D. Moyer Cultural constraints on marriage: anti-exchange behaviour in nineteenth century South Sumatra

Transcription

1 D. Moyer Cultural constraints on marriage: anti-exchange behaviour in nineteenth century South Sumatra In: Bijdragen tot de Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde 139 (1983), no: 2/3, Leiden, This PDF-file was downloaded from

2 DAVID S. MOYER CULTURAL CONSTRAINTS ON MARRIAGE: ANTI-EXCHANGE BEHAVIOUR IN NINETEENTH CENTURY SOUTH SUMATRA ~ntroduction As an ethnographic region Indonesia can be characterized by a variety of phenomena. In the domain of kinship and marriage one finds a distinctly Indonesian interplay between the principles of descent and the principles of alliance. The best known and understood of these kinship systems are those in the eastem Indonesian archipelago and those on the island of Sumatra. From the perspective given by these typically Indonesian systems indigenous South Sumatra represents a somewhat extreme example in that it appears to place great emphasis on principles of descent while at the Same time undervaluing principles of alliance. In fact, this. negative attitude to alliance is sometimes co strong that one finds documentary evidence suggesting hostility to marriage itself. This hostility to marriage and its demographic effects makes South Sumatra something of an oddity not only in an.indonesian context but in an Asian one as well. In Indonesia, and in Asia generally, where marriage rates are usually very high and illegitimacy rates low, any cultural practice which restricts the frequency of marriage is likely to have a major impact on the birth rate. Thus the South Sumatra data are of interest from both a kinship perspective and a demographic perspective. The.following study documents one particularly clear case of a district in which there is a marked unwillingness to marry, and calls upon material from the region as a whole to illustrate the general characteristics of the descent system and attitudes toward marital alliance. DAVID S. MOYER obtained an M.A. from Harvard University and a Ph.D. from the University of Leiden. He is currently Associate Professor at the University of Victoria, Canada. His principal interest5 are structural anthropology, Indonesia, and the Canadian Arctic. Two previous publications by Dr. Moyer are: The Logic of the Laws, VKI Vol. 75, 1975, and 'The Ideology of Social Reform in a Nineteenth Century South Sumatran Legal Code', Anthropologica, N.S. Vol. XX 1-2, He may be reached at the Department of Anthropology, University of Victoria, Victoria, B.C. V8W 2Y2, Canada.

3 248 David S. Moyer South Sumatran marriage forms South Sumatra as an ethnographic region includes the southern coast of the island to the south and east of the districts that were traditionally governed by the Sultan of Mukomuko. Also included in the region are most of the highland areas bordering these coastal districts. Linguistically, however, the area does not constitute a single entity in that it includes Middle Malay, Rejang, and Lampong speakers. From an.ethnographic point of view the key defining feature of the region is the presence of a plurality of marriage forms. Though in any given part of the region there may be as many as six distinct forms, there are usually only two or three basic types. The earliest complete description of the situation is in William Marsden's History of Sumatra. According to Marsden, the first of these marriage forms is that by jujur, which is "a certain sum of money, given by one man to another, as a consideration for the person of his daughter, whose situation in this case, differs not much from that of a slave to the man she marries and his family" (Marsden 1811:257). The second is nmbil anak marriage, by which "the father of a virgin makes choice of some young man for her husband, generally from an inferior family, which renounces al1 further right to or interest in him, and he is taken to the house of his father-in-law... He lives in the family, in a state between that of a son and a debtor... He is liable to be divorced at their pleasure and though he has children he must leave al1 and return naked as he came" (Marsden 181 1: ). And thirdly, there is semendo mardika, which is "a regular treaty between the parties, on the footing of equality... The agreement stipulates that al1 effects, gains, or earnings are to be equally the property of both, and in case of divorce by mutual consent, the stocks, debts, and credits are to be equally divided" (Marsden : ). Though Marsden focuses on the personal status of the marriage partners, from his and other early works (e.g. Anon. 1913, Lewis 1821) one can ascertain that jujur marriage is patrilocal and patrilineal in its consequences, i.e. the children of such a marriage are completely and uniquely assigned to their father's descent line. On the other hand, ambil anak marriage is matrilocal and matrilineal in its consequences, i.e. the children of such a marriage are completely and uniquely assigned to their mother's descent line. Semendo mardika is matrilocal and cognatic in its consequences, i.e. the children are seen as belonging equally to the descent lines of the mother and the father. The first two marriage forms occur with limited variation throughout the region. On the other hand, the third form enjoys considerable variation but its essential feature is that of a third element which represents a combination of certain aspects associated with either jujur or ambil anak marriage. This third form, however, is always matrilocal. For example,

4 1 Cultural Constraints on Marriage 249 another common third form is semendo baliek jurai, which provides that one child be sent back to the father's natal home to maintain his descent line. Occasionally one finds the added provision that if there is only one child it continues the descent lines of both its mother and father. The Indonesian scholar Hazairin, himself a South Sumatran, described the relationship of the forms for the Rejang as follows: "Originally the Rejang knew only semendo ambil anak marriage and jujur marriage as marriage forms. Both forms of marriage are in close connection with each other, the one is the antithesis of the other. The one cannot exist without the other except at the risk of destroying rhe ideal order of the people" (Hazairin 1936:37). There are a substantial number of unpublished Malay language legal codes dating from the mid-nineteenth century that both directly and indirectly reflect indigenous ideas on the relationships between the marriage forms. An exceptionally clear statement is that by Mohamad Sah 11, also a Rejang. In a genera1 statement preceding the detailed description of the forms he writes, "The customary usage when persons marry by jujur. A woman is married in the house of the man who wil1 become her husband. If a man is married by semendo he is married in the house of the woman who is to be his wife. The Same applies if the semendo or jujur marriage is 'between different villages or within the Same village" (U.B. Cod. Or ; cf. also Moyer 1975:117). Though strictly speaking a marriage form cannot be matrilineal, patrilineal or cognatic, I shall refer to jujur as a patrilineal marriage form, ambil anak (or semendo ambil anak) as a matrilineal form, and the various other semendo forms as cognatic, bilateral or ambilineal. The rationale behind this choice is that if everyone in the society practised jujur marriage one would not hesitate to classify the society as being patrilineal. Generalizations at the level of practice are much more difficult to make. By assigning priority to the statistically most frequent marriage form one could characterize the individual local groupings within the South Sumatra region as being matrilineal, patrilineal or even cognatic. Using such an approach Jaspan (1964) described the twentieth century Rejang as having undergone a "structural change from patriliny to matriliny". However, at no time, to the best of our knowledge, were al1 of the local groups within the region practising any single form of marriage. As a result there was always considerable tempora1 and spatial variation within the region with respect to the actual selection of marriage forms. If one assigned priority to the status implications associated with the various forms or to the ideal type of marriage, then one would probably be able to class most of the societies in South Sumatra as being patrilineal with a few localized pockets of matrilineality. How-. r

5 David S. - Moyer ever, the characterization of some of the societies in the region as matrilineal, some patrilineal, some cognatic, and others ambilineal would attach far too much significance to certain.differences and would tend to obscure.the fact that most groups within the region at least recognize different ways of reckoning descent, which are in turn determined by various marriage rules. Thus, for comparison within the South Sumatran region the term double descent seems appropriate. And furthermore, the use of this term facilitates comparison with other parts of the. Indonesian archipelago. South,Cumatrun anxieties about marriage In nineteenth century South Sumatra one finds some evidence suggesting either an anxiety about the exchange of women or open hostility to the notion. Examples of this attitude can be found in nineteenth century Malay language legal codes (cf. Moyer 1978). In a text from Manna, on the South Sumatran coast, dated 1 November 1842 (U.B. Cod. Or ) one finds a group of local leaders attempting to institute a marriage reform in order to alleviate certain local problems. The main difficulty, as they saw it, was that too many men were emigrating because they were unable to acquire the money necessary to contract a patrilocal marriage. Their solution was to make marriage cheap and divorce expensive. For jujur marriage this was done by making the initia1 brideprice payment modest but requiring the total, a substantial sum, to be paid only in the case of divorce. For ambil anak marriage a substantial sum was to be paid only if there was a divorce or if the man wished to convert the marriage to the patrilocal type. A subsequent text from Kawur dated 1 June 1844 (extant copies are found in TLVK H813d-i, U.B. Cod. Or , U.B. Cod. Or ) indicates tliat another set of local leaders had taken over the provisions of the earlier text but had added two paragraphs to the section on jujur marriage. The first addition deals with "foreigners" (i.e. non-local men) marrying local women. They could take advantage of the reduced brideprices as long as they remained within the district. Otherwise, they had to pay the full amount of the brideprice. The second addition imposes a heavy fine for abduction or elopement. Thus, both of these additions express a cornrnon concern about the movement of women beyond what were deemed to be acceptable limits. In addition to the expression of anxiety or concern about the exchange of women, one occasionally finds justification for the normative practice of matrilocal marriage in terms of attitudes that 1 can be seen as expressing hostility to the exchange of women. In the interior highlands of South Sumatra a people, according to their own tradition, left one district (Passumah Ulu Manna) to settle in another. The name of the migrants was based on their matrilocal

6 Cultural Constraints on Marriage 25 1 l marriage form, i.e. the Semendoers. Furthermore, the desire to practise matrilocal marriage exclusively is given as one of the prime motivations for migrating int0 the wilderness. There are two unpublished memoranda in the archives of the Dutch Ministry of Colonies that shed light on local views on Raja Nyawa, the ancestral leader who made the move. A memorandum by De Heer, dated 17 October 1889, refers to the views that he was able to collect about Raja Nyawa among the Semendoers themselves. He writes, "When asked about the motivation which could have led their ancestor to this move, people explained to me that this Tuan Raja Nyawa was such an exceptionally good-hearted man that he had pity [mercy] on the selling of young daughters". De Heer did not find this explanation "very plausible". Another Dutch civil servant, Engelhard, in'a memorandum dated 23 January 1890, reported on the views in the district of the Passumah lands, from which the Semendoers had emigrated. He writes, "Marriage according to ambil anak was thus a form established by Mohammedans apparently with no other purpose than to make propaganda. Their daughters must be strictly brought up in Mohammedan teaching and remain head of the family. men did not wish that, by marrying the unbelieving sons of the Passumah lands, they should become corrupt, by which the works and pursuits of their fathers would be lost for God and his prophet". In other words, they adopted matrilocal marriage in order to practise Islam. The above examples suggest a certain anxiety about or perhaps hostility to the exchange of women in South Sumatra. However, given the caution with which one!must regard al1 ethnohistorical sources, the example only establishes that anti-exchange or antialliance attitudes existed. What remains to be examined is to what degree such attitudes were manifested at a behavioural level. Marriage rates in Dua Belas and LumbaSelapan The ethnohistorical record contains census material for two districts in South Sumatra for the year The material was published locally in the first and. only volume of the Proceedings of the Agricultural Socieîy Established in Sumatra in The data not only include an enumeration of the population by village,.but for each village the categories unmarried men, unmarried women, married men, married women, boys and girls are also reported. The two districts (Lumba Selapan and Dua Belas) were adjacent to each other and not far from the port settlement.of Bengkulu. At the time the data were collected Lumba Selapan contained 16 villages and occupied about 300 square miles while Dua Belas contained 22 villages and occupied about 150 square miles. Both districts were included in the territory traditionally controlled by the

7 252 David S. Moyer Pangeran of Sungai Itam. The villages in each district were grouped together under the loose politica1 control of a single leader. At the time both districts practised matrilocal marriage forms almost exclusively. In Dua Belas this was attributed to the genera1 poverty of the region, i.e., they could not afford the brideprice payments required by a patrilocal marriage. In Lumba Selapan one finds that "the marriages among their own tribe are al1 by Semendo as parents are unwiiling altogether to lose their daughters, however, men are allowed to take wives from the Rejang or other districts by jujur of which some avaii themselves, as wives so obtained in a manner become slaves" (Halhed et al. 1821:8). The format of the census material aliows one to statistically compare the two districts, provided that one uses the village as the unit of anaiysis. However, there are two differences in the presentation of the originai census material for the two districts. The Dua Belas census presents the number of "families" in each village, while the Lumba Selapan data do not include this figure. On the other hand, the Lumba Selapan material enumerates the number of bondage debtors in each village, while there are none reported for Dua Belas. However, the text published with the Dua Belas material indicates that this is not an omission but an accurate reflection of the situation, i.e., Dua Belas did not have any bondage debtors. In the following analysis the data from Lumba Selapan is based on the "free" population. One of the primary differences between the two districts is that the proportion of unmarried adults is considerably higher in Lumba Selapan than in Dua Belas (.412 as opposed to.246, cf. Table One). Given the unusually low marriage rate in Lumba Selapan one would like to know how long such a situation had existed. One way of testing for tempora1 stability is to examine the proportion of children in the village populations. The assumption is that because illegitimacy is so rare any long-term pattern in the marriage rate would be directly reflected in the birth rate. The average proportion of children in a Dua Belas village is.361 while the comparative figure for Lumba Selapan is,315. The difference is small, but significant at the.o5 level, Thus, there is evidence for some, though limited, tempora1 stabiiity. Another approach to the problem is to examine the statistica1 relationship between the proportion of children in a village and the proportion of unmarried women. The expectation is that given tempora1 stability one would expect a negative correlation between the proportion of unmarried women and the proportion of children in a given village. In other words, the more unmarried women that one found, the fewer children one would expect to find. In fact there are no significant negative correlations between the proportion of un-

8 TABLE ONE Culfural Consfraints on Marriage 253 ~o~ulation Characteristics of Dua Belas and ~umba Selapan DUA BELAS ~otal population 2094 Number of villages 22 Mean village size 95.2 Median village size 69.5 Mean proportion of unmarried adults.246 Mean proportion of unmarried women.l88 Mean proportion of unmarried men.288 Mean proportion of children.361 LUMBA SELAPAN '.315 The proportion unmarried refers to the proportion of a given category that is not married. Thus, for example, the proportion of unmarried women refers to the proportion unmarried of marriageable women and not to the proportion of unmarried women in the village population. married adults and the proportion of children (cf. Table Two). Thus, the hypothesis of long-term stability is not confirmed. On the other hand, there is a p'ositive correlation between the proportion of children and' the proportion of unmarried women in Dua Belas. This runs counter to normal demographic expectations. One possible explanation is ithat the proportion of children in a village may' influence attitudes towards marriage. Thus, where there are fewer children there is more pressure for women to marry. TABLE TWO Correlations between the Proportion of Unmarried Adults and the Proportion of Children in Dua Belas and Lumba Selapan DUA BELAS LUMBA SELAPAN Proportion of unmarried adults, Proportion of unmarried men Proportion of unmarried women.s17 * * Significant at the.o5 level with regard to the stability of the situation several conclusions can be drawn. 1: The situation in the two districts has been stable long enough to produce certain predictable demographic changes in the population, especially with respect to children. 2. The above notwithstanding, the stability measures and the correlations are neither strong enough nor consistent enough to indicate long-term stability. Thus the system is apparently in a state of flux with respect to marriage.

9 David S. Moyer 3. A comparison of the average proportion of unmarried women reveals a sizeable and significant difference between.the two districts:on the other hand, the stability measures suggest that they are not polar opposites and that their attitudes towards marriage may be in a state of flux. 4. With respect to the relative stability of the two districts, Lumba Selapan (with its higher proportion of women unmarried) appears to be the more stable (negative correlations between the proportion of unmarried adults and proportion of children). On the other hand, Dua Belas does not produce some expected correlations (e.g. a strong one between the proportion of children in the population and family size). The data allow one to go further and inquire int0 the relationship between this apparent unwillingness to marry and other social variables. The most important variable that the census allows one to examine is village size. On the one hand, given long-term stability one might expect that the marriage rate would have some impact on village size. On the other hand, since long-term stability is probably not present, one might expect that village size affected the proportion of unmarried adults. For example, since marriage in the two districts under examination is predominantly matrilocal in a region where some prestige is associated with patrilocal marriage, one might expect that village endogamy could be a reasonable mmpromise. In other words, a man could marry according to a matrilocal marriage form within his own village. Since marriage suitability or permissibility is determined by genealogical distance, one would expect the phenomenon to occur in larger villages rather than smaller ones. Thus, one would expect to find a negative correlation between village size and fthe proportion of unmarried adults. Furthermore, allowing for the internal migration of men and the cultural focus restricting the movement or exchange of women, one would expect the correlation to be stronger for unmarried women than for unmarried men. TABLE THREE Correlation Coefficients between Village Size and Proportion of Unmarried Persons DUA BELAS LUMBA SELAPAN Proportion of unmarried adults.480 * * Proportion of unmarried women.s72 * * Proportion of unmarried men, * Significant at the.o5 level Since village size is log normally distnbuted, the natura1 loganthm of village size was used in these wrrelations.

10 Cultural Constraints on Marriage 255 The correlations indicate (cf. Table Three) that the hypothesis is confirmed for the relations between village size and the proportion of unmarried adults and the proportion of unmarried women in Lumba Selapan. In other words, in the district with the higher average proportion of unmarried women, there is evidence suggesting that village endogamy might be a compromise solution. However, in the district with more married people a relation opposite to the expected occurs. It was in the smaller villages that more people were married. One way of interpreting these relationships is in terms of an expansion versus contraction hypothesis. One could argue that the district with the higher proportion of unmarried women can be seen as being in a phase of social contraction, i.e., in a period with an unwillingness to contract marriages or to maintain existing marriage relationships. In such a contraction phase intra-village marriages would be more acceptable than inter-village marriages. However, a woman would be more likely to find a suitable spouse in a larger village than in a smaller one. According to such a hypothesis, in the contraction phase one would expect to find more unmarried women in the smaller villages. On the other hand, in a phase of social expansion one might expect that more marriages would be contracted and that there would be a desire to increase the size of the population as well as to increase the number of links between groups. In such a phase one could argue that the pressure to expand would be greater in smaller villages. Or perhaps, the smaller villages are newly founded and thus are an expression of the expansion-pioneer ethic that is widely held in South Sumatra. Conclusions In conclusion, the statistica1 evidence supports the other types of ethnohistorical data in pointing towards the existence of anti-exchange or (anti-alliance) behaviour in South Sumatra. Furthermore, the comparison of census data from two adjacent districts indicates that there is considerable tempora1 as well as spatial variation in the expression of this type of behaviour. In particular, the evidence also suggests that the variation is greatest in smaller villages, which express the extremes of behaviour, while larger villages are apparently more stable. Regardless of the particular explanation that one chooses, the data are clearly demographically remarkable in that in Lumba Selapan a very substantial proportion of the adult population was unmarried. However, modem data from indicate that the proportions of women married in the Indonesian provinces of Bengkulu, Sumatera Selatan and Lampung are very typical for Indonesia as a whole and are in no way remarkable (Cho, Suharto, McNicoll and Mamas 1980: 44). On the other hand, data based on the 1930 census of the Dutch

11 256 David S. Moyer East Indies supplemented by correspondence in 1935 with the Centra1 Bureau of Statistics indicates that in one of three South Sumatran subdistricts (onderafdeelingen) examined a substantial proportion of the adult population was unmarried (TLVK H799). The exact figures for Manna reveal that 23.6% of the men and 16.7% of the women were unmarried. Using presumably the Same calculation procedures, comparative figures for Sumatra as a whole show that 18.5% of the men and 2.7% of the women were unmarried. For Java the figures are 15.2% and 6%, respectively. The 1930 data suggest several things. First, major demographic changes may have occurred in indigenous South Sumatra after Second, though not as dramatic as the 1817 data, the 1930 material confirms the impression gained from a variety of nineteenth century sources that in certain parts of South Sumatra there was an unusually low marriage rate. Thirdly, the 1930 data provide ample evidence indicating that the 1817 data were probably not a total aberration due to colonial policy or inadequate census taking procedures. In short, the data require an explanation. Placing the analysis of anti-marriage behaviour in a regional context, one must recall that this behaviour is taking place in two districts practising statistica1 matrilocal marriage in a region where the conceptual model for marriage involves a form of double descent and in an area where preferential (or prescriptive) marriage rules are noticeably absent. This finding is compatible with the findings of P. E. de Josselin de Jong (1956) and F. A. E. van Wouden (1956), which indicate that at least in an Indonesian context double descent and exchange may be antithetical phenomena in that where the oneis clearly manifested the other seems to recede int0 the background. At a more genera1 level, one has the problem of to what degree these regional phenomena are applicable to other regions or to other more broadly based theories. If one argues that the Indonesian pattern of double descent is a special case of cognatic social organization (as described by Murdock 1960), then the present findings might be used to help reconcile the apparent contradictions between lineal and nonlineal types of social organization in Southeast Asia in that the data show some attributes of both lineal and non-lineal systems. On the other hand, one might wish to claim that the South Sumatran system is essentially lineal and argue that double descent and exchange (or alliance) are fundamentally antithetical in a genera1 as wel1 as in an Indonesian context. The explanation of this antithesis involves a modification of one of J. P. B. de Josselin de Jong's basic tenets which asserted that where one finds one lineal principle the other lineal principle is always implied in a latent form. One could take this a step further and say that the more strongly a society manifests one unilineal idea the more likely the other principle wil1 emerge. One might cal1 this the

12 Cultural Constraints on Marriage paradox of unilineality, i.e. the more unilineal a system is or becomes the less likely it is to remain unilineal. Not only does a very strong unilineal principle bear the seeds of its own destruction but it is also fundamentally antagonistic to exchange. That is, the more strongly a culture emphasizes group membership acquired by birth the more difficult it wil1 be to transfer a person from one group to another. The difficulties become clearest when one takes the receiving group's point of view. The receiver wishes to maintain his unilineal group but is faced with the problem of accepting an outsider with strong links to another group. Thus the receiver may behave in such a way as to deny the links or to virtually break the links that the outsider has with his or her natal group. Furthermore, this behaviour may take the form of a denial of exchange and of any alliance creating potential that a marriage might have. Thus it is in strongly lineal systems that one is likely to find anti-exchange behaviour. Furthermore, the conditions that give rise to this anti-alliance behaviour (i.e. a strong belief in unilineal principles) are exactly the Same as those that promote the emergence of double descent. Thus double descent and alliance principles tend to be mutually exclusive in that the conditions that give rise to the former are likely to inhibit the expression of the latter. BIBLIOGRAPHY Anonymous [H. R. Lewis?] 1913 'Engelsche opteekening van adatrecht ter hoofdplaats Benkoelen (omstreeks 1807)', Adatrechtbundel VI, pp , The Hague: Martinus Nijhoff. Cho, L. J., S. Suharto, G. McNicoll, and S. G. M. Mamas 1980 Population Growth of Indonesia: An Analysis of Fertility and Mortality Based on the 1971 Population Census, Honolulu: The University Press of Hawaii. * Halhed, G., T. Church, and J. D. Lewis 1821 'Report on the Population, & c. of the District of Lumba Selapan', Vol. I, Appendix C of the Proceedings of the Agricultural Society Established in Sumatra, Bencoolen: Baptist Mission Press. Hazairin 1936 De Redjang, Bandoeng: A. C. Nix and Co. Jaspan, M. A From Patriliny to Matriliny: Structural Change among the Redjang of Southwest Sumatra; Doctoral thesis: Australian National University. Josselin de Jong, P. E. de 1951 Minangkabau and Negri Sembilan: Socio-political Structure in Zndonesia, Leiden: Eduard IJdo 'De Visie der Participanten op hun Cultuur' [Translated as chapter 10 of P. E. de Josselin de Jong (ed.) 19771, Bijdragen tot de Taal-, Landen Volkenkunde 112:

13 David S. Moyer Josselin de Jong, P. E. de (ed.) 1977 Structural Anthropology in the Netherlands: A Reader, The Hague: Martinus Nijhoff. Kathirithamby-Wells, J The British Sumatran Presidency ( ): Problems of Early Colonial Enterprise, Kuala Lumpur: Penerbit Universiti Malaya. Lévi-Strauss, C Les structures klémentaires de la parentt?, Paris: Plon 'Introduction ti i'oeuvre de Marcel Mauss', in: Marcel Mauss, Sociologie et anthropologie, pp. IX-LI, Paris: Presse Universitaire de France 'Les organisations dualistes existent-elles?' [Reprinted as chapter 8 of Lévi-Strauss 1958; translated as chapter 8 of LCvi-Strauss 19631, Bijdragen tot de Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde 112: Anthropologie structurale, Paris: Plon 'On Manipulated Sociological Models' [Translated as chapter 6 of Lévi-Strauss 1973; reprinted as chapter 6 of Lévi-Strauss 19771, Bijdragen tot de Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde 116: Structural Anthropology, New York: Basic Books Anthropologie structurale deux,, Paris: Plon Structural Anthropology, Volume 11, London: Allen Lane. Lewis, Henry Robert 1821 A Code of Laws as established by the Pangeran's Court at Fort Marlborough collected by Henry Robert Lewis, Esq., of the Bencoolen Civil Service, and late Magistrate. Undang2 adat lembaga melayu yangdi pakai oleh raja dengan penghulu dalam negri bengkehulu malbra yang dimuafakat kan oleh Henry Robert Lewis Magistrate, Lincoln's-Inn-Fields. * Mackenzie, W. G., W. T. Lewis, and R. Bogle 1821 'Report on the Population, & c. of the District of Dua-Blas', Vol. I, Appendix B of the Proceedings of the Agricultural Society Established in Sumatra, Bencoolen: Baptist Mission Press. Marsden, W The History of Sumatra, Third Ed., London: J. M'Creery The History of Sumatra, reprint of the third edition introduced by John Bastin, Kuala Lumpur: Oxford University Press. Moyer, David S The Logic of the Laws: A Structural Analysis of Malay Language Legal Codes from Bengkulu, The Hague: Martinus Nijhoff 'The Ideology of Social Reform in a Nineteenth Century South Sumatran Legal Code', Anthropologica N.S. XXA-2: Murdock, G. P 'Cognatic Forms of Social Organization', in: G. P. Murdock (ed.), Social Structure in Southeast Asia, pp. 1-23, Chicago: Quadrangle Books. Wouden, F. A. E. van 1956 'Locale groepen en dubbele afstamming in Kodi, West Sumba' [Translated as chapter 8 of P. E. de Josselin de Jong (ed.) 19771, Bijdragen tot de Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde 112: * The Proceedings of the Agricultural Society Established in Sumatra, from which tlie census data used in this article came, is a very rare publication but is contained in the collection of the KITLV.

14 Cultural Constraints on Marriage MANUSCRIPT REFERENCES KONINKLIJK INSTITUUT VOOR TAAL-, LAND- EN VOLKENKUNDE WESTERN MANUSCRIPT COLLECTION TLVK H799: Helfrich Collection, 'De Besemahers, volkenkundige 'bijdragen', ' , Chapter 11, section iv, Bevolkingsstatistiek. TLVK H813: Stukken over het Rechtswezen in de Residentie Benkoelen, originally on loan from the local archives of Bengkulu; part of the Helfrich bequest to the Institute in TLVK H813d: Maleise fragmenten, TLVK H813d-i: Kauer pada I hari Juni 1844, a brief legal document. I LEIDEN UNIVERSITY LIBRARY, ORIENTAL MANUSCRIPT COLLECTION U.B. Cod. Or , Oendang Oendang adat Kauer, Kroé, Manna en Seloema, a large assemblage of legal material in Dutch, Romanized Malay, Arabic script and indigenous alphabets. Contents relevant to this particular study include: d) Undang yang bernama undang ini adat lembaga for Kauer; a variant of text found in U.B. Cod. Or and TLVK H813d-i. U.B. Cod. Or , Oendang Oendang Benkaoeloe; contains three legal codes: a) for Sungai Lemau dated 7 July 1855, b) for Sungai Hitam dated 30 June 1855, c) for Silebar dated 31 July U.B. Cod. Or , Oendang Oendang Kauer, cf. U.B. Cod. Or and TLVK H813-d-i. ALGEMEEN RIJKSARCHIEF (NATIONAL ARCHIVES), MINISTRY OF COLONIES ARCHIVES (NON-SECRET) Verbaal 27 September 1894, No. 41, Memoranda concerning areas in the Residency Palembang: 17 October 1889 (De Heer), 23 January 1890 (Engelhard).