Giresun University Faculty of Economics and Administrative Sciences. The Panel of Synergy of the Black Sea-Balkans Line 19 March, 2010

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1 Giresun University Faculty of Economics and Administrative Sciences The Panel of Synergy of the Black Sea-Balkans Line 19 March, 2010 "The Effects of the Changes in the International System to the Turkish Minority in Balkans: Kosovo and Bulgaria Cases" Birgül Demirtaş-Coşkun Başkent University Department of Political Science and International relations 1

2 Introduction When The essay The End of History of Japanese origin-american scholar Francis Fukuyama was published in Summer 2009 Issue known for the conservative views the Journal of National Interest, meanwhile neither Berlin Wall had been destroyed yet and the East and the West Germany merged, nor the Soviet Union collapsed. 1 But it is true that major changes have started to occur in the global policy. After Mao s death in 1976 and the succession of Deng Xiaoping the transformation had been occured from socialist economy to economic liberalism in China and after selecting Gorbachev as Communist Party Secretary General in the Soviet Union in 1985 the reforms in both political and economical fields had been made and a comprehensive transformation had been performed in foreign policy The basic thesis of Fukuyama was that liberalism was to win the struggle against socialism. At first, liberal ideology succeed against fascism in the World War II. At the end of the 20. Century, this time the falg of victory had taken to the skies against socialism. Anymore both political and economic freedoms would dominate in developed countries in the world. Fukuyama emphasized on two possible threats to liberalism: religion and nationalism. But he indicated that both of danger should not be exaggerated. 2 The religion standing on theocratic model was Islam and it was not constitute a global threat. According to the U.S. academician there were different types in nationalism. While some kind of nationalism contended with cultural nosltalgia, the others were getting size of national socialism. According to Fukuyama, a case of extreme nationalism concept arising in a country would be indication of liberalism has not rooted yet. This article will try to examine the case of Turks in Kosovo and Bulgaria after the bipolar system. The case of both minority groups will be compared with the Cold War Era. Thus the role of changes in global system on Turkish minorities, on of the regional actories in Balkans, will be analyzed. While examining it is to be discussed that the Fukuyama s The End of History thesis is how effective in understanding new era. 1 Francis Fukuyama, The End of History, The National Interest, No. 16, Summer Then Fukuyama has expanded and turned this work into the book: Francis Fukuyama, The End of History and the Last Man, New York, Free Press, Fukuyama, The End of History, p

3 Turks in Kosovo The exact number of Turks are not known because of a population census has not conducted in the recent past in Kosovo. Estimated figures are between and Kosovan Turks had lived a period of relaxed in the era of Tito, especially after 1974 s Constitution in comparison with other Turkish minorities in Balkans. Turkish was adopted in the Constitution the official language. The tools of education and media had allowed to use Turkish language. However, the Yugoslav wars of the 1990 s had a negative impact on the Turkish minority. Beginning with discriminatory policies of the Serbian leader Milosevic against Albanians the tension began to rise between Turks and Albanians. Serbian leader who indicated of policy divide and rule against minorities, although the repressive policies for Albanians, continued to allow to use on the legal rights of Turks. Turkish minority continued to study Turkish education, publications and the other cultural rights could be able to take advantages. It caused to some kinds of conflicts between Turkish minority and Albanians. Şule Kut says that After the NATO intervention against Serbia in 1999 the rising Albanian nationalism defines itself as Serbs, Turks, Bosnians and Gypsies. 5 Thus, Albanian-Turkish tensions in the earlier period is becoming more clear in a new term. Turkey has been dealing with Turkish minority in this period. The Prime Minister Bülent Ecevit emphasized that increased to pressure Turks after the NATO intervention. 6 What are the sources of increasing the pressure on Turks in Kosovo? First, some Kosovan Albanian decision makers believe in Kosovan Albanians have lived under authoritian regimes of Serbs managed to their own. Secondly, because of historical, religious and cultural similatiries some of Albanians claim that Turks are Albanians actually. Kosovan Turks complained that Albanians had been tried to assimilate them for many years. 7 One of the encountering problems was the minorities that works in public offices terminated by 3 Turkey s Political Relations with Kosovo, Republic of Turkey Ministry of Foreign Affairs, (visited on 26 January 2010). 4 Şule Kut, Turks of Kosovo: What to Expect?, Perceptions, Volume 5, No 3, September-October 2000, p. 50; Erhan Türbedar, Tarihte Değişen Siyasî ve Sosyal Dengeler İçinde Kosova Türkleri, Erhan Türbedar (ed. by), Balkan Türkleri, Balkanlar da Türk Varlığı, ASAM, Ankara, 2003, p Şule Kut, Kosova Türkleri: Nasıl Bir Gelecek?, Balkanlar da Kimlik ve Egemenlik, İstanbul, İstanbul Bilgi Üniversitesi Yayınları, 2005, p Erhan Türbedar, Tarihte Değişen Siyasî ve Sosyal Dengeler İçinde Kosova Türkleri, p Baskın Oran, Balkan Müslümanlarında Dinsel ve Ulusal Kimlik. Yunanistan, Bulgaristan, Makedonya ve Kosova Üzerine Karşılaştırmalı Bir İnceleme Ankara Üniversitesi, Siyasal Bilgiler Fakültesi Dergisi, Volume 48, Number 1-4, 1993, p ; İlhan Uzgel, Kosova ve Güneydoğu: Benzerlikler ve Farklılıklar, Baskın Oran (ed. by), Türk Dış Politikası, Volume II: , İstanbul, İletişim, 2001, p. 508; Baskın Oran, Balkanlarda Müslümanlar ve Türkler, Oran (ed. by.), Türk Dış Politikası, Volume II: , p

4 Albanians after Serbians has forced to leave the administarion. Especially, Turks who live in Priznen was also dismissed. 8 Thus, because of described factors above the problems began between the two citizens. In this situation, Turks were faced with two alternatives: either to resist to pressure recovery Albanian or Turkish assimilation to Albanian identity. Decision-makers in Turkey were aware of challenges that faced the minority in this region. After The NATO Intervention, the Foreign Minister Ismail Cem went to Kosovo and opened the Turkey s Coordinating Office, on the other hand he called to called for continuing of the previous rights of the Turkish society. 9 Turks in Kosovo under the administration of the United Nations Interim Administration Mission in Kosovo (UNMIK) have lost some of their legal rights. According to the 1974 Yugoslav Constitution, Turkish was one of three official languages (the others were Albanian and Serbian). 10 Turks have the rights on education and broadcasting in their main language. But Turkish was not recognized as one of the official language in a preparing constitutional draft the UNMIK in the new Kosovo. On the increasing of criticisim in the Turkish side, the United Nations Secretary General s Special representative Bernard Kouchner stated that they can continue to using the native language in their areas by sending a letter to the Turkish community. 11 In addition to this, the UNMIK administration limited the hours of Turkish lessons and did not want to publish the official documentation related to the elections. The politics of the UNMIK have resulted to boycott the elections of the Tukish minority on the October A similar situation has been occured after Kosovo s independence in the constitution. The Turkish was accepted only as the official language in the Turkish cities and it constituted disadvantages in terms of Kosovan Turks according to the 1974 situation. 13 According to Mustafa Türkeş the reason for the increasing problems, which the Turkish minority in Kosovo has lived, can be the NATO intervention in It can be seen 8 Yeni Dönem, Number 61, Nazif mandacı transfers from 16 April 2001, Balkanlar İle İlişkiler, Haydar Çakmak (ed. by), Türk Dış Politikası , Ankara, Platin, 2008, p Eylem Altunya, The Kosovo Crisis and Turkey ( ), Unpublished Doctoral Dissertation, BilkentUniversity, Institute of Economics and Social Sciences, September 2003, p Türbedar, Tarihte Değişen Siyasî ve Sosyal Dengeler..., p Ibid., p İlhan Uzgel, Kosova Sorunu ve Türkiye, Oran (ed. by), Türk Dış Politikası, Volume II, p Also see in relation to the problems of Turks in Kosovo under UNMIK administration: Nazif Mandacı, The Turks of Kosovo and the Protection of Minority Culture at the Local Level, Perceptions, Cilt 9, No 2, 2004, s See for the Constitution Text: (visited on 20 January 2010). 4

5 as the result of seperate from each other the interest of global-regional actors. Indeed, global actors started to take their own control both political and economic aspects of Kosovo in this process. The best examples of this are the United Nations administration in Kosovo, the Bondsteel which was builted by the U.S. military base and domination to provide in the Kosovan economy of the European Union. The activities of global forces in Kosovo caused to neglect increasingly the regional groups for example Turks. 14 In other words, Turks were even deprived the previous rights in the new era while progressing from an authoritarian regime towards independence, democracy and liberal economy. Turks have become to lose their own rights as Kosovo became global. According to the perspective of Fukuyama, while the changes in Kosovo meant liberalism for the some groups, it resulted in increasing pressure on the other groups. In fact this situation is against prevailing opinion more recognized as the minority rights more iintegrated into the region and the countries with the West. The main argument of Turkey should be kept founder of the Turkish community in Kosovo after So that Kosovan people will have obtained to protect rights in the term of the Yugoslav Federation and continue their rights in the new era. The Kosovo Democratic Turkish Party which represents the Turkish minority was established in Turks have gained the opportunity to play a role in Kosovo s political life by the party. The Turkish minority also took place the Provisional Council of Kosovo which expected to became the future government of Kosovo. 15 In addition, the Turkish minority has two seats in the Kosovan Parliament. This situation is paralel with the ratio of the total population of Turks. Turks have also served as a minister in the government (for example Mahir Yağcılar became the Minister of Environment). In summary, according to a legal perspective, though the Turkish minority had lost their legimimate rights in the new era actually they have stil a chance to play a role in Kosovan politics. After summarized in this way of the status of Kosovan Turkish, now will be examine the situation of Turks in Bulgaria. Turks in Bulgaria The socialist government through the cold war in Bulgaria was a hard period for Turks. Although the early applications for Turks were positive after the beginning of socialist government, in the upcoming period the problems began.1980s was an intense period for 14 Mustafa Türkeş, Türkiye nin Balkan Politikasında Devamlılık ve Değişim, Avrasya Dosyası, Volume 14, Number 1, 2008, p Kut, Turks of Kosovo: What to Expect?, p. 56 ve 58. 5

6 assimilation campaigns against Turkish minorities. Turkish names were changed, prays were banned and approximately Turks were forced to immigrate to Turkey. That situation ended up with the overthrown of the Jivkov government and the socialist regime collapsed. In that new period the party Right and Freedom Movement (RFM) which composed of Turks in majority was one of the key parties in Bulgaria. After a short period since its establishment it began to have an important role in the vote of confidence period in parliament and so had a critical effect in determining the forthcoming governments. It became the third biggest party after Socialist Bulgaria Party (SBP) and United Democratic Power (UDP) and with the alliances with these parties it had a serious affect on Bulgarian Policy.For example RFM had a role in the overthrown BDG government in 1992 and in establishment of technocrat government with the leadership of Lyuben Berov just after it. Besides all these, RFM had a role in coalition with the election in 2001.It attended the governments established both in 2001 and 2005 elections and took two ministries in first and three in second. In literature, Bulgarian leaders giving back their rights to Turkish minorities after assimilation period and allowing RFM for being an integrated part in Bulgarian policy named Bulgarian ethnic model. Sofia governments chose to become integrated rather than assimilation of Turks. Although it was mentioned like that there were still some problems. Some Bulgarian nationalist groups haven t accepted that situation since the beginning of democratic movement in 1989.These groups arranged protest marches to protest the ending of the assimilation period.despite all democratization reforms and EU integration period Bulgarian nationality is on the rise. One of the best indicators of this situation is the vote rate of the Ataka Party since Although it was founded 3 months just before 2005 elections, Ataka Party took the 8% and it derived 21 seats in Bulgarian Parliament. So Ataka became the forth largest party in Bulgaria. Ataka is requested withdrawal of the rights granted to Turkish, stressing that Bulgaria consists of only Bulgarian. Back to the 1980 s assimilation policies, Ataka Party, wants to change Turks names to Bulgarian names, also, and has called for the termination of the Turkish broadcasts in Bulgarian State Channel. According to Ataka, RFM also must be closed with claim that it is contrary to Bulgarian Constitution. 16 Ataka also had a 16 Ali Dayıoğlu, Toplama Kampından Meclis e, Bulgaristan da Türk ve Müslüman Azınlığı, İstanbul, İletişim, 2005, p Turkey was concerned about the Ataka s achievements and asked the European Union to act about the party s nationalist discourses. Bkz. Dayıoğlu, Toplama Kampından Meclis e, p.449, Footnote

7 significant success in 2006 elections and the leader Volen Siderov had the second place taking 21,5% of the vote in the first round and 24,1% in the second round. 17 Receiving the support by the Bulgarian voters of the Ataka party has encouraged the establishment of an other new rightist party. Citizens Party for European Development of Bulgaria (CPDB). CPDB was established by Former Mayor of Sofia in This party also had a nationalist discourse especially in the period before coming the power and claimed that everyone in Bulgaria, feel Turkish, should migrate to Turkey. 18 In the case of Ataka party remained in opposition, it is remarkable that the party has become an important actor in Bulgarian policy in the short time. Despite it passed over 20 years after the period of Jivkov, it is significant that nationalism is still an important factor in Bulgarian policy. Meanwhile the support for RFM was continuing to increase. RFM was the third largest party receiving 17% of the vote in the first European Parliamentary elections in Bulgaria in of the 18 Bulgarian parliamentarians, elected to the European Parliament, are the RFM members. In addition to this it is very important that, RFM has selected two representatives within Bulgarian for European Parliament. Dual passport holders, living in Turkey, have disillusioned about the EP elections. Because despite they have vote in general elections, Bulgaria did not give them the right to vote in this elections. The number of these people is almost and this case demonstrates the seriousness of the issue. Rumeli Turkish Associations Federation has announced that they would apply to the Court of Human Rights when the domestic remedies become useless. 19 Chauvinism, comes up with increasing vote rates of Ataka Party, brings into dispute to relations between Bulgaria and Turkish original citizens. An other indicator of being on the rise of the chauvinism is attacks to the buildings of Muslims in recent years. It is notified that more than 100 attacks organized to religious buildings over the last years. 20 Bulgarian Muftiship Directory complains about blocking of Bulgarian authorities on Islamic Cultural- Educational establishing projects. 21 In this stage it is also early to say that Bulgarian ethnic 17 Boyka Stefanova, Voting a la carte : Electoral Support fort he Radical Right in the 2005 Bulgarian Pariamentary Elections, Politics in Central Europe, Volume 2, No 2, 2007, p Borisov dan Sert Çıkış: Kendini Türk Hisseden Türkiye ye Gitsin, BG Türk, 2 November 2008, (1 December 2008) 19 Zaman, 23 February Anna Mudeva, Craks show in Bulgaria s Muslim Ethnic Model, Reuters, 31 May Bulgaristan da Müslümanlara Karşı Tavır Değişti, Euroasia Reviews transfers from Anadolu Agency, Daily Return, 28 May

8 model expired, it should be followed that the effects of increasing nationalism in coming years. Incidentally Bulgarian nationalism, on the rise, caused to appearance of a new problem in the relations between Turkey and Bulgaria: Armenian Matter. Ataka Party made an offer for recognition of Armenian Genocide to Bulgarian Parliament in 10 May Although the offer is rejected 22 ; Sofia Municipal Council published a declaration to memorialize the 24 th April and claimed that Armenian Genocide is an historical reality in These events show up that the Armenian matter is a potential problem in Turkish-Bulgarian relations. Rise Of The CPDB and Looking to Future EP and general elections in recent years has been the scene to the rise of CPDB 24 and its informal leader is Lord Mayor of Sofia Boyko Borissov 25. Borissov who had worked first as a firefighter, later as a bodyguard of Jivkov in Socialist Regime period, became a popular actor in Bulgarian policy in recent years. CPDB which is leaded by Borrisov took first place unexpectedly receiving 40% of the votes in general elections and 24% of the votes in EP elections in Voters continue to protest voting in Bulgaria which is one of the poorest countries and has highest corruption rates countries of EU. Borrisov who promised about solving the problems related backfilling EU funds and examination the corruption assertions, offered the neo-liberal policies also for the solving of economic problems. Result of general elections in 2009 point out that Bulgarian people still search for a hero who will solve the rugged problems in a short time. Improbable achievements of former King II. Simeon in 2005 and also a former bodyguard in 2009, point to public disappointment because of current managements. All of the governments came into power since 1990 were obliged to make over the power to a new party in next election and fell short of providing requirements and demands of the people. But coming into power of a new party in each election lead to instability in Bulgarian policy. Otherwise problems in the elections 26 are the ominous things in the way of the soft power of an EU country. 22 Habibe Özdal, Türkiye-Bulgaristan İlişkilerinde Ermeni Unsuru, USAK Stratejik Gündem, 31 March 2008, ( & April 2008) 23 Haber Türk, 23 April See the Offical results for the EP. Final Results of elections in Bulgaria Published, recound Denied, Bulgarian News Network, hhtp:// ( 6 July 2009); See the results for 5 July 2009 elections. Central Electoral Commission web site ( 9 July 2009 ) 25 Borrisov did not become the party s offical leader because of his Sofia Mayoralty. Tzvetan Tzvetanov became the offical leader of the party. 26 Centre-right sweeps to victory in Bulgarian elections, (9 July 2009) 8

9 An other characteristic of the election 2009 is the achievement of RFM. RFM has carried a historical success since the ending of the socialist period gaining 14% support. So RFM had kept being the third largest party of Bulgarian policy. But at the same time in this election RFM were obliged to leave the eight yeared coalition period and passed to the opposition from the government. Besides, another surprise result of the recent elections is the votes of the ATAKA Party were over nine percent. ATAKA Party, took 12% support in the European Parliament Elections, also has sent two representatives to the European Union Parliament. In recent months, extreme Bulgarian nationalist rhetoric of the Bulgarian politicians have let to problems in Turkish - Bulgarian relations. 27 At the end of last year ATAKA Party has prepared a draft for the prohibition of Turkish publications that published on Bulgarian State Television on weekdays and 10 minutes a day. Although GERB did not support this proposal, after a period of 20 years of liberalization this discussion is interesting in Bulgarian politics. Further The Minister responsible for foreign Bulgarian Bojidar Dimitrov said that they will have to pay 20 billion dollars for the Bulgarian, had migrated from Turkey to Bulgaria, and he stated that the solution of this issue is a prerequisite for Turkey s membership of the European Union. Although Prime Minister Borisov had objected it is important that the senior official of the ruling party can express such a thing. Turkey s response to the Bulgarian Minister Dimitrov s statements is in the form of migration, happened in that period, was not unilateral. So the situation in Bulgaria as follows: Bulgarian ethnic model had become a popular concept from the mid-1990s until the mid-2000s in the literature. Bulgaria has integrated the Turkish Minority into political life. This was a great success. Although the Euro-Atlantic institutions Bulgarian people s living standards has not increased. As a result nationalism has reemerged in Bulgaria. Bulgarian politicians are now free to use nationalist rhetoric. In other words Bulgarian economy has become liberal as Fukuyama stated. In this way Bulgaria became a part of the global economy. During representative democracy is applied in Bulgaria, human rights issue has come up again. It is interesting that Europeanize is simultaneously with the rise in nationalism. 27 See for the analysis Türkish-Bulgarian relations in the near term. Birgül Demirtaş Coşkun, An Anatomy of Turkish-Bulgarian Relations ( ): Opportunities, Challenges and Prospects, Mustafa Türkeş (der), Turkish Bulgarian Relations Past and Present, İstanbul Tasam, 2010, p

10 Conclusion Fukuyama had proclaimed the triumph of liberalism at the end of the 1980s. All the world was on its way to freedom. Economy would be free, political system would be democratic and there would be respect for human rights and minorities. But both Kosovo and Bulgaria examples illustrate that global change on regional actors do not always result positive. Economic liberalism does not resulting with political liberalism. This study has tried to explain that both Kosovo and Bulgaria s democratization processes have not been completed. After period of assimilation Bulgaria has given back former rights to the Turks. Nonetheless Extreme nationalism has started to rise in Bulgaria. It is remarkable that in a member country of the European Union as Bulgaria, some political parties, especially Ataka, questions the right of the Turks and emulates the old era. On the other hand losing some of their constitutional rights of Turks who live here necessitates that review of the end of history thesis of Fukuyama carefully in an era when Western influence has increased over Kosovo. 10