Lancaster University/ SPA 5 th March, 2015

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Transcription:

Robert MacDonald SoFI, Teesside University, R.MacDonald@tees.ac.uk Tracy Shildrick School of Sociology & Social Policy, University of Leeds, T.Shildrick@leeds.ac.uk Lancaster University/ SPA 5 th March, 2015

Multi-dimensional, multi-perspective, e.g. Overly punitive, individualising approach to problems of people in poverty Troubled families as troublesome families Over-emphasising homogeneity of families Measurement/ costs/ net-widening/ weakness of policy-practice interventions (e.g. PBR) Ignorance of policy history (and failures)

...policy and service streams have raised the profile [but] the voices of the families are largely absent (Morris, 2012)....doubtless families with backgrounds and circumstances as difficult as Casey documents exist [but]...there might be quite other ways of telling their stories (Levitas, 2012).

Subject to criticism... (ethics, atypically large families, anecdotal, not real research ) Interviews with 16 families Graphic detail on the severe & multiple difficulties that can affect troubled families : abuse and violence prominent Many similarities in her and our families stories Troubles as: long-term, entrenched, complex & cumulative

Very deprived neighbourhoods of Glasgow & Middlesbrough......led us to interview families similar to those labelled by government as Troubled Families... 20 families (47 people) with at least one parent with long-term worklessness (+5 years) in middle generation (age 35+) and in younger generation at least one unemployed child (age 16+)

Multiplicity & severity of combined & long-term troubles Failed schooling (pre/ post 16): low/ no qualifications Long-term worklessness Anti-social behaviour / offending & victimisation Problematic drug & alcohol use Physical/ sexual/ emotional abuse Violence/ domestic violence Mental & physical ill-health Poverty complex web of hardships & traumas associated with deep, long-term poverty Most families faced many issues

Emphasis on families & intergenerational processes BUT only interviews with 1 family member (15/16 = mothers) Can t grasp complexities without family/ cross-generational perspective Overestimating continuity/ reproduction across generations rather than change/ resistance? abuse the most striking common theme across families? Physical and mental ill-health was the most common theme in ours intergenerational transmission, large families, dysfunctional relationships, abuse, violence, drugs and alcohol etc = Casey s chapter headings... BUT poverty & unemployment = absent. This is odd!

For middle-generation, long-term, complex, entrenched, cumulative, spiralling troubles (often stemming from childhood): it just keeps going like this - stack, stack, stack, said Amanda Duncan, 50 Poverty as uniform, long-term experience - extremely precarious lives No/ unsuccessful interventions : they didn t see the complexity behind what they screened Parent/ middle generation: dire impacts on physical/ psychological well-being (distanced from labour market); but desperate for children to do better Younger generation: heavily disadvantaged but striving for conventionality, desperate to do better than parents... but unemployed & on cusp of hopelessness

1.? Atypicality of these as poor families unusual/ extreme cases, even in locales of v high deprivation Majority experience = low-pay, no-pay cycle Strong potential to misrepresent the poor 2.? Overly individualised/ agentic view of poverty as personal failing and/or family dysfunction? Confusion of cause-effect? e.g. most Problematic Drug Users (heroin) are poor over 90% on out-of-work benefits aren t PDU Impact of heroin markets in Glasgow & Middlesbrough: 80s then 90s. Poverty as the context for heroin use; not heroin as the cause of poverty.

3.? Structure of opportunities missing e.g. quality of schooling & training/ housing provision/ mass deindustrialisation & progressive closing down of opportunities 4.? Socio-spatial concentration of health inequalities ill-health/ ill-being predominates

The Duncans (Amanda, 50, and Diane, 23) each told long, gruelling stories (3hrs+) - not wholly dissimilar to Casey s Listening to Troubled Families (2012) (APOLOGIES) Amanda: long-term workless (1 job in 25+ years), poverty, depression, history of being abused as child/ later abuse, domestic violence, problematic alcoholic use, repeated partnerships with violent men, all children in care. Diane: physically abused (by Amanda), brought up in care, teenage offending, mother at 16, son on at risk register, intensive social work intervention, 1 short-lived job, attempts to take son into care...

I proved everyone wrong I was being labelled. Just because I d been in care doesn t mean that what had happened to me I m going to do the same thing. Just because my Mum used to batter me doesn t mean I m going to batter my kids. I think it is true - sometimes but maybe [other] people, they wouldn t do it because it s been done to them. They know how it feels to be left out and abused by people - so they wouldn t do it. They d make the child s life different, to make them feel better and have a happy childhood and not to have the same as them. Hopefully when I get a job, I ll keep my job, and I ll show him. He won t end up in care and he won t end up having a kid at sixteen. He won t end up doing the things that I done I want it to change.