COMPLETE CRITICAL LITERATURE REVIEW

icop Identifying and Catching Originators in P2P Networks Safer Internet Project: SI- 2601002 COMPLETE CRITICAL LITERATURE REVIEW ABSTRACT This document provides a review on the role of P2P facilities in the sexual abuse of children. It is split into two sections, first providing general analysis of sexual offending against children, followed by an analysis of child sexual abuse over peer to peer networks. An updated version will also include analysis of the practitioner interviews that are being carried out. Document ID: icop 4.1 Deliverable/ Milestone No: D4.1 Work-package No: 4 Type: Report Dissemination: Public Status: COMPLETED Version: FINAL Date: November 2011 Author(s): Maggie Brennan, Sean Hammond Project Start Date: 01 June 2011 Duration: 2 years 1

Table of Contents TABLE OF CONTENTS... 2 1. INTRODUCTION... 3 2. SEXUAL OFFENDING AGAINST CHILDREN... 4 2.1 PARAPHILIAS AND OFFENDING... 4 2.2 PAEDOPHILIA AND HEBEPHILIA... 4 2.3 FACILITATORY FUNCTIONS OF THE INTERNET... 6 3. PEER TO PEER NETWORKING... 10 3.1 THE SCALE AND NATURE OF CHILD ABUSE MEDIA EXCHANGE ON P2P SYSTEMS... 10 3.2 PARAPHILIC USE OF P2P FACILITIES... 14 3.3 P2P: CHALLENGES TO REGULATION AND ENFORCEMENT... 15 4. CONCULSIONS... ERROR! BOOKMARK NOT DEFINED. 5. BIBLIOGRAPHY... 21 2

1. Introduction Within the last three decades, the issue of child sexual abuse has received increased recognition both within professional and lay communities. It has gone from being a largely taboo issue to one of huge public concern. Fuelled by extensive media coverage, anxiety over child sexual abuse has continued to mount. However, despite the increased recognition child sexual abuse has received, not all aspects command equal attention and thus the focus of concern, both among academics and the general public, continue to shift (Taylor & Quayle, 2006). In recent years this focus of concern has shifted to a consideration of the role that the internet and Peer to Peer facilities play in the maintenance and exacerbation of sexual offences against children (Beech & Elliot, 2008; Krueger et al, 2009). The manufacture and exchange of child abuse imagery 1 has become a pressing concern to both law enforcement agencies and those tasked with the treatment and management of child sex offenders (Cooper, Delmonico and Burg 2000; Durkin, Forsyth & Quinn, 2006; Wortley et al, 2006; Adam, 2002). Nevertheless, while there is an abundant literature on the aetiology, presentation and treatment of contact sexual offenders, there is still a paucity of peer reviewed research on offenders using peer to peer facilities to further the abuse of children. Those psychological models that do exist tend to extrapolate from what is known of contact offenders (Beech 1998; Ward et al 1995). However, there is a growing awareness that this strategy misses important distinguishing features that distinguish internet and P2P offenders (Bates and Metcalf, 2007; Shapira et al, 2003; Quayle and Latapy 2008; Libertore et al 2010; Virtual Global Taskforce, 2011). This review attempts to draw together our current understanding of sexual offending as practiced via P2P networks and to identify some of the themes that may be relevant to the appraisal and apprehension of such offenders. 1 It is important to acknowledge the seriousness of the acts portrayed in sexual images and videos of children. While the term child pornography has been widely used in research, clinical practice and in the lay community for decades, the use of this expression is slowly but steadily declining, instead the preferred term child abuse imagery is coming into common usage. The argument against the term child pornography suggests that the phrase conjures up images of children posed provocatively for photographs, and undermines the seriousness of the abuse being recorded (Save the Children, 2006; CEOP, 2010; CIRCAMP, 2011). For the purposes of this review then, the term 'child abuse imagery' will be used preferentially, sometimes interchangeably with other appropriate alternatives such as 'child abuse media' (CAM) or child abuse images. 3

2. Sexual Offending Against Children Those with a sexual interest in children are an extremely heterogeneous group comprised of individuals from all racial, ethnic, age and socioeconomic groups (Beech, 1998, Hanson & Morton-Bourgon, 2005). Due to such heterogeneity, offenders do not typically fit into pre-specified stereotypes thus contributing to difficulty in detection (Blanchard, 1995). Nonetheless, there have been numerous attempts to classify child sexual offenders in the hope that greater specificity of sexual offender types would lead to greater understanding of each of the categories of offenders, if they are in fact distinct (Beech, 1998; Hall & Hall, 2007; Krone, 2004). One such attempt to classify sexual offenders of children is to view one subset of offenders as having a diagnosable psychiatric disorder. 2.1 Paraphilias and Offending The DSM-IV-TR (Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders, 4th edition, text revision) (American Psychiatric Association, 2000) is a classification handbook compiling all known research on mental disorders and their symptoms, and is relied upon heavily in clinical psychology for research and diagnostic purposes. Paraphilias are defined as: "recurrent, intense sexually arousing fantasies, sexual urges, or behaviours generally involving: nonhuman objects, or the suffering or humiliation of oneself or one's partner, or children or other non-consenting persons." Paraphilias listed in the DSM include paedophilia, frotteurism, transvestic fetishism, sexual sadism, and paraphilia not-otherwise-specified (which includes less common fetishes such as necrophilia or zoophilia). Paraphilias of primary concern in the context of online sexual offending are paedophilia and hebephilia, although other paraphilic predilections (e.g. sexual sadism and bestiality) have been associated with the sexual abuse of children and engagement with child abuse imagery in online environments. These problematic paraphilias and their role in the commission of sexual offences within P2P facilities will comprise the main focus of this review. By problematic paraphilias we mean those which involve illegal and/or non-consensual activity. This is a deliberate attempt to maintain consistency with the approach taken by Hammond et al. (2009) given that the subsequent research tasks in this Work Package will involve work to extend models of problematic paraphilic behaviour in P2P facilities first developed under the MAPAP Project. 2.2 Paedophilia and Hebephilia Paedophila can be loosely defined as a sexual interest in prepubescent children. In terms of more formal clinical diagnostic criteria, it requires: 4

Over a period of at least six months, recurrent, intense sexually arousing fantasies, sexual urges or behaviours involving sexual activity with a prepubescent child or children The person has acted on these urges, or the sexual urges or fantasies cause marked distress or interpersonal difficulty The person is at least age 16 years and at least five years older than the child or children in Criterion A. (DSM-IV-TR, 2000). The DSM-IV definition also requires the clinician to specify if the individual is sexually attracted to males, to females or both. Finally, it must also be specified if the abuse is limited to incest, and if the paedophile is: Exclusive type (attracted only to children), Nonexclusive type (also attracted to adults). This definition expressly excludes individuals in late adolescence engaged in an ongoing sexual relationship with a 12 or 13 year old. While the term paedophilia is, by definition, a clinical diagnosis and not a criminal offence or legal term (Hall and Hall, 2007), it is popularly used as a general referent to denote any adult sexual interest or engagement with children, both prepubescent and pubescent (Goran-Svedin, 2010; ECPAT, 2008; Lanning, 2010). While it is generally accepted that many adults who sexually molest children are also paedophiles (APA, 2000; Hall & Hall, 2007; Seto 2009), it is important to note that a diagnosis of paedophilia may only be applied to individuals with preferential sexual interest in prepubescent children, necessarily excluding pubertal victims who also fall within socio-legal definitions of childhood. Furthermore, some paedophiles will not act on their predilections and commit sexual offences against children (Glaser, 1998; Schaefer et al. 2010; Basbaum, 2010). Finally, a proportion of those who do sexually offend against children (e.g. hebephiles who maintain a primary sexual interest in pubescent children) do not meet the threshold for a clinical diagnosis of paedophilia (Blaney and Millon, 2009). While less formally defined, hebephilia can be described as a sexual interest in pubescent children who are showing signs of developing secondary sexual characteristics but are not yet fully sexually mature (Cimbolic et al 1999; Blanchard et al, 2009). In lay terms, paedophilia and hebephilia are not normally distinguished from each other, and individuals who display sexual interest in those under age 16 are widely labelled paedophiles. The DSM - IV - TR categorises paedophilia as a paraphilic mental disorder, wherein paraphilias represent sexual fantasies, urges or behaviours involving subjects that are non-human, non-consenting or where the sexual activity involves suffering for one or both parties involved. At present, hebephilia is not recognized as a diagnosis in the DSM IV TR, and is incorporated into the definition of paedophilia in the ICD 10 (the World Health Organisation s International Classification of Diseases, 10th edition). Currently, an individual displaying hebephilic tendencies or behaviours may be classified under the DSM diagnosis of Paraphilia Not Otherwise Specified (APA, 2000). 5

As noted above, paedophilia is empirically associated with sexual offending, yet not all individuals with a paedophilic orientation are necessarily active sex offenders. This is an important point because individuals found in possession of images of child abuse will often claim that they are not contact offenders and seek to mitigate their offence by assuming that it is somehow victimless. In an analysis of self-report interview data, criminal records and other collateral information from child pornography offenders, Seto et al. (2006) found that 57% of the sample had had no identified sexual contact with children. While a proportion of this percentage may have had contact that was undisclosed, a later study supported the notion that a number of people experiencing sexual feelings towards children will never act on these feelings (Seto, 2009). In addition, Seto (2009) found that up to half of all convicted child molesters would not meet the diagnostic criteria for paedophilia. Motivations for non-paedophilic offenders are varied and include hypersexuality, absence of preferred sexual partners, disinhibition due to substance misuse etc. The distinction between opportunistic child sex offenders and paedophiles is an important one in terms of targeting treatment needs, as recidivism is more likely with paedophilic offenders (Seto, 2009). In earlier research, Seto, Cantor and Blanchard (2006) examined whether conviction for a sexual offence against a child victim constituted evidence of paedophilia. This study found that possession of child pornography was a far stronger indicator of paedophilia than was the commission of a sexual offence against a child/children. Seto and colleagues evidenced that possessors of child abuse imagery were three times more likely to be diagnosed as paedophiles when phallometrically assessed, than were those who had sexually victimized a child. One explanation offered by the authors was that some antisocial men may victimize children in lieu of a healthy sexual relationship with an ageappropriate peer. In contrast, men are more likely to seek and download pornography that specifically relates to their preferred interest. 2.3 Facilitatory functions of the Internet Cooper, Delmonico and Burg (2000) describe the attractiveness of the Internet as a triple A engine of anonymity, accessibility, and affordability. No other medium of communication brings together as many of these attractive features as the Internet. Information and validation were the two main functions of the Internet for paedophiles as identified by Durkin (1997). Organisations such as the North American Man/Boy Love Association (NAMBLA) have a strong presence on the Internet. (Durkin, Forsyth & Quinn, 2006). Newer websites such as GirlWiki and BoyWiki have also emerged in recent years and provide information through the model of the online encyclopaedia Wikipedia (Durkin et al., 2006). With powerful search engines and the abundance of child abuse-centred material online, accessing child pornography or finding like-minded individuals to contact has become a foolproof activity. The UK s Internet Watch Foundation Annual Report (IWF, 2007) detailed the presence of 2755 Internet sites, which were accessed and confirmed as hosting illegal child abuse images and were subsequently traced in 2007 alone. Most of these websites were described as commercial profit-making operations, and were identified following complaints from innocent Internet users who had stumbled across the illegal content. In addition, the report confirms that non-commercial online forums 6

created to share child abuse imagery still represent a significant phenomenon in offenders communicating this material to each other. Given the sheer volume of illegal and offensive material on the Internet, its capacity to transcend physical boundaries and jurisdictions and the opportunity for covert and anonymous operation online, it is virtually impossible to police such activity. The above IWF (2007) report outlines how websites hosting child abuse imagery frequently hop between host-company and country to avoid detection. One particular child pornography website known to the IWF had changed their host company six times across five different countries in a short space of time to evade authorities. Despite these problems however, practitioners are reporting an ever-increasing number of convicted Internet sex offenders being referred for assessment and to treatment programmes (O Brien & Webster, 2007). It is suggested by several authors that traditional sex offender treatment programmes are unsuitable for such individuals; not least because of the information sharing that occurs between contact and Internet child abusers (Hammond & Quayle, 2007; Quayle, Erooga, Wright, Taylor & Harbinson, 2006). Research carried out by Middleton, Elliot, Mandeville-Norden and Beech (2006) concluded that Internet offenders are as heterogeneous a group as other sex offenders such as rapists or child molesters. In addition, using Ward and Siegert s (2002) Pathways Model to offending, Middleton et al. found that a significant proportion of their sample of Internet offenders shared many psychological characteristics with contact abusers. Despite this finding, the authors concluded that given the large minority of their sample that did not display similar emotional deficits to contact offenders, the assumption that contact and Internet offenders can be treated together needs to be reassessed. Bates and Metcalf (2007) found similar results in a small comparison study of Internet and contact offenders in the UK. The authors conducted psychometric evaluations on 39 contact offenders and 39 individuals convicted of Internet offences and compared the outcomes for both groups. While the two groups were found to have similar general personality problems, the Internet offenders scored lower than contact abusers on measures of emotional loneliness and assertiveness, while displaying significantly higher rates of socially desirable responding. The latter finding demonstrates the tendency of Internet offenders to engage in techniques of impression management, and according to the authors may reflect their higher rates of education and employment in comparison to contact offenders. The two groups also had disparate results on scales measuring emotional congruence with children, sexualised attitudes toward children and empathy distortions (Bates & Metcalf, 2007). These measures reflect a variety of dynamic risk factors that can be targeted during treatment, and the dissimilarity between Internet and contact offenders may indicate that the groups require assessment and management that is tailored to address their divergent criminogenic needs. In an added effort to cater for the needs of this relatively new group, a specialised programme for treating Internet sex offenders has been introduced in the UK (i- SOTP, National Probation Service, 2006). This programme is suitable for male 7

offenders who have used the Internet to produce, distribute or download child abuse imagery. While the implementation of the i-sotp has attended to the potential problems of treating Internet offenders with non-specific sex offender treatment programmes, its efficacy in treating this category of offender has not yet been established. Therefore, in the current absence of published information about the effectiveness of treatment for Internet offenders, it is desirable to gather as much information as possible about those with a sexual interest in children who spend time online. Of course, paedophiles are not the only deviants who exploit the opportunities provided by the Internet to facilitate their interests, Wilson and Jones (2008, p. 108) comment that the Internet is perhaps the space that best affords and creates new opportunities for offending. The attraction the Internet holds for paedophiles is largely due to the opportunity it presents for hiding the stigmatised facets of their real life identities while at the same time allowing the creation of new identities that can be fantastic, fraudulent, exploitative or criminal (Jewkes & Sharp, 2003, p. 3). The space provided by the Internet can facilitate individuals exploration of aspects of their sexuality that must be obscured in real life due to the stigma attached. Cyberspace allows experimentation without censure for sexual deviants in a relatively safe, nonjudgemental and nameless environment, and the disembodied nature of online interaction means that people can act out their deviance without risking any threat to their real world status or identity. Durkin (1997) described the four main activities of online paedophiles. The first of these activities was trafficking child abuse imagery. In the decades preceding the Internet, dissemination of child abuse imagery was carefully managed through clandestine newsletters and together with the high financial costs incurred by collectors; the risks involved in obtaining it were substantial. However, the advent of online technologies has revolutionised the dynamics of child abuse image exchange not least in terms of accessibility of child abuse imagery. This factor is problematic as the widespread availability of child abuse imagery can promote trivialisation of this content and encourage further offending (Quayle, 2008). The second major function of the Internet for paedophilic offenders was to aid in locating child victims for contact abuse. While several authors (e.g. Fuselier, Durham & Wurtele, 2002; Calvert & Munsie-Benson, 1999; Berrick, 1988) have demonstrated the overestimation of stranger danger by the public, it remains true that the Internet has facilitated paedophiles in initiating contact with previously unknown children. In the United States, there has been an increase in online enticement and interstate travel for the purposes of child sexual abuse, and it is almost certainly the case that the Internet has played a part in the increase of this type of behaviour by facilitating the recruitment of victims (Durkin, 1997; USDOJ, 2010). This dynamic is also apparent in the UK: in its first year of operation, online grooming was the most frequently reported activity to the UK's Child Exploitation and Online Protection (CEOP) Centre, comprising 20% of all reported offences (CEOP, 2007). This trend has persisted in subsequent years, with grooming reports rising to 44% of all reported offending activity in the year 2008-2009 and remaining the most frequently 8

reported offending activity in 2009-2010; in this year grooming constituted 25% of all reports received by the centre (CEOP, 2009; 2010). Both of the remaining functions of the Internet for paedophiles relate to communication: with children and with each other. The Internet provides an environment where paedophiles can safely renegotiate their real identities and present themselves to children under assumed personas, e.g. as age-appropriate peers, in order to engage in sexually inappropriate chat with them. The virtual world also gives paedophiles the opportunity to engage with one another, through chat rooms, discussion forums and private email. This capability is particularly important for these offenders in that it facilitates the sharing of child abuse imagery and social cohesion (Taylor & Quayle, 2003). These four misuses of the Internet represent serious dangers for some children, and immediate positive reinforcement for offenders. The Internet has many significant advantages for deviants; it is impossible to censor and can be interactive in a way that the physical world is not for these groups. Going online opens up an arena for paedophiles to shape the way that they are presented to the world, which hitherto had been difficult to do and was most often overwhelmed or shouted down by society s conventional anti-paedophile stance. Popular depictions of sexual predators and online child sexual abuse are largely extreme and vilifying (Bury, 2010); the tabloid media in particular describe paedophiles as the most reviled of all offending groups. Yet the Internet can provide a stage from which paedophiles and deviants in general can regain control of how they are presented, rationalise attitudes and beliefs about their sexual orientation that are heavily marginalised in terrestrial contexts and redress the balance between themselves and the society in general. 9

3. Peer to Peer Networking 3.1 The scale and nature of child abuse media exchange on P2P systems Recent years have seen growing concerns about the role of P2P facilities in the sexual exploitation of children, notably as a medium for expeditious collection and distribution of child abuse media and with the potential to facilitate ready exposure of children to illicit and illegal sexual imagery (Dombroski et al, 2007; Congressional Committee on Government Reform, 2001; Greenfield, 2004; ECPAT, 2008). To a large extent, these concerns have had their impetus in a small but established body of evidence that points to an increasing problem in terms of the volume of child abuse media on P2P networks and the scale of attendant offending activity. We do not have definitive estimates of the number of individuals involved in the exchange of child abuse media on P2P networks (USDOJ, 2010). However, within the last decade a succession of reports have emerged from a range of sources, including government, law enforcement, industry and academia, collectively documenting a surge in the volume of child abuse media in circulation on P2P file sharing networks and an increase in the scale of associated offending activity (e.g. US General Accounting Office, 2003, US Federal Trade Commission, 2005; Baines, 2008; Choo et al., 2008; Fagundes, 2009; UNODC, 2010). Early reports from US law enforcement attest to the emergence of this problem in 2001, quickly succeeded by an exponential increase in the scale of child abuse media within P2P file sharing facilities. Between 2001 and 2002 Cybertipline, a hotline operated by the US National Center for Missing and Exploited Children, experienced a near-fivefold increase in the number of reports it received regarding the exchange of CAM on P2P networks from 156 reports in 2001 to 757 reports in 2002. By August of 2003, over 1,500 reports of such activity had been received (Pornography on the Internet, 2003). In 2009, the UK's Child Exploitation and Online Protection (CEOP) Centre (2009) documented a step-change in the way that offenders accessed child abuse media online it observed that the vast majority of CAM exchange reported to it in the preceding year took place on P2P networks. This trend continued in the year 2009-2010 when CEOP again identified P2P file sharing networks as the most popular facility for the distribution of child abuse media in this period 14% of all reports it received relating to the distribution of child abuse media cited P2P file sharing forums as the distribution method (CEOP, 2010). While data predicated on reports submitted to law enforcement offer valuable insights into the scale of the challenge P2P-mediated offences present to policing authorities, they are somewhat limited in that they only concern illegal materials and activities reported by law enforcement stakeholders or members of the public with sufficient awareness and inclination to act upon detection of such incidences. These estimates tell us little of the actual volume of child abuse media in circulation on P2P networks or the scale of associated offending activity. However, other approaches 10

have been taken in the analysis of P2P content and file sharing activity that provide some useful, preliminary indications of the scale of these issues within P2P facilities. Mehta, Best and Poon (2002) examined 507 pornographic video files sourced from the Gnutella network according to their categorisations, 3.7% of the examined video files exhibited paedophilic themes. While this figure constitutes a relatively small proportion of the erotic themes identified in the overall sample of pornographic videos, the authors claim that it represents both a sizeable and problematic number of illegal files being exchanged on the network given that millions of files were circulated through Gnutella during the study period. A rigorous image categorisation scheme was used in this study in order to ensure that imagery identified as paedophilic fell within the definitions of child pornography established within US and Canadian legal codes under this scheme, pedophilic imagery was identified as that which explicitly focused on the genital region of prepubertal children or which depicted prepubertal children engaged in sexual activity (see Mehta, 2001). Notwithstanding the authors' use of a conservative approach to the categorisation of paedophile content, it is not clear whether and to what extent hebephilic imagery (i.e. sexual images of pubertal children or those with apparent secondary sexual characteristics) featured in the sample of erotic videos. Therefore, it would appear that this analysis is somewhat restricted in terms of the insight it offers into the prevalence of illegal child abuse materials on the Gnutella network in that it excluded a distinct subset of child abuse media (featuring adolescents) that falls within many legal definitions of child pornography." In 2003, the US General Accounting Office together with the US Customs CyberSmuggling Center conducted an exploratory study of the scale of the problem of child abuse imagery in the Kazaa network its findings suggested that adult pornography and child abuse imagery were widely accessible on P2P networks. This study involved discrete analyses of pornographic imagery and filenames returned from searches using keywords known to be associated with child pornography (US General Accounting Office, 2003). Law enforcement officials from the Customs CyberCmuggling Center downloaded 312 image files identified in a search of the Kazaa network using three such keywords. Upon inspection of these files, 44% of this number were identified as illegal child pornography. The researchers conducted a series of further searches of the network using 12 keywords associated with illegal child abuse imagery and analysed over 1,200 returned titles and filenames in this case, it was determined that 42% of query hits were related to illegal child abuse imagery. While this has been identified as the most widely cited study of illegal child abuse imagery on P2P networks, having received significant media exposure, several criticisms have been levelled against aspects of its methodological approach (Steel, 2009). In the course of the filename analysis, files were identified as illegal child abuse imagery in the event that the title or filename contained one keyword indicating an underage subject and one with a sexual connotation (US General Accounting Office, 2003). However the rationale for the use of these categorisation criteria (e.g. consistency with file naming conventions used by P2P offenders) was not specified with the effect that these criteria appear somewhat arbitrary. Furthermore, no attempt was made to validate the findings of this categorisation 11

process by viewing the files in question and verifying their content. Finally Steel (2009) notes that the study only examined the supply of illegal child abuse imagery within P2P networks and did not examine user demand in this context. However a separate 2003 study did shed some light on scale of user demand for child abuse imagery in P2P networks. Palisade Systems conducted a relatively large study of user searches on the Gnutella network and collected 22 million search entries and requests over a three-week period. An analysis of 400,000 randomly selected user requests identified that 42% were specific to pornographic material, and 6% of requests were related to illegal images of children (Grabowski, 2003; Pornography on the Internet, 2003). In an effort to understand how ICT is utilised in the commission of offences involving child abuse media, Eneman (2006) examined the court and criminal investigation records of Swedish offenders convicted of such offences over a ten-year period. Eneman found that P2P networks were utilised by 42% of offenders, ranking them among the top three most popular methods used to facilitate child abuse media related offences. While other technologies (e.g. World Wide Web) were used by a greater proportion of the sample of convicted offenders, P2P offenders professed to have used these facilities to a far greater extent than other technologies given the opportunities P2P affords to access and distribute large volumes of files. In a similar vein, Wolak, Finkelhor and Mitchell (2011) conducted a large-scale, twowave longitudinal study in which they examined trends in technology use in the commission of child pornography offences drawing on a national sample of arrested child pornography possessors in the years 2000 and 2006. Their findings indicate a marked increase in offenders' use of P2P networks in the commission of child pornography offences over this six-year period in 2000, a mere 4% of the offender sample were P2P users; by 2006, 28% of offenders were found to have used P2P facilities in their engagement with child abuse imagery. One of the best available indicators of the scale of offending activity within P2P networks comes in the form of recent data derived from two major P2P monitoring operations led by US law enforcement. To date, the operational outcomes suggest that there has been a steady increase in levels of offending and attendant volumes of child abuse media in circulation on P2P networks. These operations, Fairplay instituted by the Wyoming Division of Criminal Investigations and RoundUp developed with federal support by the University of Massachusetts, identify the number of unique IP addresses involved in the sharing of child abuse media on a target P2P network and catalogue child abuse imagery exchanged over the system. According to the US Department of Justice, the operations have together provided the only known US data pertaining to the scale of offending activity over peer-to-peer networks. Since their inception (Fairplay in 2006 and RoundUp in 2009), over 20 million US and international IP addresses offering child abuse image and video files have been identified on monitored networks as well as Watchlists of 170,000 and 120,000 image files respectively (USDOJ, 2010). Notwithstanding the methodological caveats outlined above and the use of several less than rigorous approaches to the categorisation of illegal and illicit exchanges on 12

these networks, the available evidence supports the contention that vast quantities of child abuse imagery are now in circulation on P2P facilities. This factor, together with the apparent scale of attendant offending activity and the ease with which these materials may be accessed present a problem of non-trivial proportions (and a significant challenge) to those charged with combating illegal content and behaviour on P2P networks. While problems of scale are relatively well documented in the available literature, there is a dearth of formal knowledge on the nature and dynamics of child abuse image exchanges on P2P networks. Quayle and Latapy (2008) note that very little research has been conducted on user behaviour and file exchange on P2P systems in general and less still has been published about the form and extent of paedophilic exchanges in this context. Nonetheless, a handful of studies have been carried out in recent years which offer sparse, yet substantive first insights into the nature of child abuse media exchange in P2P networks and associated offending behaviours. One of the studies most relevant to this project is an attempt by Hughes, Walkerdine, Coulson and Gibson (2006) to establish whether or not sharing files of a pornographic nature was a behavioural norm on the Gnutella network. Gnutella is a large-scale, anonymous, unstructured and decentralized file-sharing protocol, similar to other peer-to-peer networks such as edonkey and Fastrack. Hughes et al. (2006) monitored the messages transmitted on the Gnutella network for a one month period in 2005 by connecting a modified peer to the network, which allowed the researchers to log all queries and query hits. This data was analysed to determine what type of material was being searched for by users, and what files were being subsequently shared across the network. The research was focused on explicitly illegal pornography, including child abuse, bestiality, rape and incest. Results of the research showed that an average of 1.6% of queries and 2.4% of query hits were related to illegal pornographic material. In a follow up study, Hughes et al. (2008) revisited this data to determine how much of this traffic related specifically to child sexual abuse and determined that approximately 1% of queries and 1.5% of query hits were child abuse-related. Although these are low percentages, they translate to a substantial number of requests and responses, given the conservative coding restrictions used by the researchers and the large volumes of material exchanged on the Gnutella network. Further results from the Hughes et al. (2006) study would seem to support the existence of a deviant subcommunity of Gnutella users, as 57% of those sending query hits for illegal sexual material did not share any other type of material such as music, photography or text on the network. This indicates that for 57% of the people who share illegal pornographic material, their sole purpose of using peer-to-peer networks is to search for and disseminate it. These insights were corroborated by the recent findings of one of the most comprehensive studies of child abuse image exchanges on P2P systems to date. In a large-scale analysis of P2P traffic on the Gnutella network, Steel (2009) identified that while a large proportion of this traffic was devoted to child abuse imagery, this material did not predominate content sought or exchanged on the network - here, 1% of all queries and 1.45% of all query hits related to child abuse image material, 13

consistent with the findings of the Hughes et al. (2008) study. Steel's (2009) study also furnished evidence of the operation of a distinct, deviant subcommunity on the Gnutella network. Like Hughes et al. (2006), Steel found that the vast majority of those of those searching for child abuse imagery used the Gnutella network to search for pornographic material only. A mere 5% of those who searched for child abuse imagery also searched for other non-pornographic materials such as music. Moreover, an examination of the query terms used by those searching for child abuse imagery suggested that this group demonstrated a sophisticated use of terminology particular to this subculture (Steel, 2009). One of the most striking results of the Steel study was that the most prevalent user query and top two most prevalent filenames returned as query hits on the Gnutella network were child pornography related. In a methodological departure from previous research, Steel proceed to mine user queries and query hits in order to investigate aspects of demand and supply in the context of child abuse media exchanges on the network, thereby offering a rounded insight into the nature of child abuse media exchanges and attendant user behaviours. For example, Steel observed that child pornographers tend to search for broader categories of this material using a smaller number of search terms when compared to other users who use longer search strings to source non-pornographic material such as songs or movies. This would suggest that those searching for illegal child abuse imagery maintain a preference for higher recall vs. precision and cast the search net wide when trawling P2P networks for child abuse material. Consequently, those distributing illegal child abuse image files on the network tended to use a higher number of file descriptors than the average user, in order to maximise the number of individuals who can find their files. Recent research by Wolak, Finkelhor and Mitchell (2011) is particularly useful in that they profiled child pornography possessors arrested in 2006 who used P2P networks in their engagement with CAM. Their analysis focused less on dynamics of illegal child abuse image exchanges in P2P networks and more so on the personal characteristics and image collections of those who use these networks in their engagement with CAI. Wolak et al. determined that there are marked differences in the type of child abuse imagery possessed by offenders who used P2P networks this cohort were more likely to possess images that depict children younger than three years of age, sexual penetration and violence. 3.2 Paraphilic use of P2P facilities Albeit that the knowledge base in relation to the nature of dynamics of P2P user behaviour is extremely limited (Makosiej et al, 2004) but it is clear that those with paedophilic, hebephilic and other problematic paraphilic predilections utilise these networks to seek out and distribute illegal images of children(e.g. Mehta et al 2002). In their exploration of how Gnutella network was used to distribute pornographic material, Mehta et al. (2002) monitored Gnutellameter, a website that captures data exchanged in Gnutella and generates summaries of keywords most commonly entered by its users. The authors identified pornographic imagery as one of the most commonly sought materials on the network with user searches displaying a strong 14

emphasis on pedophile and hebephile content. In the Steel (2009) study, the median age featured in the searches of users seeking out child abuse imagery was 13 years. This finding would suggest that those with hebephilic and pedophilic sexual interests use these networks to seek images of children of an age that corresponds with their particular interest. However, the majority (i.e. 76%) of those who engaged in agespecific searches of the network sought child abuse imagery featuring children between 11 and 16 years of age. This indicates that those of a hebephilic disposition most used this P2P network to seek out imagery that appealed specifically to their sexual preferences. Steel (2009) documented strong evidence that P2P networks are used as a mechanism to access and distribute materials appeal to those with problematic paraphilic predilections. A large overlap was apparent between violent themes and child abuse imagery in terms of the material offered on the network. Furthermore, significant overlaps between terms indicative of bestiality and child abuse imagery were observed in user search patterns - an analysis of queries for CAM on the Gnutella network determined that the terms Zoofila was most strongly associated with child abuse image search terms. The MAPAP project led by Mathieu Latapy explored material offered on the edonkey network and revealed a broad range of age-specific material and while a majority involved teenage children, indicating hebephilic interest, a substantial number of files exchanged contained images of very young children. Hammond et al., (2009) in their analysis of the MAPAP data examined paraphilic searches executed on P2P system over a one-week period (i.e. searches concerned with illegal or non-consensual sexual activity, such as paedophilia, hebephilia, bestiality, etc.). The largest proportion of problematic paraphilic searches on P2P networks were related to hebephilic content. Their analysis suggested that there is forcible evidence of quite discrete paraphilic sexual interests to be found in user search behaviours and returned filenames. 3.3 P2P: Challenges to Regulation and Enforcement The decentralized nature of peer-to-peer file sharing, open-access policies and its rate of growth makes its content extremely difficult to control (Parameswaran, Susarla and Whinston, 2001; Westlake et al 2011; Nielssen et al, 2011). In networks such as edonkey and Gnutella, there is no central server that can be traced and held accountable for any illegal content being shared, making the dissemination of child abuse imagery almost impossible to police. These inherent features of P2P systems coupled with general uncertainty around questions of how or whether P2P content should be managed has resulted in a situation where deviant subcommunities have flourished within these forums. For example, despite the expertise and success of the UK's Internet Watch Foundation in combating the problem of web-hosted child abuse imagery, they have no role in policing peer-to-peer traffic (IWF, 2009). In an early congressional testimony highlighting the growing problem of child abuse media exchange on P2P systems and attendant challenges to enforcement, the 15

National Centre for Missing and Exploited Children outlined several key features of P2P offending which simultaneously confound the interception of child abuse image exchange by law enforcement and facilitate ongoing offending behaviour. Firstly, there is no central database of files, organised network or centrally-held logs on P2P systems to record file sharing activity and support detection of problematic users. Similarly, most popular file sharing programmes are free so there is no subscriber information available to help determine a user's true identity. Furthermore, P2P systems are highly dynamic insofar as their content and users change rapidly, requiring investigators to be online in real-time or at the moment the offence occurs in order to make an expeditious interception. Finally, individuals from all over the world use P2P programmes so inter-jurisdictional challenges to detection and enforcement inevitably arise (Pornography on the Internet, 2003). These factors have cumulated in a series of considerable challenges to law enforcement, as documented in a recent testimony to U.S. Congress by Flint Waters, a Special Agent at Wyoming's Attorney General Division of Criminal Investigation. Waters' (2007) testimony traces a steady and significant growth in the number of P2P users trafficking in child abuse imagery. Notwithstanding law enforcement efforts to combat the exploitation of P2P networks by online sexual offenders over the preceding three-year period, Waters described a relentless increase in the scale of child sexual offending activity in P2P networks over a seven month period in 2007 almost 194,000 unique computers in the US were involved in the trafficking of child sexual abuse materials. According to this testimony, the impact of this growth on law enforcement's ability to respond to the problem of child sexual offending on P2P networks has been catastrophic as the magnitude of this problem has overwhelmed US law enforcement's forensic and investigative infrastructure. In the face of these challenges, several initiatives have been undertaken in an effort to address problems of illegal content and user behaviour in P2P systems. To date, a number of P2P vendors have entered alliances to combat the problem of sharing child abuse imagery (Borland, 2004). This initiative, launched by the Distributed Computing Industry Association is aimed at educating the public on the dangers of online child abuse and helping Internet users to report any suspect material they may come across. In 2004, the DCIA launched a new website entitled P2Ppatrol.com (Peer-to-Peer Parents and Teens React Online), which amongst other services, created a system of warning pop-up messages when a P2P user enters a search term known to be associated with child abuse imagery. However, by no means are all P2P networks part of such a coalition (Schell, Martin, Hung & Rueda, 2007). Cholez, Chrisment and Festor (2009) offer a solution to paedophile activity on the KAD network, which they call HAMACK (Honeynet Architecture against Malicious Content in KAD). The authors showed that placing 20 honeypeers closer than any other peer to a given file or search word allowed the researchers to control it. By attracting searches for, and responses to paedophile content, HAMACK can assess and control the paedophile behaviour from the initial query through to the final file download. In recent years, international law enforcement have widely adopted and deployed a series of P2P monitoring 16

mechanisms which identify users sharing child abuse media files on a target P2P protocol (e.g. Gnutella or BitTorrent). These monitors, e.g. RoundUp (Liberatore et al., 2010), Child Protection System/Peer Precision (Waters, 2007) and EspiaMule (Fagundes, 2009) have enjoyed some success in the context of operational deployment by law enforcement. However, Schell et al. (2007) warn that each P2P protocol has different methods of uploading and downloading material from the Internet, and that a detailed knowledge of such protocols is required before any P2P network is targeted for the removal of illegal content. As each network requires a different approach for censorship, any solution will have restricted applicability (e.g. being limited to one network) and will quickly become obsolete as offenders find new methods of distributing their material online. Schell et al. (2007) further noted that P2P systems are rapidly changing to include features of anonymity and strong encryption capability, and this will help them to potentially become a primary point of distribution for illegal abuse imagery in the near future. In the year that followed, CEOP (2008) documented an apparent wholesale move to the use of P2P technologies for the distribution of child abuse media; particularly to private networks and closed P2P environments which, unlike public P2P facilities, are resistant to law enforcement oversight and allow offenders to operate in relative anonymity. This factor, combined with functionalities that enable offenders to create and join groups based on a shared abusive interest, to chat and share vast quantities of child abuse imagery has resulted in a situation where the imagery shared within these forums is newer, more exclusive and sometimes made to order. Schell et al. (2007) observe that current methods for the removal of illegal material online are resource, and manpower-intensive, and thus are inefficient and ineffective long-term solutions to the vast problem of online sexual offending. Many convictions for internet sexual offences are the result of manual searches for child abuse imagery, undercover operations in online forums and removing illegal content following tip-offs from the public, or Internet Service Providers. While each approach enjoys certain success in its own right, scalable interventions which reduce resourceintensiveness will be critical going forward if the magnitude of online sexual offending is to be tackled in any meaningful way. Given the documented scale of this problem within P2P networks, these are key considerations that must be considered in the design of future P2P interventions. Liberatore, Erdely, Kerle, Levine and Shields (2010) observe that a primary goal of P2P investigations is to catch child abusers and help children that are being sexually victimised, rather than simply detecting and confiscating images in the context of possession offences. However noble, this objective is difficult to achieve in the policing of abstract P2P exchanges it is difficult for law enforcement to infer motivation or offence outcome from those behaviours that may be observed on P2P facilities such as file downloading and distribution. Moreover, it is sometimes the case that child abuse media files are monitored in isolation from other information 17

which can lead to false positives (e.g. the targeting of users who inadvertently download or distribute pornographic material). To date, the available interventions have not enabled law enforcement to address the scale of the P2P policing challenge, resourcing issues or to effectively monitor and identify high-value P2P offending targets. While there is no silver bullet, it is abundantly clear that a robust empirical knowledge base needs to be developed and maintained in relation to problematic paraphilic use of P2P facilities in order to address these requirements and help weight policing decisions toward the pursuit high-value targets and optimal deployment of police resources. This requirement is all the more urgent in the face of recent evidence that points to the emergence of private P2P systems as policing challenge that is considerable and growing, yet little understood. 18

4. Conclusions The examples above demonstrate the attempts being made in research to tackle the problem of sharing illegal child abuse imagery in P2P networks and highlight some of the obstacles to the effective policing of P2P networks. The icop project aims to add to this growing body of research and help to further efforts in policing P2P systems. This review of a sparse and rather disparate literature highlights the difficulty of profiling the typical P2P sex offender. Sexual offenders are heterogeneous in their motivations, behaviours and targets of interest. It is clear that the kinds of offenders of interest here do not fall neatly into the simple and static diagnostic classifications offered by the DSM or ICD. However, a number of themes do appear to be emerging as the research literature grows. Firstly, it is apparent that internet and P2P facilities serve as maintenance systems for deviant sexual interest, providing as they do masturbatory sources of reinforcement as well as a community of like minded others to enable validation and normalization of problematic interests. Of interest is the suggestion that P2P offenders seem to manifest more focused and extreme interests than other CAI users (Wolak et al, 2011). This is consistent with a more obsessive and targeted manifestation of deviance identified by Steel (2009) and suggested by the discrete paraphilic typologies identified by Hammond et al (2009). Whether, this interpretation of the data is born out in the long run is unclear but a plausible explanatory mechanism is that the P2P process, requiring the user to enter specific search terms produces a narrowing of the domain of interest. Masturbatory conditioning reinforces these choices funnelling the deviant interest into a highly specific and extreme form. In order to explore these possibilities further a number of potential strategies present themselves. Case studies may prove useful although these would necessitate a retrospective approach. Alternatively it may be possible to utilise longitudinal data in order to map idiosyncrasies featured in individual offending behaviours over time. Specifically we would wish to see whether a narrowing in search activity does indeed occur. The tentative taxonometric model proposed by Hammond et al (2009) may serve as a basis for such work. Such an approach should be consistent with Steel's (2009) recommendation that an analysis of the P2P behaviours of those seeking child abuse imagery as a function of time would be of interest. The value of such explorations would be primarily to mental health professionals for, while they may have limited application for apprehension, they do offer potential insights into the treatment and management of such offenders once they are caught. Nevertheless, a greater understanding of offending behaviour would clearly have longer term advantages to law enforcement. Wilson and Jones (2008), among others, showed that P2P networks operate to develop and refine deviant interests and this may serve to allow the emergence of 19

subcultures and communities that have a validating effect on the lone offender. Another avenue for research is to explore the group dynamics of these communities in order to help future targeting and intervention. This might involve the monitoring of new opportunities for proliferation of problematic paraphilic internet use e.g. private P2P networks. Steel (2009) argues that the dynamics of supply and demand on P2P networks need to be investigated as discrete but related facets of online offending in order to understand underlying factors such as offence motivation and behavioural dynamics of P2P offending. Determining the etiology and progression of these behaviours will help to support targeted interventions and narrow focus on offenders who present a real and ongoing physical risk to children. Quite apart from their value as research tools and methodologies in their own right these advances should also help to develop assessment and treatment strategies/police-led interventions such as covert internet investigation and monitoring of P2P networks. One of the great values of identifying and isolating paedophilic paraphilias in context of P2P systems resides in the fact that paedophilia is associated with recidivism and resistance to treatment. Sexual recidivism appears to be associated with two broad factors: deviant sexual interest and antisocial orientation (Hanson & Morton Bourgon 2005). Deviant sexual interest is indicated through an enduring attraction to sexual acts that are illegal, highly unusual or extreme. The work of Wolak et al (2011) indicates that P2P offenders appear to manifest greater extremes in their interests. Perhaps for the reasons mentioned above. The research reviewed here does have inherent limitations most notably the fact that it is limited to public P2P systems which may be readily surveilled. Unfortunately it provides only a secondary basis for understanding into file sharing and other sexually-deviant/paraphilic behaviours displayed in private P2P systems. These have become a significant challenge for law enforcement and so far the best we can do is try to generalize from our understanding of public services. At present even this understanding is sparse but ongoing projects such as icop aim to build upon current knowledge in order to further the work of law enforcement in the protection of children from technology assisted abuse. 20

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