Racist violence in The Netherlands. By Rob Witte

Transcription

1 Racist violence in The Netherlands By Rob Witte 1

2 Published by the European Network against Racism (ENAR) in Brussels, March 2011, with the support of the Community Programme for Employment and Social Solidarity - PROGRESS ( ) and the Open Society Foundations. PROGRESS ( ) is managed by the Directorate-General for Employment, social affairs and equal opportunities of the European Commission. It was established to financially support the implementation of the objectives of the European Union in the employment and social affairs area, as set out in the Social Agenda, and thereby contribute to the achievement of the Lisbon Strategy goals in these fields. For more information see: The information contained in this publication does not necessarily reflect the position or opinion of the European Commission. ENAR reserves the right not to be responsible for the accuracy, completeness or quality of the information provided in this report. Liability claims regarding damage caused by the use of any information provided, including any information which is incomplete or incorrect, will therefore be rejected. 2

3 An assessment of overall trends and patterns Introduction Contrary to the dominant Dutch self-image, racist violence is and has always been a structural social phenomenon in the Netherlands. However, the number of violent incidents and its intensity differ throughout the various years. This chapter presents trends and patterns in racist violent incidents since the 1950s 1. The 1950s and 1960s In the 1950s and 1960s most known racist incidents can be divided into two categories. On the one hand, there were confrontations between smaller and bigger groups of autochtonous youngsters and people of the former colony of Indonesia or so-called foreign labourers. Often these were isolated incidents and included confrontations during nights out. In 1961, more intense and larger confrontations took place in several cities in the eastern region of the Netherlands, Twente, confronting autochonous people with so-called guest workers from Italy and Spain. On the other hand, the violence included anti-semitic incidents. These were mainly acts of besmirching and damage as well as sending of threatening letters. The threats were directed towards individual people; whereas the besmirching and damaging actions were directed towards Jewish cemeteries and buildings. The 1970s Racist violence during the 1970s was dominated by large scale rioting, often lasting for days. Often these riots were preceded by violence targeted at inhabitants and house owners of foreign descent. At a certain moment, the violence in Rotterdam (1973) and Schiedam (1976) started to be directed more and more against the police. The 1980s In the first half of 1980s, a wave of violence occurred in the Netherlands. This violent wave occurred in separate incidents at local level all over the country. In various incidents the involvement of the Far Right was obvious or at least suspected. The second half of the 1980s is characterised by a decline of attention for racist violent incidents. Whether or not this recorded decline was coupled with a decrease in the number of incidents is questionable. A publication by the Anne Frank Foundation in 1988, for instance, pointed to a large number of incidents, which did not attract any media or other societal attention. In the late 1980s, a new kind of racist violence started to occur, threats and violence against asylum-seekers from mistreatment of individual asylum-seekers to bomb alerts at shelter centres. 1 A large part of this chapter is base on R. Witte, 2010, Al eeuwenlang een gastvrij volk. Racistisch geweld en overheidsreacties in Nederland , Amsterdam: Aksant (Already for centuries an hospitable people. Racist violence and state responses in the Netherlands ). See also: R. Witte, 1995, Racist violence and the state. An international comparative analyses of Britain, France and the Netherlands, Londen: Addison Wesley Longman. 3

4 The 1990s The 1990s, started with a new wave of racist violence in the Netherlands. Public and media attention to this phenomenon was triggered by various severe racist incidents in Germany. Van Donselaar distinguished two violent waves in those years. On the one hand a wave of violence in the city of the Hague, mainly consisted of mistreatment and threatening behaviour. On the other hand violence was targeted against mosques, including arson attacks and damages. These years also showed an increasing violent response towards refugees and asylum-seekers. In the second half of the 1990s, attention for racist violence decreased. However, the Monitor Racism & Extremism showed an increasing number of threatening and violent attacks which increasingly targeted individuals instead of properties, such as buildings. A new century At first, the new century showed an decline of the number of racist violent incidents in the Netherlands. However, already the second half of 2001 after 9/11 an increase of violent incidents was shown, especially targeting Islamic people and/or buildings. Violence directed towards asylum-seekers and anti-semitic violence decreased. In the years to come, anti-islam violence prevailed among the racist incidents. In the aftermath of the murder of Theo van Gogh (2 November 2003), a wave of violence occurred throughout the county. This was particularly targeted towards Muslims and mosques, but also Christian churches were among the targets. General trends in the type of racist violence and victimisation The violence itself developed from a more collective form of violence during confrontations, towards individual physical violence, such as mistreatments. During the 1980s, a rise of bomb alerts directed towards shelter centres occurred. In the late 1990s and in the 21 st century, arson attacks against mosques and violence against individual Muslims were dominant. Although perpetrating racist violence is not perceived to be a solely white issue, anti-white violence is hardly reported throughout the years in the Netherlands. General trends in perpetrators Research into perpetrators of racist violence is lacking in the Netherlands. The earlier study by Bol & Wiersma (1997) is one of the very few. The Monitor Racism & Extremism pays some attention towards this matter, but mainly considering the question whether or not one may speak of Far Right involvement. In the violent wave after the murder of Theo van Gogh ( ), a new group of perpetrators of racist violence was presented, the so-called Lonsdale-youngsters 2. Various studies 3 were executed to learn more about these youngsters with various 2 Their name referred to the clothes these youngsters wore. The letters were portrayed to state a racist slogan (in Dutch: Let Us Dutch Eliminate All Those Allochtonous People). And wearing a Lonsdale t-shirt under a jacket it portrayed only NSDA, referring towards the NSDAP, the former Nazi party of Adolf Hitler. 3 AIVD, 2005, Lonsdale-jongeren in Nederland. Feiten en fictie van een vermeend rechts-extremisische subcultuur, Den Haag: AIVD; J. van Donselaar, 2005, Monitor Racisme & Extremisme. Het Lonsdalevraagstuk, Amsterdam/Leiden: Anne Frank Stichting/ Universiteit Leiden; M. Homan, 2006, Generatie Lonsdale. Extreemrechtse jongeren in Nederland, Antwerpen: Houtekiet; Van Wijk, Bervoets & Boers, 2007, Trots op Nederland. 4

5 outcomes in relation to their racist, xenophobic and violent behaviour. These youngsters were part of the so-called gabbers ( mates ), from the youth subculture around house music. At the same time, this youth subculture was the largest youth subculture in the Netherlands. Although no evident link with the Far Right or even Neo Nazi organisations was shown, xenophobia was a major trend amongst the Lonsdale youngsters. Furthermore, a lot of these youngsters are known to be involved in many violent confrontations and incidents. Although these Lonsdale youngsters and certainly gabbers are also living in the major Dutch cities, they are presented in media and other articles and expressions to be especially living in the smaller cities and in the countryside. After 2005, the Lonsdale phenomenon seems to have vanished from the streets. However, the Monitor Racism & Extremism argues that a certain part of these youngsters have radicalised into more Far Right and Neo Nazi movements and organisations. A last remark Although this report deals with racist incidents and trends and patterns overall, a last remark has to be made here. In relation to the major change of target groups of racist violence in the Netherlands, it should be noted that these changes seem to relate with changes and context of societal and especially political dominant discussions and discourse. One could conclude that the main targets in these debates, discourses and policies at some time also present the targets of racist violent incidents. The independency of the former Suriname, the increasing repression of immigration and the - at the same time - increasing entrance of asylum-seekers in the late 1980s, early 1990s, and the debates around Muslims and the Islam during the first decennium of 21 st century coincide with these peoples becoming the main targets of racist violence in the Netherlands 4. Typical case study Introduction In 2007 a Liberian refugee family had to flee from the village of Waspik (part of the city of Waalwijk) after months of racist harassment and violence. In the following months a special research commission was established to look into the case and especially in answering the question how this harassment and violence could last for so long without any efficient approach being developed by the institutions and organisations involved. The report of this research commission, of which the author was a member, will be outlined here as an example of a typical case of racist violence in the Netherlands. First, the case of Waspik will be elaborated. After that, more general closing remarks will be made on this matter. Achtergronden, kenmerken en aanpak van het Lonsdaleverschijnsel in Venray, Zotermeer en Aalsmeer, Apeldoorn: Politieacademie. 4 See R. Witte, 2010 and

6 The case of Waspik 5 On 29 September 2007, the regional newspaper Brabants Dagblad publishes and article entitled War goes on for Liberians. The news article reports on a family of programme refugees from Liberia 6 and their experiences on the 17 months they lived in the village of Waspik 7. Eggs were thrown by unknown people at the house, which was meant to be the new home of the family, two months before the arrival of the family. After their arrival, eggs were thrown at the house again. Two neighbours saw this and spoke to the perpetrators. Answering the question why the eggs were thrown against this house, one of the boys stated that they are black and they do not belong here. They had the choice, either clean up the mess or the police will be called. The boys choose the first option. After this incident, the situation around the house seemed to quieten. However, incidents occur elsewhere in the little village. For instance, racist remarks and other obscene gestures are made to family members when they are waiting for the bus or leaving the shop in the centre of the village. In the bus youngsters block the isle, make racist remarks and harass them in other ways. When the children bike around the village, they are harassed over and over again. Increasingly, this harassment leads the family into isolation and only leaving their home if necessary. The research committee recorded a list of harassment and discriminating remarks made 8. The local group of the Dutch Council for Refugees was the first to notice the racist harassment. Answering the family question What to do?, the volunteer replied that they should not respond to the harassment and that she will bring this to the attention to the coordinator of the local group. After one or two months the situation started to be discussed in the various meetings with a chain of local organisations, including the city, housing authorities, youth work, police and such. This is not the place to describe the developments in detail. However, the harassment continued and the various meetings by organisations do not resolve the situation. Miscommunication and ongoing discussions on the possible racist character of the harassment cause inactivity. After one year, some cooperation developed. Reports to the police who were on the street were not followed up. Afterwards, an explanation was given that this was due to the fact that the report did not formally take place in a police station. Over the summer months no cooperation is available and the harassment 5 This section is based on Onderzoekscommissie Liberiaans Gezin, 2008, Racistische overlast in Waspik. Analyse van de aanpak en lessen voor gemeenten, Utrecht: FORUM/Ger Gruys (Research committee Liberian Family, Racist Harassment in Waspik. An analysis of the approach and lessons for cities). The author of this report was member of this research committee. 6 The family consisted of so-called invited refugees. Invited by the Dutch government after been listed as refugees by the United Nations. Normally, refugees arriving in the Netherlands are brought to so-called asylum shelters camps waiting sometimes for years - whether or not they receive recognition and a permit to stay. For invited refugees the procedures are working faster and often after a short time they are their own new home in any place in the country. So did this family, after four month at the asylum shelter camp in the city of Amersfoort they arrived at their new home in Waspik. The family, a mother and five children, are supported by the local group of the Dutch Council for Refugees, a non-governmental organisation of mainly volunteers. 7 The village of Waspik includes inhabitants in the Mid South of the Netherlands and is part of the city of Waalwijk. 8 See Research Committee Liberian Family, 2008, p.26 6

7 continues. The inactivity also leads the family to decide not to report any more incidents. After a year and a half, a journalist of the regional newspaper receives a phone call in which he is told that very soon something has to be done against this harassment. Some days later he interviews the family and advises them to leave Waspik after the publication of the article. The Research committee analyses the situation and especially the way the organisations has (not) dealt with it. They conclude that: - the city and organisations did not develop a common perspective and judgement on the situation for a long time; - the way the city did manage the situation and the cooperation with the various organisations did not lead to a common approach for a long time; - the politically responsible authorities were kept at a distance by the executive level, and left any action to the executive level also; - not using the existing approach for repressing harassment was unjust decision; - the police were involved in only a formalistic, legal way and did not give enough attention to a preventive approach and the structural character of the harassment. Furthermore, the police did not use the existing national policing guidelines when dealing with discrimination; - other organisations did not give appropriate attention to the intensity and seriousness of the problems; and - youth work has been led by fear for loosing contact and trust with the youngsters concerned, and did not perform their educational and correctional tasks nor for their role in cooperating with other organisations. The Research committee also points to the fact, that earlier in the village of Waspik several refugee families had been confronted by racist harassment. In 1996 two Ethiopian female refugees had to leave the village after long-lasting racist harassment. In late 1997, early 1998, a Somalian mother and her baby were harassed which lead to them to leave the village. In 2003 a refugee family from Congo left Waspik after been harassed by a group of youngsters. Furthermore, in a family of Kosovo descent and a family of Iraqi descent are racially harassed several times by youngsters in the village. In all these examples, the victimised people more or less have to deal with the racist harassment themselves leading most of them to leave their home. Closing remarks This case study, as well as other similar studies 9, points out some more general conclusions about the way of approaching racist harassment and violence in the Netherlands. Shortly these are: 10 9 See for instance: R. Witte, K. Schram & F.Kors, 2003, Spanningen tussen groepen jongeren in Aalsmeer, Den Haag: ES&E (Tensions between groups of youngsters in the city of Aalsmeer); R. Witte, P. Brassé & K. Schram, 2005, Moskeebrand in Helden. Evaluatie van de aanpak en lessen voor de toekomst, Utrecht: FORUM (Arson attack on a mosque. Analysis of the apporach and lessons for the future). 10 See R. Witte, 2009, Collectieve amnesie, in C. Brants & S. van der Poel (eds), 2009, Diverse Kwesties. Liber amicorum Prof. Dr. Frank Bovenkerk, Den Haag: Boom Juridische Uitgevers, pp (Collective amnesia) and R. Witte,

8 - Often local authorities were completely surprised by the incident which was often heard for the first time by way of media reports. Often the sense of crisis is related to the media attention instead of the seriousness of the harassment and/or violence itself. - This surprised reaction and the sense of crisis does not lead to a careful understanding of the situation, but to ad hoc and limited responses. Often these responses lead to further escalation instead of the requested deescalation. - In many cases hardly any information is available or collected about the often isolated from mainstream society - youngsters involved. - In many cases hardly any knowledge is present or collected about the local history in relation to harassment and violence in general and in relation to racist harassment and violence in particular. One could speak of existing collective amnesia at the (local) authorities in relation to racist violence. Practices to combat racist violence Racist violence in the Netherlands has mainly been perceived to be an occasional, once in a lifetime situation 11. Over the years, racist violence has, most of the time been stuck to an individually experienced problem. Accordingly, no practices specifically directed towards prevention of combating racist violence has been developed in the Netherlands. However, during periods of more attentiveness, responses included broad approaches, such as tolerance lessons at school, financing ADAs and broadly antiracism activities. In individual cases, a perpetrator for instance could be punished for racist utterances and would have to write a paper after visiting the Anne Frank Foundation and the House or the former Nazi-concentration camp of Westerbork. Specific approaches combating racist violence as a more structural phenomenon in the Dutch society are unknown. In recent years, some cities in the Netherlands developed a local approach to prevent and/or combat polarisation and radicalisation. These programs are partly financed with support of the Dutch Home Office. In most of these local approaches attention is drawn to Islamic as well as Far Right radicalisation. A main issue within these approaches are collecting more information of possible radicalisation among youngsters in particular sometimes by executing specific local studies into this matter. Another main part of the approach consists of informing and educating local professionals on the issue as well as training on how to signal and notice utterances of Far Right radicalisation. As far as know to the author, no specific elements of these local approaches are directed towards the prevention and combating racist violence specifically. Of course, the more general local approaches against polarisation and radicalisation themselves are developed to prevent/ combat situations which may contribute to the circumstances in which racist violence may occur. 11 In the English language the word incident refers value free to an occasion, an event. In the Dutch language the word incident implicitly refers to a once in a lifetime event. After an incident the journalist asks the mayor Has this event been an incident or are we talking about a structural phenomenon?. 8

9 One instrument developed to deal with (signals of or threatening) social crises, which may occur after racist incidents, is the so-called social crisis approach (or social disaster plan, sociaal calamiteitenplan, SCP) 12. In this approach a structure of signalling social crises that can be foreseen is developed as well as a procedure on how to handle such (threatening) crises with all social parties involved in trying to de-escalate the threat. Recommendations Accept the collection of records of racist violence as the prime responsibility of the state. Accordingly, create a central data collection by the state. Improve and assure the establishment of one quality structure for recording racist incidents. Include the prevention and combating of racist violence as a specific element in the existing approach against polarisation and radicalisation. Improve the inclusion of the former in the existing and developing local approaches against polarisation and radicalisation. Improve the knowledge and insights into the local history in interethnic and racist violence and other utterances. Improve the willingness among various groups to report discrimination and racist threats, violence and other utterances to the official authorities. Improve knowledge about and use of the official guidelines in dealing with discrimination among the police forces and expand these guidelines specifically on racist violence and threats. Improve and if possible (partly finance) the development and use of social crisis approaches among local authorities. Bibliography AIVD, Lonsdale-jongeren in Nederland. Feiten en fictie van een vermeend rechtsextremistische subcultuur, The Hague: AIVD. 12 See for instance: R. Witte, M. Veenstra, K. Schram & F. Kors, 2003, Interetnische spanningen. Een draaiboek, Den Haag: SDU; and FORUM, 2009, Handboek Sociaal Calamiteiten Plan, Utrecht: FORUM. Of course this SCP can be introduced on a wider range of (possible) social crises than only in relation to racist violence. 9

10 T. Bjorgo & R. Witte, 1993, Introduction, in T. Bjorgo & R. Witte (eds), Racist violence in Europe, Basingstoke: Macmillan. M. W. Bol & E. G. Wiersma, 1997, Racistisch geweld in Nederland. Aard en omvang, strafrechtelijke afdoening en dadertypen, WODC Onderzoek en beleid, no. 160, Arnhem: Gouda Quint. H. Buis, 1988, Beter een verre buur. Racistische voorvallen in buurt en straat, Amsterdam: SUA. F. Buijs & J. van Donselaar, 1994, Extreem-Rechts. Aanhang, geweld en onderzoek, Leiden: LISWO. J. van Donselaar, 1997, Monitor Racisme en Extreemrechts. Eerste Rapportage, Leiden: LISWO. J. van Donselaar, 1998, Monitor Racisme en Extreemrechts. Tweede Rapportage, Leiden: LISWO. J. van Donselaar, 2000, Monitor Racisme en Extreemrechts. Derde Rapportage, Leiden: Departement Bestuurskunde Universiteit Leiden. J. van Donselaar & P.R. Rodrigues, 2001, Monitor Racisme en Extreemrechts. Vierde Rapportage, Amsterdam/ Leiden: Anne Frank Foundation/ University of Leiden. J. van Donselaar & P.R. Rodrigues, 2002, Monitor Racisme en Extreemrechts, Vijfde Rapportage, Amsterdam/ Leiden: Anne Frank Foundation/ University of Leiden. J. van Donselaar & P.R. Rodrigues, 2004, Monitor Racisme en Extreemrechts. Zesde Rapportage, Amsterdam/ Leiden: Anne Frank Foundation/ University of Leiden. J. van Donselaar, 2006, Racistisch en extreemrechts geweld, in LBR, 2006, Monitor Rassendiscriminatie, Rotterdam: LBR/ LVADB, Anne Frank Foundation/ University of Leiden, pp J. van Donselaar, 2005, Monitor Racisme & Extremisme. Het Lonsdalevraagstuk, Amsterdam/ Leiden: Anne Frank Foundation/ University of Leiden. J. van Donselaar & P.R. Rodrigues, 2006, Monitor Racisme & Extremisme. Zevende Rapportage, Amsterdam/ Leiden: Anne Frank Foundation/ University of Leiden. J. van Donselaar & W. Wagenaar, 2007, Monitor Racisme & Extremisme. Racistisch en extreemrechts geweld in 2006, Amsterdam/ Leiden: Anne Frank Foundation/ University of Leiden. 10

11 J. van Donselaar & P.R. Rodrigues, 2008, Monitor Racisme & Extremisme. Achtste Rapportage, Amsterdam/ Leiden: Anne Frank Foundation/ University of Leiden. FORUM, 2009, Handboek Sociaal Calamiteiten Plan, Utrecht: FORUM. M. Homan, 2006, Generatie Lonsdale. Extreemrechtse jongeren in Nederland, Antwerpen: Houtekiet. Levin & McDevitt, 1993, Hate crimes: the rising tide of bigotry and bloodshed, New York: Plenum Press. Onderzoekscommissie Liberiaans Gezin, 2008, Racistische overlast in Waspik. Analyse van de aanpak en lessen voor gemeenten, Utrecht: FORUM/Ger Gruys. W. Wagenaar & J. van Donselaar, 2009, Monitor Racisme & Extremisme. Racistisch en extreemrechts geweld in 2008, Amsterdam/ Leiden: Anne Frank Foundation/ University of Leiden. W. Wagenaar & J. van Donselaar, 2010, Racistisch en extreemrechts geweld in 2008, in Art.1, 2010, Monitor Rassendiscriminatie 2009, Rotterdam: Art.1/Anne Frank Foundation/ University of Leiden. Van Wijk, Bervoets & Boers, 2007, Trots op Nederland. Achtergronden, kenmerken en aanpak van het Lonsdaleverschijnsel in Venray, Zoetermeer en Aalsmeer, Apeldoorn: Police Academy. R. Witte, 1995, Racist violence and the state. A comparative analysis of Britain, France and the Netherlands, Londen: Addison Wesley Longman. R. Witte, 2009, Collectieve amnesia, in C. Brants & S. van der Poel (eds), 2009, Diverse kwesties. Liber amicorum Prof. dr. Frank Bovenkerk, The Hague: Boom Juridische Uitgevers. R. Witte, 2010, Al eeuwenlang een gastvrij volk. Racistisch geweld en overheidsreacties , Amsterdam: Aksant. R. Witte, K. Schram & F. Kors, 2003, Spanningen tussen groepen jongeren in Aalsmeer, The Hague: ES&E. R. Witte, M. Veenstra, K. Schram & F. Kors, 2003, Interetnische spanningen. Een draaiboek, The Hague: SDU. R. Witte, P. Brassé & K. Schram, 2005, Moskeebrand in Helden. Evaluatie van de aanpak en lessen voor de toekomst, Utrecht: FORUM. 11

12 Annex 1 Recording incidents of racist violence Before 1997, records of racist violence were hardly registered within the Netherlands. In fact, a first case-study into racist violent incidents was executed by the Anne Frank Foundation in This report was among the reasons for the Dutch Home Office to start financing a study on the Far Right and violence in the Netherlands 14. On the basis of this latter study the Monitor Racism & Extremism started in In the same year, a study by the Research and Documentation Centre of the Ministry of Justice on the state of racist violence in the Netherlands was published 16. In 1997, the first Monitor Racism & Extremism was published by the University of Leiden since 2001 in cooperation with the Anne Frank Foundation. In this first Monitor, records of racist violent incidents are monitored for 1992 and Ever since, the Monitor records of racist incidents on a biennial basis. Besides these Monitors, two publications (2005, 2009) have been issued by the National Association against Discrimination (Art1), the so-called Monitor on Racial Discrimination. These two publications have specific chapters deal with the registration of violent incidents. These chapters are the results of cooperation of the earlier mentioned Monitor Racism & Extremism, activities of the Dutch Monitoring Centre on Racism and Xenophobia (DUMC) in relation to the European Monitoring Centre, and the National Expert Centre Discrimination of the Dutch police force. What is recorded? In the 1994-study, racist violence is defined as any violence in which the victims or targets are selected because of their ethnic, racial, religious, cultural or national origin 17. This definition has been used in all Monitoring reports ever since 18 as well in the report in hand. At first, the Monitor received its data from the General Intelligence and Security Service of the Netherlands (AIVD) which in turn asked the 25 police regions for data on racist and Far Right violence on the basis of a certain structure. The AIVD collected these data in a central database. These data were refined and analysed by the Monitor. 13 H. Buis, 1988, Beter een verre buur. Racistische voorvallen in buurt en straat, Amsterdam: SUA. 14 F. Buijs & J. van Donselaar, 1994, Extreem-Rechts. Aanhang, geweld en onderzoek, Leiden: LISWO. 15 J. van Donselaar, 1997, Monitor Racisme en Extreemrechts. Eerste rapportage, Leiden: LISWO. 16 M. W. Bol & E. G. Wiersma, 1997, Racistisch geweld in Nederland. Aard en omvang, strafrechtelijke afdoening en dadertypen. WODC Onderzoek en beleid, no.160, Arnhem: Gouda Quint. 17 Buijs & Van Donselaar, 1994, Extreem-rechts: aanhang, geweld en onderzoek, Leiden: LISWO, p.57. This definition is adopted from Björgo & Witte, 1993, Introduction, in Björgo & Witte (eds), Racist Violence in Europe, Basingtoke: Macmillan, p.6 18 In the mentioned report by the Research and Documentation Centre of the Ministry of Justice (1997) racist violence is defined as the criminal behaviour in which victims or targets are selected for belonging or symbolizing to ethnic minorities (Bol & Wiersma, 1997, p.10). 12

13 Besides this prime source, information was distracted from other sources such as the yearly data from the Centre for Information and Documentation on Israel (CIDI) and the National Association of Anti Discrimination Agencies (LVADB, see 2.9). In the resulting database duplicates and overlays are identified to prevent distortion of data. The results were published in the Monitor Racism & Extremism. Obtaining data from the police forces was quite a complicated process. One issue was the accessibility of the police information systems. Another increasing issue identified was the problem of underreporting. Monitoring ceased at the turn of the millennium but in 2004, the National Police Services Agency (KLPD), especially the National Information Hub (NIK), took over the former tasks of the AIVD and data on racist violence started to be collected again. Besides this police information, the Monitor included its own data, as well as data of the aforementioned CIDI and LVADB, and data of Kafka (a Dutch antifascism research group). Are records kept about victims? In the early Monitor reports victims were categorised into three groups: public victims (or material targets symbolizing them), allochtonous 19 victims (or material objects symbolizing them) and other or unknown victims or material objects. The Monitor 2000, reporting on violence in 1997 and 1998, distinguishes between violence targeted at persons and properties. In relation to violence targeted at people the early Monitor distinguish although not in figures between allochtonous people, mainly people of Turkish or Moroccan background, and Jewish people, as well as autochtonous people. Furthermore, the Monitor states that males are three times as often victims of racist and Far Right violence as women. The average age of victims is 30 years old. The Monitor 2004 (dealing with violence in 2002 and 2003) distinguishes violence targeted against Jews, Muslims and refugees/asylum seekers. And in the 2006-Monitor violence is included against autochtonous, white people. Are records kept about types of incidents? Records are being kept on the following kinds of violence: Besmirching, in which objects are smeared and/or slightly damaged. In the reports only records of more intense cases are kept, in which the targets have been explicitly selected as well as besmirching actions on a larger scale. Threats. Bomb alerts. Confrontations Intended damages Arson attacks Assault and battery Bomb attacks Manslaughter 19 Allochtonous people is a specific term used in the Netherlands, meaning people of which at least one of the parents are born outside of the Netherlands. In general, this term is used for people of which at least one of the parents (and later even at least one of the grandparents) are born in a non-western country. 13

14 Are records kept about locations of incidents? In the Monitor series, no records are kept about locations of incidents. In the one time study by the Research and Documentation Centre of the Ministry of Justice 20 racist incidents in 1994 are distinguished geographically into 25 regions. Are records kept about perpetrators? The 1997-study of the Research and Documentation Centre of the Ministry of Justice on racist violence in 1994 shows that in 110 out of 1,228 registered incidents the perpetrators are known. In 73 cases, the perpetrators acted alone 21. Since none of the perpetrators permitted to be interviewed, dossiers had to be analysed. The study into perpetrators builds on the categories of hate crime perpetrators presented by Levin & McDevitt, i.e. thrill seeking perpetrators, reactive perpetrators, and mission perpetrators 22. In the 1997-study the so-called reactive perpetrators were the largest group of perpetrators found. And the study underlines the findings of Levin & McDevitt, that reactive perpetrators select their targets more consciously than thrill seeking perpetrators. Another finding of the 1997-study points out that many perpetrators of racist violence are also perpetrators of normal violence, so racist violence acts are part of a more general criminal career. The report ends with the conclusion that mission perpetrators have been thrill seeking and/of reactive perpetrators before 23. The earlier publications of the Monitor Racism & Extremism focuses at the involvement of the Far Right in racist violent incidents. Since early 21 st century, the Monitor points out that perpetrators may be autochtonous or allochtonous. Of course, in relation to records about perpetrators it is important to point out that most of them are never known. For instance, in 2002 only 8% were identified and in %. In , the solved incidents remained at 12 %. The Monitor repeatedly claims this low percentage to be the result of the lack of proper capacity and priority given to solving these incidents of racist violence 24. In 2003, of the 85 known perpetrators 65 were of autochtonous descent. In relation to anti-semitic violence 10 out of 39 incidents involved allochtonous perpetrators 25. In 2005, 101 of the 122 known perpetrators were autochtonous and 4 of the 39 known perpetrators in anti-semitic incidents were allochtonous 26. In 2006, in 26 out of 119 incidents there had been allochtonous perpetrators. In 2007, the part of allochtonous perpetrators in the registered 103 instances had been In 2008, in 76 violent incidents in which statements of ethnicity of perpetrators can be made, 52 violent incidents involved autochtonous perpetrators. In 2 out of 14 anti-semitic incidents, the perpetrators were of allochtonous descent Bol & Wiersma, 1997, Racistisch geweld in Nederland. Aard, omvang, strafrechtelijke afdoening, dadertypen, Gouda Quint reports on racist violence in Bol & Wiersma, 1997, p Levin & McDevitt, 1993, Hate crimes: the rising tide of bigotry and bloodshed, New York: Plenum Press. 23 Bol & Wiersma, 1997, p Various Monitor-publcations, for instance 2004, 2006, Monitor, 2004, p Monitor, 2006, p Monitor, 2008, p Monitor Rassendiscriminatie, 2009, p

15 Due to the scant information available on the perpetrators, little can be said about the Far Right involvement in racist incidents in the Netherlands. However observations should be taken into account. The Monitor speaks of an increasing involvement of the Far Right since This trend declines somewhat in In 2009, the Monitor on Racial Discrimination states that the involvement of Far Right perpetrators in violence is high, but it should be noted that an increasing part of Far Right violence is not racist, but for instance targeted against political enemies 30. Are any victim surveys been carried out? In a study carried out by the Monitor Racial Discrimination, people were asked whether or not they report (threats of) violence against persons as well as against properties. 11% do report threats, and 61-62% do report violence respectively against persons and properties. People are asked whether they report these threats and/or violence to the police, the Anti Discrimination Agencies and/or to other organisations 31. In the study, it is noted that half of the reported violent threats (so, half of these 11%) are reported to the police. Two thirds of the (62%) reported violence targeted against properties and 87% of the (61%) violence targeted against persons are reported to the police. Noticeable is the fact that none of the threats or of the violence targeted against properties are reported to the Anti Discrimination Agencies 32. In the Monitor Racial Discrimination 2009, the reporting figures show some considerable change in relation to reporting threats. In % of persons report these threats of which some 20% report to the police and some 20% report to an Anti Discrimination Bureau. Still, some 40% of the people do not report any violent incident either targeted at material objects or against people 33. Among the main reasons not to report are Reporting does not help, I do not want to give it any attention, It is not important enough to report, and It takes too much time and energy to report 34. Since 2002, the targets of racist violence are recorded in the following categories: anti- Jewish, anti-islam, anti-refugees and since 2005 anti-white violence 35. With all the reservations in mind, the recorded incidents in relation to these categories show: The number of anti-islam violent incidents is relatively high and seems to be even increasing in recent two years. 29 Monitor, 2008, p Monitor Rassendiscriminatie, 2009, p Here should be noted, that people may report the same threat of violence to one or more organizations or institutions. For example, someone may report an incident to an Anti Discrimination Bureau first and afterwards the same incident also to the police. 32 See: Monitor Rassendiscriminatie, 2005, p See: Monitor Rassendiscriminatie, 2009, p See: Monitor Rassendiscriminatie, 2009, p.149. The people asked are of Moroccan, Turkish, Surinamese and Antillian descent. Other, but less often mentioned, reasons were I solved it myself, Do not know where and how to report, I am not sure whether it was discrimination, Afraid for possible consequences, Other reasons. 35 For the years, 2002, 2003, 2005, 2006, 2007 and Sources: Monitor 2004, Monitor, 2006, Monitor 2008, and Monitor Racial Discrimination

16 The number of anti-jewish or anti-semitic violent incidents was also relatively high although less high as anti-islam violence. This violence is been decreasing since Anti-refugee violent incidents were relatively high in 2002 although less as anti- Islam and anti-semitic violence. Since then, this kind of violence has decreased considerably. The number of anti-white violent incidents has been relatively low in all these years. The main category of violence in relation to anti-semitic violence consisted of besmirching and threats. In relation to anti-islam violence it consisted of the same two categories, as well as damages and mistreatment. In relation to anti-refugee violence no category is specifically noted especially not since The relatively main violence category in relation to anti-white violence is mistreatment. Are any records been used by national or international bodies? As far as know to the author, records have been used by the European Monitoring Centre on Racism and Xenophobia (EUMC), and since 2007 the European Union Agency for Fundamental Rights (also known as the Fundamental Rights Agency, FRA). Anti Discrimination Agencies 36 Since the 1980s, various local and regional Anti Discrimination Agencies and Reporting Centres do exist. These ADAs are NGOs and mostly financed by local and regional authorities. And recently, these ADAs and the former National Bureau against Discrimination (LBR) have joined together into one national association, called Art. 1 (referring to article 1 of the Dutch Constitution). Together they form a unique infrastructure for the prevention and combating of all forms of discrimination. The ADAs offer services, support and assistance in relation to complaints of discrimination cases. Besides, they organise anti discrimination projects, information and they register complaints about and records of discrimination. 36 See A central, national telephone number is available for consultancy as well as to report complaints, and also a website form to report complaints: See for their addresses and sites: 16