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NWAV 38 October 22-25, 2009 Université de Ottawa/University of Ottawa 1 Introduction Translation effects as evidence in language contact studies: The case of variable subject pronouns in NYC Spanish Philipp Sebastian Angermeyer York University Translation effects: Interpreters are often observed to produce target language forms that are influenced by source language structures, Hypotheses: 1. Translation effects and contact phenomena are parallel: translation effects can be viewed as parallel to language contact phenomena produced by bilingual speakers outside of translation contexts. 2. If this is the case, evidence from translation data may be used to test hypotheses of contact-induced language change where such an identification is in doubt, as in the case of higher rates of subject pronoun use in U.S. Spanish (Bayley and Pease-Alvarez, 1997, Flores-Ferrán, 2004, Otheguy et al., 2007, Silva-Corvalán, 1994). Data Data for this study is taken from interpreter-mediated interactions recorded in New York Small Claims Courts (Angermeyer, 2006), a subset of six arbitration hearings with five different court interpreters who translate between English and Spanish. Arbitration hearings in Small Claims Court are relatively informal (Conley & O'Barr 1990 (Conley and O'Barr, 1990). Most litigants represent themselves, testify in narrative form (Angermeyer and Schieffelin, 2005). 2 Parallels between translation phenomena and language contact phenomena Translation phenomena false friends translationese repetition of source items language disorientation variable translation effects Bilingual speech phenomena semantic extension loan translation insertion/borrowing codeswitching variable contact-induced change 1

2.1 False friends (cf. Nida, 2004: 157) and semantic extension (Weinreich 1968: 48) (1) False friend: tener relación con have an (intimate) relationship with a person 1 Arbitrator: What is your relationship to the s- clothing store?= 2 Interpreter = Qué relación tiene Usted (de la-) a la tienda de ropa? (2.0) 3 Claimant: Qué relación tengo con la tienda? 4 Interpreter: What relation do I have t- to the store?= 5 Arbitrator: =Yeah, do you own the store?= 6 C s daughter: (trabajas xxx) 7 Claimant: =Yo soy la que trabaja (xxx). 8 Arbitrator: You can t (do that) 9 Interpreter: I'm the one that works there. (2) Semantic extension: yarda yard (measurement), not in the sense of backyard 1 Arbitrator: And what's the ahm (.) ahm (.) access to the garage? 2 (0.7) Is it outside with a chain-linked fence? 3 Describe the location 4 Interpreter Cúal es el aceso a su garaje? 5 Está en parte de afuera con ahm (.) con verjas cerradas? 6 Defendant: (.) Es una yarda. 7 Interpreter: (.) It's a yard. 2.2 Translationese (Toury, 1995) and loan translations/calques (Weinreich 1968: 51) (3) Translationese (pay upfront make an advance payment ) 1 R. Interpr.: And he always asked 2 to get paid upfront +//. 3 S. Interpr.: él siempre quería que pagarían al frente and he always wanted them to pay upfront 4 Defendant: A my nikogda ne otkazyvali and we never refused Compare: (4) 1 Claimant: Ah, una parte me daba adelante. Uh, he gave me a part in advance 2 Interpreter: He gave me some [/] ah some upfront. 2

Loan translations in the language use of litigants (5) 1 Arbitrator: Where does the three thousand dollars that you re suing for come from? 2 Interpreter: De donde sacó usted los tres mil pesos que haya - where do you get the 3,000 bucks from that 3 por los cuales ha puesto la demanda? for which you have sued 4 Claimant: De la carpeta que tienen que ponerme para atrás. from the carpet that they have to give back to me 5 Interpreter: From the carpet he has to replace. (6) 1 Defendant: porque él me dijo vengo para atrás en un mes. because he told me I come back in a month 2 Interpreter: he told me, I'll be back in a month. 3 Defendant: Y yo le dije, vamos los dos y la compramos 4 Interpreter: and I told him we can go together and we can buy it. 5 Defendant: Yeah. US Spanisch para atrás, see Lipski (1986); Compare in other languages, e.g. Russian interpreter use of otdali nazad instead of vernuli for they gave back, or the use of back in Acadian French (King, 2000) 2.3 Translation effects in language variation Taylor (2008) investigates variation in prepositional phrases with pronominal complements in OE English (head-initial to him, or head-final him to), detects translation effects as head-initial variant is most frequent in translation from Latin (Latin predominantly head-initial) and particularly in translations of Latin source phrases containing a prepositional phrase. Text type %P-PRO Weight Nontranslation 78.0.411 Nonbiblical translation No Latin source PP 60.3.342 Latin source PP 92.2.796 Biblical translation No Latin source PP 80.5.595 Latin source PP 95.0.808 Table 1. Frequency of head-initial PPs with pronominal complements in Old English texts (adapted from Taylor 2008: 354) 3

3 Spanish subject pronouns in variation 3.1 Contact-influenced variation? Spanish speakers in the US show higher rates of subject pronoun use than Spanish speakers elsewhere: result of contact with English (Otheguy et al., 2007)? Origin Newcomers NY-born Caribbean 36% 42% Mainland 24% 33% Total 30% 38% Table 2: Use of optional subject pronouns by Spanish speaking New Yorkers, in percent (Otheguy et al 2007: 786; data from 80 speakers) 3.2 Subject pronoun expression in translation from English Corresponding subject pronoun in the English source (7) Arbitrator: Okay (0.5) do you have any questions you wanna ask him? Interpreter: Usted tiene alguna pregunta que Usted quiere hacerle a él? Claimant: (0.5) Eh (0.7) a él? Interpreter: (.) Sí. (8) Arbitrator: Okay, do you have any questions you would like to ask him? Interpreter: Ø Tiene alguna pregunta que Ø le quisiera hacer a él? (9) Arbitrator: (3.0) Okay, do you have any other questions you'd like to ask her? Interpreter: Usted tiene alguna otra pregunta que Ø le quiere hacer a ella? Overt subject pronouns in the English source may or may not correspond to overt subject pronouns in the Spanish target utterance. (Examples are from the same interpreter). No corresponding subject pronoun in the English source (10) Arbitrator: Okay, but how do I /know that? Interpreter: Pero cómo sé? Es [/] es lo que Usted me dice. but how do I know? That s what you re telling me. (11) Claimant: and the same apartment downstairs has rented for fifteen hundred and thirty dollars Interpreter: el apartamento Ø le doy por mil quinientos treinta I give him the apartment for $1,530 4

3.3 Factor groups Verb person and number 1sg is often the most favored environment for overt SPPs (Flores-Ferrán, 2007: 13) New York study: Person is most important factor group for both Mainland and Caribbean speakers, as well as newcomers and the New York-born (Otheguy et al. 2007: 789-790) (12) Caribbean newcomers: 2sgSpec> 2sgNonspec> 3sg> 1sg Mainland newcomers: 3sg > 1sg > 2sg Spec > 2sg Nonspec Caribbean NYBR: 2sgSpec > 2sg Nonspec > 1sg > 3sg Mainland NYBR: 3sg > 2sg spec > 1sg > 2sg nonspec Weakest constraints for all groups: third plural and first plural (Otheguy et al. 2007: 790-792) Switch reference Overt subject pronouns are favored if the subject has a different referent than the subject of the preceding clause (Cameron, 1992). Factor groups specific to translation Presence of corresponding SPP in English source Identity of source speaker (arbitrator, other litigant) Participation role of Spanish-speaking target recipient (addressee vs. overhearer) 3.4 Results LITIGANTS Mainland speakers (4) Caribbean speakers (4) Person % n % N 1sg 49.5% 105 57% 93 3sg 42.9% 77 45.3% 64 3pl-specific (0/3) 35% 20 1pl 0% 8 33% 9 2sg (2/2) (3/4) 3pl-non-spec. 0 (0/4) Switch reference new speaker 56.4% 39 58.1% 74 Switch 49.4% 81 47.0% 66 no switch 33.3% 75 38.9% 54 Total 44.6% 195 49.0% 194 Table 3. Frequencies of SPP in litigants speech 5

INTERPRETERS Speaker % W n Isabel (Caribbean) 54.2%.669 250 Ines (Mainland) 48.4%.562 62 Javier (Caribbean) 47.0%.433 164 Jaime (Caribbean) 44.3%.550 70 Juan (Caribbean) 24.1%.233 133 Person % n 2sg Usted 62.9%.704 240 3sg 52.0%.647 150 3pl-specific 39.1%.370 23 1sg 33.0%.370 182 1pl 3.6%.030 55 2pl Ustedes (4/17) 2sg tú (1/5) 3pl-non-spec. (1/7) Switch reference new speaker 50.8%.495 252 Switch 50.8%.636 236 no switch 30.3%.336 188 (Translation effect) English source SPP 47.8% not sig. 552 No source SPP 32.8% -- 128 Total 45.0% 680 Log likelihood = -362.346 Significance = 0.000 Table 4. Frequencies of SPP in litigants speech 3.5 Discussion of findings 1. Data differs from sociolinguistic interviews because of frequent speaker changes 2. Person distributed unevenly across participants: Arbitrators use more 2sg (addressing litigants) than 1sg o All interpreters use 2sg frequently Litigants use mostly 1sg and 3sg (speaking about the other party), rarely 2sg o Interpreters use 1sg and 3sg mainly if they translate source talk from an Englishspeaking litigant, but not in disputes between two Spanish speakers 3. High rates of Spanish SPP in both litigants and interpreters may be due to nature of the interaction: Solomon (1998) and Flores-Ferrán (2002) note that SPPs are more frequent in conflict narratives 6

4. Low rate of 1sg SPP use by interpreters may be due to their tendency to downplay identification with the voice of the source speaker, manifested also in use of passive or reported speech (Angermeyer, 2005, Angermeyer, 2009, Berk-Seligson, 1990, Wadensjö, 1998) 5. Translation effects are not significant overall, but neither are they distributed evenly: interpreters are trained, professional court interpreters, whose work ethic includes the avoidance of translation effects; law requires literal translation (Berk-Seligson, 1990) however, interpreters vary in their translation styles and in their attitudes towards codeswitching and other aspects of litigants language use (Angermeyer, 2008, Angermeyer, 2009) Interpreters also vary with regard to translation effects Translation effects are significant for some interpreters: Isabel Person % w N 3sg 90%.872 40 2sg Usted 81%.780 74 3pl-specific 42%.408 12 1sg 33%.259 90 1pl 8%.049 24 2pl Ustedes (1/2) 2sg tú (1/3) 3pl-non-spec. (1/5) Switch reference Switch 63%.658 76 new speaker 59%.465 105 no switch 38%.378 68 Translation effect English source SPP 58%.552 215 No source SPP 31%.170 35 Total 54.2% 250 Log likelihood = -112.846 Significance = 0.037 Table 5. Frequencies of SPP in speech of Isabel 4 Conclusion Rate of Spanish SPP use is susceptible to influence from English, but the effect is not strong Translation effects are perhaps better investigated in data from non-professional interpreting contexts 7

References Angermeyer, Philipp Sebastian. 2005. Who is I? Pronoun choice and bilingual identity in court interpreting. In Selected Proceedings from NWAV 33, 31-44: University of Pennsylvania Working Papers in Linguistics, Volume 11.2. Angermeyer, Philipp Sebastian. 2006. "Speak English or what?" - Codeswitching and interpreter use in New York Small Claims Court, New York University: Ph.D. Dissertation. Angermeyer, Philipp Sebastian. 2008. Creating monolingualism in the multilingual courtroom. Sociolinguistic Studies 2:385-403. Angermeyer, Philipp Sebastian. 2009. Translation style and participant roles in court interpreting. Journal of Sociolinguistics 13:3-28. Angermeyer, Philipp Sebastian, and Schieffelin, Bambi B. 2005. Small claims court as a fieldsite for urban sociolinguistics: Workshop presented at NWAV 34, New York University. Bayley, Robert, and Pease-Alvarez, Lucinda. 1997. Null pronoun variation in Mexican-descent children s narrative discourse. Language Variation and Change 9:349-371. Berk-Seligson, Susan. 1990. The Bilingual Courtroom: Court Interpreters in the Judicial Process. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Cameron, Richard. 1992. Pronominal and null subject variation in Spanish: Constraints, dialects, and functional compensation, University of Pennsylvania: Ph.D. Dissertation. Conley, John M., and O'Barr, William M. 1990. Rules versus relationships: The ethnography of legal discourse. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Flores-Ferrán, Nydia. 2002. A sociolinguistic perspective on the use of subject personal pronouns in Spanish narratives of Puerto Ricans in New York City. München: Lincom. Flores-Ferrán, Nydia. 2004. Spanish Subject Personal Pronoun Use in New York City Puerto Ricans: Can We Rest the Case of English Contact? Language Variation and Change 16:49-73. Flores-Ferrán, Nydia. 2007. A Bend in the Road: Subject Personal Pronoun Expression in Spanish after 30 Years of Sociolinguistic Research. Language and Linguistics Compass 1:624 652. King, Ruth. 2000. The lexical basis of grammatical borrowing: A Prince Edward Island French case study. Amsterdam/Philadelphia: John Benjamins. Lipski, John M. 1986. The construction pa(ra) atrás among Spanish-English bilinguals: Parallel structures and universal patterns. Iberoamericana 10:87-96. Nida, Eugene. 2004. Principles of Correspondence. In The Translation Studies Reader (Second Edition), ed. Lawrence Vernuti, 153-167. New York/London: Routledge. Otheguy, Ricardo, Zentella, Ana Celia, and Livert, David. 2007. Language and dialect contact in Spanish in New York: Toward the formation of a speech community. Language 83:770-802. Silva-Corvalán, Carmen. 1994. Language contact and change: Spanish in Los Angeles. New York: Oxford University Press. Solomon, J. 1998. External constraints and variable subject expression in Yucatec Spanish. In NWAV(E) 27. Athens, Georgia. Toury, Gideon. 1995. Descriptive Translation Studies and beyond. Amsterdam and Philadelphia: Benjamins. Wadensjö, Cecilia. 1998. Interpreting as Interaction. London/New York: Longman. 8