The EPP and Subject Extraction Jun Abe Tohoku Gakuin University

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1 The EPP and Subject Extraction Jun Abe Tohoku Gakuin University URL: 1. Introduction (1) The EPP-feature of T must be morpho-phonologically materialized. (Hasegawa (2005), cf. also Alexiadou and Anagnostopoulou (1998)) (i) it manifests itself with rich agreement morphology or (ii) its specifier is occupied by an overt phrase. - That-t Effects: (2) a. *Who do you think that left? b. Who do you think left? <Claim>(i) Satisfaction of the EPP-feature is responsible for that-t effects (cf. Rizzi 2006, Rizzi and Slonsky (2008) and Mizuguchi (2008)) (ii) Chomsky s (2008) mechanism of parallel probing and Fox and Pesetsky s (2005) Order Preservation Condition play crucial roles in explaining these effects. 2. Background Assumptions 2.1. On Phases: Chomsky (2008) (3) Along with Transfer, all other operations will also apply at the phase level, as determined by the label/probe. (p. 143) Feature inheritance: Agree and Tense features are inherited from C, the phase head. (4) a. Who saw John? b. C[Ef] [T[] [who [v* [see John]]]] c. who i [C[Ef] [who j [T[] [who k [v* [see John]]]]]] -> The chains (who i, who k ) and (who j, who k ) are created at once Order Preservation Condition: Fox and Pesetsky (2005) (5) Order Preservation Condition Information about linearization, once established at the end of a given Spell-out domain, is never deleted in the course of a derivation. (p. 6)

2 (6) [ CP1 to whom will he [ VP1 say [ CP2 that Mary [ VP2 gave the book ]]]] a. Spell-out domain VP2: to whom > gave > the book b. Spell-out domain CP2: to whom > that > Mary > VP2 c. Spell-out domain VP1: to whom > say > CP2 d. Spell-out domain CP1: to whom > will > he > VP1 3. An Account <Hypothesis I> The EPP given in (1) can be satisfied derivationally. <Hypothesis II> When movement of an element takes place, only relevant features of are moved. (cf. Holmberg (2000, especially fn. 15), Abe (2002)) Overt and covert movements are distinguished by whether the PF feature of a chain is located at its head or tail. - The stage of derivation in which the embedded clause is build up for (2a): (7) a. [ CP that [ TP e T [ vp who[pf] [ VP leave]]]] b. [ CP <who> that [ TP who[pf] T [ vp <who> [ VP leave]]] -> The EPP requires that the occurrence of who in Spec-TP must carry a PF feature. -> To apply further movement to the occurrence of who in Spec-TP will violate the condition on ordering preservation proposed by Fox and Pesetsky (2005). This is not the case when the embedded complementizer is empty; hence (2b) can be derivable. 4. Some Consequences - Complementizer-t Effects: (8) a. *Who were you wondering whether/if t lost the notebook? b.?what were you wondering whether/if John lost t? (9) *Who would it be instructive for t to emulate the teacher? -> On the assumption that the infinitival to does not have [EPP]-feature, the ungrammaticality of (9) might be derived from a Case requirement on for. # Mizuguchi (2008): satisfaction of the EPP-feature is involved in that-t effects. (10) Yiddish a. *Ver i hot er moyre [ CP az [ TP vet t i kumen]]? who has he fear that will come b. Ver i hot er moyre [ CP [ TP vet t i kumen]]? who has he fear will come c.?ver i hot er moyre [ CP az [ TP es vet t i kumen]]? who has he fear that Expl will come (Diesing 1990, p. 75)

3 (11) a. Ver i hot er nit gevolt [ CP az [ TP ot di bikher j zol t i leyenen t j ]]? who has he not wanted that the books should read (Diesing 1990, p. 75) b. Ver i hot er moyre [ CP az [ TP haynt vet t i kumen]]? who has he fear that today will come (Diesing 1988, p. 138) - Adverb effects: (12) a. Who i did she say [that tomorrow t i would regret his words]? b. Which doctor i did you tell me [that during an operation t i had had a heart attack]? (Bresnan 1977, p. 194) (13) a. Robin met the man who Leslie said that [to KIM] t had given the money. b. I asked who you had claimed that [on the TABLE] t had put the book. (Culicover 1993, p. 98) (14) a. *a man who I think that t knows this book very well b. a man who I think that, this book, t knows t very well (Ishii 2004, p. 203) #Holmberg (2000): The adverb effect is induced by satisfaction of the EPP by adverbs. (15) This is a person who you might well wonder whether/if *(under some circumstances) t would dislike you. (Culicover 1993, p. 103) (16) *Tomorrow will John see Mary. <Hypothesis III> Probing of C-T triggers pied-piping. (17) a. C [ TP e T [ vp who[pf] [ VP would regret his words]]] b. C [ TP tomorrow T [ vp who[pf] [ VP would regret his words]]] C-T probes for its -features and finds who tomorrow satisfies the EPP c. [ CP who[pf] C [ TP tomorrow T [ vp <who> [ VP would regret his words]]] N.B. no adverb effect for for-t effects: (i) a. *Who were you hoping for t to stay? b. *Who were you hoping for under any circumstances t to stay? (Culicover 1993, p. 103) - Perlmutter s (1971) generalization: (18) Italian Chi i credi [ CP che t i partira]? who you-think that will-leave Who do you think will leave? (19) Spanish Quién i dijiste [ CP que t i salito temprano]? who you-said that left early Who did you say left early?

4 - no that-t effects in head-final languages such as Japanese: (cf. Ishii 2004) (20) *John seems that t is honest. This is a violation of the Order Preservation Condition, but the following sentence is also unacceptable: (21) *John seems t is honest. - Uchibori (2001): (22) i [t i *] Uchibori (2000, 2001) argues that yooni is a complementizer. 5. Remaining Problems #Mizuguchi s (2008) generalization: T-to-C movement supresses that-t effects, which is not well captured under the present approach. (23) Icelandic Hver i sagir ú a t i hefi bora petta epli? who said you that had eaten this apple Given the CP recursion hypothesis, we might be able to say that the two CP layers constitute different phases. # That-t effects in empty operator movement: (cf. Bresnan 1977) (24) Relative Clauses the woman that the committee predicts (*that) t will win the election (25) Clefts It is her Alfa that she told us (*that) t was stolen. (26) Comparatives I solved more problems than I d predicted (*that) t would be solved by all of us -> Deletion of overt wh-operators a la Chomsky (1977) - Takahashi (2001): The Spec-TP must be filled with an overt element. (27) a. *John is easy to expect will see Mary. b.*?john is easy to believe to know Mary well. # Relative clause: (28) a. the man who came here yesterday b. the man that came here yesterday c. *the mancame here yesterday d. *the man who that/that who came here yesterday

5 (29) a. the man [ CP (<who>)[ TP <who> Past [ VP <who> come here yesterday]]] [PF] b. the man [ CP (<who>) that [ TP <who> Past [ VP <who> come here yesterday]]] [PF] - Haik (1985, p. 80~): the following French example involves A-movement out of the subject position of a finite clause. (30) I saw John qui t is swimming. i) This is confined to subject extraction, which suggests that the movement in question is A-movement. ii) Haik attributes the unavailability of the English counterpart to the that-t effect. References Abe, J. (2002) On the Displacement Property of Language and Minimality, ms., Tohoku Gakuin University. Alexiadou, A. and E. Anagnostopoulou (1998) Parameterizing Agr: Word Order, V-movement and EPP Checking, Natural Language and Linguistic Theory 16, Bresnan, J. (1977) Variables in the Theory of Transformations, Formal Syntax, ed. by P. Culicover, T. Wasow and A. Akmajian, pp , Academic Press, New York. Chomsky, N. (1977) On Wh-Movement, In Formal Syntax, ed. by P. Culicover, T. Wasow & A. Akmajian, pp , Academic Press, New York. Chomsky, N. (2008) On Phases, In Foundational issues in linguistic theory: Essays in honor of Jean-Roger Vergnaud, ed. by R. Freiden, C. Otero & M.L. Zubizarreta, pp , MIT Press, Cambridge, MA. Culicover, P. (1993) The Adverb Effect: Evidence against ECP Accounts of the That-t Effect, NELS 23, pp Diesing, M. (1990) Verb Movement and the Subject Position in Yiddish, Natural Language and Linguistic Theory 8, Fox, D. and D. Pesetsky (2005) Cyclic Linearization of Syntactic Structure, Theoretical Linguistics 31, Haik, I. (1985) The Syntax of Operators, Doctoral dissertation, MIT. Hasegawa, N. (2005) The EPP materialized first, Agree later: Wh-questions, subjects and mo also -phrases, Scientific Approaches to Language 4, 33-80, Kanda University of International Studies. Holmberg, A. (2000) Scandinavian stylistic fronting: How any category can become an expletive, Linguistic Inquiry 31, Ishii, T. (2004) The Phase Impenetrability Condition, the Vacuous Movement Hypothesis, and That-t Effects, Lingua 114,

6 Mizuguchi, M. (2008) Derivation, Minimalism, and That-Trace Effects, English Linguistics 25, Perlmutter, D. (1971) Deep and Surface Constraints in Syntax, Holt, Rinehart and Winston, New York. Rizzi, L. (2006) On the Form of Chains: Criterial Positions and ECP Effects, In Wh-Movement: Moving on, ed. by L. Cheng & N. Corver, pp , MIT Press, Cambridge, MA. Rizzi, L. and Slonsky, U. (2008) Strategies for Subject Extraction, In Interfaces + Recursion = Language? ed. by U. Sauerland & H-M. Gärtner, pp , Mouton de Gruyter, Berlin. Takahashi, D. (2001) On the Nature of the EPP, Proceedings of Formal Approaches to Japanese Linguistics 3. Uchibori, A. (2000) The Syntax of Subjunctive Complements: Evidence from Japanese, Doctoral dissertation, University of Connecticut. Uchibori, A. (2001) Raising out of CP and C-T Relations, Proceedings of Formal Approaches to Japanese Linguistics 3.