The Poles Fought in France

How Polish National Day (in France), May 3, 1940, Gen. Sikorski (saluting), commander of the Polish Army in France, and President of the Polish Republic, M. Raczkiewicz, reviewing the 1st Polish Division in the Army Area near Nancy. Polish soldiers in the foreground. The Poles Fought in France By Col. Wlodzimierz Onacewicz, of the Polish Army An epic narrative of the actions of the 1st Polish Division in defense of and in the retreat from the Maginot Line in the Lorraine sector during June, 1940 In Two Parts Part 1 841 A striking characteristic of the two major wars of the present century has been their long duration. This means that the adversaries must, even while locked in their death struggle, strive continuously to improve their methods and means so as to secure that margin of superiority vital to final victory. At the end of each campaign or phase of the war the defeated contestant must quickly search out the reasons for his non-success and take immediate and thorough corrective measures before the next blow falls. Similarly the victor must make every effort to maintain his advantage and to improve upon it, pressing relentlessly toward the annihilation of his foe. Thus the Democracies, taken aback by the initial successes of the new German armaments and tactics, and already losers in the first phase of the war, are making

842 THE FIELD ARTILLERY JOURNAL November The fortified sector of the Saar was constructed on the pattern of 1914-18, and, "strictly speaking, was a GAP in the Maginot Line." desperate preparations for the opening of the second act. They are mobilizing their material means, revising their strategy, tactics, and technique, as a result of the lessons which have been so painfully imposed upon them. In analyzing these lessons it is absolutely essential to determine without delay what actually happened in Europe; and to evaluate the reasons therefor. Only in this manner can proper remedies be devised. However, it is not easy to get a true image of the battles fought in Europe. This is especially true in ferreting out the tactical details of actions of small units, since most of those who fought in the defeated European armies are either dead or prisoners in Germany. Therefore I think the story of the actual combat of the 1st Polish Division, in which I commanded the 1st Regiment of medium artillery, might be of some interest to my companions in arms of the United States Army. Although this was but an episode of the war, lasting only a few weeks and fought on a limited front, it might help to understand better the conditions under which the French campaign developed and came to its tragic conclusion. I would like to tell first how this Polish Division came to be at the French front. When the whole of Poland was invaded by her enemies in September and October, 1939, the Poles did not cease their struggle. As early as autumn, 1939, General Sikorski, at the head of the Polish Government, began to organize in France a new Polish Army composed of Poles who lived in France and of those who came from Poland across the enemy-guarded borders. In May, 1940, we had an army of 82,000 men. These fought both in France and in Norway. At the moment of the French collapse we had 40,000 men at the French front, organized into two divisions (the 1st and 2nd), and one small Armored Brigade. The 3rd and 4th Divisions were in Brittany awaiting their armament. The 1st Polish Division, formed and trained in less than four months, was sent at the end of April, 1940, to the army area south of Nancy. At the end of May the divisional artillery was sent to reinforce the French artillery in the Maginot Line. About June 10th the whole 1st Polish Division was engaged, and it fought right up to the capitulation of the French armies. The Polish Division, organized on the French plan, consisted of three infantry regiments, one motorized reconnaissance group, and two horse-drawn artillery regiments. The two artillery regiments were organized as follows: The light regiment consisted of three battalions of French 75's, each battalion having three batteries, while the medium regiment consisted of two battalions of 155-mm. howitzers, each battalion containing also three batteries. Moreover, the division had an antitank battery, a signal company, and various other minor units. The artillery of the 1st Polish Division entered the Maginot Line at the Sarralbe-Puttelange Sector on the 28th of May as a reinforcement for the French artillery. The part of the Maginot Line which comprised our defensive sector was called "the fortified sector of Saar," and, strictly speaking, was a gap in the Maginot Line about 25 miles wide. 1 The main defensive position had no forts. It consisted of pillboxes, trenches, shelters covered with timber and antitank obstacles. The latter consisted of artificial inundations, ditches, rails set in concrete, minefields and dense zones of barbed wire. The belt of pill-boxes was 1 to 1½ miles wide. The pill-boxes in the front line were very numerous and then more scattered towards the rear. A few wooded spots on the main defensive position were also utilized and fortified. The artillery was in position behind the belt of pill-boxes; its emplacements were isolated and not linked with the infantry defenses. The Puttelange-Sarralbe sector was protected by the small river Albe, whose water-level, raised by dams, constituted a serious antitank obstacle. Its weakness lay in the fact that the dams could be destroyed by artillery fire or by hostile engineer troops, when the enemy should make contact with the main defensive position. During the great drought of May and June the position was further weakened because the level of the water dropped 1 According to the account of some French officers, they left this gap because they hoped for a favorable issue of the Saar plebiscite and intended to include the Saar coal-basin in the Maginot Line. In 1935, however, the plebiscite resulted in giving the Saar to Germany. Unaccountably the French forgot to fill this gap in the Maginot Line.

1941 HOW THE POLES FOUGHT IN FRANCE 843 dangerously, especially in the southern part of our sector. The village of Holving, on the eastern bank of the Albe, formed a small bridgehead strongly fortified and bristling with antitank rails. There was a strong and large outpost position some 1½ miles before the main position. It was, however, abandoned about the end of May, when all the French reserves were sent from Lorraine towards Paris. Only a few pill-boxes were held just in front of the main position. They did not form a continuous line. Behind the main position there was no other defensive position, and once the main position was pierced, the way to Nancy and to the heart of France stood open. There were many prepared artillery emplacements along the main position. Some were not occupied because of a reduction in artillery assigned to this sector during the month of May. Furthermore, these emplacements were not completely finished, as they should have been, especially if one takes into account the nine months of respite which the French had had. The guns had no cover except for a camouflage network. The shelters for the men in general were but partially finished; the advanced emplacements had no shelters at all. Only one of the six battery positions had concrete shelter. The most striking thing, however, was not these defects but rather the choice of locations for emplacements and the entire lack of camouflage. The French had chosen battery positions just behind the ridge of the cover, on the reverse slope; the guns had no field of direct fire either to the front Inundations in front of the Maginot Line which failed to stop the Germans. (Dever from Black Star.) or to the flanks. Thus the artillery had no possibility of engaging in the general fight against tanks should these break into the main position. Moreover, blind and isolated from the infantry, the artillery was absolutely defenseless if directly attacked and would be easy prey for enemy tanks. This was the more surprising as the gently undulant terrain offered everywhere excellent emplacements with a field of fire of from 500 to 800 yards in front and to both sides. During the first days of June we received orders signed by Generals Weygand and Georges, to organize villages as centers of resistance and to put the artillery in them in emplacements enabling it to fire directly on the attacking tanks. These orders were suitable for antitank resistance in open country. They were not satisfactory for a fortified position, because the placement of a center of resistance in a village makes easy its destruction by artillery and aircraft. Much more should be demanded from a fortified position. It should provide well-camouflaged and properly-dispersed solid defenses using all the advantages of terrain. The idea of organizing infantry and artillery together in common strongholds in the second and third defensive lines, able to resist a tank attack, is sound, but these centers of resistance must be specially built and camouflaged. Such was the confusion of ideas at that time, however, that our French command insisted upon literally applying these tactics to the Maginot Line; and they issued appropriate orders therefor.

844 THE FIELD ARTILLERY JOURNAL November We had no time to carry these orders into execution. Nevertheless, I had to place two 75-mm. guns as antitank weapons in the villages of Ueberkinger and Ventzviller. This useless sacrifice weakened two of my batteries to no purpose. Two isolated guns are easily put out of action, while whole batteries fighting tanks with direct fire can do a good job. The French made no use whatever of camouflage. All gun emplacements and most of the infantry positions had been dug in yellow clay and consequently were surrounded by enormous yellow heaps which showed up from the air like bull's-eyes. The French command realized very well that all the details of the position had been photographed long before by German planes. The one solution for us in such a situation was not to change anything, in order not to reveal the recent occupation of the emplacements. When I asked the French command about this lack of camouflage, they answered that the best camouflage was the great number of emplacements! Unfortunately, they were wrong. It was easy for the Germans to determine by their sound ranging stations which emplacements were occupied; and we were shelled with great precision by the German artillery, which knew exactly the location of every gun. The observation posts also had been badly placed. As a general rule, they were located on the borders of woods, which were always regularly shelled by the German artillery. Their field of view was limited. Only very few of them were put into pill-boxes; the majority were lightly covered, while some of them were but open surface shelters, protected by sand bags. The main position was covered by a dense cobweb of telephone lines, unfortunately strung above ground. At the time of our arrival, towards the end of May, there was not one underground cable. Only later, partly at my request, the French built two underground cables, one parallel to the front and some three miles from the front line, and the other perpendicular to it. This latter was never finished. When the enemy shelling became heavy, all surface wires were continually cut, especially those running to the observation posts. However, the underground cable remained intact even after the German heavy artillery preparation of June 14th. Our artillery never got its complete signal equipment as called for by the French tables of basic allowances. On the other hand, we thought it was not enough to have one OP per battalion, as the French specified. We wanted one per battery and one per battalion headquarters, making a total of four per battalion. We found a solution. As no one, not even the chief of the French divisional signal section, was familiar with the network of wires after the recent changes in troops, we cut every circuit which did not answer any calls for three days! In a short time we had more than 4 OP's per battalion. We got wireless equipment (and not much) only at the Maginot Line. We were forbidden to use it without a special order, and then it was to be used only in case of damage to the telephone line. Our sector, some four miles wide, was held by a special French infantry regiment of four battalions. Two of these were put in the first line and two behind them so as to bar two important directions: Remering-Hilsprich and Holving-Ueberkinger. (See Map No. 1.) One company was placed in the advanced stronghold at Grundviller in the outpost position. The commander of the Map No. 1

1941 HOW THE POLES FOUGHT IN FRANCE 845 regiment had a "corps franc" of 40-50 men, who were doing all the patrolling before the main position. He had no reserves. This fortress infantry was armed with more machineguns than average infantry and had many and various antitank guns, some of them immobile. The fire-power of these troops was great. The artillery of the 1st Polish Division was divided into two mixed groupments (regiments), in support of the French infantry. One of these groupments, commanded by Colonel B., consisted of one battalion of 155-mm. howitzers, one battalion of 75's and two French battalions (CP in Fremestroff). The other, which I commanded, consisted of one battalion of 155-mm. howitzers and one of 75's (CP in Ueberkinger). Moreover, one Polish battalion of 75's was assigned to a French groupment. Besides the Polish artillery, there was a great amount of French artillery of various calibers; 105-mm. guns with a range of from 12 to 18 thousand yards; 155-mm. guns (GPF), and 220-mm. long-range guns. Some of these batteries had their own means of transportation, horsedrawn or motorized, while others had none. In general, there was a lack of 75-mm. guns. My groupment had a very large zone of action. It was in fact much wider than the sector of the supported infantry. This was because the French command tried to secure the greatest possible elasticity in the fire of their artillery in order to be able to concentrate the fire of a great number of guns at every point on the front. Too-large zones of action are very dangerous for direct support artillery, because there is always a tendency to use this artillery in some neighbor's area. In case of unexpected attack on its own infantry the fulfillment of its primary mission may be unduly delayed. We had a good example of this during the action of June 10th. The French Command organized a counter-attack to eject some Germans from Puttelange in the adjacent areas on the main position. (See Map No. 1.) My groupment, which participated in the preparation and support of this counter-attack, fired continuously for four hours at the maximum permissible rate. Our guns became so hot that it would have been impossible to execute an immediate barrage in front of our own infantry, if the enemy had launched an attack in our sector. Fortunately nothing occurred. My groupment occupied its normal emplacements as shown on Map No. 1 and advanced one light platoon (two 75's) to Hinsing and one medium platoon (155) to Steinbach. These advanced guns did all the shooting during the quiet period, so as to conceal as long as possible the location of our main emplacements. The antiaircraft defense consisted of a few French A.A. batteries of 75-mm. guns (about three in our sector), which fired continually. They shot down only one reconnaissance plane in about three weeks, despite the fact that the German planes often circled at 3,000 feet. During our entire stay in the vicinity of the Maginot Line, French 220-mm. long-range gun we did not see a single French fighter plane. At all times we experienced an unpleasant feeling of helplessness, under German aircraft which droned above us day and night. The "Maginot Line" in our sector resembled only a field defensive position of 1915-1918 (which was usually built in a few months) with the addition of some antitank defenses. It was shallow, and it was contrary to common sense to trust it to resist a strong attack supported by artillery and tanks. The French Command must have believed in it, however, because they had provided no other defensive position behind this line. Moreover, the position was planned poorly and very little had been done to provide antitank defense within the main position. Thus camouflage was entirely neglected, the communication network was superficial, the artillery had no field of fire for direct shooting within the main position, its emplacements were isolated from the infantry, and the great part of shelters were pitifully light. As regards the garrison, the position was defended by numerous artillery, chiefly medium and heavy, whereas the infantry, special fortress units, had no reserves and obviously were not prepared to counterattack but only to resist passively on the position. Most of the antitank guns were not modern but adapted from old guns of various models. Briefly, the "Maginot Line" in our sector did not at all represent that powerful and invincible wall which, as the world had been told so many times, barred the way to any invasion of France.

846 THE FIELD ARTILLERY JOURNAL November The French thought that the campaign of 1940 would be fought like that of 1916. Here we see a member of a "corps franc" training in trench warfare. The end of May and the first days of June were quiet and enabled us to organize our emplacements. Our French associates took absolutely no precautions. Numerous civil workmen were engaged openly on the defenses during the daytime, digging antitank ditches and building shelters and roads. Officers drove openly in cars to OP's and battery emplacements. Meanwhile the German reconnaissance planes circled ominously above us every day and night. It was obvious that our position held no secrets for the Germans; all the new works were known to them before they were finished. In the first days of June there was a certain animation on the German side. The number of their patrols increased, and they approached nearer the French outposts. Their artillery fire became more intense day by day. Evidently their artillery was ranging our gun emplacements, woods, and landmarks, and was harassing our rear area. This shooting was directed by aircraft. There was little fire on the infantry lines. Our artillery energetically answered the Germans and fired more than the enemy. Our Polish artillery now took advantage of its numerous OP's which previously had been criticized by the French gunners. It watched diligently the space before the main position, and gave lightning punishment to every German detachment which appeared within range of its observation. Our young officers never tired of discovering and shelling the enemy, and were delighted to have an unlimited supply of ammunition. They acquired in those days an extraordinary dexterity in shooting shrapnel as well as high explosive. Soon the enemy disappeared entirely from in front of our position and moved only under the cover of woods or of darkness. In an endeavor to induce their artillery to use observed fire, the French command of the sector issued every day a special bulletin of observed shoots. Among some twelve French battalions, the two Polish battalions were always credited with from ½ to ¾ of all observed fire. About the 6th of June the Germans began seriously to harass the French outposts. On calls from the infantry, our artillery had to execute many barrages, day and night, in front of the French outposts. Without a fight the French abandoned the concrete fort of Grundviller and blew it up. They preserved only three advanced shelters between Grundviller and the main defensive position (Remering). Shortly after this the Germans wiped out the French outposts one after the other. Under the cover of the woods (which the French had left thick in front of the outposts!) they approached the selected shelters, suddenly poured upon them a great amount of high-explosive infantry mortar fire and then attacked from a short distance; the assault usually took place just before darkness. The French did not counterattack, but withdrew to the main defensive position. This fate also met the last three strong points before Remering. The Germans under cover of the trees brought their mortars close to the left shelter and suddenly at 8:00 PM, concentrated fire on it and destroyed it in a few minutes. Both battalions in my groupment executed a fierce barrage on two sides of and very close to the two remaining shelters. This stopped the Germans, and enabled the French defenders of the work to withdraw to the main position. No one apparently thought about a counterattack; the French blew up the bridge at Remering. By the 10th of June the Germans had liquidated all the outposts in ours and the neighboring sectors and had made contact with the main position. On our left flank they even broke into the village of Puttelange on the main position, from which they were driven out with great difficulty. The German artillery usually did not take part in the attack on the outposts; this mission was apparently left to the infantry mortars. From this date on, a period of continual tension began, as it became obvious that the Germans were planning an attack on the main defensive position. A surprise attack was made easier for them because of the concealment afforded by the forests left by the French about one to one and a half miles in front of the main position. Under this cover, the Germans were digging into the ground and massing the means for an attack. I proposed to the French Command to set these forests ablaze by shell fire. This could have been easily done owing to the three weeks of extreme drought. The French declined this proposition, because they feared reprisals on the woods within their own main position, which were crowded with infantry and materiel. As the enemy activity increased, so did that of our

1941 HOW THE POLES FOUGHT IN FRANCE 847 artillery. It engaged in daily and nightly harassing activity. The long-range French artillery executed counterbattery energetically. The 11th, 12th and 13th of June were days of uninterrupted artillery duelling, during which many artillery positions and rear areas were heavily bombed by German aircraft. The French Command estimated that there were at least eighty enemy batteries opposite our sector. On the 13th of June, our second heavy battalion lost about 50 men, 300 horses and 10 trucks from one single unlucky air bombing. On the other hand, the Ninth field battery of my groupment fortunately escaped when its emplacement was attacked by fourteen dive-bombers. Thanks to good shelters and an absence of direct hits, only one man was wounded and one aiming circle destroyed; but the battery was so buried under the dirt thrown up by the bomb explosions that it took two hours to dig it out. During the night of the 13th and 14th of June, as the enemy attack seemed imminent, the whole French artillery executed a general counter-preparation. At dawn on the 14th of June a heavy German artillery preparation was launched against the whole of our position. There were some periods when all my batteries were counterbatteried at the same time. By 10:00 AM I had four guns damaged. Despite the enemy fire, all our batteries were shooting practically without interruption, in order to break up the German attack. The French infantry was continually asking for fire, and its demands were never refused. After a preparation of several hours, the enemy launched his attack. It broke down under the fierce infantry and artillery fire especially the latter. Some time before noon the French commander of the Colonel Onacewicz's regiment, 1st FA (medium) during the review on May 3, 1940. sector asked for one of the prearranged concentrations within the main position, upon enemy tanks which he stated had broken into French lines. The news was terrifying and quite unexpected. The demand was urgent, but any mistake would direct the fire of my two battalions on a French battalion in Hinsing. I decided to verify the news personally, after having warned the battalions to prepare the fire. The rumor proved false and we avoided a mistake which could have been fatal to the defense. In the afternoon, the Germans succeeded in entering the main position in two places. They were ejected by the brilliant counter-attack of a small detachment of Polish infantry, which happened accidentally to be near this breach, and by our motorized reconnaissance group. This counterattack strongly impressed the French infantry. Up to nightfall the whole main defensive position was strongly held in our sector, but the French command ordered a retreat of the whole Army from the Maginot Line because of the general situation. The Polish artillery withdrew after dark, pursuant to this order. During the night we joined our 1st Polish Division and at dawn occupied new positions. The statistics as to ammunition fired are characteristic of a defensive battle: in those last twenty-four hours my three field batteries fired a total of 10,000 rounds and my heavy battalion fired 2,700. Our collaboration with the French infantry left us with the best of memories. Slowly our artillery gained the confidence of its French colleagues, who appreciated the eagerness, the skill and the spirit of sacrifice of the Polish gunners. The most popular with the French infantry were our advanced observers, who were often cheered by them after a good job. During this period General Sikorski visited our artillery in the Maginot Line. [TO BE CONCLUDED]