The Poetics of Water Governance: Differential Language Use in Relation to Water in El Salvador. by Stephanie Ogden. MPP Essay.

Transcription

1 ThePoeticsofWaterGovernance: DifferentialLanguageUseinRelationtoWaterinElSalvador by StephanieOgden MPPEssay submittedto OregonStateUniversity inpartialfulfillmentof therequirementsforthe degreeof MasterofPublicPolicy PresentedJune26,2009 CommencementJune2010

2 ABSTRACT ThePoeticsofWaterGovernance:DifferentialLanguageUseandWaterinElSalvador Thelanguageofwaterpolicybothsuggestsandenforcestherelationshipthatthepublic shouldhavewithwater.differencesinlanguageusebetweenpolicyinstitutionsandthe publicsuggestthattheunderstandingofwaterpromotedthroughpolicymaybeincongruent withtheunderstandingofwaterheldbythepublic.semi structuredinterviewswere conductedwithresidentsoftworuralcommunitiesinelsalvador,localandregional governmentinstitutions,aswellaslocalandinternationalngos.adiscourseanalysisofthese interviewsdemonstratesthatthereisasignificantdifferencebetweenthelanguageutilizedby communitymembersandthelanguageusedbypolicy makinginstitutionswithrespectto waterandwateruse.thisdifferenceindiscoursemaysignifyadifferenceinunderstanding regardingwaterandpeople srelationshiptowater,whichmayultimatelycompromisethe effectivenessofwaterpolicyinruralareasofelsalvador.furthermore,theintroductionand prevalenceofpolicydiscourseatthecommunitylevelmaycontributetotheeliminationofthe communitydiscourseandsubsequentlythelossofthecommunity sparticularunderstanding ofwater.thisresearchsuggeststhat,inordertocreateapolicydiscoursethatmoreclosely resemblescommunitydiscourseandevokesasimilarunderstandingofwater,languagemust beusedthatconnotesaffection,thatconnotesownershipandobligation,andthatisgrounded ingeographiccontext.

3 Acknowledgements Mysinceregratitudeisextendedtomyveryimpressivecommittee.Iambothhonoredand gratefulthatdrs.deniselach,aaronwolf,andbryantiltwouldlendtheirtimeandexpertise tothisproject.iamparticularlygratefultodr.lachforhertirelessguidance,herunfailing willingnesstofindtimeforherstudents,andforherencouragementofmywork.ifeelvery fortunatetohavehadthecontinuedmentorshipofdr.wolf,whohastaughtmetoseethe manydimensionsofwater,andthethoughtfulguidanceofdr.tilt,wholentmetimeevenat hisbusiest.inaddition,iowemanythankstodr.kathleendeanmoore,whoprovidedme withguidanceduringtheearlystagesofthisprojectaswellasastirringexampleofeloquence. ManythanksisalsoowedtoToddJarvisandtheInstituteforWaterandWatershedsfortheir generousgrantinsupportofmyresearchinelsalvador,aswellascharlesgoodrichandthe SpringCreekProjectforlendingmeabeautifulandinspiringlocationinwhichtowrite.Iam gratefultotheuniversityclubfoundationofportlandandtheoregonstateuniversitysystem fortheirrecognitionandfinancialsupport,anddrs.brentsteelanddeniselachfortheir thoroughandthoughtfuleffortstokeepmefunded. Finally,Iwouldliketothankmythoughtfulcommunityoffriendsandfamily,whorenewmy convictioneverydaythatwecandogoodintheworld.myparentsandmybrother,dan,are fineexamplesofthat.atlast,iamindebtedtoelinalinandparisedwards,remarkablepeople whohavemademebetterfromourfirstfewminutesasstudentstogether,andtojeff,who helpedmetotalkthroughmanyoftheideaspresentedhere,andisamanthathelpsmeto seetheworlddifferentlyeveryday.

4 TABLEOFCONTENTS Page INTRODUCTION...1 ResearchQuestion...3 SignificanceofResearch.4 DescriptionofStudySite..4 ElSalvador 4 ThecommunitiesofLasTunasandLomaAlta.6 LITERATUREREVIEW.. 9 TheSocialConstructionistPerspective..9 DiscourseandtheEnvironment.12 Summary.15 RESEARCHMETHODS.. 17 MethodologicalApproach 17 DataCollection.19 DataAnalysis..24 RESULTS.27 WordFrequencies.27 ThematicDiscourse 33 DISCUSSION 47 DifferencesinDiscourse.47 ReasonsforDisparateDiscourses 50 TheSignificanceofDisparateDiscourses 53 LIMITATIONSANDFUTURERESEARCH 57 CONCLUSIONANDRECOMMENDATIONS 59 BIBLIOGRAPHY 63 APPENDICES 66

5 LISTOFTABLES Table Page 1. ListofRuralCommunityMembersinterviewed ListofGovernmentOfficialinterviewed ListofNGOsinterviewed Example,Comparativefrequenciesoftermsinthediscourses ofvariousspeakergroups Comparativefrequenciesofwordsappearingintheaggregate discourseofdifferentspeakergroups Wordscharacterizinggroupdiscourses 33

6 LISTOFFIGURES Figure Page 1.Locationofresearchsite,MunicipalityofLislique,LaUnion,ElSalvador 8

7 INTRODUCTION ThePoeticsofWaterGovernance: DifferentialLanguageUseinRelationtoWaterinElSalvador AtBlackwaterPondthetossedwatershavesettled afteranightofrain. Idipmycuppedhands.Idrink alongtime.ittastes likestone,leaves,fire.itfallscold intomybody,wakingthebones.ihearthem deepinsideme,whispering ohwhatisthatbeautifulthing thatjusthappened? MaryOliver,AtBlackwaterPond Principle1:Freshwaterisafiniteandvulnerableresource,essentialtosustainlife, developmentandtheenvironment; Principle4:Waterhasaneconomicvalueinallitscompetinguses,andshouldbe recognizedasaneconomicgood. The1992DublinPrinciples,InternationalConferencefor WaterandtheEnvironment Thereareaninfinitenumberofdifferentunderstandingsofwaterandthehumanrelationship toit,andtheseunderstandingsarebothreflectedandconstructedbythelanguageweuseto describethem.theexcerptsaboveevokeverydifferentimagesofandattitudestowards waterandimplicitlyprescribevastlydifferentinteractionswithit.thefirst,apoembymary Oliver,speaksofwateraselemental;itisofthesameessenceasstone,leaves,andfire,and throughtheactofdrinking,itconnectsustotheearth.itisalsoitselflife giving;itwakens eventhebonesofthebody.gratitude,awe,andjoyareevidentonthepartofthenarrator, whoseboneswhisperintheexcitementofawakening.thesecond,anexcerptfromthefour principlesdefinedatthe1992internationalconferenceforwaterandtheenvironmentin Dublin(knownastheDublinPrinciples),suggeststhatwaterisnecessaryanduseful,thatitis inneedofprotection,andthatitshouldbetreatedlikeaneconomicgood.theseprinciples 1

8 allocatethepowerofcontrolandcreationtohumansratherthantowater.ineachsetof words,thenotionsofreverence,control,gratitudeandjoyareportrayeddistinctly.eachhas thepowertocreateadistinctunderstandingofwater,andtoevokedifferentimages, attitudes,andsuggestparticularbehaviors. Whenthiscreativepoweroflanguageisconsideredwithrespecttopolicy,whichitselfis intendedtoformulatenormsofappropriatebehavior,thesedifferencesindiscourseandthe attitudesassociatedwiththembecomemoretangiblysignificant.languageiscreativewhile policyisbothformativeandauthoritative.thus,policylanguagehasboththepowerto formulateaparticularunderstandingoftheworldandtheauthoritytoimposethat understandingonthepublic. Thelanguageofwaterpolicies,then,suggestsandenforcesaparticularrelationshipthatthe publicshould,accordingtoagoverningbody,havewithwater.ifthisrelationshipistobe amenabletothegoalsandvaluesofthepublic,waterpolicymustbeinvestedwithalanguage appropriatetocreatingsucharelationship:alanguagethatisbothfamiliartoandreflectiveof thepublic,andalanguagethatisinclusiveofthevaluesthatthepublicassociateswithwater andwateruse. ThisattentiontolanguageisparticularlyrelevantinplacessuchasElSalvador,wherea nationalwaterpolicyisindevelopment,andtheroleofpolicyinruralwatergovernanceis emerging.accordingtotheunitednationsdevelopmentprogram,elsalvadorhasoneofthe lowestratesofaccessibilityofpotablewaterinlatinamerica.sincetheintroductionofthe UnitedNationsMillenniumDevelopmentGoalsin2000,theSalvadorangovernment,in conjunctionwithinternationalngos,hasconcentratedregionaleffortsonimprovingwater andsanitationinfrastructureinordertodrasticallyimprovethecountry saccesstopotable waterbytheyear2015.inaddition,thegovernmenthasattemptedtoformalizeamore coherentwaterpolicy,andcouplegreaterinfrastructureaccesswithanationallyrecognized systemofwaterrightsandtariffs.yet,agovernmentallyprescribedwaterpolicyhassofar facedsignificantchallengestoitssuccessfulimplementation.alargeportionofelsalvador s communities,especiallyinruralareas,stillstrugglestogainaccesstopotablewaterfor subsistenceneeds,andthenewlyenactedpoliciesseemtohavedefinedpriorityusersand 2

9 rightstotheexclusionofthecountry smanyruralpoor.accordingtothesalvadorancenter forconsumerprotection,thecountry swatersituationisworseningratherthanimproving despitechangesinwaterpolicy. Itmustbeacknowledgedthatthelackofsuccessinimplementingwaterpoliciesand improvingwatergovernanceinruralareasofelsalvadormayultimatelybeattributabletoa numberoffactorsinthepolicydesignandpolicyimplementationprocessesincluding, inadequatefunding,significantoverlapofrelevantgovernmentandnon governmental institutions,andtheconcentrationofthepoliticalagendaonotherissuesofgreaterperceived importance,amongothers.however,thatsalvadoranwaterpolicyaddressthevalueframes sustainedbyitsruralpopulationsregardingwaterandwateruseisindispensabletowardsan effectivepolicy,regardlessofimprovementsinanyotherareaofpolicydesignor implementation(fischer2003).thesevalueframesmaybereflectedin,aswellasmaintained by,thelanguagethatisusedbydifferentpeopleandgroupsofpeopletodescribewaterand wateruse.adisparityinthelanguagesurroundingwaterandwaterusebetweenpolicy makersandruralcommunitymembersmaysuggestthatadiscrepancyoffundamentalvalue framesmustbeovercomebeforewaterpolicycanbeeffectivelyimplementedinruralareasof ElSalvador. RESEARCHQUESTION Myresearchisanexploratoryinvestigationofthelanguageusedbydifferentpolicyrelevant groupsinelsalvadorwithrespecttowaterandwatersources.iinvestigatethetypesof languageruralcommunitymembersusetorefertowaterandwatersources,aswellasthe languageusedbypolicymakersandpolicyimplementers(includingofficialsofnongovernmentalorganizations)andwithinpolicydocuments.ifurthermoreattempttocompare thelanguageusedbyeachgrouptodeterminewhatdistinctionsandsimilaritiesexistbetween themthatmightsuggestpotentialdisparitiesorsimilaritiesinthevalueframesandpolicy goalsofeach.assuch,theguidingresearchquestionforthisstudyis, Howdoesthelanguage usedbycommunitymemberstorefertowaterdifferfromthelanguageusedwithinpolicy, andbypolicymakersandrepresentativesofngos? 3

10 SIGNIFICANCEOFRESEARCH Whilethereappeartobeahandfuldiscourseanalysesofwaterpolicies,andahandfulof analysesofeverydaylanguageusewithrespecttowater,thereseemstobelittlestudyofthe distinctdifferencesbetweenthetwodiscoursesthatwouldallowforagreaterunderstanding ofgapsbetweenwaterpolicyandthepublic. Withinthisresearch,differentvocabulariessurroundingwaterandwaterusesuggestthat groupsseemtohavevastlydifferentunderstandingsofwater,andhavevastlydifferentvalues, priorities,andactivitiesassociatedwithit.furthermore,fundamentaldifferencesinthe understandingofwordsthatsurroundwaterandwateruseinelsalvadormaycreatea conceptualmiscommunicationwherebythesamewordsconnotedifferentmeaningstorural communitymembersthantopolicymakers.thisdifferenceinwhatisconceptuallybeing referredtomaysuggestthatwhatistrulybeinggovernedbyeachgroupisessentiallya differententity. Thisresearchaimstoillustratethespecificdifferencesindiscoursebetweenpolicies,policymakers,andthepublic,thatmaypresentchallengestothesuccessofwaterpoliciesinrural areasofelsalvador.furthermore,thisresearchaimstomakerecommendationsregarding howthelanguageofwaterpolicycanmoreaccuratelyreflecttheunderstandingoftherural publicinelsalvador,withimplicationstowardthelanguageofpolicy DESCRIPTIONOFSTUDYSITE ElSalvador ThecountryofElSalvadoristhesmallestandmostdenselypopulatedcountryinCentral America,encompassinganareaof20,646squarekilometersonthePacificCoastbetween GuatemalaandHonduras.Withinthislandmass,roughlyequivalentinareatothestateof Massachusetts,livesapopulationofapproximately5.7millionpeople(CIAWorldFactBook, 2009),morethanhalfofwhichliveinthecapitalcityofSanSalvador,andotherurbanareas. 4

11 Inaddition,anestimated20percentoftheSalvadoranpopulation,roughly1.5millionpeople, livesoutsideofthecountry,manyofthemresidingillegallyintheu.s.andcanada. ElSalvadorhasatropicalclimate,withawetseasonthatextendsfromMaytoOctober,anda dryseasonthatextendsfromnovembertoapril.averageyearlyprecipitationisroughly200 cm,almostallofwhichfallsintheformofrainduringthemonthsofthewetseason. Precipitationisrareduringthemonthsofthedryseason,andthemonthsofMarchandApril areparticularlyarid. ThoughithasthethirdhighestGDPpercapitainCentralAmerica,ElSalvadorisoneoftheten poorestcountriesinlatinamerica.grossdomesticproductpercapitainelsalvadoris approximately$6,200,thoughthereisamarkeddisparitybetweenincomesinurbanareasand ruralareas.whilethenationalminimumwageis$5perday,rurallivelihoodsarelargely agriculturallybased,andtheaveragedailywagerangesfrom$1 4perday. AccesstowaterandsanitationinElSalvadorisnotablylow.While84%ofhouseholdsinEl Salvadorhaveaccesstopotablewater,thispercentageismarkedlylessinruralareas.Seventy percentofruralhouseholdshaveaccesstopotablewaterinsomeform,thoughonlyan estimated38%havehouseholdconnectionstopublicwatersysteminfrastructure (WHO/UNICEFJointMonitoringProgram,2006).Mostruralfamiliesaccesswaterfromnearby springs,creeks,orrivers,orfrompublicwaterfaucets. ThoughtheNationalWaterCarrierandSewerageAdministration(ANDA)isthegovernment agencychargedwithprovidingwatersystemservicestoallhouseholdsinelsalvadorsinceits inceptionin1961,anda scoveragehashistoricallybeenlimitedoutsideofsansalvadorand otherlargeurbanareas.thedisruptionofthecivilwarfrom1980to1992,andlatercharges ofcorruptionwithintheagencyarepartlyresponsibleforpastinstitutionalfailures.however, currentlimitationstotheexpansionofanda sservicesareatleastpartlyattributabletothe lackofgovernmentfundingallocatedtotheorganization.thislackoffundingisparticularly acuteconsideringthatandasubsidizespublicaccesstowateratacostthatisonlyhalfofthe actualcostincurredbytheinstitutiontofilterandtransportit.regardlessofthereasonsfor theinstitution sinefficiencies,thefactremainsthatonlyasmallportionofruralfamilieshave 5

12 accesstowateradministeredbyanda.someruralwatersystemsdoexistoutsideofthe jurisdictionofandahowever,manyofwhicharefinanceddirectlybymunicipalitiesorngos, andareregulatedbythecommunitiesthemselves. ThoughANDA,byitsconstitution,isnationallyresponsibleforprovidingpotablewateraccess tothecommunitiesofelsalvador,therearemorethan10federallawsthatgoverntheuse andallocationofwaterthroughoutthecountry,andatleast4federalgovernmentagencies chargedwithresponsibilityinenforcingtheselaws.theministryoftheenvironmentand NaturalResources(MARN)isresponsiblefortheprotectionofsurfaceandgroundwaterasan environmentalresource,andenforcesregulatoryenvironmentalstandardsinindustry, pollutionlaws,anddeforestationlawsinmajorwatersheds.theministryofagriculture(mag) ischargedwithirrigationlawsandtheregulationofagrochemicalsandeffluents,andthe MinistryofPublicHealth(MSPAS)ischargedwithensuringwaterqualityinpublicwater sources.inaddition,thenationalinvestmentfundforlocaldevelopment(fisdl),thenation s socialwelfareprogram,iscurrentlyendowedwiththeresponsibilitytohelpelsalvadorreach themillenniumdevelopmentgoals,includingincreasingruralaccesstopotablewaterand sanitationnationwide.however,wheretherespectiveresponsibilitiesoftheseorganizations mayoverlapisoftenambiguous. Theinvolvementofnon governmentalaidorganizationsinelsalvadorincreasedprecipitously after1992,whenthesigningofthepeaceaccordsofficiallyendedelsalvador s12yearcivil war.aidorganizationshelpedtorebuildinfrastructureinareasdevastatedbythewar,andto introduceinfrastructureinruralareasthathadpreviouslybeenundeveloped.waterand sanitationhasbeenanareaofparticularconcentrationofdevelopmentworkinelsalvador sincetheyear2001,motivatedbythedeclarationofthemillenniumdevelopmentgoalsinthe year2000,andaseriesofmajorearthquakesinjanuaryandfebruaryof2001thatkilledover 1,000people,affectedhalfamillionhousesandbuildings,anddamagedmuchofthecountry s existingwaterandsanitationinfrastructure.asaresult,manyinternationalnon governmental organizations(ingos)suchascare,projectconcerninternational,unicef,planinternational, andthepanamericanhealthorganization,aswellasintergovernmentalaidprogramssuchas USAIDandtheSwissDevelopmentCooperationstillworkinwaterandsanitationprojectsinEl 6

13 Salvador.Inaddition,severalSalvadoranNGOsworkspecificallyinwaterandsanitation,both onanationalscaleandataregionalorlocalscale. Manyoftheseorganizations,cooperatingundertheauspicesoftheWaterandSanitation NetworkofElSalvador(RASES),anorganizationfoundedin1997,andincollaborationwith civilsocietyorganizations,haveassertedtheneedforintegratedwaterresourcesmanagement inelsalvador,andhavelobbiedforthepassageofageneralwaterlaw.thegeneralwater Lawwouldconsolidatealllegislationrelevanttotheprotection,use,andallocationofwater, andspecifytherespectiverolesofgovernmentinstitutionsandcivilsocietyorganizationsin enactingthatlegislation.thoughadraftofthegeneralwaterlawwaspresentedin2006,itis stillunderrevisionbytheofficeofthesecretaryofstateofelsalvador,andasofyethasnot beenconsideredforratificationbythelegislativeassembly. ThecommunitiesofLasTunasandLomaAlta TheruralcommunitiesofLasTunasandLomaAltaaresituatedwithinthemunicipalityof LisliqueinthenortheasterncornerofElSalvador,neartheborderofHonduras.(SeeFigure1). ThisareaofElSalvadorisoneofthemostremoteareasofthecountry,aswellasoneofthe mostimpoverished(fisdl,povertymap2006).familieswithintheregionrelyalmost exclusivelyonrain fedagriculture,primarilycorn,beans,andsquashthatareplantedand harvestedduringtherainyseasoninsufficientquantitiestosupplyfamilieswithfood throughoutthemonthsofthedryseason.averageadulteducationisnogreaterthansecond gradeandilliteracyisprevalentamongolderadults,especiallywomen(personal communication,secretaryoflastunascommittee,december23,2008).thougheducation levelshaveriseninthelastdecadewiththeinceptionofruralschools,thereislittlelocal employmentoutsideofagriculture,andmenarelargelyleftwithoutworkduringthedry season.womenareprimarilyresponsiblefortasksinthehome,includingthecollectionof waterandthehouseholdchoresthatutilizeit. 7

14 Figure1:Locationofresearchsite,MunicipalityofLislique,LaUnion,ElSalvador ThecommunitiesofLasTunasandLomaAltaareeachcomprisedofapproximately85 households.bothcommunitieshavelimitedroadaccess,electricitynewlyimplementedbythe municipalityoflisliqueasof2008,andschoolsthatteachtosixthgrade.thenearesthealth facilityisinthetownoflislique,accessiblebybusorbycarduringthedryseason,oronfoot duringtherainyseason.thoughlastunashasasmallcommunityinitiatedandfinanced watersystemthatconsistsof8publicfaucets,thesystemisunreliableduringthemonthsof thedryseason,duringwhichmostcommunitymembersrelyonthelocalspringsforwater. ThecommunityofLomaAltahasnoformalwaterinfrastructure,andmosthouseholdsaccess waterfromlocalspringsyearround.womencollectwaterforhouseholduseincantaros,or plasticurns,sometimeswalkinguptohalfanhoureachwaytodoso.additionally,community membersbathe,andwashclothes,corn,anddishesatthesprings.duringthedriestmonths, whentheflowofthespringsisminimal,communitymembersoftenwashandbatheatthe river,locatedapproximatelyamilefromthecommunityviasteepfootpaths. 8

15 LITERATUREREVIEW TheSocial ConstructionistPerspective Centraltothisthesisistheideathatpeoplehavedifferentperceptionsofreality.While positivistsandthosethatsubscribetorationalmodelsoftheworldmightcontendthatpeople simplyhavedifferentvantagepointsorwaysofmakingsenseofthesameobjectivereality, socialconstructionistscontendthatmultiplerealitiesarecreatedandperpetuatedthroughour waysoforderingandcreatingmeaningoftheeventsweobservearoundus(murphy1989, Gergen1998).Fromapoliticalperspective,theseperceivedrealitiesarethecontextinwhich politicalproblemsareunderstoodandsolutionsapproached(edelman1988). Inordertodemonstratethesocialconstructionofpoliticalproblems,MaartenHajer(1993:44) posesanexampleofastandofdeadtrees.thetreesthemselvesarenottheconstructin question,butratherthesensethatismadeofthemisimportant;themanypotential narrativesthatmightexplainwhythetreeshavedied drought,wind,extremeweather,acid rain allrepresentseparaterealities.eachpotentialcauseofdeathpresentsaseparate politicalproblem,eachofwhichcallsforadistinctpolicysolution. Howgroupscollectivelymakesenseofevents,orhowtheyshareconstructedrealities,isthus thebasisforhowproblemsandsolutionsareidentified,andwhatactionistakentoconnect thetwo(stone1997).policies,accordingtostone,mustestablishsharedmeaninginorderto motivateaction.assuch,shearguesthatpolicymakingisa constantstruggleoverthe criteriaforclassification,theboundariesofcategories,andthedefinitionofidealsthatguide thewaypeoplebehave(stone1997:11). Theperspectivethatpoliticalproblemsandeverydayrealitiesaresociallyconstructedisnow commonplaceinavarietyofacademicdisciplines,fromsociologytoanthropology,linguistics andliterarycriticismtopoliticalscience(hajer1993).referringtothenowwidespread applicationoftheconstructionistperspective,murrayedelman(1988:1)asserts, [w]eare acutelyawarethatobserversandwhattheyobserveconstructoneanother. 9

16 Languageplaysaparticularlycrucialroleinthesocialconstructionistunderstandingofreality asitisthemediumthroughwhichwecategorize,order,andassignmeaningtotheworld. Whileaccordingtothepositivistdoctrine,languageisconsideredsimplyasatoolthatreflects truenatureandourperceptionsofit,constructionistsavowthatlanguage,astheonlyaccess thatindividualshavewiththeworld,notonlyreflectshowweinterpretreality,butalsohelps toconstructourunderstandingofit(gergen1998). Thatlanguageactsasaconstructiveforceisacentraltenetofthesocial constructionist ideology.edelman(1998:103)assertsthat themostincisivetwentieth centurystudentsof languageconvergefromdifferentpremisesontheconclusionthatlanguageisthekeycreator ofthesocialworldspeopleexperience. Intracingthesocial constructionistgenealogy, Murphy(1989:40)furthermoreassertsthat, insteadofembellishingreality,language pervadeseverythingthatisknown. Hedecisivelydeclaresthattoconstructionists, toa certainextent,realityisalinguistichabit(murphy1989:40). Inherexplicationofproblemdefinition,Stone(1997)adamantlyassertsthatlinguisticdevices suchassymbols,metaphor,andhyperboleareoftenutilized,bothdeliberatelyandhabitually, topresentapoliticalprobleminanemotionalcontextthatfitswithintheframeofthe intendedaudience.furthermore,languageaccruesaparticularvaluewithrepeateduse,such thatthewordbecomesasymbol,evocativeofpre existingemotionalresponsesandcallingfor alreadycommonsolutions.wordssuchaswelfare,discrimination,teen pregnancy,and illiteracy,areexamplesoftermsthathavebecomevalue laden,thougheachisembeddedwith adistinctmeaningdependinguponone sframeofreference(edelman1988,stone1997).as Edelman(1988:16)explains, everyinstanceoflanguageandactionresonateswiththe memory,thefear,ortheanticipationofothersignifiers,sothatthereareradiatingnetworks ofmeaningthatvarywiththesituationsofspectatorsandactors. Theimplicationofsocial constructionisminapoliticalcontext,accordingtostone,edelman, andothers,isthat,becauserealitiesarecreatedandperpetuatedthroughsocialinteractions andlanguageuse,individualsandgroupsareapttocreateandperpetuaterealitiesinwhich theybenefit.thus,adeliberateandstrategicuseoflanguageisemployedinordertoconvince othersthataparticulardefinitionofasocietalproblemisthecorrectone,andthataparticular 10

17 solutionisthemosteffectiveone(edelman1988;fischerandforester1993;stone1997; Birkland2005).Edelmaninparticularadamantlysuggeststhatallpoliticallanguageisstrategic language,andisintendedtopreserveexistingpowerstructuresaswellasprotectbenefitsof thosewhoarealreadybenefiting. FischerandForester(1993),ShonandRein(1994),andZahariadis(2003)viewthisstrategic useoflanguageasanelementofframing;awayofselectingaspectsofaperceivedrealityand makingthemseemmoresalient,insuchawayastopromoteaparticularproblemdefinition, causalinterpretation,moralevaluation,and/oractionrecommendation.(entman,ascitedby Zahariadis2003:89 90). SchönandRein(1994)furtherassertthatpolicyconflictsareultimatelyframecontroversies, instancesinwhichtherealityperceivedbyonegroupofpeopledoesnotmatchtherealities perceivedbyothers.thesecontroversiesareoftenintractablebecausetheparties conflicting framesdeterminewhatcountsasfactandwhatargumentsaretakentoberelevantand credible.eachpartywillnecessarilyarguethattheirframeofreferenceisreflectiveofthe truth.itispreciselyinthiscontextthatthefunctionofpoliticallanguageismostpowerful, saysedelman:whenitispresentedbypolicymakersundertheguiseofatoolforobjective description,andappealingtoasenseofobjectivetruth(edelman1988). However,theconstructivepoweroflanguageisnotrelegatedtopurposiveorstrategicusesof language.thelanguageusedbyindividualsintheirevery daycontext,languagethatis incidentalratherthandeliberate,alsoreflectsandsimultaneouslyconstructstherealitiesof thespeakers.apartfrompoliticalproblems,edelman(1988:110)contendsthat aspirations [and]socialconditions,arealsosubjecttointerpretation;theyareconstructionsoflanguage aswell. Itfollows,heargues,thatpeopleinsimilarsocialsituationsshouldusesimilar language. InhisethnographicstudyoftheCibequecommunityofeasternNewMexico,KeithBasso (1996)considershowplacenamesandmetaphorsusedbytheWesternApacheareintegralto theirunderstandingoftheworldandtheirinterpersonalrelations.totheapache,place namesarefundamentallyconstructive;theyconjureupimagesofplacesthatallowboththe 11

18 speakerandthelistenerto travelintheirminds, reconstructthelandscapeinfrontofwhich theirownancestorsstoodandplaceitinthepresent day,troublesomecontext,asananchor. Hecontendsthatordinarylanguageis awindowontothestructureandsignificanceofother people sworlds(basso1996:73), andthatlanguagecannotbeseparatedfromourparticular waysofunderstandingtheworld. Thestudyof discourse, understoodasboththelanguageandmeaningsutilizedby individualsandgroups,eitherdeliberatelyorasamatterofhabit,hasthuscometoplaya pivotalroleinmanydisciplines.inlightofthis,asweapproachpolicyanalysis,itiselemental thatwestudynotonlythecontextofpoliciesbutthelanguageinwhichthatcontextis expressed.asfischerandforester(1993:6)argueinoneexample,ifwearetotruly understandareportfromaneconomicpolicyanalyst,itisessentialthatweexamine notonly theeconomicpolicyanalyst sfindings,buttherhetoricoftheeconomicanalysisaswell. DiscourseandtheEnvironment Thoughnotalllanguageanddiscourseanalysisisconductedfromasocial constructionist perspective,thereareanumberofapplicationsofdiscourseanalysisthathaveprovided guidancetotheframeworkthroughwhichthisstudyisapproached. Muchattentionhasbeengiveninrecentdecadestotheneedtomobilizecivicandpolitical actionwithrespecttotheenvironment,andtheneedtocreatearhetoricthatcandoso.as such,scholarsfromvariousdisciplineshavebeguntoexaminethetypesofdiscoursethathave emergedwiththegrowthofamericanenvironmentalism.thoughmuchofthelanguagethat surroundstheenvironmentispowerfulandcompelling,manyscholarshaveattestedthatthe currentenvironmentaldiscourseisdiffuse,widelyvariable,andambiguous. Dryzek(2005),forexample,identifiesfourseparatediscourseswithinthecurrent environmentalmovement.heexaminesthedistinctcausalnarrativethateachimpliesand determinesthateachrevealsdifferentmotivationanddifferentunderstandingofappropriate action.similarly,linguistgeorgelakoffexaminesthemanydifferentcognitiveframesthrough 12

19 whichtheissueoftheenvironmentisperceived,andsuggeststhat,attheheartofthe environmentaldebate,isafundamentalframecontroversy.lakoff,anadvisortothe Democraticparty,contendsthatenvironmentalistshaveadoptedaframeandalanguage (indeed,tolakofftheseareinseparableentities)thatfailstoreflectthevitalimportanceand interdependenceofallthingsonearth.eventheterm theenvironment, suggestsa separationbetweenmanandhissurroundings,andtheenvironmentasseparatefromother everydayissuesofhumanlife.suchadistinction,inlakoff sview,isultimatelydetrimentalto thetenetsoftheenvironmentalmovement(butler2004). Whilediffuserhetoricandmultiplecognitiveframesmayprovideshakygroundfor environmentaldiscourseparticularlyatthepoliticallevel,thelanguagethatsurroundsthe environmentandourrelationshiptoitisalsoplaguedbytermsthatarenotoriously ambiguous.inhisexaminationof21 st centurywatergovernance,castro(2007)notesthat termssuchas civilsociety, watersector, and governance, haveamorphousdefinitionsor noneatall,andthusprovidelittledefinitionalguidanceastohowwatercanbemanaged. Similarly,Bentrupperbaumeretal.(2006)findthatthemeaningof worldheritagevalues, thoughdefinedinvariousworldheritageandunescodocumentsandconventions,are neverthelessambiguousinpractice.interviewswithresourcemanagersandvisitorstoa WorldHeritagesiteinAustraliashowedthatthegroupstendedtodefinetheterm world heritagevalues differently,andthattherewasnocommonreferentforthetermatall.they concludethatthisdisconnectmaycompromisetheeffectivenessofpolicyimplementation withrespecttoworldheritagesites,asgroupsdon tequivalentlydefinethetermsuponwhich thepolicygoalsarecontingent. Inrelationtotheambiguityoftermsutilizedwithinenvironmentaldiscourse,severalauthors pointtothesocialconstructionofkeyconcepts,particularlywithintheamorphousnotionof watergovernance.mukhartov(2007)pointstotheongoingconstructionofandtheemerging legitimacyofthelanguageofintegratedwaterresourcesmanagement.blatterandingram (2009)pointtotheprevalenceofthelanguageofeconomics,andtheconstructedimportance ofthenotionofefficiencyinglobalwatergovernance.thelanguageofefficiency,theypoint out,hasanaudiencelimitedtosocietiesinwhichmarketsarewellestablished,andexcludes 13

20 notionsofequityandsenseofplace,bothofwhichmustbeconsideredinorderforwater governancetobeeffective.castro(2007)likewisearguesthatcurrentglobalwaterpolicies employalanguageof commodification and entitlement whichreflectsasetofvaluesand principlesthataresimplynotresonantinallglobalcontexts.interestingly,henotesthatwater isreferredtoasa resource 1400timesinthe2006UNESCOWorldWaterReport. WashbourneandDicke(2001)furthercontend,intheirnarrativeanalysisofwater managementinenglandandwales,thatthenarrativeofwaterasacommoditythatcanbe boughtandsoldiscountertoandirreconcilablewiththenarrativeofwaterasagodgiven right. Discoursesareneitherimpenetrablenorpermanent(Dryzek1995,SchneiderandIngram 1997).However,currentdiscoursesurroundingglobalenvironmentalandwatermanagement maybecontributingtothepolicy sownfailure.castro(2007)notesthatthenotionof water crises, isonethathasbeenconstructedbytheconceptualframethathasbeenbuiltaround watergovernance,oneinwhichsectorsandboundariesarecreated,inwhichwaterisreferred tomostoftenasaresource,andinwhichajuxtapositionexistsbetweenthisvocabularyand theexplicitrecognitionthatwaterismorethanjustaneconomicresource.thishelpstoframe anunderstandingofwaterincrisisandmuddlethetermgovernancesuchthatnocommon referenceforitcanbemadeacrosspoliticalandintellectualboundaries. HullandRobertson(2000)arguethat,inadditiontobeingsimplyimprecise,manyofthe wordsusedtodescribenatureareinherentlybiased.embeddedwithinthedefinitionsofthe termscommonlyusedtodescribenatureanditscomponents,arevalues,thoughweperceive ofthesedefinitionstobescientificandobjective.hullandrobertson(2000)activelyadvocate foradifferentlanguagetorefertotheenvironment,languagethatisbothhonestofits inherentvalueandpubliclyaccessible. Inanexaminationoftheeverydaylanguageofwaterandplace,Burenhult(2008),Basso (1996),andCordova(2007)suggestthatanunderstandingofourkinshiptotheenvironmentis interdependentandcontingentuponourlanguage.burenhult sethnographicstudyofthe waterlexiconwithinthejahaidialectofmalaysianpeoplesandtheiruseofmetaphorofthe humanbody,suggeststhatthewaythatwerefertowaterandwatersourcesisdeeply 14

21 intertwinedandultimatelyinseparablefromourunderstandingofhowwerelatetoour environment.finally,nativeamericanphilosopherviolacordovacontendsthatalanguageof place,alanguagethatrecognizestheboundariesofthespaceweinhabit,createsanincentive forpeopletousetheresourcesoftheirplacewithcare. Summary Collectively,thisliteratureatteststhatlanguagehasbothinterpretiveandformativepower andthattherealitiesthatweeachperceivethroughourinteractionswiththeworldaroundus areindeliblyintertwinedwiththetypeoflanguageweuse.thewordswespeakbothreflect andre createtheworldaroundus. Languageisalsoinstrumentaltothewaywedefinepolicyproblemsandthesolutionsweseek tothem,includingthewayweunderstandproblemsandsolutionswithrespecttothe environmentandcollectivelyusedresources,suchaswater.howgroupscollectivelymake senseofevents,orhowtheyshareconstructedrealities,isthusthebasisforhowproblems andsolutionsareidentified,andwhatactionistakentoconnectthetwo(stone1997). Commondefinitionoftheproblemisanessentialimpulsiontocollectiveaction.Policiesthat donotdefineproblemsinsuchawayastoencompassthevaluesandconstructedrealitiesof relevantstakeholdergroupsare,accordingtofischer, boundtoberejected (Fischer2003: 13). Thisliteraturefurthersuggeststhatthelanguagethatthusfarpredominateswithin environmentalpolicydiscoursedoesnotmatchthelanguageusedbythepeoplethatsuch policyintendstogovern.whilethelanguageofplaceandnatureisfundamentaltoand formativeofmanypeople sgreaterunderstandingoftheworld,theseauthorssuggestthatthe languageofenvironmentalpolicyissofarambiguous,biasedtowardsefficiencyandcontrol, andbereftofthecultural,spiritual,andworldlyvaluesattributedtotheenvironmentthrough theuseofcommunitylanguage.suchadisparityoflanguagemaycompromisethe effectivenessofenvironmentalpolicy.moreimportantly,ifsuchlanguageprevailswithin environmentalpolicyitmay,withwidespreaduse,createarealityinwhichweperceiveofthe 15

22 environmentasambiguous,asnecessitatinggreaterefficiencyandcontrol,andasbereftof cultural,spiritual,andworldlyvalue. 16

23 RESEARCHMETHODS MethodologicalApproach Myresearchquestioncomparestypesoflanguageusedacrossspeakergroupsasindications ofmultipleperspectivesandrealities.theliteraturepointstothecollectionofqualitativedata intheformofnarrativesobtainedthroughparticipantinterviews,asthemostappropriate. AccordingtoMilesandHuberman(1994),qualitativeanalysisallowsforgreaterrichnessthan doesquantitativeanalysis,andisoftenusedtohelpidentifythemeaningsthatpeopleplace ontheevents,processes,andstructuresoftheirlives,andtoconnectthesemeaningstothe socialworldaroundthem.participantinterviewsareaparticularlyrelevantmethodof gatheringsuchdatawhenthefocusofresearchisthemeaningthatparticipantsascribeto certainphenomena,andareoftenusedwithinconstructionistframeworksbecausetheyallow fortheaccumulationofmultipleperspectivesaswindowsintomultiplerealities(robson, 2002). Robson(2002)furthermoresuggeststhat,becauseconstructionistsperceiveofmultiple createdrealities,theresearchquestionscannotbefullyestablishedinadvanceofthe research,butwillratherbeinformedbythedatacollectionitself.inthiscase,semi structured orunstructuredinterviewquestionsaremostappropriate,astheyallowforflexibilitywithin theinterviewprocesstochangethewordingororderofthequestionstoaccommodatea morenaturalnarrativeflow,andgroundtheresearchasmuchaspossible,asmilesand Hubermansuggest,inordinaryeventsinnaturalsettings.Incontrasttoafullystructured interview,asemi structuredinterviewdesignfurthermoreallowstheresearchertoclarifyor explainquestionsaswellasomitquestionswhentheyareinappropriate(robson2002). Discourseanalysisisatbestanambiguousterm,butreferstoatypeofevaluativeframework thatfallsgenerallyintotherealmofcontentanalysisandencompassesavarietyoftechniques. Contentanalysis,anddiscourseanalysisinparticular,arecommonlyusedwithina constructionistframeworkinordertoexploretherelationshipbetweenlanguageuseand broadersocialandculturaldevelopmentsandstructures(robson2002).theunderlying premise,accordingtophillipsandjorgenson(2002),isthatdiscursivepracticebothreflects, 17

24 andactivelycontributesto,socialandculturalchange.potterandwetherell(1994)also suggestthat,thoughtherearemanytechniquesthatfallwithintherealmofdiscourse analysis,aprimarysharedfeatureofthedifferentapproachesisthattheyareconcernedwith talkandtextsassocialpractices.assuch,discourseanalysisexploresbothlinguisticcontent andlinguisticform,recognizingthemasinterdependentandfoundationalintheconstruction ofmeaningwithinasocialcontext. Howisdiscourseanalysisusedtoconnectlanguageandmeaning?PhillipsandJorgenson (2002,83)summarizeFairclough sframeworkfordiscourseanalysis,inwhichheadvocates observationofthefollowingcharacteristicswithintextordialogueaspotentiallyeffectivein examiningtherelationshipbetweenlanguageuseandsocialpractice: interactionalcontrol,therelationshipsbetweenspeakersandhowthoserelationships areexpressedorperpetuatedthroughconversation ethos,howidentitiesareconstructedthroughlanguage metaphors wording grammar(phillipsandjorgenson2002,p.83). Examininganyoneoftheseaspectsprovidesinsightintothewaysinwhichwordsarerelated toeventsandsocialrelationsandtherebyconstructparticularversionsofreality.useofthese differentlinguisticaspects,eitherintentionallyorunintentionally,createsaparticular discourse,ora particularwayoftalkingaboutandunderstandingtheworld(phillipand Jorgenson2002,p.1). Asexamples,PhillipandJorgenson(2002,83 84)provideanalysesofsentencessuchas, Fifty nursesweresackedyesterday, wheretheuseofpassivevoiceabsolvesanyoneinparticularof responsibilitybyomittingtheresponsibleagent,and hardeningofthearteriesattacksarteries alloverthebody, whichmakesacommittedknowledgeclaimwherethesentence hardening ofthearteriesmayattackarteriesalloverthebody doesnot. 18

25 Ofthe tools infariclough sframework,ichosetoconcentrateexclusivelyonwordingand metaphorwithinmyownanalysis,sincethesetoolscouldbemostreadilyattainedthrough participantinterviews. Onefinalconceptinformedmyresearchmethodology.RelationshipsinElSalvador,andmuch oflatinamerica,arebaseduponthenotionof confianza, awordthathasconnotationsof trust,confidence,andfamiliarity.withoutconfianza,salvadorans,especiallyruralcommunity members,areoftenunwillingtospeakopenlyorhonestlytoothers,particularlyregarding topicsofanyemotionalordelicatematter.theneedtomaintainconfianzainfluencedmy studydesignintwoways.firstly,itreinforcedthenecessityofasemi structuredinterview design,theflexibilityofwhichallowedforanappropriateorderingandphrasingofquestions, aswellastheomissionandadditionofquestionsthatpromotedadialogueresponsiveto participants behavior. Secondly,inordertoassurethatIobtainedhonestdiscourse,especiallyfromruralcommunity membersforwhomconfianzaistraditionallymoreimportant,ichosetoconductrural interviewsinacommunityinwhichiwasalreadyfamiliar,andhadalreadygainedconfianza.i hadservedfortwoyearsasapeacecorpsvolunteerinacommunityinnortheasternel Salvador,andhadcontinuedtovisitthecommunityandthesurroundingareaonamonthly basisforseveralyearsafterwards.furthermore,conductinginterviewsinacommunityin whichiwasalreadywellknown,helpedtoguardagainststrategicbias,wherebyparticipants, believingthataparticularanswermayinfluenceapolicychangeordecision,respondto questionsuntruthfully(whittington,etal.1990).hadruralcommunitymembersbelievedthat theiranswerstomyquestionsregardingwaterwouldinfluencewhetherornotcommunity wateraccesswasimproved,thenatureoftheirdiscoursemayhavechanged. DataCollection InDecemberof2008,ItraveledtoElSalvadorandconductedinterviewswithruralcommunity members,governmentofficials,andofficersoflocalandinternationalngos. IchosetoconductinterviewsinruralcommunitiesinNortheasternElSalvadorwhereIhad livedasapeacecorpsvolunteerandamemberofthecommunityforseveralyears.aftermy 19

26 departurefromthecommunity,imaintainedfriendshipswithmanyofthefamiliesthere,and continuedtovisitonamonthlybasisforseveralyearswhileiwasworkinginthelarger developmentsectorinelsalvador.ihadgainedadvancedproficiencyinspanishduringmy timeinthecommunity,andcouldcommunicatebothverballyandinwrittenformatwithease. ThoughImaynothavegainedconfianzawithallofthefamilieswithinthecommunity,Ido haveevidenceofhavingconfianzawithmanyofthem,andwiththecommunityasawhole;i gatheredandattendedcommunitymeetings,visitedhousesandwasallowedtohelpwomen tobreakcornandmaketortillas,wastrustedtotakechildrentocampsandeducationalevents awayfromhomeandtokeeptheminmycare,andwasprivytogossip,dirtyjokes,andtalltales. Thepurposeofchoosingthesecommunitiesinparticularwastwofold.Asaresearcher,I alreadyunderstoodmanyofthechallengesfacingruralwaterusersinthesurrounding communities,andsothetimenecessarytoeducatemyselfwithrespecttothesituationwas muchshorter.moreimportantly,ihadalreadygainedtheconfianzaoftheruralcommunity membersinthearea,anotionessentialtorelationsinmuchofrurallatinamerica.without confianzaicouldnothaveexpectedmanyoftheruralpeopletospeaktomeopenlyand honestlyabouttheirsituation,alessonihadlearnedasapeacecorpsvolunteeryearsearlier. WithinthesecommunitiesIconductedapurposivesample,seekingtointerviewbothmenand women,youngerandolder,andthoseinvolvedincommunitygovernanceaswellasthosenot directlyinvolved.thus,iproposedtospeaktoatleast8womenand8men,halfofwhom wereuninvolvedincommunitygovernance,andtheotherhalfinvolvedinsomeformof communitygovernance,particularlylocalwatercommitteesandadescos(localcommunity developmentcouncilsakintoavillagecouncil).asisthecaseinlastunasandthesurrounding communities,women sinvolvementincommunitygovernanceinmanyruralareasofel Salvadorisstillmuchlessfrequentthanmen s,andismostobservableinlocalschool committeesandactivechurchcouncilsratherthanadescos,developmentcouncils,orwater committees.asaresult,inseekingasampleofwomenactiveincommunitygovernance,iwas forcedtoseekoutnotonlywomenwhowereinvolvedinwatercouncilsandadescos,but alsothoseinvolvedinchurchgroupsandschoolcommittees.atableofcommunitymembers interviewedislistedbelowintable1. 20

27 Table1:Acompletelistofruralcommunitymembersinterviewedandtheirrespective affiliationswithcommunitygovernance. Interview Participant# Sex Age (approximate) Activein Commnity Governance? CommunityGovernanceAffiliation 1 M 38 Yes ADESCO,jointvillagewatercommittee 2 M 35 Yes AESCO 3 M 42 Yes ADESCO,watercommittee 4 M 23 Yes ADESCO,LocalCooperative 5 F 25 Yes Schoolcommittee 6 F 30 Yes Schoolcommittee,churchcommittee 7 F 55 Yes ADESCO,churchcommittee 8 F 50 Yes ADESCO 9(joint interview) 10(joint interview) M M M M No No No None None 11 M 47 No None 12 M 63 No None 13 F 55 No None 14 F 22 No None 15 F 50 No None 16(joint interview) F F No None Acombinationsampleofgovernmentofficials,bothpurposiveandsnowball,wasconducted withfivegovernmentagenciesatthenationallevel,andonelocalofficialwithinthemunicipal governmentoflislique,undertheauthorityofwhichtheruralcommunitiesoflastunas, Guajiniuil,andLomaAltareside.Ichosethegovernmentagenciesbasedontheirinvolvement orpotentialauthorityinwatergovernanceinelsalvador.asnotedintheintroduction, responsibilityforwatergovernanceinelsalvadoriscurrentlydispersedacrossmany governmentagencies,mostnotablyanda(thenationalwatercarrier),theministryofthe Environment,theMinistryofHealth,andFISDL(thenationalinversionfundforlocal 21

28 development).inaddition,snet,thenationalstatisticsbureauislargelyresponsiblefor collectingandanalyzingdatawithregardtowaterandothernaturalresources.inthecaseof theministryoftheenvironment,theministryofhealth,andfisdl,icalledtorequestan interviewandbrieflyexplainedmyresearch,andwasscheduledtomeetwiththemost relevantofficial.icouldnotcontactandatoscheduleaninterview,andsoscheduledan interviewinperson,andwasshuffledthroughofficesuntililanded,again,atthepersonwith knowledgedeemedmostrelevanttomyresearch.inthecaseofsnet,iwasreferredbythe MinistryoftheEnvironment,whorecommendedtheagencyasrelevanttothegatheringand organizingofstatisticsrelatedtowaterinelsalvador.lastly,isoughtoutthemayorof Lislique,asthemostrelevantofficialofthelocalgovernmentintheregioninwhichthechosen ruralcommunitiesweresituated.alistofgovernmentofficialsinterviewedisincludedbelow, thoughtheirexactjobdescriptioncannotbeincludedhereforreasonsofconfidentiality(table 2). Table2:ListofGovernmentOfficialinterviewedandlevelofgovernmentatwhichthey participate GovernmentOffice MinistryoftheEnvironmentandNaturalResources SNET(NationalStatisticsBureau) FISDL(InvestmentFundforLocalDevelopment) ANDA(NationalWaterandSewageAgency) MinistryofHealth Levelofgovernment National National National National National MunicipalityofLislique(Mayor soffice) Local AsimilarsampleofNGOs,bothpurposiveandsnowballwasconducted,withtheintentionof gatheringperspectivesofngosworkingatinternational,national,andlocalscales.eachof thengosthatcomprisethesampleworksinwaterandsanitationattheruralcommunitylevel inelsalvador,andeachisdirectedatthenationallevelbyasalvadoran.thoughitiscommon forexpatriatestoheadregionalofficesofinternationalorganizations,allinterviewparticipants weresalvadoranandnativespanishspeakers.ichosetospeaktocareandcatholicrelief 22

29 Servicesasrepresentativesofinternationalorganizationsworkingregionally,becauseeachhas workedextensivelyinwaterandsanitationinelsalvadorandprofesscommitmentto improvingpotablewateraccessandsanitationinelsalvadorasinstitutionalobjectives. PROCOSALisaSalvadoranNGOoflargescale,anditsdirectoristhepresidentofRASES,a networkofngosworkinginwaterandsanitationinelsalvador,andaforumforinstitutional sharing.andarisasmallsalvadoranngothatservesroughlyhalfofthenation sterritory, andisamemberofrases,andassaisasmall,localorganizationthatworksprincipallyin2of the14departmentsofelsalvador.alistofngosinterviewedisincludedbelow(table3).for purposesofconfidentiality,icannotprovidethejobtitlesofinterviewparticipants,though eachparticipantwaseitherthedirectororsub directorofthelocaloffice,orthedirectorof thewaterandsanitationprogram. Table3:ListofNGOsinterviewed,andtherespectivegeo politicalscopeofeachinstitution NGO Scopeofwork CARE International CatholicReliefServices International PROCOSAL National ANDAR Local ASSA Local Interviewswithparticipantsineachofthethreegroupsweresemi structured,andconsisted ofbroadquestionsintendedtoprovokeunguided,orrelativelyspontaneous,discoursesfrom individualsregardingwaterinthecontextmostrelevanttothem.iusedpromptswhere necessarytotriggermoreextensivedialogue,andthesepromptswerelargelyconsistent acrossgroups.boththequestionsandthepromptswereapprovedbytheuniversity s InstitutionalReviewBoard.Allinterviewswereaudiorecordedusingasmalldigitalrecorder. (Alistofsemi structuredinterviewquestionsisattachedasappendixi). Interviewswithgovernmentofficials,NGOworkers,andmostcommunitymemberswere conductedindividually.however,inthecaseofsomecommunitymembers,jointinterviews wereconducted.interviewswereconductedwithinrespondents homesandotherswere 23

30 ofteneitherpresentorenteredoutofcuriosity,andwerecompelledtorespondtothe questionsasked,thoughtheimportanceofobtainingindividualinterviewswasexplainedprior toeachinterview.robsonsuggeststhatinterviewsmaytakeplaceinagroupcontext, especiallyinlessstructuredinterviewswherethenormalformatofalternatingquestionand answerismoreflexible,butthatsuchgroupinterviewsnecessarilyexplorecollective phenomenaratherthanindividualones(robson2002). Finally,Iobtainedanelectroniccopyofthe2007draftoftheSalvadoranGeneralWaterLaw document,asitwassubmittedforrevisiontothesalvadorannationallegislature. Dataanalysis Oncetheinterviewswerecomplete,Itranscribedthemintoasimpleword processing program,notingthemes,motifs,andanyvocabularyusedrepeatedly.inordertocompare vocabulariesandthematiccontentparticulartospeakersandspeakergroups,ifirstlookedfor thefrequencywithwhichcertainwordswereusedwithineachspeakergroup.inorderto conductwordfrequencycounts,icompiledalistofvocabularyusedrepeatedlythroughout theinterviewsasawhole.thelistwascomprisedofapproximately30wordsandwasa mixtureofcolloquialismsandmoretechnicalterms,andreflectedarangeofvalues, perspectives,andetymologies.ithendividedtheinterviewsintothreeseparatetextfiles,one forcommunitymembers,governmentofficials,andmembersofngosrespectively.iremoved myowndialoguefromthetranscriptionssothatonlythewordsoftheinterviewparticipants remained,suchthatihadatypeof discoursebank foreachspeakergroup.ithenrana simplewordcountwithineachofthetextfiles,recordinghowmanytimeseachofthewords onthelistappearedinthediscoursebankforeachgroup. Somespeakersweremoreverbosethanothers.Inordertocomparewordfrequenciesacross speakersandspeakergroups,iobtainedatotalwordcountforeachtextfile,anddividedthe talliesforeachindividualwordbythetotalnumberofwordsinthedocument,andthen multipliedby1000toobtainafrequency/1000words.table4showsasmallexcerptofthe vocabularylist,aswellasthecomparativefrequenciesacrosstherespectivespeakergroups. 24

31 Thefinalcolumnreferstothefrequencywithwhichtermsappearinthetextofthe2007draft ofthegeneralwaterlaw. Table4:Excerptofresults;comparisonoffrequencieswithwhichtermsappearinthe discoursesofvariousspeakergroups.(frequenciescalculatedandreportedper1000words). English Translation Spanish Word Frequency in community discourse Frequency in government discourse Frequency in NGO discourse Frequency in General Water Law Water Agua hydrologic resource Recurso hídrico Efficient/efficiency Eficiente/cia management manejo "eye of water" Ojo de agua Well (or spring) Pozo spring (connotation: spill out of) Vertiente Inaddition,duringmyinitialtranscriptionaswellasmyre readingoftheinterviews,icoded thedialogueaccordingtorelevantandrecurringdescriptivethemes,sothaticouldcompare statementsacrossspeakersandspeakergroups.codesarelabelsattachedtosnippetsof discoursethatassignitameaningorsignificancewithinacertaincontext(milesand Huberman1994)),andorganizedialogueandtextsaccordingtoaseriesofrelevantcategories. Thoughsomecodesarecreatedtheoretically,themajorityofthecodesIchoseemerged duringthedatacollectionandorganization(milesandhuberman1994).thus,asanexample, Icodedallstatementsthatreferreddirectlyorindirectlytowaterrightswithasimilarcode (Rights),thenextractedthecodedstatementsfromtheremainingdialogue,andgroupedthem accordingtothespeakergroupsfromwhichtheyweredrawn.discourseoflikecategories couldthenbecomparedtodistinguishsimilaritiesordifferencesinperspectivebetween speakergroups.intheinitialcomparisonofthecodeddiscourse,itbecameobviousthatnot allofthecodesproducedrelevantfindings(milesandhuberman1994).ofthe18codes,7 thatshowedrelevantdifferencesorsimilaritiesacrossspeakerswerecomparedinmoredetail, including:quantity,hardship,futuregenerations,waterrights,caringforwater,institutional gaps,andwateraslife. 25

32 Finally,inordertounderstandthedifferencebetweenspokendiscoursesandthewritten policydiscourse,ichosetofurthercomparetheusevocabularyandthemeswithinthe interviewstothevocabularyandthemesembeddedinthewrittentextofelsalvador s emerging LeyGeneraldeAgua, thegeneralwaterlaw.thoughthefinalversionofthe legislationhasnotyetbeenpassed,iobtainedadigitalcopyofafullywrittendraftandhave analyzedthedocumentasitstandsasofmay2009.inananalysissimilartothatconducted withtheinterviewtranscripts,iperformedawordsearchforeachofthewordsonthelistand convertedthewordcountsintofrequenciesper1000words.thoughthedocumentdoesnot haveanarrativestructureastheinterviewsdid,icodedthedocumentaccordingtothe18 codesalreadyestablishedinthecodingoftheinterviews.noneofthesevencodesrelevantto theinterviewswererelevanttothedocument. 26