Dative/Accusative Syncretism in New Indo-Aryan
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1 1 / 31 Dative/Accusative Syncretism in New Indo-Aryan Ashwini Deo, Christin Schätzle and Miriam Butt Ohio State University, University of Konstanz Middle and Early New Indo-Aryan: a crucial period for linguistic development? SLE 2016 University of Naples Federico II August 31, 2016
2 2 / 31 Introduction Later Indo-Aryan diachrony has been characterized as involving a progressive loss of ergative marking and gradual drift towards nominative-accusative alignment. Loss of ergative morphology in pronominal and nominal paradigms Subject agreement (replacing or in addition to object agreement) Accusative marking on a privileged class of objects (spread of differential object marking) Analogical extension of the nominative-accusative model to ergative clauses.
3 3 / 31 The chronology TIMELINE STAGE SAMPLE SOURCE OIA 200 BCE-400 CE Epic Sanskrit Mahābhārata (Mbh.); 967,000 words MIA 300 BCE-500 CE Mahārāṣṭrī Vasudevahiṃḍi (VH 609 CE) 500 CE-1100 CE Apabhraṃśa Paumacariu (PC 880 CE); 135,000 words Old NIA CE Old Marathi Dnyāneśvarī (Dny 1287 CE); 107,800 words Līḷācaritra (LC 1278 CE); 57,000 words Middle Marathi Dāsabodha (DB 1654 CE); 108,600 words
4 4 / 31 Introduction Later Indo-Aryan diachrony has been characterized as involving a progressive loss of ergative marking and gradual drift towards nominative-accusative alignment. Loss of ergative morphology in pronominal and nominal paradigms Subject agreement (replacing or in addition to object agreement) Accusative marking on a privileged class of objects (spread of differential object marking) Analogical extension of the nominative-accusative model to ergative clauses.
5 5 / 31 Accusative marking in New Indo-Aryan diachrony We have very limited understanding of the nature of nominative accusative alignment at distinct stages of Indo-Aryan. Old Indo-Aryan exhibits clear accusative marking for the vast majority of objects of transitive clauses. How does this pattern evolve into the New Indo-Aryan DOM pattern? How does such a pattern obtain in ergative clauses?
6 6 / 31 A puzzle The case morphology of Apabhraṃśa presents a puzzle for the rise of DOM. Erosion/simplification leads to reduction in overt disambiguation of grammatical relations Nominative/accusative syncretism in nominals and some 3 rd person pronouns Accusative/ergative syncretism in 1 st and 2 nd pronouns Dative/genitive syncretism across the board The use of new postpositional markers to disambiguate semantic relations (in particular possessor, goal, and benefactive). What is the starting point for the DOM pattern?
7 7 / 31 Case syncretism in Apabhraṃśa Stem Case Singular plural a-stems NOM puttu putta ACC puttu putta INSTR/ERG putt-eṃ putta-hiṃ/ehiṃ DAT/GEN putt-aho/ahu putta-haṃ 1 st pronoun NOM hauṃ amhe, amhaiṃ ACC mai(ṃ) amhe, amhaiṃ INST/ERG mai(ṃ) amhe-hiṃ DAT/GEN mahu, majjhu amha, amhaha 2 nd pronoun NOM tuhuṃ tumhe ACC paiṇ, taiṃ tumhe INST/ERG paiṇ, taiṃ tumhehiṃ DAT/GEN tahu, tujjha tumha, tumhaha 3 rd pronoun MASC/FEM NOM so, su; sā te, tāu ACC taṃ; sā te; tāu INST/ERG teṇṇa; tāe, tīe tehiṃ; tāhaṃ DAT/GEN taho, tahu; tāhe tāhaṃ; tāhaṃ
8 8 / 31 Unmarked objects in MIA: imperfective clauses (1) #kiṃ QUES tamu haṇ-ai ṇa vālu darkness.nom.sg destroy-impf.3.sg NEG young #kiṃ vālu ṇa ravi# sun.nom.sg vaṇu# forest.nom.sg ṇa vālu young #kiṃ QUES QUES hari# lion.nom.sg davaggi fire.nom.sg kari elephant.nom.sg #kiṃ vālu young NEG ḍah-ai burn-impf.3.sg dal-ai shatter-impf.3.sg ṇa ḍaĩk-ai bite-impf.3.sg NEG young QUES NEG uragamaṇu# snake.nom.sg Does the young (rising) sun not destroy darkness? Does the young fire (spark) not burn down the forest? Does a young lion (cub) not shatter the elephant? Does the young snake not bite? (PC )
9 9 / 31 A possible trajectory DOM emerges in Late Middle Indic/Early New Indic perhaps first in non-ergative clauses, then in ergative clauses. This pattern carries on as an inheritance in the Modern NIA languages.
10 10 / 31 Problems There are two problems with this hypothesized trajectory. No dent into the question of why/how DOM arises in the kind of syncretic system seen in Middle Indic (lack of nominative-accusative contrast). Offers no account of why dative and accusative marking is syncretic across New Indo-Aryan languages a DOM system without such syncretism is logically possible.
11 11 / 31 A closer look Old Marathi is a good candidate for examining this trajectory at a finer level of resolution.
12 11 / 31 A closer look Old Marathi is a good candidate for examining this trajectory at a finer level of resolution. In the earliest stages of the language,we already see innovated markers (case-clitics) for transitive objects (-tẽ and -si/sī). Bare oblique-marked object arguments and nominative arguments also appear in transitive clauses. The question is whether these markers appear in free variation or if there is a clearer distribution evident.
13 12 / 31 The study Investigate morphological marking on objects of transitive verbs in Old Marathi Distinguish between verbs that have theme/patient objects vs. those that have possessor/goal objects (or indirect objects) Identify whether there is evidence for DOM in Old Marathi
14 13 / 31 Corpus Līḷācharitra (ca CE, prose (excerpt) words) Dnyāneśvari (ca CE, verse, 107,815 words) Dāsabodha (ca CE, verse, 108,612 words)
15 14 / 31 Methodology Identified morphological case marking in Old Marathi that is associated with objects of transitive verbs (Tulpule 1960, Master 1964) -tẽ -si, sī oblique unmarked nominative Extracted all instances of -tẽ and -si/sī Manually eliminated false cases of non-accusative endings Identified the verbs occurring with -tẽ and -si, sī complements.
16 15 / 31 Two classes of verbs Two classes of verbs were identified from the extracted set (Harvard-Kyoto convention): Theme/patient object verbs (n=75): mhan, vadh, bhed, gil, gras, pid, badh, samg, sal, TAL, bhul, jan, dam, pos, pokh, nen, dekh, voras, avadhar, naz, bol, bhaj, pav, bhog, prakazi, bamdh, sparz, prasav, olakh, nolakh, pah, mar, dhikkar, jod, gimvas, avalok, voj, volamd, limp, AliMg, sodav, gal, ramj, unmul, lot, vadhav, cadhav, vani, avher, dhar, tod, Thev, vinav, varn, lekh, pus, Thel, bhedav, madh, volakh, cimt, vyap, voval, jin, carc, ramdh, smar, kadh, niyam, nivar, hokar, pel, upazam, ALav, adhikar, cuka Posessor/goal object verbs (n=12): bhid, bih, bhi, jhomb, jaha, aiki, ADaL, sand, samg, dij, dei, desi, mil, ligat
17 16 / 31 Two classes of verbs Two classes of verbs were identified from the extracted set (Harvard-Kyoto convention): Theme/patient object verbs (n=75): speak, kill, pierce, swallow, consume, harass, damage, tell, avoid, forget, know, defeat, rear, see, listen, destroy, speak, worship, bless, enjoy, illuminate, build, touch, bear, recognize, not-recognize, see, strike, denigrate, connect, find, observe, cross, embrace, rescue, untie, filter, pull-out, push, increase, raise,, catch, break, keep, plead, describe, consider, ask, push, bother, recognize, think, occupy, worship, win, discuss, cook, remember, take-out, rule, avert, agree, balance, subdue, call-out, rule, miss Posessor/goal object verbs (n=12): connect, fear, fear, tackle, experience, hear, find/understand, leave, give, find, cling
18 17 / 31 Predictions If the language distinguishes between accusative and dative marking, there should be clear distributional differences among the endings.
19 17 / 31 Predictions If the language distinguishes between accusative and dative marking, there should be clear distributional differences among the endings. If it makes no distinction, there should be no difference in frequency of tẽ and si/sī in either class of verbs.
20 18 / 31 The study The search was restricted to finite and non-finite imperfective and perfective clauses. We searched for the following endings in a context window (2 words before target verb occurrence and 2 words following): -tẽ -si, sī oblique unmarked nominative This allowed us to approximate the relative frequency of marked transitive objects with distinct endings.
21 19 / 31 distribution Preliminary findings: Theme/patient verbs Text n tẽ si/sī Oblique Nominative Dnyāneśvarī Līḷācaritra All Table: Transitive object marking in Old Marathi with theme/patient verbs
22 20 / 31 distribution Preliminary findings: Possessor/goal verbs Text n tẽ si/sī Oblique Nominative Dnyāneśvarī Table: Transitive object marking in Old Marathi with possessor/goal verbs
23 21 / 31 distribution Preliminary findings The oblique (inherited dative/genitive marking from MIA) is the most frequent object marker in transitive clauses in both theme/patient and possessor/goal verbs.
24 21 / 31 distribution Preliminary findings The oblique (inherited dative/genitive marking from MIA) is the most frequent object marker in transitive clauses in both theme/patient and possessor/goal verbs. Theme/patient verbs: 72% of overtly case-marked arguments exhibit tẽ; 28% have si/sī marking.
25 21 / 31 distribution Preliminary findings The oblique (inherited dative/genitive marking from MIA) is the most frequent object marker in transitive clauses in both theme/patient and possessor/goal verbs. Theme/patient verbs: 72% of overtly case-marked arguments exhibit tẽ; 28% have si/sī marking. Possessor/goal verbs: In contrast, 72% of overtly marked arguments exhibit si/sī; 28% have tẽ marking.
26 21 / 31 distribution Preliminary findings The oblique (inherited dative/genitive marking from MIA) is the most frequent object marker in transitive clauses in both theme/patient and possessor/goal verbs. Theme/patient verbs: 72% of overtly case-marked arguments exhibit tẽ; 28% have si/sī marking. Possessor/goal verbs: In contrast, 72% of overtly marked arguments exhibit si/sī; 28% have tẽ marking. This indicates a system that is evolving from one in which oblique marking is used to mark both theme/patients and possessor goals to one in which distinct case-markers carry distinct loads.
27 22 / 31 distribution Preliminary findings: Middle Marathi In a later text, the Dasabhoda (ca CE), we find a different distribution with theme/patient verbs and possessor/goal verbs. We identified and found the following endings: -tẽ -si, sī oblique lā (innovated) Dāsabodha n tẽ si/sī lā Oblique Theme/patient verbs Possessor/goal verbs Table: Transitive object marking in Middle Marathi
28 23 / 31 distribution Preliminary findings: Middle Marathi Oblique marking, the most frequent marking in Old Marathi, is virtually lost in the language. Theme/patient verbs: 3% of theme/patient verbs occur with tẽ marking; 78% with si/sī marking. 17.5% occur with an innovated marker lā. Possessor/goal verbs (small n) appear far more frequently (80%) with si/sī.
29 23 / 31 distribution Preliminary findings: Middle Marathi Oblique marking, the most frequent marking in Old Marathi, is virtually lost in the language. Theme/patient verbs: 3% of theme/patient verbs occur with tẽ marking; 78% with si/sī marking. 17.5% occur with an innovated marker lā. Possessor/goal verbs (small n) appear far more frequently (80%) with si/sī. This suggests a system in which the case-clitic tẽ has been replaced by the case-clitic si/sī in theme/patient verbs the classic syncretic DOM pattern.
30 24 / 31 distribution Summary Old Marathi: We do not see a syncretic case-marking system in which the same marking is used for DOM (accusative) contexts and possessor/goal (dative) contexts. Transitive objects of theme/patient verbs occur overwhelmingly with one case-clitic tẽ. Transitive objects of possessor/goal verbs occur overwhelmingly with another distinct case-clitic si/sī. Middle Marathi: A takeover by the dative clitic which is extended to theme/patient verbs. The establishment of the classic syncretic DOM system.
31 25 / 31 Aspect The effect of aspectual differences Does the presence of overt case marking (tẽ) differ between perfective and imperfective clauses? This question is especially relevant for theme/patient verbs perfective ergative clauses inherit nominative marking on the transitive object. Accusative marking is an innovated alignment pattern in new Indo-Aryan languages. We may predict that tẽ marking occurs differentially in perfective vs. imperfective clauses.
32 26 / 31 Aspect The effect of aspectual differences: Old Marathi Aspect n tẽ si/sī Oblique Nominative Dny Perfective Imperfective LC Perfective Imperfective Total Perfective Imperfective Ratio Perfective % 4% 80% 3% Imperfective % 3% 85% 5% Table: Aspect-based distribution of transitive object marking in Old Marathi with theme/patient verbs
33 27 / 31 Aspect The effect of aspectual differences: Old Marathi The high frequency of tẽ marking in the perfective clauses of the Līḷācaritra and in total are due to the high appearance of the theme/patient verbs pus ask and dekh speak in the Līḷācaritra. Only the frequency of tẽ marking in the perfective changes when factoring out these verbs, all other endings remain the same. After factoring these verbs out overall, we obtain robust and comparable ratios for all endings in both aspects.
34 28 / 31 Aspect The effect of aspectual differences: Old Marathi Aspect n tẽ si/sī Oblique Nominative DNY Perfective Imperfective LC Perfective Imperfective Total Perfective Imperfective Ratio Perfective 648 6% 5% 86% 3% Imperfective % 3% 86% 4% Table: Aspect-based distribution of transitive object marking in Old Marathi with theme/patient verbs (revised)
35 29 / 31 Aspect Findings There is no difference in the frequency of tẽ in perfective vs. imperfective clauses. Accusative marking is robustly attested in both ergative and non-ergative clauses from the earliest period of Old Marathi. This supports a scenario in which extension to DOM is not a sequential phenomenon first in non-ergative clauses and then analogically extended to ergative clauses. Both aspects exhibit it in similar proportion.
36 30 / 31 Aspect The effect of aspectual differences: Middle Marathi Aspect n tẽ si/sī lā Oblique Perfective 83 2 (2%) 66 (80%) 15 (18%) 0 (0%) Imperfective (3%) 368 (78%) 82 (17%) 4 (1%) All (3%) 434 (78%) 97 (18%) 4 (1%) Table: Aspect-based distribution of transitive object marking in Middle Marathi with theme/patient verbs The lack of aspect-based difference in accusative marking continues. Neither si/sī nor lā occur differentially in perfective vs. imperfective clauses.
37 31 / 31 Concluding remarks Old Marathi exhibits two distinctive case-clitics for accusative and dative case with clear distributional differences: tẽ is used to mark theme/patient objects (accusative) si/sī is used to mark possessor/goal objects (dative) The dative clitic is extended to theme/patient verbs in Middle Marathi which leads to the emergence of the classic syncretic DOM pattern. Moreover, DOM is not a sequential phenomenon because it appears to a similar degree in both ergative and non-ergative clauses from Old Marathi on.
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