But the Story. Didn't End. that Way

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1 But the Story Didn't End that Way This Educational Kit was Originally Produced to Commemorate the 60 th anniversary of the Kristallnacht Pogrom The International School for Holocaust Studies Yad Vashem Information Systems Yad Vashem 2000

2 Production: Coordinator Writers Didactic Adaptation Academic Advisor Visual Research Technical Research Critical Reading Production Manager Tehnical Assistance Graphics Language Editor Internet Version Avraham Milgram Batya Dvir, Avraham Milgram, Guy Miron, Hadas Steuer Shulamit Imber, Avraham Milgram (Yad Vashem); Yael Barenholz, Hava Fono (Youth & Society Administration) Dr. Daniel Fraenkel Orit Adorian, Avraham Milgram, Hadas Steuer Doron Avraham, Orit Adurian, Batya Dvir, Avraham Milgram, Guy Miron, Hadas Steuer, Irena Steinfeldt Chaya Regev Ayala Appelbaum Effi Neumann Einat Berlin Arieh Saposnik Yad Vashem Information Systems

3 Table of Contents Teachers Preface...4 Historical Overview...6 The Jews of Germany The Jews of Germany in the Weimar Republic...8 Anti-Jewish Policy, Explanations and Brief Readings for the Posters A Visit to the Exhibition: And the Story Did Not End There Chronological Table of Events,

4 Teachers Preface Kristallnacht was a series of riots that took place throughout the German Reich (Germany and Austria) on the 9 th and 10 th of November 1938, and represented an important turning point in the history of the Jews of Germany. Over 1,000 synagogues were destroyed during the pogrom throughout Germany and Austria. A great deal of damage was done to Jewish property, and for the first time, tens of thousands of Jews were sent to concentration camps simply because they were Jews. The International School for Holocaust Studies at Yad Vashem considers the production of an educational kit to promote familiarity with the fate of German Jewry in the 1930 s, to be of great importance. The kit is meant to provide teachers and students with up to date and readily available didactic tools, adapted for educational needs. Target audience: Middle school and high school students in formal and informal educational frameworks. The kit is composed of three sections: 18 posters which tell the story of German Jewry from the Weimar Republic through the late 1930 s. The posters are arranged in chronological order and allow the observer to understand the process by which anti-jewish policy in the German Reich was crystallized, reaching a peak in the vast pogrom of 9-10 November The pictures incorporate quotations from some of the period s central figures Jews and non-jews which provide the viewer with a further level of understanding. The combination of pictures and quotations aids in a comprehensive and in-depth view of the human drama and its participants. The posters can be used on their own, as an exhibition, or as an educational tool for the study of the period in formal and informal educational frameworks. A didactic booklet which includes: 1. A historical survey and overview 2. Short readings to accompany each poster 1

5 3. A visit to the exhibition And the Story Did Not End There with suggestions for activities with young participants. The activities take place as a guided tour through the exhibition, with a discussion of the meanings which arise from the Kristallnacht pogrom. 4. A chronological table of events for the years A bibliographical list of recommended reading. A documentary video movie which focuses on the events of Kristallnacht and its implications. The film, which is based on survivors testimonies and documentary visual materials from the period itself, contributes to an understanding of the events and allows disparate groups to relate to the survivors stories. This kit can contribute to a greater familiarity with the unique history of German Jewry in the 1930 s, with an emphasis on the events preceding the Kristallnacht pogrom. The 9-10 November pogrom constitutes a turning point and in many senses the climax of a process. It therefore cannot be understood separately from the historical context in which it took place. The kit can also be used on Holocaust Memorial Day, and as a helpful tool for history teachers teaching about the history of German Jewry during the first half of the twentieth century. The posters can be divided into four topics: A. Posters 1 and 3 relate to the Jews of the Weimar Republic: questions of identity, legal, economic and social status, and the appearance of a racist antisemitic movement in the form of the National Socialist Party on the Republic s political scene. B. Posters 4, 5, 6, 7, 12, 14 relate to Nazi policy in Germany, C. Posters 8, 9, 11, 13 relate to the Jewish response to Nazi policy. D. Posters relate to the events of Kristallnacht, 9-10 November

6 Historical Overview The Jews of Germany Throughout the nineteenth century, Jews in the various German states gradually advanced toward greater equality and emancipation. This process was completed with the establishment of the unified German state in As early as the late eighteenth century, thinkers associated with the German enlightenment had expressed views calling for the incorporation of Jews into the political and social life of the state in return for Jewish willingness to forego their differences and their separation from the society around them, and their transformation into productive citizens. The Jews agreed to this principle in large part: They adopted the German language and strove to be integrated into German culture. They took part in the general processes of modernization, and above all viewed Germany as their homeland. Throughout the nineteenth century, the Jews of Germany underwent a process of accelerated urbanization, found their way into the German middle class, and some even became central figures in German economic life bankers, merchants, owners of department stores, industrialists, etc. The Jews successful integration into German economic life did not go unnoticed by their opponents, and contributed to the formulation of antisemitic stereotypes. Based on their desire to be integrated into German society, the Jews were willing to make changes in their religious life and to modify their tradition. Some of the new religious trends in modern Judaism began to mature in Germany toward the mid nineteenth century. The Reform Movement sought to make far-reaching changes in Jewish tradition. Its members believed that it was only by defining Judaism in exclusively confessional terms, devoid of any nationalistic elements, that Judaism would be able to continue to exist in the modern world. The neo-orthodox also supported modernization and integration into the German state, but sought to preserve a commitment to halacha Jewish law. The process of Jewish integration into German society was complex and multifarious. Alongside a weakening of religious bonds, conversions and inter- 3

7 marriage, which became increasingly ubiquitous during the first three decades of the twentieth century, modern Jewish cultural creativity blossomed, as is reflected in the Jewish press and in Jewish literature of the period. The economic success of many German Jews was also expressed in their strength as a community, and could be seen in the lavish synagogues that were built in the large cities, most notably in Berlin. One phenomenon which had a profound impact on the Jews of Germany was the immigration of Jews from Eastern Europe, which began to take place in considerable numbers in the late nineteenth century. The presence of these Eastern European Jews was seen by many German Jews as posing a threat to their own integration in their homeland, and as a potential catalyst to antisemitism. German Jewish organizations sought to encourage the Eastern European Jews emigration overseas, or, alternatively, to encourage their Germanization so as to minimize their conspicuousness. New patterns of organization began to appear among German Jews in the late nineteenth century. Jews organized in order to counter the antisemitic movements that had appeared. The Central Organization of German Citizens of the Mosaic Faith was established in 1893, and quickly became the largest Jewish organization in Germany. The organization called for a deepening of Jewish equality and emphasized that, in the eyes of its leaders, Judaism was a religious belief only, which does not conflict with the Jews profound sense of belonging to their German homeland. The Zionist Organization of Germany was established in German Zionism represented a different kind of reaction to German antisemitism. At first, the organization s activity focused on assistance to the Jews of Eastern Europe, the victims of Czarist Russia s antisemitism and pogroms. However, it also sought to redefine the status of German Jews. The Zionists claimed that Jews, and the Jews of Germany among them, were not only members of one religion, but a people as well. They therefore saw their integration into the German state in a more limited manner loyal citizenship, but not integration into the German people. Zionism had but very limited influence on the Jews of Germany. With the outbreak of the First World War, the vast majority of German Jews, including most Zionists, joined in the German patriotic fervor. Kaiser Wilhelm s pronouncement that all citizens constituted a unified national body, whose different sections must live in peace with one another echoed loudly among the Jews of Germany. Many volunteered to serve in the German army even before being called to 4

8 service, and approximately 12,000 Jews fell in the line of duty on the battlefields of the World War. Nevertheless, the war led to a resurgence of antisemitic stereotypes in Germany, and to an escalation in the vehemence of that antisemitism. In late 1916, accusations according to which Jewish soldiers shirked their duty and avoided combat service led to a census of Jewish soldiers in the German army. For German Jews, This was a profoundly humiliating experience. The results of the census were never made public. The Jews of Germany in the Weimar Republic The Weimar Republic, which was established in November 1918 in the wake of the German defeat in the war, was seen by many Germans as a form of government imposed upon them from the outside. The fact that Jews could be noted among the founders of the republic led anti-liberal and antisemitic political movements and trends to identify the republic with the Jews. Jews were also conspicuously present among the leaders of the radical left, who also did not support the republic. The presence of such Jewish leftist leaders as Rosa Luxembourg, Kurt Eisner and Ernst Toller contributed to the image of Jews as a subversive element. The Weimar period was the first time Jews were given nearly full equality. They began to make their way into many of the state s organizations which had previously been closed to them public service, universities, the legal system, and even the German government itself. Their contribution to German culture reached unprecedented heights: Jews stood out in literature and the arts, in philosophy and in science (scientists such as Albert Einstein). Their numbers among German recipients of the Nobel Prize was far beyond their proportion in the population. On the other hand, this period, which was rife with economic crises, was also characterized by new peaks of antisemitism. Walter Rathenau was assassinated in 1922, a few months after having been appointed to Foreign Minister. The assassins were motivated in large part by the fact that Rathenau was a Jew. Radical antisemitic parties grew in strength, and the activities of extreme nationalist organizations often reached the point of open violence. The Weimar period was witness to a new Jewish cultural efflorescence, and there are those who see it as a veritable renaissance. Young Jews, some of whom were 5

9 influenced by their intense encounter with the Jews of Eastern Europe during the First World War, sought to rediscover their Jewish roots. Writers, poets and painters turned to Jewish subject matter. Broad sections of the public expressed an increased interest in Jewish studies in a variety of associations established for this purpose, and in the free school for Jewish studies which operated in Frankfurt in the 1920 s under the management of Franz Rosenzweig and Martin Buber. Alongside the achievement of full equality of rights and the creative cultural vitality that characterized the Jews of the Weimar Republic, the Jewish community was in the midst of a long-range crisis which posed forbidding economic and demographic threats. Demographically, this was a Jewish community in a process of decline, characterized by a death rate which was larger than the birth rate. The direct cause of this phenomenon was the reversed age pyramid of German Jewry, with its large proportion of elderly. Economically, this was a structural crisis in which the majority of Germany s Jews remained stuck in the old middle class without fulfilling the paths to promotion and advancement that had been opened up to the general populace by the processes of industrialization. A particularly large percentage of Jews had suffered economic blows during the war years and the general economic crises of 1923 and 1929, which hit the middle class, to which most Jews belonged. Anti-Jewish Policy, There were approximately 525,000 Jews living in Germany in 1933, when the Nazi party attained power and put an end to the Weimar Republic. The Nazi party was guided by a racist and antisemitic ideology, which served to mold its policies in general, and its anti-jewish policy in particular. The anti-jewish policy developed gradually. It was forced to contend not only with ideological considerations, but also with political and economic factors, which impacted upon the fulfillment of ideological goals. The first directed anti-jewish action, which represented the initial steps toward implementing a nation-wide anti-jewish policy, took place in April Hitler s government, motivated principally by Minister of Propaganda Joseph Goebbeles, decided to initiate a boycott of Jewish businesses in response to the anti-german atrocity propaganda supposedly being disseminated abroad by Jews. Responsibility for the action was not placed on a governmental body, but rather on a Nazi party 6

10 body, and was headed by Julius Streicher, editor of the antisemitic journal Der Stürmer. A gradual process of anti-jewish legislation followed the boycott, with the aim of removing Jews from most fields of life, such as the public service, arts and culture, the media and the press in particular. It was decided at this stage not to touch private Jewish businesses since this might result in damage to the German economy. One important law was the law for the restoration of the professional civil service, which was aimed at removing all civil servants who were not Aryan i.e. Jews. The civil service included hospitals, universities, government offices and all areas of public service. The height of anti-jewish legislation was reached on September , with the ratification of the Nuremburg Laws. This set of laws was a considerable step further, as it defined Jews as members of a separate race, of a different blood, who can in no way belong to German society or be citizens of the German state. In the spirit of this legislation, a Jew was defined as anyone who had three grandparents who were racially pure Jews. A Mischling, or member of a mixed race, was defined as anybody who had either one or two Jewish grandparents. Notwithstanding the Nazis belief in pseudo-scientific racial doctrines and their insistence that Jews are to be defined racially rather than religiously, in practice they were forced to revert to an individual s belonging to the community when attempting to identify who is a Jew. Many Jews hoped that the Nuremberg Laws might bring the process of anti- Jewish escalation to an end, since they provided a legal foundation for the Jews status as second class citizens. In contrast with popular notions, the number of Jewish emigrants from Germany in the wake of the Nuremberg Laws decreased rather than increased. Anti-Jewish policy, which was characterized by rising and falling violence at different times, had a profound impact on patterns of Jewish emigration from Germany. Approximately 37,000 Jews emigrated from Germany in In 1934, some 24,000 Jews emigrated, and in 1935, 21,000 Jews emigrated. A relative lull in outward expressions of antisemitism was felt after the Nuremberg Laws, and in preparation for the 1935 winter Olympics and 1936 summer games. Anti-Jewish slogans disappeared from public places and there was a decrease in anti-jewish attacks. 7

11 Germany s improved international position and the crystallization of the four year plan the economic plan designed to prepare Germany for war led to an economic assault on the Jews, which had been avoided previously. This policy was expressed in an accelerated process of Aryanization takeover of Jewish property by Aryans. The process of Aryanization coincided with German foreign policy: the more aggressive Germany grew in its foreign policy, the greater the force given to Aryanization practices. In 1938, anti-jewish policy in the German Reich reached a peak. The policy of Aryanization was accelerated. The SS, which had become the leading factor in the implementation of anti-jewish policy, orchestrated a number of actions most notably the forced emigration of the Jews of Austria, which had been annexed to the Reich. The atmosphere of anti-jewish violence, which intensified from day to day, was given full expression in the November pogrom, known as Kristallnacht. 8

12 Explanations and Brief Readings for the Posters Posters 1-2: Jews in the Weimar Republic Jews in Weimar Republic, With the establishment of the Weimar Republic in November 1918, a new era began in the history of German Jewry. It appeared that the emancipation of the Jews had come to full fruition. All of the restrictions that still existed on Jews were annulled, and Jews could now take part in all aspects of public life. Jews made important contributions to culture, economics and science. Along with the Jews unprecedented and intensive integration into German society, antisemitism also intensified. Political antisemitism grew increasingly violent. One of the peaks of antisemitic escalation during the Weimar Republic was the assassination of Walter Rathenau, the republic s Jewish foreign minister. His assassins did not conceal the fact that Rathenau s Jewish origins stood at the base of their motivation to murder him. German Jewry during the Weimar period was not uniform. It was composed of Zionists alongside assimilationists, long-time German Jews alongside newcomers (Ostjuden Eastern European Jews). The various trends were engaged in ongoing cultural and ideological struggles. The meaning and practical importance of the old distinction between Eastern and Western Jews grew more pronounced after

13 Jewish immigration into Germany from Eastern Europe increased considerably in the wake of the world war and the revolutionary convulsions which followed it. Jewish organizations in Germany worked for the absorption of the immigrants, but did not encourage them to remain in Germany. They were not so much concerned with the economic burden of caring for the immigrants as they were with the potential risk they posed to Jewish integration into the surrounding German society. The immigrants stood out in their different dress and behavior, which were foreign and even repulsive to many Germans. The Jews of Germany appeared to have internalized their Christian neighbors feelings of rejection and disaffection with these Eastern European Jewish immigrants. The term Ostjuden (Eastern Jews) which was attached to the immigrants contained more than a grain of derision and contempt. The activities of the various Jewish political, religious and social organizations increased during the Weimar era. These included the Centralverein, the Union of German Jews, the organizations of liberal and Orthodox Jewry, and the Hilfsverein. New social and political organizations also came into being. One important new organization was the Union of Jewish War Veterans, which sought to safeguard the rights of Jewish veterans and to defend their honor. The veterans union was at first open to Jews of varying political points of view. With time, however, it adopted a German nationalistic ideology, which made it difficult for Zionists to maintain their membership in the organization. Reading for Poster Number 1: A Bridegroom describes his marriage ceremony in the Liberal (Reform) Temple in 1924 [The first sentences describe the groom s patriotic feelings which stemmed from his education and his experiences as a soldier during the First World War]. Immersed in the humanistic education of the Royal Prussian Gymnasium, fellow soldier to German soldiers in the ditches, in the bunkers and in the artillery craters graduate of four universities in the best German tradition, member of the German Theatrical Association since I worked as a beginning playwright and director in Würzburg, son of a German patriot (in every inch of his being) and a leading 10

14 economic figure. I myself had been for years a partner in the P. W. Grünfeld textile company, which had been established by my grandfather [and here he describes his marriage ceremony]. I strode through a silent snow storm on the morning of New Year s Day 1924 next to my bride. I was dressed in a tuxedo and top hat, amongst the hundreds of people who filled the Lützowstrasse Synagogue. Leo Baeck blessed our union in a venerable and unforgettable manner. This liberal synagogue, where I had been accustomed to hearing the prayer for the state in the German language since my Bar Mitzvah, could claim many famous German-Jewish members. This synagogue had been the place to which I had come from the front during the First World War on the final Yom Kippur of the war, and it was there that I had been called to the Torah together with my comrades in arms. On my wedding day, singer Olga Eisner sang prayer songs and Beethoven s I Love You, accompanied by an organ. Up to this day, I am still not certain if fewer than half of those present at my wedding were non-jews. Nobody imagined at that time, on January , that a decade later so many good Germans would be expelled from German society under the racist Aryan clauses. Fritz V. Grünfeld, Heimgesucht Heimgefunden, Betrachtung und Bericht, Arani-Verlag, Berlin, 1979, pp Reading for Poster Number 2: A. Following is the story of the people photographed floating in the river, as told by Rebbeca Piron (to the authors of the program), daughter of the young boy in the center of the poster. The poster shows a group of boys sitting in a row-boat. The boys are cousins who went on a Sunday outing in The two children in the center of the poster are two of the three Selinger brothers. The boy on the right is the eldest Izzi (Israel) Selinger. To his left, the younger one, is Menahem Selinger (Rebecca Piron s father). The boy on the right, sitting behind Menahem (second from the left) is unknown. The boy to the left is Mendel Selinger. Izzi and Menahem were born and raised in Leipzig, Germany. Their parents had emigrated from Poland a number of years earlier. They owned a chain of shoe stores in Leipzig and were fairly prosperous. The mother also took part in running the 11

15 business. The family employed a young Christian maid from the countryside to help in running the household and in raising the children. She lived in their house for sixteen years. The Selingers were a traditional family. They celebrated Jewish holidays in a traditional manner, went to synagogue on Saturdays and holidays and sent their children to a Jewish school (at least for elementary school). However, the parents did not refrain from opening the store on the Sabbath. They employed a melamed [a traditional Jewish teacher] to enrich the children s Jewish education. He provided them with a religious education in their home. In addition, Menahem spent a number of years studying with a much-admired Hebrew teacher (Dr. Weskin, who was murdered in the Holocaust). Later, when they arrived in Palestine, he already spoke Hebrew quite well. The photograph tells of a serene and comfortable life. And indeed that is what their life was. Izzi and Menahem were members of Jewish youth movements. At a later age they developed Zionist tendencies, and prepared themselves for immigration to Palestine. This was also true of their younger brother, Pinhas. Izzi immigrated to Palestine in 1933, and began his life in the new homeland as a member of Kibbutz Ein Harod. He later moved to the city and served for many years in the army. He passed away a number of years ago. Menahem was about 22 years old in 1936, when the atmosphere in Germany began to be filled with evil portends. One day he received the certificate he so longed for, which constituted an entry visa into Palestine. The certificate could be used either by a single person or by a married couple. He had had a steady girlfriend, and he now had a dilemma whether to go to Palestine or to remain in Germany, get married, and then go together. The decision had to be made within 24 hours, since many people awaited such certificates. The couple decided to marry and emigrate to Palestine. Preparations were made in haste, and approximately one month after their wedding, they parted from their parents and set off for the longed-for yet unfamiliar country. They never again saw Menahem s parents (Zvi and Dina Selinger). They were murdered in the Holocaust. They were fortunate enough to see the parents of his wife, Shulamit A certificate permitting immigration into Palestine within the framework of the British Mandate s immigration policies. 12

16 (Pritzi) a number of years later. (They had been able to escape to the United States, and were then able to immigrate to Israel in 1949). Menahem and Pritzi (Shulamit) settled in Kefar Haroeh, a religious workers moshav. It was in this spirit that they raised their children. They lived together for 61 years and lived to see children and grandchildren. They worked hard, but always maintained an air of optimism, joy and a strong bond to the land and to their people. Ms. Pritzi (Shulamit) still lives in their Kefar Haroeh home. B. My mother, who had a beautiful and very cultivated voice, encouraged young female artists. One singer, whom I used to amaze, invited me to accompany her on a stroll. This all took place in Insterburg, in Eastern Prussia. We met a Russian or Polish Jew, who asked me a question. I did not respond. The man spoke Yiddish. Although I did not know Yiddish, I did understand the address about which he had asked. Why don t you answer that man? the woman asked me. Are you ashamed perhaps? I felt hurt and destroyed. I showed the man the way, and then ran off without even saying goodbye. Kurt Blumenfeld, The Jewish Question as an Experience (Hebrew), Jerusalem, Discussion questions for poster 1 and 2 1. I am a German and a Jew in equal measure one cannot be separated from the other (Jakob Wassermann, writer, 1921). In your opinion, do the photographs and readings in the booklet reflect this writer s words? 2. Point to expressions which characterize the cultural world of German Jewry in the description of the wedding in the liberal synagogue. 13

17 Poster Number 3: Racial Antisemitism During the Weimar Era Racial Antisemitism During the Weimar Era The caricature and the accompanying citation both date from 1924, the year in which Hitler wrote Mein Kampf (My Struggle), while in prison. Racial antisemitism in its Nazi version stood out in its extremity as early as the very initial stages of the Weimar Republic. It had adopted the mythological image of the omnipotent Jew, who rules social and economic forces from his dark recesses. The misleading nature of the caricature is particularly manifest given the fact that Jews were not at all a dominant force in German industry. Moreover, since most Jews belonged to the middle class, they were hit at least as hard as the rest of the population by the economic crises which characterized the period. The central motifs of Nazi antisemitism were formulated during the 1920 s: democracy as beneficial to the Jews; the Jews as foreigners who are taking over Germany; Marxism and capitalism as the fruit of Jewish ploys; the Jews as a rootless race, which constitutes the antithesis of the Aryan race; Judaism as a threat to all of humanity. 14

18 Readings for Poster Number 3 From the Nazi Party Platform:...4. Only Nationals (Volksgenossen) can be citizens of the state. Only persons of German blood can be nationals, regardless of religious affiliation. No Jew can therefore be a German national. 5. Any person who is not a citizen will be able to live in Germany only as a guest and must be subject to legislation for Aliens. 6. Only a citizen is entitled to decide the leadership and laws of the state. We therefore demand that only citizens may hold public office, regardless of whether it is a national, state or local office.... Documents on the Holocaust Selected sources on the destruction of the Jews of Germany and Austria, Poland, and the Soviet Union. Edited by Yitzhak Arad, Yisrael Gutman, Abraham Margaliot Jerusalem, Yad Vashem, 1981 p. 15. Discussion questions for Poster Number 3: 1) What messages does the poster convey? 2) What graphic elements did the caricaturist use? 3) What messages are added by the quotation of Hitler s words on the ideology of the antisemitic party? 15

19 Poster Number 4: A New Age in Germany: The Nazis Rise to Power A New Age in Germany! This photograph reflects the mood in Germany on the eve of the Nazis rise to power. Hitler made extensive use of mass rallies and military marches to arouse the masses and to create an atmosphere of fear and terror. Hitler used the mechanisms of the democratic state to attain power. He was supported by conservatives who thought they would be able to control him an illusion which vanished quickly. Immediately after their ascent to power, the Nazis began to establish a new political culture, which was expressed through a policy of terror. Political opponents were arrested and incarcerated in concentration camps. SA men were given a free hand to vent their rage on political opponents and on Jews; the masses were recruited to support the regime and its various methods of propaganda. This was the beginning of the Nazi revolution, which led to the eradication of the liberal democratic regime and the establishment of a totalitarian state. Readings for Poster Number 4 A. It seems like a dream. The Wilhelmstrasse is ours. The leader is already working in chancellery. We stand in the window upstairs, watching hundreds and thousands of people march past the aged president of the Reich and the young chancellor in the flaming torchlight, shouting their joy and gratitude It is come! The leader is appointed chancellor. Goebbels diary, January 30,

20 B. The tension of wantonness, expectation, apprehension and a hidden purpose descended on the capital city on the day that the boot-men took over its streets and squares. They were everywhere, in their brown uniforms, speeding in their cars and on their motorcycles, carrying torches, playing marches, pounding with their heels and passing through incessantly marching and marching. The pounding of their boots awakened and aroused the people. Nobody was quite sure what the new order would bring with it, but the citizens of Berlin anxiously and tensely awaited. Like during the war years, the masses ran around excitedly without purpose. More than anywhere else, the pounding of the storm troopers boots echoed throughout the western parts of Berlin, on the Kurfürstendamm, on the Tauentzienstrasse, past the comfortable and spacious homes of the black-haired and dark-eyed the large-scale merchants, the professors, theater managers, lawyers, the doctors and the bankers. The chorus Wenn vom Judenblut das Messer spritzt dann geht s noch mal so gut, so gut (When Jewish blood drips from the dagger, we have hope, we have meaning), was shouted loudly from the booted men s throats, as if to assure that the words penetrate the houses. [ ] Jagur Karnowski spent all of his time in the streets. He did not go to school, but instead wandered around the city, thirstily taking in the sounds and sights and smells of the reorientation that was sweeping the nation. [ ] Jagur s blue eyes sparkled with patriotism. He allowed himself to be swept up with the masses and avidly searched for excitement and experiences. The loud music animated his young blood, and the measured pounding of the marching feet elevated his spirit. Like all those surrounding him, he reached out around him with a stiff arm raised upward every time a new company marched by. Like everybody else, he cheered and shouted out slogans. [ ] He saw no connection between the Jewish blood, whose spilling the marchers sang about, and the Jewish blood flowing in his veins. He heard only the melody, not the words. Like the words of a hymn, for him and for the rest of Berlin s Jews, they served only to accompany the melody. [ ] He found himself near the Reichstag. The wide square was filled with flags and torches and the sound of marching men. From their open cars, the nation s new leaders excited those who had gathered. The masses cheered, were answered 17

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