TRANSNATIONALISM: COULD IT BE THE KEY TO SOLVE THE INTEGRATION DILEMMA OF TURKISH IMMIGRANTS IN GERMANY

Transcription

1 TRANSNATIONALISM: COULD IT BE THE KEY TO SOLVE THE INTEGRATION DILEMMA OF TURKISH IMMIGRANTS IN GERMANY Dr. Esin YILMAZ-BASCERI Introduction A process of solving any problem requires better understanding of its dimensions. This can be applied to social problems as well. They, however, may not have only one solution like the problems in natural sciences. There may be several solutions which may differ according the standing point of the ones, who try to solve it, as well as their interpretation. Integration of the migrants to the dominant host-society is a social issue and in some cases it may turn into a social problem. Accordingly, depending on the standing point of the host countries, there may be different policies. The real problem, however, is usually to find the right standing point. Immigration is the new dilemma of many countries. Regulation and planning of it are the new challenges. Almost all countries are either recipients of immigrants or sources of them and are subject to its problems; brain drain, loss of manpower, importing political conflicts, security issue, etc Successful integration of migrants is one of these challenges. It is desirable that it happens smooth and fast. Such integration, however, needs planned policies and a political goodwill that facilitates the immigrants term of duration, right to citizenship, opportunities for further education, learning of the host countries language, receiving healthcare and chances at employment. This does not mean, without these regulations there will be a total chaos. Immigrants would again find their own ways and their place in a new society, which may take longer time. It is not desired, as they may create enclosed groups in the community. Political perceptions and interpretations of the issue affect the whole procedure. Different policies result in different integration processes with different levels of success, as can be observed in several countries. 1

2 Having a long history of emigration and then of immigration, Germany have been one of the biggest recipients of labour immigrants in Europe, since the end of 1950s. Formerly, this labour immigration was planned for a short-term. Immigrants duration in the country and their numbers, however, increased with the passing years. Their integration to the German society became one of the most discussed issues by the politicians and in the media. Turkish immigrants are perceived as the core of this problem mainly because of their large presence in the German immigrant population, their cultural and religious differences from the rest of the community, their bad scores in the German school system and several other reasons. These discussions stimulated by the popular concepts of the day according to which integration is defined, its policies are structured and planned. After the era, during which integration was defined as a kind of assimilation, ended at early 1980s, multicultural understanding gained weight in the integration issues. Since the end of 90s, however, it is understood that multiculturalism did not fit to the realities of Germany if a balanced, homogeneous society is searched. Accordingly, the old Citizenship Law has changed so that naturalisation processes will be easier for the foreigners of the country. It was followed, after 45 years of Turkish immigration, by the acknowledgement of Germany by German government as a migration country. 10 years after the change in Citizenship Law in 2000, the integration problem is still an issue for Germany. After this attempt to ease the naturalisation, applications for German citizenship among Turkish migrants dropped even lower than the numbers before. I will try to analyze the situation of Turkish migrants in Germany considering the integration problem. To this end, German policies and laws will be examined. Their relations with integration of migrants will be in focus of this study. Would a change in the politicians perception of problem and related to it a change in expectations from integration, might be a solution to the problem, will be the questions to be answered. To this end, in the first part of paper, some terminologies related to integration in general and to the situation in Germany will be defined. It will be followed by a part about the evolution of German policies and Turkish immigrants situation related to integration. Reasons and the consequences of integration problem will be analyzed. After explaining the efforts made by German authorities for creating better integration 2

3 conditions, last section will try to figure out why they did not worked in the case of Turkish migrants by giving a special emphasis to their transnational character. Possible approaches to integration: assimilation, multiculturalism, transnationalism Although migration has an old history, scientific interest on it is not old. It is a period which began during 1920s in USA, in Chicago, when scientists were concerned with migration and its social impacts. USA stayed for some decades as the centre of migration studies. Expecting the assimilation of immigrants 1 was mutual for the scientist of Chicago School, until 1960s. When it came to 1960s and 70s, however, the experiences showed that assimilation of immigrants was worked not well as expected: Racial inequality was persistent and ethnic differences among the population were not disappeared. During early 1980s, international migration has gained another dimension which has been directly related to the consequences of globalization. 2 Integration of migrants was ascending star and favoured to assimilation. 3 It has defined as a process in which the migrants keep their cultural integrity and in the same time they will an integral part of the dominant community. It should be an interactive process though among unequal partners. The readiness of the dominant community to include the migrants was an important factor in the degree of integration. Integration, however, interpreted mainly as a one-way road according to which the migrants would adapt themselves to the host communities values and beliefs, by many European countries. 4 Later on, this concept of integration has co-operated with the concept of multiculturalism. Different than the classical immigration countries, however, in many European states, multiculturalism could not be accompanied with liberal citizenship policies. In 1980s, European countries strived for the integration of their migrants by respecting and 1 Assimilation means in general the total identification of migrants with the culture of the dominant community. Migrants alienate to their origin culture and absorbed by the dominant culture. In this respect, assimilation happens usualy on the individual bases as the minority groups like to care for their ethnic traditions and culture. 2 Barbara Schmitter Heisler, The Sociology of Immigration, in Caroline B.Brettel, James F. Hollifield (Eds.), Migration Theory, Routledge, London, 2008, pp , p Ibid. p Franck Düvell, Europaeische und internationale Migration, LIT Verlag, Hamburg, p

4 promoting their ethnic identities. Assimilation of immigrants, in classical means was no more a target. Migrants were provided social and economic rights as members of culturally defined groups and were protected. On the other hand difficult naturalisation processes left many without citizenship and relating rights, so as they were excluded from politics of host countries. Citizenship could not be used as a mechanism for social and political integration of newcomers, which shall be included successful in integration processes. On the contrary, citizenship is devalued by favouring the idea of post-national citizenship. 5 In some European countries, policies insisting on repatriation were favoured multicultural policies without offering easy citizenship processes. At the beginning of 1990s, increasing number and diversifying origins of migrants made clear, that new migration policies were needed. A repatriation of migrants could not be seen in the horizon and not be wished anymore because of the decreasing and ageing population. 6 Multiculturalism, however, pointed out ethnic differences in the community and in the long term provided the creation of parallel communities, instead of creating homogeneous cultural entities. Integration in these sense were not desired any longer. Many scholars have even called for the revaluation of the concept of assimilation. Richard Alba and Victor Nee have even argued that assimilation took place in the past and still frequently happens today. 7 Trans-nationalism and transnational migrants are the contemporary concepts of modern migration. The effects of globalization in economics and the technological revolution changed the conditions of migration around the world and gave it a transnational character. Modern information, communication and transportation technologies enable higher mobility of people and exchange of experiences. Facilitating travel and communication possibilities support the maintenance and expansion of transnational networks. 8 To live in one country while having close 5 See in Yasemin Nuhoglu Soysal, Limits of Citizenship Migrants and Postnational Membership in Europe, The University of Chicago Press, See Statistisches Bundesamt, Bevölkerung Deutschlands bis 2050, Wiesbaden Richard Alba, Victor Nee, Rethinking Assimilation Theory for a New Era of Immigration, International Migration Review, Nr. 31, 1997, pp Ewa Morawska, The Sociology and Historiography of Immigration, in Virginia Yans-McLaughlin (Ed.), Immigration Reconsidered: History, Sociology and Politics, pp , Oxford University Press, 1990; Barbara Schmitter Heisler, The Sociology of Immigration,..., p

5 contacts with another is easy and normal nowadays. 9 Although globalization measured mainly by economic means, mobility in technology of production and information and geographic mobility of people are its other marks. Globalized economy supports migration patterns through well-established regional networks of trade, production, investment and communication, which lead to an increase in the numbers of transnational firms. 10 In addition to that, during the 90s many companies of western world decided to move some of their production facilities to other countries, where the labour-costs were lower. By doing so, they were also protected from the pressures of labour union in their home countries. On the other hand, moving firms created more transnational labour force, as people, who were working in these firms, had to migrate to find new jobs, as well. 11 Nowadays, transnational economy could not be work out without migrants. They are the solutions of most of the problems of contemporary western technologies. Their need to qualified migrants as labour force is increasing each day. Parallel to these needs, globalization creates also the channels for the recruitment of qualified work-power. Besides this, it provides new opportunities and perspectives for career abroad for many qualified, educated people, around the world. 12 Transnational life consist dual identities and loyalties. Trans-migrants are trying on one side to keep the relations with home country alive. On the other side they are building a new cultural identity based on the host communities culture. 13 They have then varied and multiple identities. They aim to fit into the globalized world together with their individual identities, while they are enjoying high degree of mobility between their host and home countries. They have to take into consideration the issues, policies or rules in both of the countries. These kinds of relations are the foundations of the formation of social, political, economic and cultural transnational networks between home and host countries. Transnational migrants are different than 9 Franck Düvell, Europaeische..., p Douglas Massey, World in Motion: Understanding International Migration at the end of the Millenium, Oxford, Clarendon press, 1998; Franck Düvell, Europaeische..., p , Petrus Han, Soziologie der Migration, Lucius & Lucius, Stuttgart, 2005, p Petrus Han, Soziologie..., p Franck Düvell, Europaeische..., p Bela Feldman-Bianco, Multiple Layers of Time and Space: The Construction of Class, Ethnicity, and Nationalism among Portuguese Immigrants, in: Glick-Schiller, Nina; Basch, Linda; Blanc- Szanton, Cristina (Ed.), Toward a Transnational Perspectve on Migration. Race, Class, Ethnicity, and Nationalism reconsidered, Newyork, Newyork Academy of Science, 1992, pp , p ; Franck Düvell, Europaeisch..., p

6 the usual migrants because they do not move totally from one country to another, but they have multiple home bases and build multiple national loyalties. They are bilingual, bi-cultural and able to adopt themselves in two different communities. 14 The expected integration of such migrants would never be in terms of assimilation and moreover they would even bring some changes into the host country. That s why integration should be a double sided process: Not only migrants, but also host countries have to adapt themselves to the new situation. Increasing number of immigrants moving around the world brought the subject of citizenship in the centre of migration-discussions and studies, as it is one of the tools of the state sovereignty. Migrants, especially in big groups may be perceived as threats to national securities. Modern states are afraid of losing their control on their borders, while they need immigrants for an internationally competitive economy and to finance their pension system which suffers under ageing population. This conflict ended in occurrence of a difference between national belonging and national identity. The citizenship, which requests a legal, political and emotional positioning of individual showing its strong ties to the state, is transformed. Transnational people may not have such strong citizenship ties, but they may be loyal to countries they reside in. 15 In contrast to this devaluation of citizenship, it is re-valued in the integration process. Better integration could be achieved by taking part in all level of social and political life of the host country which requires easier naturalisation processes for migrants and so the feeling of national belonging. In contrast of the realities of changing world, for many states, however, national belonging and identity shall not be divided. Germany is one of these countries which require for its citizenship still strong national identity, even after the reformation of their Citizenship Law in Turkish immigration to Germany and German migration policies since 1950s The number of Turkish citizens residing in Germany is around 1,738,000 which represent 25.8% of all foreigners living in Germany. 830,758 of them have been 14 Petrus Han, Soziologie..., p ; Franck Düvell, Europaeische..., p Saskia Sassen, Loosing Control? Sovereignty in an Age of Globalization, Columbia University Press, New York,

7 resident in Germany for more than 20 years. 16 This makes up 54% of all Turkish immigrants 17. Along with those who have already received German citizenship, the number is estimated around 3 million. Turkey is the most important origin country. 18 Turks, clearly the biggest immigrant group who practice a different religion and culture than the Germans and the only guest-worker group who remain excluded from EU citizenship. 19 Turks are present in every part of German life. There are not only Turkish workers in the lowest levels of German economy, but thousands of people of Turkish origin who have finished their education in German universities. There are Turkish academicians, engineers, well-known writers, film directors, parliamentarians, party leaders, beauty queens, etc Turks are very good in many sectors of production and services, and have established many successful businesses. They have established their own association. Today, 50% of Turkish immigrants in Germany are in reality not immigrants but were born there. They form the youngest immigrant group together with people from the Near East. They prefer to live in big families and have more children than the native families, so that the percentage of Turkish children increases each year with 86% of them living for more than 8 years in Germany. More than 2/3 of them however, still hold their Turkish citizenship. This percentage is even higher under the first generation at 81% Bundesministerium des Innern, Migration und Integration, Berlin, 2008, p Not included the ones who already have a German citizenship; own calculations, Beauftragte der Bundesregierung für Migration, Flüchtlinge und Integration, 7, Bericht der Beauftragten der Bundesregiurung für Migration, Flüchtlinge und Integration über die Lage der Auslaenderinnen und Auslaender in Deutschland, Dezember 2007, p Pressemitteilung des Statistischen Bundesamtes, Nr. 33, , 22,templateId=renderPrint.psml 19 Maastricht Treaty entitled the EU citizens with the right of freedom of movement and residence on the territory of member states (Art.8A), the right to vote and be elected at local elections and in the elections of European Parliament in the member states of residence (Art. 8B). The former guestworker from these countries, who do not have a German citizenship, yet, are making a total of people (own calculations from Beauftragte der Bundesregierung für Migration, Flüchtlinge und Integration, 7. Bericht... der, p. 209). Though they came with the same conditions with Turkish guestworkers, they changed their situation in the German society to a better level already in the first half of the 1980s as soon as their home countries get the EU-membership. Until then they enjoy more civil and political rights compared to the Turkish guestworkers. 20 Berlin Institute für Bevölkerung und Entwicklung, Ungenutzte Potenziale, Zur Lage der Integration in Deutschland, Berlin, Januar 2009, p ,

8 The complaints about their lack of interest in integration, however, are still an issue in political debates and the media in Germany. Integration of migrants can take different number of meanings. In general, integration is very much related to the expectation of an economic and social convergence between the migrants and native population. It is usually measured with respect to some statistics, such as the unemployment rate, the employment and population ratio, average earnings, school achievements, participation in the community organisations, etc Turkish immigrants are accused because of their failure in German education system or higher unemployment rates they are facing, their low participation in the community organisations. They are accused of because of their low interest in obtaining German citizenship. Getting German citizenship, however, stayed as a privilege. Efforts which should be given to include immigrants in the German education system and in their political life have failed. Integration issue of Turkish migrants in Germany has to be viewed taking into consideration of the former Foreigners Law and policies and Citizenship Law. They were in use until the early 2000s and shaped the German understanding of integration. According to former German Citizenship Law, to be a German was closely related to ethnic relations. Jus sanguinis (the principle of birth) was the only principle in charge. 21 Everybody, who could prove a relation with German ancestors, was accepted as German. The ones, who did not have these bound, had to work hard: Long waiting periods, high payments, good signs of integration, proof of the feelings of belongings to Germany and additionally they had to give up their former citizenship. Double citizenship was unaccepted, although there were many Germans who are holding another citizenship. 22 Difficult procedures of Citizenship Law increased the importance of the Foreigners Law: Increasing number of immigrants and low number of naturalisations created big groups of foreigners subject to the Foreigners Law, so that labour immigrants stay regulated through Foreigners Law. 21 Only children who were born to German parents could be considered German. Reichs- und Staatsangehörigkeitsgesetz von 1913 (RuStAG). Deutsches Auslaenderrecht. Textausgabe, 15. Auflage, Deutscher Taschenbuchverlag, München, Children may inherit both of their parents nationalities. If one of them is German, then they inherit German and another nationality. Aussiedler are also permitted to keep their former nationality upon naturalisation. Marc Morje Howard, The Causes and Consequences of Germany s New Citizenship Law, German Politics, Vol.17, No. 1, March 2008, pp , p

9 Labour immigration to Germany began in 1955 and Turkish immigrants came at first in They were called as guest-workers. This term was emphasizing that they were guests, had to return back to their home-country. This idea was also accepted by Turkish immigrants. In accordance with that, there were not any serious immigration or integration policies to plan the future of immigrants and their families in Germany. Instead of this, difficult procedures of Citizenship Law and exclusionary Foreigners Law supported short term plans of Turkish migrants. Already at 1967, however, it became clear that the duration of Turkish immigrants became longer than it was formerly planned. Although they had lively return plans 23, they stayed because of several other reasons: the increasing needs of German economy, the will of German employees to hold the already known labours in the country or the bad economic conditions in Turkey. Economic recession of 1973 created the conditions for Germany to put a ban on labour recruitment unilaterally. Meanwhile, many of Turkish guest-workers were encouraged to return to Turkey. The ban on recruitment, however, contrary to its initial target, forced many guest workers to make a decision on staying as they knew when they once return to home, there would be no chance for coming back. As a result, their numbers in total increased and their structure changed as the number of women and children increased through family reunifications of the guest workers who decided to stay. 24 While their immigrants were increasing in number, diversifying in gender and generations, Germany was still insisting on not being an immigration country. This insistence hindered them from issuing reliable policies on the integration of immigrants as they were further accepted as foreigners and not as the future citizens Nermin Abadan-Unat, Turkey: Late Entrant into Europe s Work Force, Daniel Kubat (Ed.), The Politics of Migration Studies, New York Center for Migration Studies, 1993, pp , p.312; Ursula Mehrlaender, Rückkehrabsichten der Türken im Verlauf des Migrationprozesses , Werner Meys, Faruk Sen (Ed.), Zukunft in der Bundesrepublik oder Zukunft in der Türkei?, Frankfurt Dagyeli Verlag, 1986, pp , Philipp L. Martin, Bitmeyen Öykü: Batı Avrupa ya Türk Đsci Göcü, Uluslararasi Calisma Ofisi, Ankara 1991, p Herbert, Ulrich., Geschichte der Auslaenderbeschaeftigung in Deutschland 1880 bis 1980, Dietz Taschenbuch, Berlin, 1986, p , Bundesministerium des Innern, Migration..., p Hell, Matthias., Einwanderungsland Deutschland, Verlag für Sozialwissenschaften, Wiesbaden, 2005, p

10 Meanwhile, debates about the oversize of the numbers of immigrants increased. CDU/CSU planned even to revoke unilaterally the Association Agreement of 1963 between Turkey and the EU, according to which Turkish migrant workers could freely move from 1986 onwards: An intention which points directly at the Turkish guest workers as the main foreigners problem. 26 Integration policies were mainly defensive and related very much to the publicity. German Foreigners policies, especially during 70s and early 80s promoted on one side the return of guest workers to their home countries 27 and on the other side targeted integration which was interpreted as a kind of assimilation. Immigrants were offered to return or assimilation and main target group was the Turks. 28 These policies were supported by the Foreigners Law and Citizenship Law, which were discouraging migrants in naturalising themselves and enjoy a planned permanent stay in Germany. On the other hand, the ones who already stayed some decades in Germany were criticized as they were living still according to their traditions, values and beliefs. Expected grade of assimilation of the Turkish guest workers to the dominant German culture and traditions did not happen. Many of Turkish immigrants stayed further with a plan of return in their mind. It is already very difficult to take over a new tradition and culture for minority groups as they would try to keep and not forget their own traditions and culture among themselves. German policies made having the feeling of belongings to the host community for Turkish migrants more difficult. The maintenance of ties with home country was supported. Integration procedure was challenged furthermore by the Turkish immigrants who did not want to give up their Turkish citizenship to get a German one. They cultivated their relations with Turkey and Turkish politics as they were not entitled taking part from German politics. 26 Christina Boswell and Dan Hough, Politizing migration: opportunity or liability for the centre right in Germany?, in Journal of European Public Policy, 15:3, April 2008, pp p.338; Karl-Heinz Meier-Braun, Deutschland, inwanderungsland, Suhrkamp, Frankfurt am Main, 2002, p It fitted very well to German-voters expectations, as two-thirds of them wanted guest-workers return back, in K. Schönwaelder, Migration, refugees and ethnic plurality as issues of public and political debates in (West) Germany, in M. Fulbrook and D. Cesarani (Eds.), Citizenship, Nationality and Migration in Europe, London, Routledge, 1996, pp , p Federal Ministry of the Interior, Survey of the Policy and Law Concerning Foreigners in the Federal Republic of Germany, Bonn, 1993, pp. 4-7 and 46-50; Christina Boswell and Dan Hough, Politizing migration..., p

11 Early 90s, immigrants numbers increased dramatically from 2.8 million to 7.3 million from 1986 until 1996, mainly, as a result of massive migration flows into the country. One million of them were already born in Germany. 29 At the same time, economic problems posed by the reunification and the increasing unemployment rates caused much disappointment among Germans. Migrants and asylum seekers became one of the most popular political discussion points in accordance with some economic and social problems. Conservative parties like CDU/CSU discovered the issue as a political utensil to mobilize the voters. Turkish immigrants pointed out often in these discussions, mainly because of their size, their longer duration, their criminality and mostly because of their lack at integrating. Moreover, they were disadvantaged compared to all other guest-workers. The policies, which gave them the right of full participation in economic and social areas but only a restricted and controlled participation right to labour market, no right to take part from the political life of the country, stayed as additional hindrances to an expected integration. Growing immigrant population with pluralistic character prepared de facto acceptance of the community as a multicultural entity. 30 It suited well to the perceptions of German politicians, who have still believed that Germany is not an immigration country and migrants should have the opportunity to practice their own traditions, as they may have return to their home countries, some time later. Multicultural approach favoured over assimilation and advocated living together with different cultures without nationalistic or racist exclusions. Migrants, who are governed according basic Human Rights clauses, would have the right to enter the labour market with other socio-economic rights which Germany provides for their societies. The right to possess a citizenship lost its importance. 31 On the other hand, limits put on the political integration supported the creation of ethnic communities. 32 Turkish immigrants, as most disputed group, lived and enjoyed the advantages of a western liberal state without getting the citizenship and taking part in Germany s politics, rather holding their relationship with their home country and culture. They had no access to some of the most important positions in social and political life. They, 29 Bundesministerium des Innern, Migration..., p Petrus Han, Soziologie..., p See Yasemin Nuhoglu Soysal, Limits of Citizenship Petrus Han, Soziologie..., p

12 however, formed close political relations with Turkish political streams which led to further problems for their integration. 33 Turks in Germany: a transnational Community Multi-cultural policies together with the effects of globalization established the bases for transnational migrant communities in practice. While technological instruments brought countries nearer, multicultural policies prepared them the basis by supporting the relations between migrants and home countries. Already in the late 80s and then in 90s, there were minor transnational Turkish communities in Germany. Turkish immigrants were very much interested in Turkish politics and established political organizations in Germany parallel to the Turkish counterparts and tried to stay in contact with Turkish politics. Especially during the 80s, there was an increase in the number of members of such organizations, which afterwards played a role in establishing transnational networks and spaces. 34 Voting in Turkish national elections is important for many migrants. Many of inner political conflicts of Turkey were imported through migrants into Germany. Some time later, they are even exported again to Turkey, trying to manipulate some Turkish policies. 35 In 2008, more than the half of Turkish migrants has very little interest for German politics, while % 21.4 of them strong and % 37.1 middle strong interests for Turkish politics have. 36 The relations with home country went further in the economic area. Remittances saved by Turkish migrants sent to Turkey. Many tried to establish their own businesses in Turkey, by using their knowledge, new skills and accumulated capital 33 Randall Hansen, Citizenship and Integration in Europe, in Christian Joppke and Ewa Morawska (eds.), Toward Assimilation and Citizenship: Immigrants in Liberal Nation-States, Palgrave Macmillan, 2003, pp , p.89, 91-93; Ayhan Kaya, Ferhat Kentel, Euro-Turks: A Bridge or Breach between Turkey and the European Union, Center for European Policy Studies, 2005, p.33-35; See Yasemin Nuhoglu Soysal, Limits...,; Eva Ostergaard-Nielsen, Transnational Politics, Routledge, London, 2003, p See in for Turkish national movement in Turkey Emre Arslan, Turkish Ultra-nationalism in Germany: Its Transnational Dimensions, in Thomas Faist, Eyüp Özveren (Eds.), Transnational Social Spaces, Ashgate, England, 2004, pp ; Bernhard Trautner, Türkische Muslime und Islamische Organisationen als soziale Traeger des Transstaatlichen Raumes Deutschland-Türkei, in Thomas Faist (Ed.), Transstaatliche Raume, Transcript Verlag, Bielefeld, 2000, pp Ilja Mertens, Von einer Inneren Gelegenheit, die auszog, Europa das Fürchten zu lehren, Transstaatliche Politische Mobilisierung und das Kurdenproblem, in Thomas Faist (Ed.), Transstaatliche Raume, Transcript Verlag, Bielefeld, 2000, pp Martina Sauer, Dirk Halm, Erfolge und Defizite der Integration türkeistaemmiger Einwanderer, Stiftung Zentrum für Türkeistudien, Verlag für Sozialwissenschaften, Wiesbaden, 2009, p

13 from Germany together with their personal relations from both countries. Already throughout the 70s, there were around 230 co-operatives which were founded by the Turkish emigrants who wanted to use their earnings from abroad in a productive way in the home countries economy. 37 Many failed but there are enough examples as success story. They opened up new markets and established supply sources with Turkey, while some of them staying and living further in Germany. On the other hand there are also many Turkish entrepreneurs who established their new firms in Germany by using their contacts with Turkey. 38 Turkish migrants are already watching Turkish TV through satellite antennas for some decades. In the meantime, communication apparatus, broadcasting instruments, which are located in Germany, play also a role in creating connections with Turkey. Although they targeted mainly to help the integration of Turkish migrants and made programs mainly about social life and less about the political conflict groups which are active in Germany, they had still have to import the cultural capital required from Turkey. Especially songs they are playing are almost Turkish songs. Transnational social spaces are reinforced already by addressing them as vatandaşlar fellow countrymen or criticising the Turkish government. 39 During the 90s, immigrants typology changed. They were no more guest but they were also not permanent in the traditional sense. Their circulation between home country and host country were higher than ever. They have created new transnational activities 40 and multi-regional social relations between countries. They have close bounds to home country, but they live and work in the host country. They are 37 S. Apak, Yurt Disindaki Đsci Potansiyeli ve Türkiye Ekonomsi, Cem Yayinevi, Türkiye, See in. Beate Rieple, Transstaatliche Wirtschaftsraume zwischen Deutschland und der Türkei, in Thomas Faist (Ed.), Transstaatliche Raume, Transcript Verlag, Bielefeld, 2000, pp ; Cem Disbudak, Transnational and Local Entrepreneurship, Thomas Faist, Eyüp Özveren (Eds.), Transnational Social Spaces, Ashgate, England, 2004, pp See in. Kira Kasnick, Good Guys and Bad Guys: Turkish Migrant Broadcasting in Berlin, in Thomas Faist, Eyüp Özveren (Eds.), Transnational Social Spaces, Ashgate, England, 2004, pp ; Lars Heinemann, Fuat Kamcili, Unterhaltung, Absatzmaerkte und die Vermittlung von Heimat. Die Rolle der Massenmedien in Deutsch-Türkischen Raumen, in Thomas Faist (Ed.), Transstaatliche Raume, Transcript Verlag, Bielefeld, 2000, pp They send remittances, engage in frequent travel and communication between host and home countries, create associaciations also in home country, vote in home country elections while politicians from their home countries may campaign in host countries. 13

14 transnational and create transnational spaces, which in a way exceeds state territories. 41 Attempts to regulate migration and integration: Citizenship Law (2000) and Immigration Law (2005) Experiences of massive migration flows in 90s, increasing number of foreigners, changing and forcing conditions of a globalised world, ageing population and long debates about integration ended in a new formulation of Citizenship Law in Although it was far away from the more liberal first proposal, naturalisation process made easier. The planned right to double citizenship, however, could not be achieved in total, because of the opposition of the conservative parties. Only the children who born on German soil will get double citizenship and this will last until they get their 18 years of age. They had then to decide between 18 and 23 years age, which one they want to hold further. On the other hand, it reduced the years of residency needed in order to apply for citizenship to eight years, which was regulated as 15 years. The spouses and minor dependent children of these immigrants could also apply for citizenship. Foreigners, however, had to prove their knowledge of the German language which was very much related with the social integration issue. Moreover they would have to accept and obey the free democratic system and the German Constitution. Immediately after, the need of German economy to skilled foreign workers and the problems of ageing and depopulation were reported by the Commission for Migration, which was established for the preparation of an Immigration Act. The report led to new debates about formulating an Act which will regulate these problems by enabling active selection according to a new point system similar to the American Green Card. The necessity of an active promotion of integration was also acknowledged Petrus Han, Soziologie..., p ; Linda Basch, N. Glick-Schiller, C. Blanc-Szanton, Nations Unbound: Transnational Projects, Post Colonial Predicaments, and Deterritorialized Nationstates, Gordon and Breach, Langhorne, 1994, p.6; Thomas Faist, The Border-Crossing Expansion of Social Space: Concepts, Questions and Topics, in: Thomas Faist, Eyüp Özveren (Eds.), Transnational Social Spaces, Ashgate, England, pp. 1-36, p BGBl. Pp ff.; Bundestagsdrukcsache, 14/ See in the report of the Zuwanderungskommission: en_-_integration_id_48169_de.html; Marianne Takle, German Policy on Immigration from Ethnos to 14

15 After much debate the new Immigration Law came into force in January 2005, but unfortunately, it did not include all the recommendations of the Commission. 44 With new Immigration Law, the official German understanding of integration departed from the multicultural understanding. Integration should not be limited to organizing the conditions of living together for people coming from different cultures. Welcoming conditions should also be prepared, so that the guest cultures may have the chances of being included in all social levels of host community. In return, knowledge of German language and acceptance of basic values of German society were defined as the minimum conditions necessary for successful integration. 45 This new approach can be termed as a two way concept. The importance of the new Immigration Law rests in its acceptance that Germany is an immigration country. It was hoped that this acceptance would be the first step leading to effective integration policies. The Law suggested that newcomers enrol in integration courses (Art. 43, 44, 45). The courses planned are state funded and newcomers supposed to take part in language courses and receive a small introduction to the German justice system, culture and history. Although participation in the courses is voluntary, non-compliance will be punished by not renewing the discretionary, temporary residence permits. Migrants, who came through family unification, however, would not be affected as their residence permits are not discretionary. 46 When one thinks that the integration of already resident foreigners attracted most of the attention in the debates, this new Law might only be seen to ease the integration of the newcomers and would not accomplish the same concerning the social integration of those immigrants who were already living in Germany. Moreover, language courses alone do not support integration of migrants in the labour Demos?, Europaeischer Verlag der Wissenschaften, Frankfurt am Main, 2007, p. 147; Meier-Braun, Karl-Heinz., Deutschland..., p BGBl I s Official definition of integration of Germany: Integration ist ein langfristiger Prozess. Sein Ziel ist es, alle Menschen, die dauerhaft und rechtmaessig in Deutschland leben, in die Gesellschaft einzubeziehen. Zuwanderern soll eine umfassende und gleichberechtigte Teilhabe in allen gesellschaftlichen Bereichen ermöglicht werden. Sie stehen dafür in der Pflicht, Deutsch zu lernen sowie die Verfassung und die Gesetze zu kennen, zu respektieren und zu befolgen. See in Bundesministerium des Innern, Migration..., p. 90 and Bundesamt für Migration und Flüchtlinge, Das Integrationsportal, see also Rainer Geissler, Einheit in Verschiedenheit. Die interkulturelle Integration von Migranten- ein humaner Mittelweg zwischen Assimilation und Segregation, Berliner Journal für Soziologie, 14, 2004, s Joppke, Christian., Transformation of Immigrant Integration, World Politics 59, January 2007, pp , p

16 market, which is a major step for migrants on the way to function as autonomous citizens in the host country. 47 Article 16 of the new Immigration Law revised also the conditions for foreign students, in accordance with the need to skilled manpower. They may stay for the duration of their studies and also get a residence permit for one additional year to stay in Germany after completion of their studies while seeking employment, which will guarantee a further stay in the country. The failure of new Citizenship Law and Immigration Law in the case of Turkish migrants integration/ Social Mobility Problems vs. Integration Issues During 90s, hopes of resettling to Turkey were for many immigrants still valid. 48 As a result of staying guest and then foreigners, lacking intellectual and political participation without citizenship, the Turkish immigrants have shown little interest to host societies concerns. Moreover, the never ending discussions in the media about the problems created by Turkish migrants were not helped to integration. The sense of Turkish identity among immigrants gained strength, while only few had the intention of acquiring German citizenship by giving up the Turkish one. 49 Until 2000, the few ones who get the German citizenship by giving up Turkish citizenship, made use the tricky possibility to re-naturalise themselves as Turkish citizens again. 50 The new Citizenship Law aimed to improve the social situation of migrants and to motivate them for successful integration. Easing the naturalisation process was its main intention. The statistics, however, show how Citizenship Law has failed as the naturalisation numbers even decreasing since the new Law: 47 Thomas Liebig, The Labour Market Integration of Immgrants in Germany, OECD Social, Employment and Migration Working Papers No: 47, OECD 2007, p , See Cord Papenstecher, Die Illusion der Rückkehr. Zur Mentalitaetsgeschichte von Gastarbeit und Einwanderung, in: Soziale Welt, 47, 1996, pp Türken werden Ihren Pass schwer los, Frankfurter Rundschau, ; Christian Joppke, Multiculturalism and Immigration: A Comparison of the United States, Germany and Britain, EUI Working Paper SPS No. 95/1, European University Institute, Florence, 1995, p ; Peter Pulzer, German Politics , Oxford University Press, 1995, p 3-25, ; Siegfried Jaeger, Halm Dirk (Eds.), Rassismus als Integratonshindernis, Mediale Barrieren, Münster, 2007, p.5 50 Einbürgern, Ausbürgern, Einbürgern. Wie Türken Deutsche werden und trotzdem ihren türkischen Pass behalten, Die Zeit, 28 March

17 The years Naturalisation naturalized Turks Sources: Statistisches Bundesamt, Strukturdaten und Integrations-Indikatoren, über die auslaendiasche Bevölkerung in Deutschland2002, April 2004, Wiesbaden, p. 138, Bundesamt für Migration und Flüchtlinge, Türkische, griechische, italenische und polnische Personen sowie aus den Nachfolgestaaten des ehemaligen Jugoslawien in Deutschland, Working Paper 11, 2008, p. 8, Statistisches Bundesamt Deutschland, Pressemitteilung Nr. 239, It failed definitely to encourage the Turkish migrants to naturalize themselves. 59% of Turkish migrants, who have fulfilled expected criteria, do not plan to apply for German citizenship. 51 This attitude was interpreted once more as a sign of nonintegration. Low naturalisation numbers are mainly evaluated together with the numbers showing bad performance of Turkish immigrants in German schools, high shares of their unqualified labour, high shares of unemployment. They are criticized because of the limited women s rights and because they usually are married to other Turks. 52 The rejection of the problems that Turkish migrants are facing in German social life is unrealistic. Unemployment among Turkish migrants shows a growing tendency. As 51 Martina Sauer, Dirk Halm, Erfolge und Defizite..., p See Berlin Institute für Bevölkerung und Entwicklung, Ungenutzte... 17

18 the unemployment rate in general is 10.8%, it reaches 23% among foreigners. Turkish migrants are even more disadvantaged than other foreigner groups in Germany. Of the 201,663 foreigners registered as unemployed in 2007, Turks made up 158,687 of them, or 78.6%. 53 The unemployment problem of the migrants in general and particularly of the Turkish immigrants is at the first stage a qualification problem which is related to their educational level. 54 Without an appropriate education, they are left unskilled in a country which needs skilled workers and without employment; the process of exclusion begins which may lead to integration problems. The situation of Turkish pupils in the German education system is not better than the unemployment situation of their fathers. They are also situated worse than the average foreigners. While a very low percentage of Turkish pupils visit the Tertiary level (3.6%), which is a must for higher education, they have the highest percentage in the Primary level (74.8%). 55 On the other hand, whether these problems should be seen as an integration problem or a social mobility problem is very much related to our standing point. According to German official description of integration speaking German and respecting and obeying German Law should be the lowest level to integrate. This means if you get these abilities then you may integrate. It is still important, what is meant by speaking German. Does it means to speak it literally correct? In this case, 80% of the younger generation Turks and almost 25% in general Turkish migrants mean they do it. This numbers show at least the younger generations have integrated and the future seems positive. If the expected level of German is lower, like good and medium, then the percentages of Turkish migrants, who fulfil the integration criteria, are higher. Around 85% of Turks have mentioned that their knowledge of German language is good or medium level. 56 On the other hand, it has been seen that knowledge of language does not enough to get a job, which accordingly will enable integration into the labour market. Considering Turkish migrants do not have any significant opposition in respecting and obeying German Law, than there should not be an integration problem. They established themselves very good in German life style, do not have significant 53 Own calculations from Beauftragte der Bundesregierung für Migration, Flüchtlinge und Integration, 7. Bericht..., p. 243 and Statistiken der Bundesagentur für Arbeit, Arbeitsmarkt, Bundesagentur für Arbeit, Arbeitsmarkt, 2006, p OECD, A Profile of Immigrant Populations in the 21st Century, OECD Publications, 2008, p. 82, Martina Sauer, Dirk Halm, Erfolge und Defizite..., p

19 problems with host society, active in public organisations as the Germans do. 57 In this case, we may add that the problem is a social mobility problem. Their education level, as well as their chances in labour market, is low. However, if the expectation from integration is identifying migrants themselves with host country and diminishing their relations with their home country, then we may speak about an integration problem. Germany seemed acknowledging changing character of migration in a globalized world, when they issued the new laws. The acceptance of being an immigration country should open the way to modern integration policies. To this end, naturalisation processes made easier, to some extent double citizenship acknowledged and language courses for immigrants established. When it comes to apply them, however, deviations from original ideas let to a failure which could be observed in naturalisation numbers of Turkish migrants. The reasons of diminishing naturalisation cases may lie in the blow up of migrants expectations. New Law made naturalisation difficult for many Turks. The new Law envisages citizenship-test, which are criticized as being too difficult even for many Germans. 58 It also foresees minimum knowledge of German language, which is difficult to reach the expected Grammatik level for many elderly migrants, who are already living there for decades. Intensive language courses which may last for many months were difficult to attend for women who have to care for children. Apart from these, the new Law refused double citizenship with the only exception brought to newborns. Although during preparations right to double citizenship was included in the draft of Citizenship Law, the result was however against double citizenship. It even prohibited obtaining a new citizenship after getting German citizenship. 59 This abolished the opportunity to get the former citizenship back, which was made use by many Turkish migrants. Another hindrance to increase the naturalisations is the so called extremists rule, which gives to the German authorities not to accept an application for citizenship on the grounds of security issues. This rule is used mainly against Moslem applicants as result of the 57 See for details Hakki Keskin, Deutschland als neue Heimat, Verlag für Sozialwissenschaften, Wiesbaden, 2005; Botschaft der Republik Türkei, Zur Integration der Türken in Deutschland, Allgemeine Behauptungen und Ergebnisse von Studien, Berlin November 2002; Dirk Halm, Martina Sauer, Bürgerschaftliches Engagement von Türkinnen und Türken in Deutschland, Verlag für Sozialwissenschaften, Wiesbaden, Spiegel Online, Germany to Introduce Controversial New Citizenship Test, , 59 Staatsangehörigkeits Gesetz (StaG), Art. 25: Ein deutscher verliert seine Staatsangehörigkeit mit dem Erwerb einer auslaendischen Staatsangehörigkeit... 19

20 reports issued by the Bundesverfassungsschutz (Federal Office for the Protection of the Constitution). These reports include not only forbidden organisations but also those that are legal with thousands of members and supporters. Only the appearance in these reports, however, may cause a rejection of naturalisation application. There are cases of applicants who are reported to have contact with one of the legal Moslem organizations or sometimes who visits a mosque periodically having difficulties because of extremists rule. Moreover, German police have taken actions in some mosques where Moslems attend services and where many of these people have been treated as suspicious. 60 The Immigration Law of 2005 has in many ways the same impact as the Citizenship Law of 2000 on the immigrants especially from Turkey. The problem derives mainly in the family reunification cases, which is often favoured by Turkish immigrants. The related clause of the Immigration Law is built on EU directive 2003/86. The Directive recognizes the existence of the right to family reunification in member countries. On the other hand, it enables the member countries to introduce their own requirements for the exercise of the right of family reunification like fees, waiting periods or integration measures. Germany made use of this right to member countries and introduced the condition of possessing knowledge of a minimum level of the German language before being allowed to enter Germany as one of the conditions. 61 Reaching the required language level, a process that can take several years for many, keeps married couples or families from coming together. For example, having the opportunity to attend a German language course is not possible in every region of Turkey and many applicants find that they must move to the nearest big city where they can find such a language course. In addition such courses cost a lot, and many applicants can not afford them. After all these obstacles have been handled, a Turkish citizen with a simple educational background would need approximately 400 hours of German language instruction to be successful in the language test, if the person has the ability to learn the language at all. As it forces a social selection, it is discriminatory in character, as well. It differentiates between the upper social classes and the lower ones through their educational attainments. Those who have the 60 See in Werner Schiffbauer, Verwaltete Sicherheit-praeventionspolitik und Integration, in Michael Bommes, Werner Schiffbauer, Migrationsreport 2006, Campus Verlag, Frankfurt, 2006, pp Art. 28 AufenthaltsGesetz, Abs. 1 Satz 5 und Art 30 Abs. 1 Satz 1 Nr. 2, August