, in Its title, Das erste Buch [The First Book] could have caused one to believe that it was the first part, devoted only to the Tuscan order, of the complete work in five books. In fact, outside of the pages of text, it comprises approximately forty engravings on the five orders of architecture. A Latin version was printed in the same years by the heirs of Bernard Jobin at Strassburg. In 1594 was published an second part entitled Architectura von Portalen with fifty-eight plates and in 1595 appeared of the same a version with Latin and French text and in 1598 followed the first complete edition in five parts. This is extant in several variants: one without the mention of the printer on the title-page and with the numbering of the plates starting with 12; another with the lettering on the title-page printed in red and black, is usually found without the portrait as second leaf, which is occupied instead with a dedication to Daniel Soriau; then one in which only Balthasar Caymox is mentioned as the printer, the lettering in the title-page is engraved, is has the portrait as second leaf, and at the end is added a leaf with a colophon reading: Gedruckt zu Nürnberg In verlegung Balthasar Caymocx. Anno. M.D.XCVIII.(our copy) ; yet another version has again a title page printed in red and black but with Latin text and with also only the name Balthazar Caymox, but is in fact polyglot (Latin and French), and kept the Latin colophon dated 1595 (cf. G.U. Grossmann, Die verschiedenen Ausgaben der Architectura des Wenzel Dietterlin, in: Anzeiger des Germanischen Nationalmuseums, 1997, pp ).
20 Ditterlin s Architectura is essentially a graphic book; only a few short texts interpret the plates at the beginning of the book and introduce each of the five sections which develop the Serlian orders. For each one, Dietterlin begins by giving a diagram of the proportions, inspired by Hans Blum s method. He completes these geometric data very systematically with suggestions for the decorative elements and for each one he creates variations for the supports (columns, caryatids and terms) and entablatures, then examples of windows and dormers, chimneypieces, portals, fountains, and lastly tombs, altars and altarpieces. The treatment is extremely ornate. A painter above all, Dietterlin gave greater emphasis to the heavy proliferation of ornaments on the parts of the orders and on the architectural structures, and to the picturesque details of individuals, animals and familiar objects which give life to the buildings. The Serlian classification of the five orders, from the most rustic to the most elegant, is the opportunity to develop multiple decorative elements, often very original: all sorts of rustication are associated with the Tuscan order, but also a winemaker (pl. 6), an elephant (pl. 18), and a stag and a unicorn (pl. 24), as images representing rustic power and the wilderness. The image of the winemaker takes on another meaning which Dietterlin borrows from Hans Blum. It is also a portrait of Noah, considered moreover the ancestor of the Etruscans, i.e. the Tusci who gave rise to the Teutschen. Thus the Tuscan order became the German national order. The four other orders are treated in a similar way, with a regular increase in refinement and ornamental delicacy: the Doric is warlike, the Ionic matronly, the Corinthian virginal. As for the composite, it allows for numerous combinations which bring in, among others, elements of a Gothic frame of mind, like the plant shapes of the Astwerk, interlacing of sculpted branches, very popular in the art of central Europe (pl. 196, 197, 203). In the principle of the distribution of forms according to the five orders, Dietterlin is perfectly Serlian. The architect from Bologna is also at the origin of this type of publication: the Regole generali (Quarto libro) of 1537 associate in the same way the orders as such with portals, chimneypieces and aedicules. But the concern for strictness in the classification linked up with great imagination and ornamental freedom in the Architectura was inherited from the Extraordinario libro published in 1551, which moreover provides certain architectural structures. The German seems to have particularly appreciated Serlio s arch XVI, with its two pediments crowning the lateral parts, and which is the subject of several variations (pl. 68, 71, 73, 112, 154). It is difficult not to see a connection between door XXII and plate 153, and door XVIII and plate 155. The niches of the portal in plate 111 probably come from arch XIV. Another source must be mentioned which puts Dietterlin in connection with France: Jacques Androuet du Cerceau. The presentation of the entablatures in plates 49, 50, 98 and 99 is entirely similar to that adopted by the Frenchman in his Détails d ordres d architecture. And the Second livre d architecture published in Paris in 1561 especially constitutes a precedent inasmuch as, like the Architectura, it gives models of chimneypieces, dormers, doors and windows, fountains, wells, residences and sepulchers. Outside of the sausages added by Dietterlin, the chimneypiece in plate 21 repeats characteristic elements of a model by the Frenchman, the supports shaped like amphorae with heads and the oval designs on the mantelpiece. Other collections could have inspired the German: the idea of the pediment with the inverted sloping cornices used in plate 19 could come from a collection of meubles in which du Cerceau gives two comparable models, in one of which there is a door ajar, as in Dietterlin s engraving. The Architectura fits perfectly into the northern European taste of the end of the 16 th century. Hugues Sambin s terms and caryatids (Œuvre de la diversité des termes, 1572) and the zoomorphic supports by Joseph Boillot (Nouveaux pourtraitz et figures de termes, 1592, translated into German in 1604), are decorated just as much. In Flanders, Hans Vredeman de Vries had published his Architectura in Antwerp in Other similar undertakings had appeared in Germany at the same time, in particular the Etliche architectischer Portalen by Veit Ecken, published in 1596 in Cologne. The heavily decorative style of the book inspired numerous Germanic authors, such as Johann Jacob Ebelmann (Lehr- und Kunstbuch allerhant Portalen, Reisbetten, und Epitaphien, 1600), Gabriel Kramer (Architectura, 1600), Rutger Kasemann (Seilen bochg darin gieziert seilen unt termen sin, 1616, translated into French in 1622) and Jacob Guckeisen (Seilen Buch, 1598). In practice, many buildings were inspired by Dietterlin s plates: in the northern Europe of the 16 th century, building in the antique style boiled down to creating a portal, and the Architectura offered many models which can be found in Germany as well as in Denmark and in England. In Flanders and in Holland, six plates with models of the five orders and Tuscan consoles (nos. 6, 11, 46, 95, 272 and 176 of the present book) were reused in the
21 bilingual editions of Hans Blum s treatise published in Antwerp and Amsterdam starting in 1619 (Y. Pauwels, in: Architectura. Architecture, texts et images, XVI-XVII siècles, Centre d études supérieures de la Renaissance, Tours, 2012: see also K. Skelton, Shaping the book and the building : text and image in Dietterlin s Architectura, in: Word & Image, 23/1, 2007, pp ). For Dietterlin the five orders are mainly a take-off point, or a framework, for his ungovernable imaginative flights. The weirdest and richest forms are invented, the most varied effects of light, shade and perspective are introduced; animal and plant ornaments proliferate over the basic architectural elements. Only occasional touches remind the viewer that these are meant to be, let us say, Doric or Ionic. They are decorations no artisan could ever have realized. They turn into an overwhelming, confusing and enchanting play of phantasy The German High Baroque is forcefully anticipated; the magic of the late Gothic style is still conjured up in several plates; some designs are derived from the late Italian Renaissance; some are purely personal phantasies. Some seems as if they were meant for stage designs, although of course they are not. A Doric kitchen interior turns into a glutton s nightmare; a Tuscan stove into an elephant; and the door in the concluding plate leads to the triumph of death the symbolic Finis for the work of a genius who, in the words of his dedication, considered life miserable and dreary, but art as a source of pleasure and grace (A.K. Plazek, Introduction, in: The Fantastic Engravings of Wedel Dietterlin, New York, 1968, pp. 4-5).
22 Seinen Ruhm verdankt Wendel Dietterlin im wesentlichen seiner Architectura, nicht nur ein Lehrbuch der Ornamentik, sondern eine Grundordnung des Lebens. Dieses Werk gehört zu den spannendsten Bildwerken über die Säulenordnungen in Renaissance und Barock aus Deutschland. Durch seine schöpferische Phantasie wird Dietterlin geradezu zu einem Bahnbrecher der im Entstehen begriffenen Barockbaukunst (G.U. Grossmann, op. cit., p. 157). Wendel Dietterlin was born at Pfullendorf in Württemberg on Lake Constance. His original name was Grapp and he may have been a member of a family of artists in Swabia. He spent most of his life in Strassburg, where he married Catharina Sprewer on 12 November 1570, and where he is known to have painted frescos for the Bruderhof, the Bishop's residence, in 1575, but he is later recorded also in Hagenau in 1583 and in Oberkirch in He also worked on large projects in Stuttgart for some time, e.g. the execution of a large (57 meters long and 20 meters wide) ceiling painting in the upper hall of the Neues Lusthaus, a building constructed by Duke Ludwig of Württemberg for enter-
23 tainment purposes. In addition to the ceiling, Dietterlin painted the walls of the hall. The Renaissance Lusthaus having later been rebuilt several times and almost entirely replaced in 1845 by the new Hoftheater (which was destroyed in a fire in 1902, when some of the remains of the original building came to light). Nothing is now preserved of the paintings from the hall, but they are depicted in a 1619 etching by the Strassbourg-based painter and engraver Friedrich Brentel showing the interior of the large room. Other of his paintings are known from engravings by Matthäus Greuter and by his own grandson Bartholomäus Dietterlin. The style, with "exaggerated foreshortenings", appears influenced by North Italian models, such as Giulio Romano s frescos in Mantua, through German intermediaries. His only extant painting is a Resurrection of Lazarus, signed and dated 1582 or 1587; is now in the Staatliche Kunsthalle Karlsruhe. Dietterlin s original drawings for his Architectura are preserved in the library of the Art Academy in Dresden (E. Forssman, Wendel Dietterlin, Maler und Architekturtheoretiker, in: Architektur und Figur. Das Zusammenspiel der Künste ; Festschrift für Stefan Kummer zum 60. Geburtstag, München, 2007, pp ). VD-16, D-1693; Universal STC, no ,800.- / CHF 18,500.- / $ 19,200.- WITH 44 WOODCUT ILLUSTRATIONS AND THE REPRODUTION OF THE TITLE-PAGE OF THE INFERNI AS EDITORIAL PROSPECTUS 11. DONI, Anton Francesco ( ). I Marmi Al Mag. co et Eccellente S. Antonio da Feltro dedicati. Four parts in one volume. 4to. 167, (1) pp. ; 119, (1) pp. ; 166, (2) pp. ; 93, (3) pp. Printer s devices on each title-page and on the verso of the last leaf of every section, printed with two different italic types, with 44 woodcut illustrations in the text, including the portraits of Doni, Marcolini, Gelli, and Petrarca; at p. 81 of the fourth part is reproduced the title-page of another of Doni s works, the Inferni, of which is also announced the forthcoming publication and the contents described (this is probably the first case in the history of printing in which is promoted the imminent publication of a new work, its soon-to-be-released title-page being reproduced within another published work). Contemporary limp vellum, blind-stamped coat-of-arms of the sixth son of King George III of England on the panels, manuscript title on the spine and the bottom edge, a bit soiled and crumpled, minor loss at the bottom of the spine, small wormtrack skillfully repaired in the blank margin of the first leaves, first title-page lightly soiled, otherwise a genuine and attractive copy from the library of the prince August Frederick, duke of Sussex ( ). Venezia, Francesco Marcolini, 1552 (-1553). FIRST EDITION of this collection of a great variety of texts consisting mostly of a series of imaginary dialogues involving over one hundred different characters, some real, some fictive, who are portrayed conversing on the marble steps (I marmi) of the Duomo of Florence on a wide range of unrelated topics. The many aspects (editorial, iconografic, musical, etc.) of the work are meticulously investigated by G. Rizzarelli, in: I Marmi di Anton Francesco Doni: la storia, i generi e le arti, Firenze, 2012, passim). The four parts of the Marmi, forming a single volume, were probably also sold separately. The printing of the work started in September 1552 and was accomplished in January Although Doni s works were usually reprinted several times, of the Marmi only one reprint is know, that issued in Venice by Giovanni Battista Bertoni in 1609 (cf. S. Casali, Gli annali della tipografia veneziana di Francesco Marcolini, Bologna, 1953, pp ). Anche dentro i parametri doniani i Marmi costituiscono una punta estrema di bizzarria e di lunaticità fatta di imprevedibili, sconnesse e spericolate congerie tematiche Dai frequenti cataloghi e dai bruschi trapassi da una meteria all altra il lettore ricava una prima e spontanea impressione di quel-
24 lo sconcerto che si prova davanti al disordine più radicale, accentuato ulteriormente dalla polifonia di voci di dialoganti senza volto, convenuti a caso nella piazza fiorentina a raccontare storie e a discorrere di materie a volte astruse e a volte dozzinali, a presentare tesi che vengono accompagnate da cori di giudizi o commenti strampalati. L immagine tradizionale di un Doni scapigliato e ribelle, creatore d avanguardie e autore sfuggente, contraddittorio, sarcastico trova nei Marmi la conferma maggiore. Doni si è creata l immagine di un autore che non vuole essere mai preso sul serio; e si può dire che nei Marmi vi sia riuscito appieno. Ma un irregolarità così sostenuta autorizza a sospettare una posa, un compiacimento, un operazione non priva di sistematicità e di calcolo teso in primo luogo ad occultare qualsiasi impegno di regolarità. E si deve ammettere che Doni sia riuscito appieno anche in questo calcolo, perché la sua immagine di scrittore bizzarro si conserva senza scalfitture I Marmi sono costellati di riferimenti a libri, i cui titoli sono citati spesso con approssimazione (ad esempio La bottega del Tessitore per l Officina di Ravisio Testore) forse voluta per creare un tono trasandato e antipedantesco; sono farciti di citazioni di cui a volte è difficile vederne con precisione i contorni o addirittura indovinarne la lingua originale, rendendo talvolta molto difficile distinguere fra le voci autoriali e le citazioni: il tutto fa parte della scanzonata scapigliatura di Doni il quale, a nostro maggiore sconcerto, cita con precisione, lasciando intravvedere che anche in questa maniera domina il capriccio Quasi certamente la base dei Marmi è costituita da un mosaico di testi prelevati nella maggior parte da vari autori di cui normalmente si tace l identità; per giunta i testi sono spesso tagliati e ricuciti in modo tale che anche il più smaliziato Quellenforscher avrebbe difficoltà ad identificarli. Se liberassimo questa base dalle superfetzioni e glosse doniane, avremmo una di quelle raccolta miscellanee o selve che furono popolarissime nel Cinquecento; ma Doni la usa come una sinopia alla quale sovrappone o intreccia commenti di dialoganti, digressioni che talvolta incorporano altre fonti, parentesi di umore a sfondo realistico, novellette, considerazioni di polemica letteraria, frecciate personali, e una serie di vari altri elementi che occultano e alterano il mosaico di fondo, rendendo difficile riconoscere i testi primari per via di una frammentazione continua e per la farcitura di elementi che dissuonano e producono mescolanze di linguaggi lontane dai criteri di decorum, e per via di altre tecniche che alimentano l impressione di bizzarria e caoticità lunatica a tutto scapito di un orditura lineare e robusta Il criterio della dispositio sconnessa si applica perfettamente ai Marmi, i quali da questo punto di vista sono una selva, cioè
25 una raccolta di materiali privi di nessi fra loro. E sono materiali esteticamente fruibili perché sono per lo meno curiosi: curiose sono le storie e le favole, curiosi sono i soggetti del cibo, della chiromanzia, dei sogni, curiosi la vita di Arnaut Daniel e vari altri materiali ai quali se ne mescolano altri che potrebbero sembrare uggiosi, come i precetti utili all huomo o alcune discussioni sull onore. Ma per poter parlare di una selva affine a quella di [Pedro] Mexía bisogna postulare che i Marmi, come la Silva [de varia lección (1540)], siano ricavati tutti o almeno in gran parte da libri altrui, che siano frutto di una vera lectio o scelta attuata su opere varie. Questo è un punto cruciale, e fino a quando non si farà un lavoro sistematico sulle fonti sarà imprudente affermare senza ombra di dubbio che i Marmi siano una selva nel senso indicato Ai materiali di base Doni sovrappose ciò che è tipico del suo umore bizzarria, riboboli, sbandate fuori tema, note dissacranti e antifrastiche, curiosità, capricci e costanti scadute tonali e lo espresse attraverso le molte voci dei personaggi che frequentano i dialoghi dei Marmi. La combinazione creò quella dissonanza che mortifica l erudizione, che invalida il sapere, che abbraccia un Seneca ma lo respinge poi come soporifero, che propone norme dietetiche a crapuloni e beoni, che sciorina informazioni cabalistiche ad allocchi. Era questo il modo con cui Doni viveva un atteggiamento culturale dei suoi tempi o almeno di quel gruppo d avanguardia che fra gli anni 40 e 60 voltò le spalle all Umanesimo e prese a parodiarne l erudizione (P. Cherchi, La selva dei Marmi doniani, in: Esperienze Letterarie, XXVI, 2001, pp. 3-6, 9 e 35-36).
26 Anton Francesco Doni went beyond Franco, Domenichi, and Lando in his rejection of Cinquecento learning. The others believed that learning had declined and attacked individual humanists, but Doni argued that the studi liberali were fundamentally inadequate to teach men virtue His I Marmi ( ), or conversations overheard in the evening on the marble steps of the Florentine cathedral, contains a dialogue in which he rejects the studi liberali. A poultry vendor, a broker, and an unidentified third person begin to discuss how to avoid vice and to foster virtue, defined the traditional terms as the love of patria, wife, and children. But the studi liberali can not teach virtue Grammar can teach style and poetry is important; history is noble, but knowledge of the lives and activities of the ancients has only a negative value, a warning to men to avoid their faults. With arithmetic and geometry one can count one s possessions, but it is of no avail if one does not divide them for charity. Neither is virtue the result of the study of Stoic or Aristotelian philosophy. Books can not teach men virtue because men have to learn from their own experience (P. Grendler, The Rejection of Learning in Mid- Cinquecento Italy, in: Culture and Censorship in Late Renaissance Italy and France, London, 1981, pp ). A noteworthy passage important for the history of the reception of the Copernican theory in the 16 th century occurs in the first dialogue: the buffo Carafulla defends the heliocentric system just nine years after the publication of Copernicus De revolutionibus: Il sole non già, noi giramo; la terra è quella che si volge, non sai tu che il cielo si chiama fermamento; & quando costa vanno a torno alla terra e dicono io ho girato tutta la cosmographia" (I, p.18) (cf. M. R. Macchia, Le voci della scienza nei Marmi di Anton Francesco Doni: la divulgazione scientifica fra oralità e scrittura, in: Lo scaffale della biblioteca scientifica in volgare, secoli XIII-XVI: atti del Convegno, Matera, ottobre 2004, R. Librandi & R. Piro, eds., Firenze, 2006, pp ). Anton Francesco Doni was born in Florence, the son of a scissors-maker and second hand dealer. The first extant reliable information on him is that after 1535 he joined the religious order of the Servi di Maria in the Florentine convent of the Santissima Annunziata, taking the name of brother Valerio. During his stay there Doni became a friend of the sculptor Giovannangelo Montorsoli, a disciple of Michelangelo. In 1540 they both left Florence and the convent and moved to Genoa; the following year Doni transferred to Alessandria, where he stayed with Antonio Trotti and Isabella Guasco. In 1542 he spent shorter periods in Pavia and Milan, and then moved to Piacenza to begin stu-
27 dying law. Very soon, however, he gave up juridical studies and followed his inclination for literature. In Piacenza Doni joined the Accademia degli Ortolani, a group of intellectuals with whom he shared a very polemical, anti-classical attitude. Among its most prominent members were Giuseppe Betussi, Girolamo Parabosco, and Lodovico Domenichi. To Domenichi in particular Doni was bound by a very close friendship, following him to Venice, where he was introduced to Pietro Aretino and where he published the first book of his Lettere as well as the Dialogo della Musica (1544). Soon afterwards Doni travelled back to Florence, where he began to take part in the meetings of the Accademia degli Umidi. In 1546 he became secretary of the Accademia Fiorentina and, with the aid of Cosimo I de Medici, duke of Florence, tried to establish a printing house of his own. The business turned out to be disastrous, however, and lasted only from 1546 to In this period Doni published approximately twenty texts closely connected with the activities of the Accademia Fiorentina, among which should be mentioned Gli spiriti folletti (1546) and the Prose antiche di Dante, Petrarcha e Boccaccio (1547). In 1548, after the failure of his printing house, Doni broke off his relations with the Florentine milieu leaving Florence once and for all and, after a violent quarrel whose reasons remain obscure, ending his personal relationship with Domenichi. Back in Venice, Doni edited the first Italian version of Thomas More s Utopia, translated by Ortensio Lando (1548). In 1549 his eldest son, Silvio, was born from an extramarital relationship with Lena Gabbia; to him Doni dedicated the Epistole di Seneca ridotte nella lingua toscana, issued in the same year. This is the first example of Doni s penchant for plagiarism, since what he actually did was to publish under this title his own adaptation of Sebastiano Manilio s translation of Seneca s Moral Epistles (1494). Meanwhile, he had begun a close collaboration with the printer Gabriele Giolito with the publication of the Disegno (1549), a book concerned with the primacy of figurative art. In 1550 Giolito published three further volumes by Doni: Fortuna di Cesare, Prima Libraria, and Medaglie. In his writings from 1549 onwards Doni often mentions the Accademia Pellegrina. However, this is neither the name of an existing institution (as it was believed until recently), nor the designation of a project for the creation of a new community of intellectuals; Doni s Accademia Pellegrina is simply a literary fiction and an important element of the setting of his works. Ercole Bentivoglio, Titian, Francesco Sansovino, Lodovico Dolce, Pietro Aretino, Francesco Marcolini, and other alleged members of the Accademia often appear as characters in, or even co-authors of, Doni s output. Doni s most productive period coincided with the years , when he was a collaborator of the printer Francesco Marcolini, who during this triennium printed many of Doni s major works: the Seconda Libraria (1551), the Zucca ( ), the Moral Filosofia (1552), the Marmi ( ), the diptych Mondi-Inferni ( ), the Pistolotti amorosi (1552), a collection of letters written by various fictional lovers. In 1555 Doni suddenly left Venice and went to Urbino, where he wanted to obtain the patronage of Duke Guidobaldo II della Rovere with the aid of Pietro Aretino. Aretino, however, refused, and to take revenge for what he considered a betrayal, in 1556 Doni wrote a very aggressive book, the Terremoto (Earthquake), in which he predicted that his former friend would die before the end of the year exactly as happened. In 1556 he also published Le Ville, a work devoted to the features of country houses. Between 1557 and 1558 Doni stayed in Ancona, where he tried to open a new printing house, but he was soon compelled to leave because of an edict of Pope Paul IV which ruled that all those who had left the priesthood should return to their convents. There is no clarity regarding the details of the following three years of Doni s life. However, between 1562 and 1563 he was certainly in Arquà, where he planned a monument in honour of Petrarch, which was never built. In 1562 Giolito printed Il Cancellieri dell Eloquenza, Il Cancellieri della Memoria, the Dichiarazione sopra il XIII cap. dell Apocalisse, and the second revised edition of the diptych Mondi-Inferni with the new title Mondi terrestri, celesti e infernali. In 1564, Le Pitture was published in Padua by the printer Grazioso Percaccino. This work collects the invenzioni, or allegorical descriptions of love, fortune, time, sleep, and death, which Doni had created to adorn the projected monument dedicated to Petrarch. In 1567 Doni and his son Silvio moved to Monselice, near Padua. In the same year he composed the Lumiera, a short poem that takes up themes from the main works of the 1550s. The following year, Giorgio de Cavalli printed an updated edition of the Mondi in Venice, the last before Doni s death. Doni s works enjoyed great success throughout Europe and were soon translated into other major European languages: Spanish (Zucca en español, 1552), English (The Moral Philosophy of Doni, 1570), and French (Les Mondes célestes, terrestres et infernaux, 1578, 1580, 1583). In July 1574 Doni returned to Venice, where he offered Henry III
28 of Valois the precious manuscript of a poem in ottava rima, the Guerra di Cipro. This is the last known fact of Doni s life. He died soon after, in September 1574 still in Venice, according to some sources, or back in Monselice, according to other (cf. P. Pelizzari, Nota biografica, in: Doni, I Mondi e gli Inferni, Torino, 1994, pp. LXIX-LXXXIV). Edit 16, CNCE 17692; Adams, D-824; Casali, op. cit., no. 95; B. Gamba, Serie dell' edizioni dei testi di lingua italiana, (Venezia, 1839), no. 1368; C. Ricottini Marsili-Libelli, Anton Francesco Doni scrittore e stampatore, (Firenze, 1960), no. 40; R. Mortimer, Harvard College Library Italian 16 th Century Books, (Cambridge, MA, 1974), no ,900.- / CHF 8,300.- / $ 8,600.- THE LIVELIEST AND MOST ORIGINAL CONTRIBUTIONS TO EARLY MODERN DEBATE ON SEX ROLES, AS WELL AS ONE OF THE EARLIEST TO HAVE BEEN AUTHORED BY A WOMAN 12. FONTE, Moderata (Modesta Pozzo de Zorzi, ). Il merito delle donne, scritto in due giornate. Ove chiaramente si scuopre quanto siano elle degne, e più perfette de gli huomini. 4to. (8), 158, pp. (1 blank leaf). With the printer s device on the titlepage and Fonte s engraved portrait on leaf a4 v. Contemporary vellum over boards, manuscript title on the spine (in French), hinges repaired, small marginal portion of the upper part of the title-page skillfully repaired, otherwise a very nice and genuine copy. Venezia, presso Domenico Imberti, VERY RARE FIRST EDITION of the first important feminist work published in Italy. It appeared eight years after Fonte's death, with a dedicatory letter to Livia Feltria della Rovere, Duchess of Urbino, by Fonte s elder daughter Cecilia (then 15), and two sonnets by her surviving son, Pietro. The Worth of Women takes the form of a dialogue between seven Venetian women, some married, some unmarried, some widowed, who meet together for two days of conservation (cf. S. Kolsky, Wells of Knowledge: Moderata Fonte s Il merito delle donne, in: Italianistica, 13, 1993, pp , and Kitamura Akari, Il Merito delle donne di Moderata Fonte, Venezia, 1600, e la genealogia delle dispute umanistiche sulle donne nel Rinascimento (in Japanese), in: Studi Italici, 56, 2006, pp ). Fonte sets up lively arguments and counterarguments centering on the reasons why women have been historically oppressed, culturally marginalized, and intellectually dismissed. Since there is no man present at the conversation, which takes place in a woman's palazzo in Venice, the exchange is uninhibited and can touch on a variety of female issues, such as marriage, dowries, relationships, and on women's sometimes friendly and sometimes adversarial relationship with the men in their familybrothers, husbands, fathers, and sons. Rather than arguing for the nobility of women, a subject often used by male authors when writing benevolently of this sex, Fonte concentrates in her book on women's natural worth. Women, she writes, are part of the natural system, just like men, and thus they too have a place-and not an inferior one-in the social order. Men's feeling that the other sex is seconda-
29 ry to them is the result of an abuse that has been introduced into the world and that men have then, over time, gradually translated into law and custom, Fonte writes, and it has become so entrenched that they claim (and even actually believe) that the status they have gained through their bullying is theirs by right. The emphasis, in the first book, is on the limitations that society places on women and on the weaknesses of the very men who supervise their female counterparts. Why are women unjustly treated when they too-alongside men-are made in the image of God? a discussant asks. Why have women found themselves bereft of any possibility of having the kind of life that their family's wealth and status can assure them just because their fathers forgot to provide for them in their will or because brothers carelessly used the dotal money to further their business transactions? No matter how pacifying the attitude of some of the ladies in the gathering, the general understanding is that men are not worth their current highly regarded place in society: they squander the family patrimony, are prone to violent deeds, and are naturally suspicious. Even sons, in fact, forget the goodness of their upbringing and turn against their mothers-some of the women complain-if it is convenient for them to do so. The reader is repeatedly offered the chance to sympathize with women's plight and to understand that only male jealousy limits and castigates this sex. But here the number of pages dedicated to the subject, coupled with a tone that is at times sarcastic, at others matter-of-fact, even demotic, but always engaging, makes the logic of the argument inescapable. An aspect of the work that has at-
30 tracted particular attention in recent criticism is its skeptical treatment of the value of marriage for women, and its wistful evocation of the attractions of a single life (cf. Moderata Fonte, The Worth of Women, V. Cox, ed. & trans, Chicago, IL, 1997, pp. 6-22). The tone changes in book 2 (cf. S. Magnanini, Una selva luminosa: The Second Day of Moderata Fonte s Il merito delle donne, in: Modern Philology, 101/2, 2003, pp ) as the women present an encyclopedic view of the world in which they live. As they touch on issues as far ranging as geography, politics, history, art, medicine, cosmology, and literature, the seven female discussants make clear that they too share in the knowledge of the world around them. The topic of women s participation in scientific study and practice, from natural philosophy and pharmacy, was increasingly deployed over the course of the sixteenth century in Italy in the context of the debate over women. As best known contributors to the debate by women writers in the late Renaissance, both Fonte s Worth of Women and Marinelli s Nobility and Excellence of Women have attracted much critical interest for their protofeminist arguments. Considerably less attention has been paid to the role of scientific discourse as a rhetorical tool in crafting and expanding those arguments. In these and other works, however, Fonte and Marinelli take ownership of scientific discourse, claiming it as an area in which women can demonstrate their merit and as fundamental aspect of the defense of women (M.K. Rey, Daughters of Alchemy: Women and Scientific Culture in Early Modern Italy, Cambridge, MA, 2015, pp and more detailed on pp ; see also C. Lesage, Le savoir alimentaire dans Il merito delle donne de Moderata Fonte, in: La table et dessous: Culture, alimentation et convivialité en Italie, XIV- XVIe siècles, A. Chales Fiorato & A. Fortes Baratto, eds., Paris, 1999, pp ). Nell anno 1600 viene pubblicato a Venezia presso l editore Imberti Il merito delle donne di Moderata Fonte. Il libro vede la luce in novembre: nell agosto dello steso anno era stato dato alle stampe La Nobiltà et Eccellenza delle Donne, et i Difetti e Mancamenti de gli Huomini di Lucrezia Marinelli. Insolito, per non dire eccezionale, l evento della pubblicazione di due opere scritte da donne, a distanza da pochi mesi, nella stessa città, sul medesimo argomento. Il libro che Moderata Fonte aveva terminato il giorno prima di morire di parto, usciva infatti postumo di otto anni. L editore Imberti aveva ottenuto il manoscritto probabilmente da Giovanni Nicolò Doglioni [see below] Di certo si sa che il libro della Marinelli fu commissionato all autrice direttamente dall editore Ciotti, che le aveva imposto come lei stessa ci informa un tempo massimo di due mesi per portare a termine la stesura. Come si spiega questa frenetica ricerca di opere scritte da donne da parte degli editori?... La pubblicazione delle due opere è un fatto unico, per quanto si sa, nella storia letteraria del tempo. Come tutti i testimoni diretti riferiscono, pare che la sollecitazione più evidente alla composizione e alla stampa delle due opere sia da rintracciare nelle vicende seguite alla pubblicazione del violento libro misogino di Giuseppe Passi, I donneschi diffetti, da lui composta nel 1595., aveva dato luogo a un vero e proprio incidente letterario nel quale il pubblico femminile era stata la cassa di risonanza, con un accoglienza tanto scandalizzata e polemica da raggiungere dimensioni di massa (B. Collina, Moderata Fonte e Il merito delle donne, in: Annali d Italianistica, 7, 1989, pp ). Il vero ritratto di Moderata Fonte, premesso a Il merito delle donne nell edizione dell anno 1600, ci mostra una giovane nell abbigliamento sfarzoso che era di moda tra le gentildonne veneziane nella seconda metà del secolo XVI. Dietro il capo s innalza, con un grande effetto ornamentale, la bavera di trina, altissima e rigida. La scollatura scende profonda e ampia tra pizzi e stoffe pregiate. Un filo di perle cinge il collo lungo ed esile. La pettinatura, molto elaborata, si erge nelle due caratteristiche corna di riccioli. I capelli sono chiari, certamente biondi, il colore in voga che era ottenuto in modo artificia-
31 le. Con la frivolezza dell abbigliamento mal si accorda la corona di lauro che spunta tra i capelli, simbolo di raggiunta gloria poetica. Ma ancor più contrasta la severità del volto. La fisionomia è dominata dal naso pronunciato, più maschile che femminile; la fronte è alta e spaziosa; le labbra sottili sono serrate, senza un accenno di sorriso; gli occhi ci fissano penetranti. Un volto estraneo agli orpelli che caricano la figura, quasi fossero una sorta di maschera o costume di scena, portati per qualche dovere. L espressione intensa sembra alludere a una dimensione interiore e segreta, in cui si svolga la vera vita di questa donna. Soprattutto lo sguardo ci raggiunge, dalla distanza di quattro secoli, con una particolare suggestione: sembra guardare oltre il presente, con malinconica consapevolezza. Vien fatto di pensare a quanto di singolare percepivano nella giovane i suoi familiari. Le attribuivano infatti facoltà paranormali di preveggenza: "pareva che avesse ella in sé un qualche divino spirito di profezia". Quando fu così ritratta, Moderata Fonte aveva trentaquattro anni, come informa l iscrizione sotto l immagine: gliene restavano appena tre da vivere. E la sua opera maggiore avrebbe avuto una sorte singolare: caduta nella dimenticanza, ne sarebbe riemersa dopo secoli, per imprevedibili ragioni della storia. Infatti Il merito delle donne è stato riscoperto solo negli anni Settanta del nostro secolo: in tempi di femminismo questo antico testo è apparso attuale. E questa sorprendente "attualità" che ha attirato l attenzione, e ha fatto sì che fosse riproposto a un pubblico nuovo. D altra parte, per gli strumenti critici più idonei di cui si disponeva, si era in grado di comprenderne anche il valore letterario e storico. Da allora intorno all opera è cresciuto l'interesse (D. Martelli, Moderata Fonte e Il merito delle donne, Venezia, 1993, p. 12). Moderata Fonte is the nom de plume of Modesta Pozzo, who was born into a well-to-do family of citizens of the Venetian Republic. Most information about her life is found in the biography written by her friend and one-time guardian Giovanni Niccolò Doglioni ( ), who had attained a certain prominence in the Venetian civil service and as author of several literary work. Fonte s biography was composed in 1593, circulated first in manuscript form and was then included in the present edition after the prefatory matter. Both her parents died a year after her birth. She and her brother Leonardo were then put under the tutelage of their grandmother and her second husband, Prospero Saraceni. She received an elementary education at the convent of Santa Marta, where Doglioni recounts that she amazed visitors with her intellectual precocity and charm. On returning to her grandmother's house at the age of nine, she continued her education informally under the guidance of Saraceni, who allowed her the run of his library. At home, she learned to read and write in Latin, as well as to draw, sing and play the lute and harpsichord. The next turning point in Fonte's life occurred in her early twenties, when she went to live with her childhood companion, Saracena Saraceni, the daughter of Prospero and Cecilia, following Saracena's marriage to Doglioni, sometime after Doglioni was well connected in Venetian literary circles and clearly encouraged his protégée's literary ambitions, and helped to publish her earlier works. He also was instrumental in choosing Filippo Zorzi, a lawyer and government employee, as a suitable husband for her. In ten years of marriage, Moderata had three children and died at the birth of her forth. Her earliest substantial published work was the chivalric romance, Tredici canti del Floridoro (1581, the first epic poem written by a woman), which were followed in 1582 by a dramatic dialogue entitled Le feste and a narrative poem, La passione di Christo. The degree of public prominence Fonte had achieved as a poet in Venice is well illustrated by her appearance in a verse anthology (Viridarium poetarum, 1583) in praise of the King of Poland. In fact in the vernacular part of it (Del giardino de' poeti), contains the work of some thirty-eight named poets, mainly from Venice and the Venetian cultural sphere. Fonte is the only female contributor, and is given a high degree of prominence within the volume, as the author not only of two sonnets, but a seven-stanza canzone, and a fifteen-stanza poem in ottava rima, celebrating Bathory's victorious campaign against the Muscovites in A canzone, commemorating the death of Doge Niccolò da Ponte appeared in 1585, while her second ottava rima sacred narrative, La resurretione di Christo, came out in the year of her death, 1592 (P. Malpezzi Price, Moderata Fonte: Women and Life in Sixteenth-Century Venice, Madison, NJ, 2003, passim) Edit 16, CNCE 15894; Universal STC, no ; P.L. Ferri, Biblioteca femminile italiana, (Padova, 1842), p. 292; T.K. Wayne, Feminist Writings from Ancient Times to the Modern World: A Global Sourcebook and History, (Santa Barbara, CA, 2011), pp ,800.- / CHF 7,200.- / $ 7,550.-
32 THE LETTERS OF THE MOST FAMOUS RENAISSANCE COURTESAN 13. FRANCO, Veronica ( ). Lettere familiari a diversi All Illustriss. Et reverendiss. Monsig. Luigi d Este cardinale. 4to. (8), 87, (1 blank) pp. With several large historiated initials. Old paperboards, some light dampstains and traces of mold, otherwise a good copy. [Venezia, 1580]. EXTREMELY RARE FIRST EDITION of Veronica Franco s letter collection. The date of publication can be presumed from the dedication to Luigi d Este, which is dated Venice, August 2, Furthermore, Michel de Montaigne, in his Journal de voyage en Italie en 1580 et 1581, stated that he got a copy of the book during his stay in Venice, on November 6, that same year (Oeuvres complètes, M. Rat, ed., Paris 1962, p. 1183). The collection includes 51 letters (one is repeated with some corrections), of which only two bear the name of the recipient: that addressed to Henry III of Valois, which opens the collection and is followed by two sonnets, and the twenty-first to the painter Tintoretto, important not only for theoretical discussion about painting, but also because it contains a precise reference to the portrait that the painter made of Veronica (cf. N.E. Land, Veronica Franco, Tintoretto and Narcissus, in: Source: Notes in the History of Art, 22/2, 2003, pp ). Remarkable is also the letter  to a mother in which he tries to dissuade her to turn her daughter into a courtesan (cf. S. Bianchi, Lettere di Veronica Franco, Roma, 1998, passim; and M.L. Doglio, Lettera e donna. Scrittura epistolare al femminile tra Quattro e Cinquecento, Roma, 1993, pp ). Nowhere is the integration - or, perhaps, collision - of the linked arenas of epistolary writing and women s experience more evident than in the epistolario of the famous Venetian courtesan Veronica Franco, who published her Lettere familiari in Franco s text, which combines literary self-promotion with a glimpse of the life of a highstatus courtesan,... introduces a new arena of female experience to the realm of epistolary representation In integrating her own voice into the structure and themes of humanist letter writers, Franco rethinks conventional characterizations of both the courtesan and the female letter writer. Franco s volume further reflects the influence of Aretino, who understood and exploited the power of letters to establish literary position, reward patrons and admirers, and dismiss detractors. The letter collection constituted an opportunity for Franco to increase her own fame, as well as a way to respond to the negative characterizations of the courtesan that circulated in early modern literary cul-
33 ture, despite her celebrity status. The cortigiana onesta, or honest courtesan, negotiated a difficult position as the object of both desire and anxiety The courtesan trafficked not only in sexual services but also in literary and cultural capital. In addition to her beauty, it was her ability to carry on learned conversation, and indeed to produce her own literary works, that secured her status as a sought after, socially mobile, economically independent figure If Franco s Lettere familiari are a performance of literary virtue and sexual authority, a dual exercise in self-promotion and self-defense, their first concern is to present the public with an alternative to the negative imagery of the courtesan (M.K. Ray, Writing Gender in Women s Letter Collections of the Italian Renaissance, Toronto, Buffalo & London, 2009, pp and 134). For instance, Franco's writing shares many first-wave feminist concepts in that she writes in traditionally feminine forms for a dominantly male audience and patronage system; her writing frequently focuses on the education of women as vital to maintaining any form of civilized society; her writing, especially letters, address family matters from both a maternal role as well as marital role; she advocates female choices and autonomy, she challenges binary thinking, and she reflects revolutionary thinking about sexuality and employs erotic images and tactics in her writing to make her points (G.M. Cohenour, Veronica Franco and First Wave Feminism. Reaching from the Past, Building Towards the Future, Thesis, Lubbock, TX, 2004, p. 10). Veronica Franco was born in Venice, the daughter of a procuress, Paola Fracassa, and a merchant, Francesco Franco. Her family had a coat of arms because they were native-born citizens who belonged by hereditary right to a professional caste that made up the government bureaucracy and Venetian confraternities. She was the only daughter among the family's three sons. Married off to Paolo Panizza in the early 1560s in what was probably an arranged marriage, she separated from him soon after. She bore six children from different men but only three survived beyond infancy. Franco became a cortigiana onesta ( honored courtesan) in the mid to late 1560s; she provided men with intellectual and cultural pleasures as well as physical ones. The cortigiana lived splendidly, she had an intellectual life, she played music and knew the literature of Greece and Rome as well of the present, she mingled
34 with thinkers, writers and artists. Franco was remarkably successful at advertising these accomplishments, indeed to attract elite clients and to rise her above less educated women selling sex. But what makes her interesting is that although she was by necessity an individualist making her own way, she also thought in a we plural mode about women. As a courtesan, she wrote about the situation of women who shared her profession, and beyond that, she wrote about the situation of women in general (cf. Veronica Franco, Poems and Selected Letters, A.R. Jones & M.F. Rosenthal, eds., Chicago, IL, 1998, p. 3). Franco was listed as one of the foremost courtesans of Venice in the Catalogo de tutte le principal et più honorate cortigiane di Venetia (published about 1565). Her intellectual life began with sharing her brothers' education by private tutors in the family home. She continued her education by frequenting literary gatherings of writers and painters in Venice during the 1570s and 1580s. She captured the interest of Domenico Venier, a Venetian poet and the head of the most renowned vernacular literary academy in Venice, who became her reader and protector. A frequent visitor to his private literary salon at Ca' Venier, Franco composed sonnets and capitoli in terza rima for exchange with male poets. By her mid-twenties, Franco was requesting sonnets for publication from male poets for anthologies that she assembled to commemorate men of the Venetian elite. One such volume, the Rime di diversi eccellentissimi autori nella morte dell'illustre Sign. Estor Marteninengo Conte di Malapaga, was published in 1575; she was not only the editor but also included nine sonnets she herself had written [cf. letter 39]. In the same year, she published a volume of her own poetry, the Terze rime, dedicated to Guglielmo Gonzaga, Duke of Mantua. The volume consists of twenty-five capitoli in terza rima: nineteen are by Franco, the others are attributed to an unnamed male interlocutor (incerto autore). In her poems, Franco is forthright about her profession; she is often erotic, even sexually explicit. Her frankness challenges the literary poses adopted by male poets who repeat the idealizing clichés of Petrarchan poetry that praises a reserved, unattainable woman, rarely represented as speaking in her own voice. In 1580, Franco was brought to trial by the Venetian Inquisition. Ridolfo Vannitelli, her sons' tutor, accused her of practicing magical incantations in her home. Her own defense, the help of Venier, and probably the predisposition of the Inquisitor, freed her from the charges. When she died in Venice at forty-five, she was impoverished. The trial had damaged her reputation and she experienced grave financial losses owing to the plague of (cf. T. Crivelli, Veronica Franco, in: Liriche del Cinquecento, M. Farnetti & L. Fortini, eds., Roma, 2014, pp ; M. Diberti-Leigh, Veronica Franco, donna, poetessa e cortigiana del Rinascimento, Ivrea, 1988, passim; M. F. Rosenthal, The Honest Courtesan: Veronica Franco, Citizen and Writer in Sixteenth-Century Venice, Chicago, IL, 1992, passim). Edit 16, CNCE (three copies); Universal STC, no ,500.- / CHF 10,000.- / $ 10, NUOVA LEGGE sopra le habitationi delle Meretrici, che fussero vicine ai Monasterij di Monache, della Città di Fiorenza, fermata nel magnifico Consiglio de quarant'otto il di XXIX di Luglio MDLXI. 4to. (2) leaves. With the Medici coat-of-arms on the title-page. Modern boards, a fine copy. Firenze, Giunti, FIRST EDITION (Edit 16, CNCE also records an undated variant issue), of this law enacted in Florence during the reign of Cosimo I de Medici by the Council of Forty-eight on July 29, It prohibited prostitutes at a fine of 200 piccioli to live in the neighborhood of nunneries. La Legge sopra le habitationi delle meretrici, che fussero vicine ai monasteri di monache, della città di Firenze67, del 29 luglio 1561 ordina alle meretrici di havere disgombrato e dishabitato dalle abitazioni po-
35 ste entro le cento braccia vicino ai monasteri sotto pena di lire 200 piccioli. La legge, come dice il prologo, vuole preservare le religiose nella vita monastica senza la mala vicinanza e lo scandaloso esempio di meretrici e femmine impudiche (M. Caso Chimenti & L. Papini, La legislazione medicea nelle raccolte dell Archivio di Stato di Firenze, , Napoli, 2009, p. 65). Forty-eight of the Senate, also called the Council of Fortyeight was the highest deliberative body in the Grand Duchy of Tuscany. It was officially born on April 27, 1532, with the creation of the Duchy of Florence and the appointment of Alessandro de 'Medici to its sovereign. During the Medici period, members of the Senate, a position that lasted for life, must be of Florentine nationality, older than forty years, and already be members of the Council of Two Hundred. On January 9, 1537 the Senate of the Forty-eight elected Cosimo I de Medici head of the Duchy. Edit 16, CNCE 67969; Universal STC, no ; S. Adorni Fineschi &. C. Carilli, eds., Leggi, magistrature, archivi: repertorio di fonti normative ed archivistiche per la storia della giustizia criminale a Siena nel Settecento, (Milano, 1990), p.184, no / CHF /$ LIBRARY SCIENCE AND THE VATICAN LIBRARY 15. PANSA, Muzio ( ). Della libraria vaticana ragionamenti divisi in quattro parti. Ne quali non solamente si discorre dell'origine... ma anco con l'occasione delle pitture Con l'agiunta degli alfabeti delle lingue straniere, e con alcuni discorsi in fine de libri, e della stampa vaticana, & di molte altre librarie si publiche, come private in Roma. Con tre tavole. 4to. (8), 331, (29) pp. With the printer s device on the title-page and at the end, a woodcut illustration of the Vatican library, and several specimens of exotic types (cf. A. Brogiotti & H.D.L. Vervliet, The Type Specimens of the Vatican Press, 1628, Amsterdam, 1968, p. 19). Contemporary limp vellum, manuscript title on spine, new endpapers, lower inner margin of the title skillfully repaired, some light dampstains in the margin of the first quire, three manuscript entries inked out or erased on the title-page, light marginal foxing, but a very good, genuine copy. Roma, Giacomo Ruffinello for Giovanni Martinelli, FIRST EDITION. A second issue was printed in 1608 under the title Vago, e diletteuole giardino di varie lettioni. A year later was published in Latin a more scientific work on the same subject with the title Bibliotheca Apostolica Vaticana by Angelo Rocca ( ), head of the Vatican printing office and founder of the Biblioteca Angelica. The work, one of the earliest treatises on library science, is divided into four parts, each of which contains respectively 40, 16, 9, and 29 discorsi. In the first parts is mainly described the new library building commissioned by Pope Sixtus V and realized from 1587 to 1590 by Domenico Fontana, and the other urbanistic works executed by this architect. In the second part are delineated the paintings on the right wall of the Salone Sistino showing the ecumenical councils of the Church (from Nicea to Trent). The third part deals with the most famous libraries of the world as depicted on the left wall of the Salone. The last part are listed all who contributed to the invention of the alphabets as
36 depicted on the pillars of the Salone. (cf. S.F.Ostrow, The Counter-Reformation and the End of the Century, in: Rome. Artistic Centers of the Italian Renaissance, M.B. Hall, ed., Cambridge, 2005, pp ). Mentioned is also (Book IV, Discorso XXVII) the Stamperia Apostolica Vaticana, from which were probably borrowed the exotic types shown in the present work. The pontifical printing press, with technical and scientific staff in the direct service of the Holy See, having as its main purpose the publication and dissemination of knowledge of the manuscripts kept there, was established under Sixtus V with the bull Eam semper ex omnibus (April 27, 1587). A little later, the bull Immensa aeterni Dei (January 22, 1588) established a Congregation of Cardinals pro Typographia Vaticana, with the mandate of ensuring that the publications (including editions in the vernacular as well as in Latin, Greek and Oriental languages, in the original alphabets, relating mainly to the Holy Scriptures, the Church Fathers, collections of Papal Bulls, and other ecclesiastical works in defense of the faith) complied with the requirements of the Council of Trent (cf. J. Ruysschaert, La bibliothèque et la Typographie Vaticanes de Sixte V. Projects, étapes, continuités, in: Miscellanea Bibliothecae Apostolicae Vaticanae IV, Città del Vaticano, 1990, pp ). per la seconda [opera], quella di Pansa, rimangono oscure e la motivazione e l impulso: anche se il volume è dedicato al Cardinal Scipione Gonzaga, non sappiamo chi abbia potuto autorizzare il giovane autore a fornire in lingua italiana, un resoconto di un impresa ediliza e pittorica che era stata terminata, nei suoi tratti essenziali, appena da qualche giorno Probabilmente anche qui fu lo stesso pontefice, compiaciuto per l opuscolo di magnificazione poetica che Pansa gli aveva indirizzato nel 1588 e desideroso di completare la gamma delle informazioni celebrative sulla Biblioteca Vaticana, da una parte con il lavoro dotto e in latino, che Angelo Rocca aveva già intrapreso, dall altra parte con una relazione divulgativa in lingua italiana da affidare al Muzio Pansa (A. Serrai, Muzio Pansa e Angelo Rocca storiografi della Biblioteca Vaticana, in : Il Bibliotecario,30, 1991, p. 2).
37 The mid-fourteenth century, after the Popes had returned to Rome with Gregory XI in 1378, is the period, which may be thought of as the beginning of the modern history of the Vatican Library. It was Nicholas V ( ) who decided that the Latin, Greek and Hebrew manuscripts, which had grown from 350 to around 1,200 from his accession to the time of his death (March ), should be made available for scholars to read and study. In the time of Nicholas V, the library was made up of a single reading room; his project was completed and carried out by Sixtus IV ( ), with a bull (Ad decorem militantis Ecclesiae, June ), the nomination of a librarian (Bartolomeo Platina) and the necessary financial support. The new institution was housed in the ground floor of a building that had already been refurbished by Nicholas V, with an entrance from the Cortile dei Pappagalli and a façade on the cortile del Belvedere. Sixtus IV had the rooms decorated by some of the best painters of the time. There were four rooms, respectively called Bibliotheca Latina and Bibliotheca Graeca (for works in these two languages); Bibliotheca Secreta (for manuscripts, which were not directly available to readers, including certain precious ones); Bibliotheca Pontificia (for the Papal archives and registers). The Librarian was assisted by three aides and by a bookbinder. Books were read on site under the discipline of strict regulations; but loans were also made, and the records of the books loaned during the years are still in existence (Vat. lat and 3966). The collection continued to grow, from a total of 2,527 manuscripts in 1475 to a total of 3,498 in In the sixteenth century, the Library continued to develop, particularly under Leo X ( ), with systematic searches and purchases of manuscripts and printed books. Under Gregory XIII ( ), archival material began to be separated from the rest, though it was only under Paul V ( ) that it was entrusted to the care of a separate institution, the Vatican Secret Archives. Between 1587 and 1589, when the initial site had become too small to contain the continuously growing collections, Sixtus V ( ) decided to construct new premises for the Library; he entrusted the project to the architect Domenico Fontana. Sixtus chose form its site the Cortile del Belvedere, where its intermediate and lower courts met, thus abolishing the continuity of the long garden terrace. Additionally, in order to make room for the library he removed the Belvedere theatre. The building constructed by Fontana was cleverly adapted to its site: he accommodated the difference in height between the parts of the cortile by giving the south side, which was lower, one story more than on the north and he designed the two façades to harmonize with the preexisting architecture of the courtyard. The library was built in a breathtakingly short time (roughly six months). The public of Sixtus s library consisted of a vestibule, a
38 large two-aisled hall (which is known as the Salone Sistino), two small rectangular rooms, and a section of the adjacent corridor of the Belvedere. Sixtus also installed his private library, which was kept locked, in two other sections of the same corridor, known as the Sale Sixtine. The decoration of all these rooms was planned by the custodian of the library, Federico Rainaldi. Its complex but coherent iconographical scheme glorifies the book and Sixtus V: representations of the legendary inventors of the world s alphabets, of the great ancient libraries, and of the councils of the early church (in which manuscripts played an important role), and interspersed with episodes from Sixtus s pontificate and with views of Rome showing the transformations brought about by him. Rainaldi himself appears in a scene in which Domenico Fontana presents his plans to the pope. The stages in the production of printed books are illustrated in the vaults of the vestibule. The frescoes were executed Giovanni Guerra, Cesare Nebbia, Paul Bril, Orazio Gentileschi, and other late Mannerist painters (cf. J. Ruysschaert, The Apostolic Vatican Library, in: The Vatican. Spirit and Art of Christian Rome, New York, 1982, pp and J.W. Clark, The Care of Books: An Essay On the Development of Libraries, Cambridge, 1901, pp Muzio Pansa was born in Penne near Pescara in the Abruzzo region from a family of merchants. Educated first in his native city he continued his studies in Perugia, attending the lessons of logic and philosophy of Cardinal Sarnano, Costanzo Torri and later in Rome at the Sapienza University, from which he obtained a degree in philosophy in 1587 and a year later that in medicine. Among his friends, there were Torquato Tasso and Papito Picedi, later bishop of Parma. He became a member of the Accademia degli Aggirati and of the medical academy of the Ardenti. Although well introduced in the Roman society he preferred to return to his native Penne to practice medicine. Nevertheless he participated to the literary world with various occasional compositions (e.g. on the works executed by Pope Sixtus V, on the death of Philip II, King of Spain, and of that of Cardinal A- lessandro Farnese, on the election of Pope Clement VIII). A collection of his verses was printed in Chieti in 1596 (G. De Caesaris, Un umanista abruzzese Muzio Pansa, Aquila, 1935, passim, R. Aurini, Muzio Pansa, in: Dizionario bibliografico della Gente d Abruzzo, Teramo, 1955, pp and U. Russo, Muzio Pansa, in: L'Abruzzo dall'umanesimo all'età barocca, U. Russo & E. Tiboni, eds., Pescara, 2002, pp ). Edit 16, CNCE 29725; Universal STC, no ; A. Nuovo, The Book Trade in the Italian Renaissance, (Leiden, 2013), p. 430; F. Petrucci, Nardelli, Fra stampa e legature, (Roma, 2000), p. 50; S. Rossetti, Rome: a bibliography from the invention of printing through 1899, (Firenze, 2004), p. 197, no / CHF 4,700.- / $ 4, PARABOSCO, Girolamo (ca ). La notte. Comedia nuova. 8vo. 56 leaves. With the printer s device on the title-page. Modern vellum over boards, label with gilt title on spine, yellow edges, a very light dampstain at the beginning and at the end of the volume, but a fine copy. Venezia, Tommaso Botietta, RARE FIRST EDITION of Parabosco s first theatrical production. It is a comedy in prose and five acts. Possiamo cominciare il nostro esame dalla commedia La notte, primo parto, ancora mal conformato, che uscì alle stampe nel 1546, avendo l'autore appena 22 anni. Che già la prima esecuzione abbia avuto musiche e intermedi non sappiamo, ma se appena aspettiamo, a due anni, la rappresentazione ferrarese, in diporto privato, del 1548, ecco che veniamo a conoscere che essa fu piacevolmente bene recitata con le sue Musiche. Et intermedii opportuni e necessari. Ce lo attesta Cristofaro Messisbugo, che ne riferisce la recita carnevalesca presso i Principi Estensi, durante un festino del febbraio di tale anno (M. Calore & C. Vecchi, eds., Teatro italiano antico: La commedia del secolo XVI, Bologna, 1977, III, p. V).
39 Parabosco wrote eight comedies, all published between 1546 and Only one of them is in verse. His plots and characters were taken from earlier Italian plays, from novels and romances, and he also made use of classical comedy. Although he was not an original dramatist, Parabosco was a competent one and his plays apparently enjoyed some success; seven of the eight were reprinted during the century, some of them several times (M.T. Herrick, Italian Comedy in the Renaissance, Urbana, IL, 1966, p. 120). Little is known of Girolamo Parabosco s early education, but he had his first instruction from his father Vincenzo, who was an organist at the cathedral of Brescia. According to Zarlino (Sopplementi musicali, 1588, p. 326), in 1541 he became a pupil of Adrian Willaert (who was eulogized in the present play). He made several trips to Florence, Urbino, Ferrara, Piacenza, Brescia, Padua and Verona. Returning to Venice, he was appointed in 1551 first organist at St. Mark s, retaining this post until his death. A. Einstein (The Italian Madrigal, Princeton, 1949, p. 182) suggested that Titian portrayed Parabosco in the painting Venus and the Organist now in the Prado Museum in Madrid. Parabosco was active in literary and musical academies in Venice and knew Anton Francesco Doni, Andrea Calmo, Pietro Aretino and Titian. Parabosco was not only a talented dramatist (he published eight comedies between 1546 and 1556), but also a skilled poet (Madrigali, 1546; Il Tempio della Fama, 1548) and a writer of novelle (I Diporti, ca. 1550). Almost all his music production is now lost (cf. F. Bussi, Umanità ed arte di Girolamo Parabosco. Madrigalista, organista e poligrafo, Piacenza, 1961, pp. 7-44; see also G. Bianchini, Girolamo Parabosco, scrittore del secolo XVI, Venezia, 1899, passim). Edit 16 CNCE 54410; Universal STC, no ; M. Bregoli Russo, Renaissance Italian Theater, (Firenze, 1984), no. 464; L.G. Clubb, Italian plays ( ) in the Folger Library, (Firenze, 1968), no ,500.- / CHF 1,600.- / $ 1,650.- THE FIRST SCHOLARLY ANTHOLOGY OF THE ITALIAN SHORT STORY 17. SANSOVINO, Francesco ( ). Cento novelle scelte da più nobili scrittori della lingua volgare, Nelle quali piacevoli & aspri casi d amore, & altri notabili avvenimenti si contengono. Di nuovo ampliate, reformate, rivedute, & corrette, aggiuntovi di nuovo le figure in principio d ogni Novella. 4to. (4), 238, (2) leaves. With one hundred woodcuts in the text and numerous fine large ornamental initials and borders. Contemporary limp vellum, small stamp on the title-page, some minor worming on the inner margins on a few leaves at the beginning and the end, but a very fine, genuine copy. Venezia, (Francesco Sansovino), 1566.
40 FIRST QUARTO EDITION, preceded by three octavo editions in 1561, 1562, and 1563 and followed by editions in quarto in 1571, 1578 and The text was altered from edition to edition. In the prefatory remarks in which Sansovino established the framework of the collection of tales, he states that these stories were related by a company of men and women which had gathered in the house of Francesco Lando at Oriago to escape the plague of Sansovino s collection is the first scholarly anthology of the Italian short story, and thus a document of first importance in the history of fiction. It included tales from Masuccio (ca ), Matteo Bandello ( ), Giovanni Fiorentino (fl. 2nd half of the 14th century), Giovanfrancesco Straparola, (fl. ca ), Girolamo Parabosco, Giovanni Brebia, from the Novelle antiche and others, including Boccaccio. Di fondamentale importanza per la storia e la fortuna del genere novellistico del Rinascimento è la raccolta di Cento novelle de più nobili scrittori della lingua volgare, edita per le cure di Francesco Sansovino (M. Ciccuto, ed., Novelle italiane. Il Cinquecento, Milano, 1982, p. XXVIII). Each tale is headed by a woodcut, which was expressly made for this edition. They are in the soft, shaded late Venetian style. Furthermore each story begins with an exquisite floreate woodcut initial some formed from wild animals, fishes and reptiles. Of particular interest is the cut on leaf 50: a view of the Piazza San Marco in Venice, looking toward the clock tower. On the left is part of the Biblioteca Marciana, still under construction by Francesco Sansovino s father Jacopo Tatti Sansovino. Twenty years earlier Jacopo spent some time in prison, because of the collapse of the library s ceiling in December 1545 (cf. D. Howard, Jacopo Sansovino. Architecture and Patronage in Renaissance Venice, New Haven, CT, 1975, passim). At the end of Giornata IX is an interesting passage in which is praised for her outstanding talent the Sienese singer and lutenist Virginia Vagnoli, wife of the wellknown musician Alessandro Striggio. She was active for several years at Pesaro at the court of Guidobaldo II della Rovere (cf. I. Fenlon, Music and Patronage in Sixteenth Century Mantua, Cambridge, 1980, pp ). The printing of the volume was some time attributed to Francesco Rampazzetto, since he used some of the cuts in the same year, but the absence of a Rampazetto colophon and Sansovino s moon device on the title-page argues as him as printer.
41 Francesco Sansovino was born at Rome to the sculptor Jacopo Tatti (Sansovino) by either a wife or an unfaithful concubine. The latter always harbored doubts about Francesco s paternity. In the aftermath of the Sack of Rome (1527) father and son left Rome for Venice, where he received his early humanistic education in the school of Stefano Piazzone da Asola. Francesco obeying his father, he then studied law in Padua, Florence and Bologna, where he earned a degree in jurisprudence in Unhappy with law he quarreled with his father and began to write poetry and imaginative vernacular literature in the 1540 s. In 1550 Jacopo, still desirous that his son should travel the road to wealth and position, arranged for an appointment at the papal court of Julius III, who had held Francesco at the baptismal font. But Francesco disliked courtly intrigue and after a brief period returned to Venice. In 1553 he married a Venetian girl of good but non-noble family and settled down to a tranquil life of study and writing. In his career Sansovino wrote, translated, or edited about eighty volumes. He worked on his own initiative and lived on the income of his books. From1560 to 1570 and from 1578 to 1581 he operated his own press. At the same time he continued to compose and edit for other vernacular presses as well. His encyclopedic description of his adopted city, Venetia, cuttà nobilissima et singolare, descritta in XIIII libri (1581), is still a useful source for descriptions of churches, works of art, personalities, famous events and customs of the time. He also wrote a history of the Turks in Europe, Annali Turcheschi (1568), a history of illustrious Italian families Origini e fatti delle famiglie illustri d Italia (1582), a treatise in seven books on the art of writing letters, Il Secretario (1564), as well as a treatise on the government of kingdoms and republics, Del governo dei regni e delle repubbliche (1561). Sansovino was acquainted with nearly all the popular vernacular authors whose publishing careers centred in Venice: Pietro Aretino, Anton Francesco Doni, Ortensio Lando, Luca Contile, Andrea Calmo, Bernardo Tasso, Lodovico Dolce, and many others. Since he avoided the personal quarrels which flourished in this literary society, he was probably of a calm and peaceable temperament. He enjoyed some recognition with memberships in literary academies, and in 1573 was made a cavalier of the Order of Constantine. Ceaseless literary activity weakened his eyes in the last decade although he continued to write until his death in 1583 (cf. G. Kucinich, Un polygraph venetian del Cinquecento, in: Paine Istria, VIII, 1910, pp , , and P.F. Grander, Francesco Sansovino and Italian Popular History, , in: Studies in the Renaissance, XVI, 1969, pp ; A. Moz, Francesco Sansovino a Polygraph in Cinquecento Venice, His Life and Works, Diss., Chapel Hill, NC, 1985, passim; E. Bonora, Ricerche su Francesco Sansovino: Imprenditore, librario e letterato, Venezia, 1994, passim; E. Scantanburlo, Nuovi documenti per la biografia di Jacopo Sansovino, in: Venezia Cinquecento. Studi di storia dell arte e della cultura, XI/22, 2001, pp ). Edit 16, CNCE 35523; Unicersal STC, no ; C. Di Filippo Bareggi, Il mestiere di scrivere: lavoro intellettuale e mercato librario a Venezia nel Cinquecento, Roma, 1988, p. 102; B. Gamba, Delle novella italiane in prosa, bibliografia, (Firenze, 1835), p. 255: prima edizione in forma di quarto ed abbellita di nuovi leggiadri intagli in legno ; G. Passano, Novellieri italiani in prosa, (Bologna, 1965), I, pp (gives a table listing all the stories appeared in the various printings, their authors, and their order of occurence in each). 5,300.- / CHF 5,500.- / $ 5,700.- TIDES AND OCEAN CURRENTS 18. SFONDRATI, Pandolfo (fl. 2 nd half of the 16 th cent.). Causa aestus maris... Ad Beatissimum Gregorium XIIII. Pont. Max. 4to. (2), 44 leaves. With the arms of Pope Gregory XIV on the title-page. Recent vellum over boards, a fine copy. Ferrara, Benedetto Mammarello, RARE FIRST EDITION of this original treatise on the primal cause of the tides and the ocean currents, offering a mechanical and atomist account of the motions of the waters on earth. He examines the question in the Mediterranean, especially in the Adriatic and around Corsica and Sardinia, but also
42 in the Atlantic and Pacific. Here the phenomenon is explained in the supposition that the Strait of Magellan hinders the constant oceanic flux oriented from east to west, what also would explain, always according to Sfondrati, the presence of currents on the shores of Brazil and their absence in the Gulf of Mexico from the Isthmus of Panama onward. Pandolfo Sfondrati, scientist and poet, a follower of Copernicus, lived and worked at Ferrara and Turin in the second half of the 16 th century. He was also the author of a treatise on fevers, In febrim (Turin, 1576). Whether he was a relative to Pope Gregory XIV (Niccolò Sfondrati), to whom the Causa eastus maris is dedicated, could not be ascertained (P.D. Omodeo, Pandolfo Sfondrati: un atomista a Torino nel Cinquecento, in: Studi Piemontesi, 41/1, 2012, pp ). Edit16, CNCE 35896; Adams, S-1038; Universal STC, no ; J. Alden & D.C. Landis, European Americana , (New York, 1980), no. 590/59; P. Riccardi, Biblioteca Matematica Italiana, (Modena, ), I, 2 nd part, col. 4531; E.M. Trinast, Tidal theory to Sources, Methods and Traditions, (San Diego, CA, 1983), p / CHF 1,000.- / 1, SPECKLE, Daniel ( ). Architectura von Vestungen. Wie die zu unsern zeiten mögen erbawen werden, an Stätten Schlössern, unnd Clussen, zu Wasser, Land, Berg, unnd Thal, mit jren Bollwerken, Cavalieren, Streichen, Gräben und Leuffen, sampt deren gantzen anhang, und nutzbarkeit, auch wie die Gegenwehr zu gebrauchen, was für geschütz dahin gehörig, und wie es geordnet, unnd gebraucht werden soll, alles auss grund un deren Fundamenten. Folio, (8), 112, (i.e. 114) leaves, 1 leaf (errata). Title printed in red and black within an engraved architectural border by Matthias Greuter, woodcut coat of arms of Julius Duke of Brunswig, 21 (20 double-page) engravings (sometimes appearing as two single leaves, one is also signed by Matthias Greuter), and numerous woodcut illustrations in the text. Contemporary limp vellum, with later added supralibros and spine label, from the library of Walter Hawken Tregellas ( ), an English writer of historical and biographical works and a professional draughtsman (with his presentation label on the pastdown, and from the Royal Engineers Library (gilt stamp on binding, and small ink stamp on title and a few other places; some very light browning and marginal dampstains, but a genuine and very fine copy. Strassburg, Bernhardt Jobin, VERY RARE FIRST EDITION of this magnificent work on fortification and town-planning, the first important contribution in the German-speaking world on the subject since Dürer s Etliche Underricht zur Befestigung der Stett (1527). It was to become the standard reference work on the construction of fortresses until there was a decisive change in the manner in which wars where fought. Further edi-
43 tions were published in 1599, 1608, 1705 and 1756 (cf. T. Büchi, Fortifikationsliteratur des 16. und 17. Jahrhunderts. Traktate in deutscher Sprache im europäischen Kontext, Basel 2015, pp ) Speckle writes his treatise from a strongly national motivation as is clear from his preface. He wishes to prove that the Germans are not completely without imagination, and that their invention of printing and of a grausam Geschütz ( fearsome artillery ) shows them to be the the greatest in the world in these fields. He attacks, above all, the Italian theorists for their academic disputes, declaring their rules to be outmoded and openly ridiculing their approach ( when someone has no Latin, he cannot understand it, and so has no business to talk about it ). He demonstrates the urgency of fortification, as Dürer has done, by reference to the Turkish threat. Speckle claims to be familiar with fifty or sixty types of fortification, but restricts himself to a few only. He writes in German and avoids foreign words, so that every German such as I too have the honour to call myself can understand (cf. H.-W. Kruft, A History of Architectural Theory from Vitruvius to the Present, London & New York, 1994, p. 115). In addition to Dürer, whose work Speckle considered very important, he had adopted the work of Francesco de Marchi from Bologna, Della architettura militare, thus proving that he kept abreast of the latest trends. But He was no less a pragmatist, who in his teaching methods took into account whether a fortress was located in flat countryside, in hills or in mountainous terrain. Mathematics and
44 geometry, in conjunction with practical skills and a knowledge of mechanical laws were also the art of building fortresses. Some of his retreats and mountain castles appear on the other hand as fantastic visions of a world that had rid itself of enemies. In a copy of the 1608 edition in the Strasbourg library these castles are labeled by hand and identified as based on reality. In the second part of the treatise Speckle presents plans whose forms are dictated by terrain. He describes inter alia, in great detail, the Turkish siege of Malta (1565) and the rebuilding of La Valetta, and in so doing provides is with one of the most detailed plans we have of Francesco Laparelli s project (cf. J. Zimmer, Daniel Speckle Architectura Von Vestungen, in: Architectural Theory from the Renaissance to the Present, B. Evers & C. Thoenes, eds., Köln, 2003, pp ). The twenty-eighth chapter of the first part of the treatise contains the essence of Speckle s thinking on town planning. He starts with a description of a regular plan with six bastions, of which he gives a perspective view and which reveals the priority he accords to defensive considerations. He then describes in great detail an ideal type of town plan with eight bastions, in which his political and social ideas are revealed. In the tradition of all military architects of the second half of the sixteenth century, he uses a strict radial pattern. Around the central square are situated the church, royal palace, town hall and staple inn. Religious, secular and economic power are concentrated in this area. The military, on the other hand, are removed to the areas around the bastions. It is interesting that Speckle expressly sets civil law above martial law. Speckle aims overall at a very ordered community: mercenaries should be done away with. Defensive considerations determine the city to the last detail (cf. K. Krüger, Albrecht Dürer, Daniel Speckle und die Anfänge frühmoderner Städteplanung in Deutschland, in: Mitteilungen des Vereins für deutsche Geschichte Nürnbergs, 67, 1980, pp and H. de la Croix, Military Architecture and the Radial City Plan in Sixteenth Century Italy, in: The Art Bulletin, 427/ 4, 1960, pp ).
45 Later in the sixteenth century, the instruments and surveying techniques essential to the preparation of ichnographic city plans were made available to an increasingly large circle of northern artists and topographers through a number of publications. One of the most interesting of these books is Daniel Speckle s treatise on fortifications, published in Speckle s method of surveying, which permitted a ground plan of any building, city or castle to be drawn, is closely related to Hirschvogel s procedure. Unlike Hirschvogel s confusing description of his own invention, however, Speckle s chapter on surveying is a model of clarity and verbal economy. Speckle s straightforward and step-by-step exposition of surveying techniques parallels those of Tartaglia and Bartoli earlier in the century. It permitted any interested artist or architect to learn and apply them easily (J.A. Pinto, Origins and Development of the Ichnographic City Plan, in: Journal of the Society of Architectural Historians, 35, 1, 1976, p. 49).
46 In the Architectura are also described several instruments of his invention, especially his set of six reduction compasses (cf. I. Schneider, Der Proporzionalzirkel. Ein universelles Analogrecheninstrument der Vergangenheit, München, 1970, pp ). Daniel Speckle (Specklin), a native of Strasbourg, was the son of the eminent carver Veit Rudolph Speckle. After completing his apprenticeship as a silk embroiderer he left Strasbourg in 1552 to go on a study tour, which took him to the fortress of Komorn and Györ in Hungary. By 1555 he was in Vienna, where he first trained as a master mason and later became an architect. The influence of the chief builder in Vienna, Hermes Schallautzer, could well have played a role in influencing Speckle s decision to concentrate in the future on the construction of fortresses. He soon achieved success in this field and was employed as head of constructions for various fortress projects. He visited Antwerp in 1560 and subsequently travelled to Denmark, Sweden, Poland and Russia. In 1564 he returned to Strasbourg, married and worked again as a silk embroiderer. Having been involved with the construction of fortifications in Düsseldorf and Regensburg in 1567, he was once again in Hungary, this time with his patron, the Imperial general Lazarus von Schwendi, where he was instrumental in the planning of fortifications in Varaždin, Kashau and Tokai. During this time he must also have acquired a reputation as a mapmaker, since as a result of Schwendi s connections he was commissioned in 1573 by Archduke Ferdinand to produce a map of Alsace, which he worked on until He also was engaged in producing an overall plan for fortifying the city of Ulm. To this end he drew up extensive plans and models, as well as a builder s journal, the first of its kind. There followed a journal for Colmar (1579) and a building code for Basle (1589). By now he had also produced elaborate pieces of work for the city of Strasbourg, including a large-scale wooden model of the city. On October 5, 1577 Speckle was appointed City Architect with an annual salary of 250 Guilders, 6 tuns of wine and 1000 bundles of wood. With the authorization of the city council he continued to work for other domains and towns, such as Schlettstadt, Ensisheim, Colmar, Basle, Veldens, Belfort, Cologne Heidelberg and Hanau. After being sent on a study trip to Antwerp, he brought back several plans of the fortifications of towns in Brabant and Holland. In September 1587 he submitted his Architectura to the council of Strasbourg. Finally, the city of Heilbronn requested his advice and later sent him the ground plans of a planned fortress for his appraisal, but he was not able to air his opinions on it, as he died on October 18, 1589, aged 53 (cf. K.E. Mayer, Die Lebensgeschichte des Strassburger Stadt- und Festungsbaumeisters Daniel Specklin, Stuttgart, 1928, passim and A. Fischer, Daniel Specklin aus Strassburg, : Festungsbaumeister, Ingenieur und Kartograph, Sigmaringen, 1996, passim). VD 16, S-8178; Berlin Ornament Catalogue, no. 3516; M.J.D. Cockle, A Bibliography of English Military Books, Up to 1642 and of Contemporary Foreign Works, (London, 1978), no. 789; A. Fara, Il sistema e la città: architettura fortificata dell Europa moderna dai trattati alle realizzazioni, , (Genova, 1989), pp ; id., Geometrie della fortificazione e architettura da Borromini a Guarini, in: Mitteilungen des kunsthistorischen Institutes in Florenz, 45, 1/2, 2001, p. 181, no. 136; ; M.D. Pollak, Military architecture, cartography & the representation of the early modern European city: a checklist of treatises on fortification in the Newberry Library, (Chicago, IL, 1991), p. 94, no. 55; H. Rosenau, The Ideal City in its Architectural Evolution, (London, 1959), p. 54; U. Schütte, ed., Architekt & Ingenieur. Baumeister in Krieg und Frieden, (Wolfenbüttel, 1984), no ,000.- / CHF 15,000.- / $ 15, TELLUCCINI, Mario (fl. 2 nd half of th 16 th century). Le pazzie amorose di Rodomonte secondo,... 4to. 218, (2) pp. Printer s device on the title-page (unicorn watering); large, almost full-page, woodcut device at the end showing a unicorn fighting three snakes. Historiated woodcut initials. The Argomenti, at the beginning of every Canto, are set in a rich woodcut frame. 18 th century vellum over boards, red morocco label with gilt title on spine, blue edges, marbled endpapers; title-page lightly waterstained, otherwise a very good copy. Parma, Seth Viotti, FIRST EDITION, dedicated to Alessandro Farnese, duke of Parma and Piacenza, of a 20 cantos poem singing the love of Rodomonte di Sarza for the beautiful Lucefiamma, daughter of Meandro,
47 wealthy lord of a castle on the Genoese Riviera. This work belongs to the group of poems inspired by the Orlando Furioso in which, however, the characters are not the same as in Ariosto s poem, but rather their descendants. In the Pazzie amorose, the protagonist, a grandson of Ariosto s Rodomonte, is a wicked character, who is contrasted by Fidelcaro, a positive hero, who in the end kills him (cf. G. Fumagalli, La fortuna dell Orlando Furioso nel XVI secolo, Ferrara, 1912, p. 160). Mario Telluccini, a native of Popiglio (Pistoia), called il Bernia, was active as a bookseller in Rome and a an extempore poet active in various Italian courts (e.g. Ferrara around 1543). He also wrote other chivalric epics: Paride e Vienna (Genova, 1571), Artemidoro (Venezia, 1566) and Erasto (Pesaro, 1566) (cf. G. Bertoni, Il Cieco di Ferrara e altri improvvisatori alla corte d Este, in: Il Giornale Storico della Letteratura Italiana, 1929, XCIV, p. 277). Edit 16, CNCE39098; A. Cutolo, I romanzi cavallereschi in prosa e in rima del fondo Castiglioni presso la Biblioteca Braidense di Milano, Milano, 1944, 125; M. Beer, Romanzi di cavalleria: il Furioso e il romanzo italiano del primo Cinquecento, Roma, 1987, p. 383; G. Melzi-P.A. Tosi, Bibliografia dei romanzi di cavalleria in versi e in prosa italiani, Milano, 1865, p ,800.- / CHF 1,900.-/ $ 1, And...
48 Certainly book collectors will also find Ars Epistolica an invaluable source Donald R. DICKSON, Texas A & M University, in: Seventeenth Century News, 72, 2/3, (2014), p. 233
49 Esta información será recibida sin duda con enorme interés por parte de los expertos en Historia de la Escritura, entre quienes el studio de las práticas epistolares viene siendo preferente desde varias décadaas atrás Carmen ESPEJO CALA Arte y oficio de la escritura espistolar en el Renacimiento, in: Revista internacional de Historia de la Comunicacion, 3/1, 2014, p. 190 No one working on questions of sixteenth-century communication can afford to be without this generous volume THE BOOK COLLECTOR, Spring 2015, p. 115 donnent au lecteur la clé qui permettra d apprécier à sa juste valeur l unité et la diversité du genre epistolaire qui s épanouit à la Renaissance Viviane MELLINGHOFF-BOURGERIE, Ruhr-Universität, Bochum, in: Bibliothèque d Humanisme et Renaissance, LXXVII, 2015, p. 262 Axel ERDMANN ž Alberto GOVI ž Fabrizio GOVI ARS EPISTOLICA Communication in Sixteenth Century Central Europe: Epistolaries, Letter-writing Manuals and Model Letter Books, With and introduction by Judith Rice Henderson Luzern, 2014 Size: 29 x 23 cm. XXV, 771 pp. With over 150 illustrations in the text. Hardcover. ISBN / CHF 160/ $ 165 For more information and/or to place and order click here.
50 The Collection...is now offered for sale. For more information contact us at gilburg.com
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