SCHOOLGIRLS, MONEY AND REBELLION IN JAPAN

Transcription

1

2 SCHOOLGIRLS, MONEY AND REBELLION IN JAPAN Japanese society in the 1990s and 2000s produced a range of complicated material about sexualized schoolgirls, and few topics have caught the imagination of Western observers so powerfully. While young Japanese girls had previously been portrayed as demure and obedient, in training to become the obedient wife and prudent mother, in recent years less than demure young women have become central to urban mythology and the content of culture. The cultic fascination with the figure of a deviant school girl, which has some of its earliest roots in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, likewise re-emerged and proliferated in fascinating and timely ways in the 1990s and 2000s. Through exploring the history and politics underlying the cult of girls in contemporary Japanese media and culture, this book presents a striking picture of contemporary Japanese society from the 1990s to the start of the 2010s. At its core is an in-depth case study of the media delight and panic surrounding delinquent prostitute schoolgirls. Sharon Kinsella traces this social panic back to male anxieties relating to gender equality and female emancipation in Japan. In each chapter the book reveals the conflicted, nostalgic, pornographic, and at times, distinctly racialized manner in which largely male sentiments about this transformation of gender relations have been expressed. The book simultaneously explores the stylistic and flamboyant manner in which young women have reacted to the weight of an obsessive and accusatory male media gaze. Covering the often controversial subjects of compensated dating (enjo k sai), the role of porn and lifestyle magazines, the historical sources and politicized social meanings of the schoolgirl, and the racialization of fashionable girls, Schoolgirls, Money and Rebellion in Japan will be invaluable to students and scholars of Japanese culture and society, sociology, anthropology, gender, and women s studies. Sharon Kinsella is Lecturer in Japanese Studies at the University of Manchester, UK.

3 The Nissan Institute/Routledge Japanese Studies Series Series Editors: Roger Goodman, Nissan Professor of Modern Japanese Studies, University of Oxford, Fellow, St Antony s College J.A.A. Stockwin, formerly Nissan Professor of Modern Japanese Studies and former Director of the Nissan Institute of Japanese Studies, University of Oxford, Emeritus Fellow, St Antony s College Other titles in the series: The Myth of Japanese Uniqueness Peter Dale The Emperor s Adviser Saionji Kinmochi and pre-war Japanese politics Lesley Connors A History of Japanese Economic Thought Tessa Morris-Suzuki The Establishment of the Japanese Constitutional System Junji Banno, translated by J.A.A. Stockwin Industrial Relations in Japan The peripheral workforce Norma Chalmers Banking Policy in Japan American efforts at reform during the Occupation William M. Tsutsui Educational Reform in Japan Leonard Schoppa How the Japanese Learn to Work Second edition Ronald P. Dore and Mari Sako Japanese Economic Development Theory and practice Second edition Penelope Francks Japan and Protection The growth of protectionist sentiment and the Japanese response Syed Javed Maswood The Soil, by Nagatsuka Takashi A portrait of rural life in Meiji Japan Translated and with an introduction by Ann Waswo Biotechnology in Japan Malcolm Brock Britain s Educational Reform A comparison with Japan Michael Howarth Language and the Modern State The reform of written Japanese Nanette Twine Industrial Harmony in Modern Japan The intervention of a tradition W. Dean Kinzley Japanese Science Fiction A view of a changing society Robert Matthew The Japanese Numbers Game The use and understanding of numbers in modern Japan Thomas Crump Ideology and Practice in Modern Japan Edited by Roger Goodman and Kirsten Refsing

4 Technology and Industrial Development in Pre-war Japan Mitsubishi Nagasaki Shipyard, Yukiko Fukasaku Japan s Early Parliaments, Structure, issues and trends Andrew Fraser, R.H.P. Mason and Philip Mitchell Japan s Foreign Aid Challenge Policy reform and aid leadership Alan Rix Emperor Hirohito and Sh wa Japan A political biography Stephen S. Large Japan: Beyond the End of History David Williams Ceremony and Ritual in Japan Religious practices in an industrialized society Edited by Jan van Bremen and D.P. Martinez The Fantastic in Modern Japanese Literature The subversion of modernity Susan J. Napier Militarization and Demilitarization in Contemporary Japan Glenn D. Hook Growing a Japanese Science City Communication in scientific research James W. Dearing Architecture and Authority in Japan William H. Coaldrake Women s Giday and the Japanese Theatre Tradition A. Kimi Coaldrake Democracy in Post-war Japan Maruyama Masao and the search for autonomy Rikki Kersten Treacherous Women of Imperial Japan Patriarchal fictions, patricidal fantasies Hélène Bowen Raddeker Japanese-German Business Relations Co-operation and rivalry in the inter-war period Akira Kud Japan, Race and Equality The Racial Equality Proposal of 1919 Naoko Shimazu Japan, Internationalism and the UN Ronald Dore Life in a Japanese Women s College Learning to be ladylike Brian J. McVeigh On The Margins of Japanese Society Volunteers and the welfare of the urban underclass Carolyn S. Stevens The Dynamics of Japan s Relations with Africa South Africa, Tanzania and Nigeria Kweku Ampiah The Right to Life in Japan Noel Williams The Nature of the Japanese State Rationality and rituality Brian J. McVeigh Society and the State in Inter-war Japan Edited by Elise K. Tipton Japanese-Soviet/Russian Relations since 1945 A difficult peace Kimie Hara Interpreting History in Sino-Japanese Relations A case study in political decision making Caroline Rose

5 End Sh saku A literature of reconciliation Mark B. Williams Green Politics in Japan Lam Peng-Er The Japanese High School Silence and resistance Shoko Yoneyama Engineers in Japan and Britain Education, training and employment Kevin McCormick The Politics of Agriculture in Japan Aurelia George Mulgan Opposition Politics in Japan Strategies under a one-party dominant regime Stephen Johnson The Changing Face of Japanese Retail Working in a chain store Louella Matsunaga Japan and East Asian Regionalism Edited by S. Javed Maswood Globalizing Japan Ethnography of the Japanese presence in America, Asia and Europe Edited by Harumi Befu and Sylvie Guichard-Anguis Japan at Play The ludic and logic of power Edited by Joy Hendry and Massimo Raveri The Making of Urban Japan Cities and planning from Edo to the twenty-first century André Sorensen Public Policy and Economic Competition in Japan Change and continuity in antimonopoly policy, Michael L. Beeman Men and Masculinities in Contemporary Japan Dislocating the Salaryman Doxa Edited by James E. Roberson and Nobue Suzuki The Voluntary and Non-Profit Sector in Japan The challenge of change Edited by Stephen P. Osborne Japan s Security Relations with China From balancing to bandwagoning Reinhard Drifte Understanding Japanese Society Third edition Joy Hendry Japanese Electoral Politics Creating a new party system Edited by Steven R. Reed The Japanese-Soviet Neutrality Pact A diplomatic history, Boris Slavinsky translated by Geoffrey Jukes Academic Nationalism in China and Japan Framed by concepts of nature, culture and the universal Margaret Sleeboom The Race to Commercialize Biotechnology Molecules, markets and the state in the United States and Japan Steve W. Collins Institutions, Incentives and Electoral Participation in Japan Cross-level and cross-national perspectives Yusaku Horiuchi Japan s Interventionist State The role of the MAFF Aurelia George Mulgan Japan s Sea Lane Security, A matter of life and death? Euan Graham

6 The Changing Japanese Political System The Liberal Democratic Party and the Ministry of Finance Harumi Hori Japan s Agricultural Policy Regime Aurelia George Mulgan Cold War Frontiers in the Asia-Pacific Divided territories in the San Francisco System Kimie Hara Living Cities in Japan Citizens movements, Machizukuri and local environments André Sorensen and Carolin Funck Resolving the Russo-Japanese Territorial Dispute Hokkaido Sakhalin relations Brad Williams Modern Japan A social and political history Second edition Elise K. Tipton The Transformation of the Japanese Left From old socialists to new democrats Sarah Hyde Social Class in Contemporary Japan Edited by Hiroshi Ishida and David H. Slater The US Japan Alliance Balancing soft and hard power in East Asia Edited by David Arase and Tsuneo Akaha Party Politics and Decentralization in Japan and France When the Opposition governs Koichi Nakano The Buraku Issue and Modern Japan The career of Matsumoto Jiichiro Ian Neary Labor Migration from China to Japan International students, transnational migrants Gracia Liu-Farrer Policy Entrepreneurship and Elections in Japan A political biography of Ozawa Ichir Takashi Oka Japan s Postwar Edited by Michael Lucken, Anne Bayard-Sakai and Emmanuel Lozerand Translated by J.A.A. Stockwin An Emerging Non-Regular Labour Force in Japan The dignity of dispatched workers Huiyan Fu A Sociology of Japanese Youth From returnees to NEETs Edited by Roger Goodman, Yuki Imoto and Tuukka Toivonen Natural Disaster and Nuclear Crisis in Japan Response and recovery after Japan s 3/11 Edited by Jeff Kingston Urban Spaces in Japan Edited by Christoph Brumann and Evelyn Schulz Understanding Japanese Society Fourth edition Joy Hendry Japan s Emerging Youth Policy Getting young adults back to work Tuukka Toivonen The Organisational Dynamics of University Reform in Japan International inside out Jeremy Breaden Schoolgirls, Money and Rebellion in Japan Sharon Kinsella Social Inequality in Japan Sawako Shirahase

7 This page intentionally left blank

8 Schoolgirls, Money and Rebellion in Japan Sharon Kinsella

9 First published 2014 by Routledge 2 Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon OX14 4RN and by Routledge 711 Third Avenue, New York, NY Routledge is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group, an informa business 2014 Sharon Kinsella The right of Sharon Kinsella to be identified as author of this work has been asserted in accordance with sections 77 and 78 of the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced or utilized in any form or by any electronic, mechanical, or other means, now known or hereafter invented, including photocopying and recording, or in any information storage or retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publishers. Trademark notice: Product or corporate names may be trademarks or registered trademarks, and are used only for identification and explanation without intent to infringe. British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library Library of Congress Cataloging in Publication Data Kinsella, Sharon, Schoolgirls, money and rebellion in Japan / Sharon Kinsella. pages cm. -- (The Nissan Institute/Routledge Japanese studies series) Includes bibliographical references and index. 1. Girls--Japan. 2. Schoolgirls--Japan. 3. Clothing and dress--japan. 4. Japan--Social life and customs--20th century. I. Title. HQ777.K dc ISBN: (hbk) ISBN: (pbk) ISBN: (ebk) Typeset in Bembo by GreenGate Publishing Services, Tonbridge, Kent

10 CONTENTS List of illustrations Series editor s preface x xii 1 Introduction: the age of the girl 1 2 Gathering and interpreting the statistical evidence 25 3 Compensated dating as a salaryman subculture 39 4 Kogyaru chic: dressing up as a delinquent girl 60 5 The surveillance of financial deviancy 88 6 Girls as a race Ganguro, yamanba, and transracial style Minstrelized girls Schoolgirl revolt in male cultural imagination Problems compensating women 188 European language bibliography 199 Japanese language bibliography 213 Newspaper and magazine articles 218 Filmography 226 Interviews 228 Index 231

11 Illustrations 1.1 Girls with up-to-the-minute caramel-colored hair and platform boots (atsuzoku) posing in Shibuya in Graph depicting the rate of girls entering university from 1970 to Graph illustrating the growth of irregular employment among men and women from 1995 to Graph illustrating the changing trends for wages for male and female full- and part-time employees from 1990 to Screen pixilation in news coverage I hope to do compensated dating declares a voic message transcribed into telop on-screen subtitles in a teatime television news report in Roving camera crews meeting schoolgirls in April The mountain of news media reportage of the key terms compensated dating, kogyaru, and ganguro between 1995 and Fictional schoolgirl pimp Jonko, in the 1997 film Bounce Kogals!, is scripted to say It s all the media s fault for encouraging the deluded men who approach her in the streets for sex Man-hating schoolgirl Yoko dawdling across a crossing gives a van driver the finger in the film Love Exposure (2008) A hardened schoolgirl fights off prying cameras in an eighties pink eiga (porn movie), Lolita Vibe Torture that prophesises news media attention to schoolgirls in the 1990s Popteen cover, November 2002 issue The race for sales between weeklies: Gendai, Shincho, Post, and Bunshun Tropical accessories and grimy skirts and blouses worn by kogyaru girls in Kichijoji, summer An anthropologist s drawing of the stylized koha tough school postures of male gang members in the early 1980s 68

12 Illustrations xi 4.3 Picking noses and unladylike squatting by kogyaru girls on the street in Kichijoji, Tokyo, summer School tartan-clad members of Cawaii! editorial team at teatime in November A spontaneous joke about photos by schoolgirls gathered at a plaza near Kichijoji station in summer A public display of putting on make-up, at a plaza near Kichijoji station in summer A full-page illustration of the history of compensated dating shows a barefoot girl in school uniform walking on the shore with cash in her hand Hosts of the late-night show Hamasho visit a soapland and find a girl in school uniform Japanese Apricot 3 a pink dream by Aoshima Chiho The Shibuya gyaru hierarchy published in (Weekly) Shukan Playboy tsuka Eiji s Native Ethnology of Girls (Sh jo minzokugaku) (1989) Aida Makoto s Azemichi (path between rice fields) (1991) Aida Makoto s Harakiri Joshik sei (Harakiri Schoolgirls) (1999) A girl wearing braids outside McDonald s in Shibuya in In Talking with Girl Teacher, Gyaru-sensei transmits her worldly wisdom to an 18-year-old dry-cleaning shop assistant Television comedian Gori in drag as a gyaru A d jinshi image of an infantilized girl with dumpy limbs in bondage in a doggy chain Theater poster showing a heavily caricatured Dan Emmet prancing to banjo music (1844) Miyadai Shinji posing as a kogyaru schoolgirl for a series of cross-dressed portraits of famous male cultural figures first serialized in the weekly magazine Sh kan H seki in An older man dressed as a fashionable kogyaru in a tartan miniskirt attempts to make small talk with actual young women in similar garb at the entrance to Yoyogi Park in A boy in love and in drag in Sono Sion s Love Exposure (Ai no Mukidashi, 2008) Cover of the Zip Coon song sheet (1834) A d jinshi of a gyaru schoolgirl titled Orange (Orenji, 2002) Carefree girls take off their sailor tops and sing about their customers in Throw out Your Books, Let s Get into the Streets (Sho o suteyo machi e dey, 1971) A comparison of the number of news articles containing the terms comfort women (ianfu) and compensated dating (enjo k sai) in their titles, between 1991 and

13 SERIES EDITOR S PREFACE Schoolgirls, Money and Rebellion in Japan Sharon Kinsella Few topics have caught the imagination of Western observers of Japan in recent years as powerfully as the apparent growth in delinquent and materialistic behavior of young Japanese women. Young Japanese girls have previously been portrayed as demure and obedient, in training to become the perfect wife and mother that the society needs to support the development of the Japanese economy. Less than demure and obedient young women have been collectively identified as gyaru in the Japanese media and they have become central to a great deal of urban mythology and creative production over the past three decades. The behavior of teenage Japanese girls in the 1990s which most fired the Western imagination was the practice known as enjo k sai (generally translated as compensated dating ), which came to define an older man dating a schoolgirl to whom he paid money, goods or the price of a meal, in exchange for companionship or sexual favors. Sharon Kinsella unravels the social and imaginative roots of the media focus on apparently disorderly girls and subjects the entire topic of enjo k sai to rigorous sociological analysis. Looking at compensated dating allows her to conduct a broader investigation of late twentieth-century girl culture and street style in Japan, which, she argues, counteracts, often humorously, the (male) media construction of supposedly greedy and unruly young ladies. Compensated dating, Kinsella argues, became a media panic because it linked the circulation of young girls to the circulation of money. Such moral panics, of course, are far from uncommon in Japan and indeed have a predictable trajectory as Kinsella, along with other colleagues, have argued in another book also published in the Nissan Institute/Routledge Japanese Studies Series, A Sociology of Japanese Youth (Goodman et al., 2012). Kinsella identifies some of the key figures in the public debates about enjo k sai and how they not only created, but actually championed, the highly sexualized imagery of the joshi k sei, or schoolgirl, as a stand-in for their own desires for a certain kind of political radicalism. One of the key themes of the book is the fact that

14 Series editor's preface xiii the girls themselves were not passive in the face of this media construction. She describes a fascinating feedback loop between the media the porn industry, as well as mass magazines and television shows aimed alternately at middle-aged men and high-school-aged girls and teenage girls themselves who adopted parodies of the challenging fashion and attitudes of the image promoted by that media. Perhaps most fascinating is Kinsella s analysis of the racialization of kogyaru (fashionable schoolgirls) including their appropriation of attributes that would identify them (in their ganguro and yamamba form) as racially other: dark skin, white eyeshadow, thick wavy hair in a variety of hues. There will be a wide readership for this book, including those interested in all aspects of contemporary Japanese society and popular culture, as well as those interested more generally in women s and gender studies, and race and ethnic studies beyond Japan. We are delighted to be able to publish it in the Nissan Institute/ Routledge Japanese Studies Series which has been designed to explore all aspects of Japanese society through the rigorous application of theoretical and methodological skills from social science and humanities disciplines. As this addition to the series demonstrates, even the most apparently sensationalist topics, when subject to such analysis, can tell us a great deal about the development of contemporary Japan. Roger Goodman Arthur Stockwin April 2013

15 This page intentionally left blank

16 1 INTRODUCTION The age of the girl An intense and diverse lode of cultural and journalistic material has been produced about girls in contemporary Japan, escalating in volume particularly from the 1980s to 2010s. This book analyses this cult of girls and takes as its core case study social panic and media delight about delinquent schoolgirls in the second half of the 1990s. The prolific outpouring of girl material reflected the convoluted and tricky male reaction to further realms believed to be lost to gender equality and female emancipation. These were under-employment and the loss of privileges and security in the workplace, which have been bound up with the restructuring of the postwar Japanese labor system in a period of extended recession extending from the early 1990s. Accompanying the erosion of wages and onset of labor insecurity (Ishida and Slater, 2010) were losses of expected service, care, and reproduction in the home through the consequential unraveling of the established and dependent bolster of under-paid part-time female labor and dedicated housewifery. The conflicted, nostalgic, pornographic, and at times, racialized manner in which largely male sentiments about this transformation have been expressed, and the flamboyant and stylistic manner in which young women have reacted to the weight of an obsessive and accusatory male media gaze in the 1990s and 2000s, are the substance of this book. See teenage female expression in Figure 1.1. Pornographic by means of tortuous metaphors ( loose socks or loose sex?) and greased with juvenile smut, material about girls has rarely excluded a dosage of visceral titillation. This is not to say that the staging of girls bodies in culture is commensurate simply with the servicing of personal and compensatory pornotopias (Marcus, 1966). Though hunched, perhaps, behind the voyeurism and insistent vulgarity of girls staged in the various lacunae of male subculture, the ghost of sexual starvation does not provide an explanation for the convoluted narratives, sarcastic jokes, elaborate physical appearances, and peculiar metamorphoses of animated girls from the late 1980s through to the present, nor does it explain the

17 2 Introduction: the age of the girl FIGURE 1.1 Girls with up-to-the-minute caramel-colored hair and platform boots (atsuzoku) posing in Shibuya in 2003 Source: photograph by Sharon Kinsella. intricate code of meanings underlying the news-reportage on sexually and financially independent high-school girls in the mid to late 1990s. The popularity of both official (cute and sanitized) and underground (pornographic, iconoclastic, and anti-bourgeois) images and narratives about Japanese schoolgirls, imported and reinvented overseas, suggests that the type of multivalent, ambivalent, and avenging postures projected onto girls in Japan and the underlying structures of feeling operating behind those projections have a resonance in other societies that are experiencing different versions of the same disintegrating social totality (Tiqqun, 2012) and disordering of labor, family, reproduction, and gender but that are less able or willing to evolve explicit cultural tropes and local journalism through which to give form to and disseminate these sentiments. Japan in the 1990s and 2000s became the source of a range of complicated material about sexualized schoolgirls and girls with power, which was broadly cathartic to male viewers and in specific cases hostile to women, but whose precise import and insider ironies could remain obscure, foreign, and conveniently lost in translation. Cute sh jo (girl) and sexy schoolgirl (joshi k sei) figures have been celebrated as wonderfully, incomprehensibly Japanese and kooky. But the fascination with animated and licentious Japanese schoolgirls in the US and Europe perhaps hints at depths of hidden longing, nostalgia, and resentment of women, that are not otherwise easily discerned in the public sphere in North American and European culture. Hints about the domesticated but unfinished business of difficult gender relations in post-industrial Western states can be gleaned through observing the selective importation of girl iconography from Japan.

18 Introduction: the age of the girl 3 Female advancement Visions of female advancement, whether real or merely anticipated, have permeated culture and public debate in Japan over the past two decades. Journalism has played upon anxious thoughts about the critical retraction of unpaid and underpaid female labor servicing, reproductive, caring, and sexual resulting in a generalized care deficit (Allison, 2009: 13). The retraction of unrewarded female contributions appeared to be having a corrosive impact on the strength of the family, the labor force, the population, and national morale. Female advancement appeared from across national borders, too, in the form of the multi-state campaign for the financial compensation of former comfort women of Imperial Japan that ran through the 1990s and 2000s. Government-sponsored social research published in numerous white papers showed over and again that women in Japan were not marrying as much ( hashi, 1993; Yamada, 1996; Kitamura and Abe, 2007; Tokuhiro, 2009), not having as many children (Ueno, 1998; Schoppa, 2006), and that they were applying to proper four-year universities (Fujimura-Faneselow, 1995; Edwards and Pasquale, 2003) instead of women s two-year colleges. The divorce rate rose most conspicuously between 1990 and 2005 (from 1.28 to 2.10 per 1,000 of the population). The age of first marriage has also climbed steadily from the early-seventies reaching 28.8 by The rate of marriage and national birth rates having already declined gradually between the mid-postwar turning point of 1973 and 1990, then dropped again between 2000 and The national birth rate reached its lowest point on record in 2005 after a five-year slump (at 1.25 live births per 1,000) and marriage rates reached the lowest levels on record of 5.5 per 1,000 in 2010 after two decades of steep decline in the rate of marriage. 1 The proportions of young women choosing not to marry or not to have children which are closely concomitant in this society (Hertog, 2009: 1 4) have risen in the 1990s and 2000s as the proportion of unmarried men and women (mikonsha) of parenting age has risen without pause. In 1980, percent of 35-year-olds were unmarried; in 2010, this had risen to percent. Almost half (47.2 percent) of all those adults aged 30 years and under were unmarried, in In 2010, 28 percent of Japanese women and over 38 percent of Japanese men aged between 25 and 49 years old were unmarried and, unlike their counterparts in Europe, only rarely cohabiting with partners or children (Kokusei ch sa, 1980, 2010). Observe the increases in the rate of young women pursuing university education in Figure 1.2. In 1970, 6.5 percent, and by 1989, 14.7 percent of women were going to university. This figure rose rapidly in the 1990s, almost doubling to 33.8 percent by 2002 and tripling by 2011, when entering university was achieved by 45.8 percent of all young women. The numbers entering graduate school also rose, from 3 percent in 1989 to 6.3 percent by 2000 and 7.1 percent in 2004, and then creeping to a peak of 7.5 percent in At the same time, the number of women attending a two-year junior college to receive ladylike skills (McVeigh, 1996) slipped by one-third, from 22.1 percent in 1989 to 10.4 percent in Ironically, young women in the 1990s and 2000s began to attain the university

19 4 Introduction: the age of the girl Percentage entering higher education Junior college University Graduate school Year FIGURE 1.2 Graph depicting the rate of girls entering university from 1970 to 2011 Source: Fujin Hakusho (~1999), Josei R d Hakusho ( ), Danjo Ky d Sankaku Hakusho ( ). education required to compete directly with young men for what was a simultaneously shrinking number of secure graduate jobs as full-time company recruits. With and without degrees, however, women were struggling to find employment and to stay in the workforce despite the pressure of low wages linked to parttime and non-permanent employee status and the largely maintained exclusion of women from managerial track positions with corresponding higher salaries. The proportion of women in pure employment (excluding work in family businesses and housewifery) has steadily risen from 26.9 percent in 1975 to 37.9 percent in 1995, and to 40.8 percent in The White Paper on Gender Equality (Danj Ky d Sankaku Hakusho) introduced in 1998 attempted to monitor a transition in Japanese gender relations, and can be considered symptomatic of government goals to channel the active participation of women into the revitalization of economy and society (Danj Ky d Sankaku Hakusho, 2010: 10). At ministerial levels, capturing the energy and skills of young women has been viewed as critical to the healing and cohesion of a more flexible society that could weather the recession and economic restructuring. Lack of male advancement and economic recession The effects of the collapse of the financial bubble of the 1980s at the end of that decade began to shake through the economy and society in the early 1990s, and crystallized in full-blown economic recession, rising unemployment and a freeze on hiring new recruits from universities from The employment ice age (koy hy gaki), extending from 1995 into the 2000s, forced previously securely

20 Introduction: the age of the girl 5 employed cohorts of male high-school and college graduates into a permanent cycle of irregular (hiseiki), part time (paato), temporary (arubaito), and contract (haken) work, strung between bouts of unemployment, giving rise to contemporary social problems, from youth poverty, unmarried adults cohabiting with parents ( parasite singles ), the working poor, and reports of widespread stress, heavy workloads, and minimized workplace training for those gaining full-time employment (Genda, 2006, Suzuki et al., 2010). Critical academic analysts estimated that the rate of unemployment in 1995 was as high as 8.9 percent (Kishi, 1995: 290), though it increased most sharply from 1997 onwards, affecting younger men and school-leavers not attending college disproportionately. From another perspective, the male labor force participation rate fell to an all-time postwar low of 63.3 percent in 1998 (K sei r d hakusho, 1999). While the proportion of men channeled into irregular employment increased steadily in the 1990s, reaching 14.8 percent by 2002, women fully absorbed a greater part of the growing demand for cheap and flexible irregular employment 50.7 percent of all female employment was irregular by (See the movement of men and women into the irregular employment pool in Figure 1.3.) Interestingly, through the 1990s and 2000s the wages of part-time and irregular male employees began to drop behind those of both full-time male employees and those of the small but emerging cohort of fulltime and permanent female employees, whose wages steadily rose through this period and tracked those of their full-time male colleagues. By the 2000s the wages of part-time male employees were closer to those of their female counterparts than Percentage in irregular employment Women Men and women Men FIGURE 1.3 Graph illustrating the growth of irregular employment among men and women from 1995 to 2012 Source: Josei R d Hakush 2004:82; figures continued in Hataraku Josei no Jitsuj Heisei 23/2012, sourced online at: /dl/11b.pdf. Year

21 6 Introduction: the age of the girl those of other men: gender-based wage inequalities systematized within the twentieth century labor market had been partially redistributed and de-gendered within the ballooning pool of irregular employees (Genda, 2006; Ishida and Slater, 2010). Thought provoking shifts in wage levels can be examined in detail in Figure 1.4. Rising unemployment and poverty linked to irregular employment impacted on the potential of younger generations to envision a stable life-course (Suzuki et al., 2010: 513) and generated widespread anxiety and a potentially exaggerated sensitivity to unequal developments: Emblematic of this vague, amorphous uneasiness is the concern over widening economic disparities (Genda, 2006: 2). Girl cult in the media From the 1980s to the 2010s both mass media and underground culture mirrored government policy-making, in the sense that it too was dominated by the vision of ranks of able, heroic, and energetic young women. In the expanding spheres 75 Hourly wages as a percentage of full-time male employees Year Hourly wages of female employees as a percentage of male full-time hourly wages Hourly wages of part-time male employees as a percentage of full-time male employees Hourly wages of part-time female employees as a percentage of full-time male employees FIGURE 1.4 Graph illustrating the changing trends for wages for male and female fulland part-time employees from 1990 to 2011 Source: basic Survey on Wage Structure, Heisei 24, MLHW.

22 Introduction: the age of the girl 7 of communications, advertizing, television, and new digital visual media, the exuberant faces and voices of robotic little girls bouncing with energy became the messengers, voices, and actors. The single most widely broadcast animation and lyrics at the start of the 1990s were pi-hyara, pi-hyara, the lusty nonsense chorus of a ditty sung by the willful and eccentric animated girl character Chibi Maruko Chan (Little Miss Chubby Cheeks; Yamane, 1993: 12). Cultural critic Sait Tamaki goes on to estimate that about 80 percent of the most popular animations produced in Japan in the 1990s featured some version of the beautiful fighting girl (bish jo senshi) character at its core (Sait, 1998: 8).The image of an alert and intelligent schoolgirl with short, cropped hair avidly reading the news, which featured in an Asahi Shinbun poster advertisement in 2003, was symptomatic of the widespread anticipation of an informed teenage female initiative, that was widely presumed to be imminent in this period. In fact, smart young women in business suits or school uniform were the recurrent characters of adverts for broadsheet newspapers throughout the late 1990s and 2000s. The slogan of this advertisement was Read, Think, Gain Power: Power Paper Asahi Shinbun (Yomu, kangaeru, chikara ni naru: Power Paper, Asahi Shinbun). Commenting on teenage girls consumption and cultural activity over the preceding decade, the director of social research at the highly regarded Hakuhodo Institute (HILL) suggested that in the midst of the long Japanese economic recession, schoolgirls had displayed an unanticipated vitality that ought not be criminalized but channeled instead commercially, that is for its energizing and healing ( iyasu ) potential (Sekizawa Hidehiko interview, 24 October 2002). Through the recent historical period in which the male cult of girlhood has peaked, girl material has moved between different media sectors through specific channels, becoming associated with both more (film, art, literature, photography) and less (comics, animation, internet, games, pornography) educated readers. Resistance to female ambition Within male-oriented subculture and journalism, however, ambivalence about the liveliness of women ( onna wa genki ), who were felt to be fully applying themselves neither to corporate needs nor duties in the home but who had instead disposable income and leisure to hand, were distilled into the evolving stereotype of the selfish and assertive gyaru (Miller, 1998, 2000b; Kinsella, 1995: ; Bardsley, 2005; Miyake, 2001). Caricatures resonant of pantomime and popular scenarios involving young office ladies (OL), gyaru, and later kogyaru (junior or teenage gyaru) and high-school girls, occupying a central position in news and entertainment, expressed discomfort with young female ambition. Public shaming of young women perceived to be ambitious and insufficiently obedient and demure was partly concealed, having its more hostile and derogatory face in commercial magazines, comics, and animations produced specifically for male audiences, which converged at their lower levels with even more exclusively male reportage linked to the sex-services (f zoku) underworld and otaku (manga and anime fan) subculture and online communications.

23 8 Introduction: the age of the girl From the mid-1980s, creating and monitoring the movements of girls caricatured in comics and animation became the main activity of the compact, hermetic, and male Lolita-complex subculture (Kinsella, 1998; Sait, 1998, 2011; Takatsuki, 2009; Galbraith, 2011), which continued in the 2000s with commercial otaku youth culture based in Akihabara and linked to moe aesthetics (Azuma, 2009: 25 58; Galbraith, 2009a: ; Condry, 2012: ) surrounding cute girl characters. 3 On the gender fault line that catalyzed maniac (maniaku) otaku, Lolikon and moe subculture, young men who were fascinated by young ladies but found them to be uncannily forward and themselves effectively locked out of dating and marriage (Hayami, 2002; Honda, 2005; Kinsella, 2006; Kitamura and Abe, 2007) created peculiarly animated, deformed (deforume), and sexualized (hentai) effigies of girls through which their complex yearnings, nostalgia, and resentment were decanted. During the past three decades the projected attitudes and bodies of girls have fluctuated and proliferated to such a degree that an extraordinary panapoly of girl creatures has been accumulated within contemporary culture in Japan. On one level, the news media charivari about delinquent schoolgirls in the 1990s constituted the importation, cultural upgrading, and concretization into news of the pre-existing schoolgirl character (kyara) animated in Lolita-complex and moe subculture. While this phenomenon has escalated in the recent historical period, we can also observe that girls have been the key personae of largely male cultural imagination and production from the early twentieth century, when girls of an independent mind became the focus of tension in naturalist literature 4 and an emblem of modernization in the mass media. 5 In Vicarious Language Miyako Inoue makes a painstaking examination of the mode in which Meiji schoolgirls were cited and observed incessantly by male intellectuals concerned with their vulgar speech and sloppy, unfeminine habits (Inoue, 2006). The mass ownership of portable digital devices, computers, and television has meant that the intensity of mediation focused on ostensibly deviant schoolgirls in the 1990s was without precedent, but it nevertheless bore many fascinating thematic similarities with the focus on fallen jogakusei of the prewar period (Ambaras, 2005: 82; Czarnecki, 2005) and journalistic and theatrical uproar clustered around the saucy and independent figure of the modern girl which erupted in the 1920s. While based on analysis of the recent wave of schoolgirl iconography and its political meanings, this book takes many historical detours while excavating the sources of the feelings invested in and patterns for imagining girls. We will consider the legacy of the largely indentured and teenage female labor force which manned and oiled the launch of Japan s industrialization, and take a detour into the prewar and wartime associations of race, ethnicity, and women, to trace how specifically ethnic and sometimes racial frames for categorizing girls have taken root. Japanese schoolgirl inferno an introduction to compensated dating Our study takes as its starting point an extraordinary event in the passage of media and subcultures that took place initially in a narrow window of time between 1996 and

24 Introduction: the age of the girl Early in 1996, liberal news-magazines and broadsheets in Japan discovered that high-school girls (joshi k sei) had developed a lucrative new activity called enjo k sai (translated in this book as compensated dating), which involved going on dates probably involving sex to get money or goods. Over the following two years in particular, the extraordinary intensity of the mediation of the image of the sexually deviant schoolgirl in her multiple guises, cropping up in weekly magazines (sh kanshi), manga magazines, television news, documentaries and dramas, and in railway station posters and banners hanging within railway carriages all concentrated within the commuter transport system in the Tokyo Metropolitan Region brought to mind Marshal McLuhan s visionary description of the crossings or hybridizations of the media [that] release great new force and energy as by fission or fusion (McLuhan, 1964: 48). Early shocking reportage on the scandal of schoolgirls doing compensated dating hid the identity of minors faces and voices. These were often disguised with screen pixilation and voice synthesizers. During these broadcasts, girls appeared mainly as blurred and shifting impressions of flesh and uniform emitting digitalized synthetic voices. See screen pixilation of compensated dating news in Figure 1.5. Those described as otherwise just like ordinary schoolgirls (marude f tsu no ko) who were breaking the mold of previous conceptions of sexual deviancy were also pictured using mobile phones and public phone boxes to dial into telephone club (terekura) chat lines. After 1999, girls were described tapping into the keypads of i-mode (smart) mobile phones to access internet introduction sites (deaikei saito), where they might FIGURE 1.5 Screen pixilation in news coverage (1997) Source: photograph by Sharon Kinsella.

25 10 Introduction: the age of the girl solicit older male customers for paid dates. See a voic message accessed by using a public telephone to call into a telephone club transcribed into on-screen subtitles (telop) 6 in a teatime news report in Figure 1.6. In order to search for high-school girls to investigate, interview, film, and photograph, television camera crews wandered along the main streets of Shibuya like bands of nomadic traders. In 1997 and 1998, up to four or five different camera crews could be found on Center Gai shopping street in Shibuya or outside Toky s 109 department store on a weekend shopping day. See a camera crew interviewing schoolgirls in 2004 in a, by then, relatively civilized and routine manner in Figure 1.7. Schoolgirls uncertain and blunt utterances temporarily became a stand-in for the voice of the public and schoolgirls themselves became jaded subjects of a revolving wall of veiled slurs and indecent propositions spelled out in headlines: The Lust of Girls Swilling around the Voic Introduction Services (Sh kan Bunshun, 2 May 1996: ); The Underlying Sickness of Infantilized Men and the Children for Whom Calling Prostitution Compensated Dating Is Common Sense (Economist, 7 January 1997: 90 92); or, on a sillier note, Beat Takeshi s End-of-the-Century Venom: Pro-Wrestler Girls and Nude Idols Are Just a Continuation of Compensated Dating High School Girls (Sh kan Post, 12 September 1997: ). Over the next few years, compensated dating, high-school girls, and the street styles linked to them referred to generically as kogyaru (sometimes romanized back into American English as kogal) became a central feature of media, academic, and art content. See the bulge in news media reportage of these key terms in the graph in Figure 1.8, 7 which shows the number of uses of these terms in article titles and headlines alone. Critic Azuma Hiroki FIGURE 1.6 I hope to do compensated dating declares a voic message transcribed into telop on-screen subtitles in a teatime television news report in 1998

26 FIGURE 1.7 Roving camera crews meeting schoolgirls in April 2004 Source: photograph by John Fitzpatrick ganguro kogyaru compensated dating Year FIGURE 1.8 The mountain of news media reportage of the key terms compensated dating, kogyaru, and ganguro between 1995 and 2007

27 12 Introduction: the age of the girl testifies to the indelicate mode of this engagement in comments on how 1990s journalism foraged on the so-called kogal (Azuma, 2001: 131; 2009: 90). Television programming on compensated dating, mainly in the form of investigative news reports and documentaries, sometimes involved its audiences as participants in undercover surveillance work on schoolgirls in motion. On 23 October 1997, for example, TBS Television broadcast an episode of the popular series Gakko e ik (Let s Go to School!) at 7 pm. This episode showed the anchors members of the boy band V6 with audiovisual spying equipment, chasing and spying on schoolgirls, and moving between a studio audience of schoolchildren with disguised voices and pixilated faces and sections of breathless footage in the city. In one cut, a secret camera and microphone hidden inside a karaoke box show what is interpreted to be schoolgirls consorting with a salaryman. In another cut, police are shown raiding a sunakku ( snack bar ) 8 that is said to employ a 15-yearold hostess. Neither the police nor the viewers can find her. In another long segment, a young girl is followed across Tokyo by the show s good-looking boy-band host squatting in a heavily equipped spy van. She is referred to as a sh jo (girl) but her age, identity, and how she was intercepted by the camera crew are not discussed. What are believed to be the girl s phone calls are tapped and broadcast, and the camera follows her to two locations where she has just arranged to meet two different men. The excitement of the clandestine chase is powerful, and eventually the girl is shown as a distant silhouette in a diner, apparently sharing a meal with a man before later visiting an amusement park with another. At the end of the sequence, the tarento (talent) hosts are seen visiting the home of the girl s mother, who is in turn filmed receiving a shocking video recording of her daughter s movements. She is urged to pop the incriminating video tape into her VHS machine, and the show s host requests that she verbalize her reaction to it to the intervening camera and television audience. The right to spy, know, and make public judgments of the private lives of high-school girls was forcibly carved out through invasive media work and social research. Every utterance made by the schoolgirls intercepted was absorbed by microphone booms held in front of their faces. Something similar to the performance of Tokyo media professionals catching (tsukamaru) schoolgirls had happened in England three decades earlier in the 1960s, in what became the first and most influential academic case study of the media creation of a moral panic. As sociologist Stanley Cohen recalls, Seaside resorts were invariably full of journalists and photographers, waiting for something to happen, and stories, poses and interviews would be extracted from the all too willing performers. One journalist recalls being sent, in response to a cable from an American magazine, to photograph Mods in Picadilly at five o clock on a Sunday morning, only to find a team from Paris Match and a full film unit already on the spot. (Cohen, 1972: 141)

28 Introduction: the age of the girl 13 Mod hunting, Cohen went on to remark, was at the time a respectable, almost crowded subprofession of journalism. The fact that those who were hunted were willing performers does not make the pattern any less exploitative; presumably hunchbacks were not always unwilling to perform the jester role (Cohen, 1972: 141). In a similar pattern, journalists specializing in interviewing and filming schoolgirls, especially those in kogyaru-style school uniforms or seeming willing to talk about their sexual exploits, became a temporary subprofession (to be discussed in Chapter 3). Girls voices and teenage sartorial style had a premium value in authenticating this media story but reached the news kiosks, bookshelves, and screens only as the carefully selected and edited products of older and professional editors and producers. While it has been recognized that both deviant schoolgirls and kogyaru were exploited as symbols (Leheny, 2006: 79 82) in the 1990s, something more involved and intriguing than a straightforward process of opportunistic exploitation was also taking place. Sociologist Maruta K ji utilized social construction analysis and the terms of the American news media critic Daniel Boorstein and earlier critical Japanese social historians to argue that compensated dating was a pseudo-event (Maruta, 2000: ) in the first instance. 9 Maruta argues that the reality of compensated dating was that the news media was the organizer, transmitter, and classifier of what was in fact a social event constructed within the media (Maruta, 2000: 210). Most specialists of various shades of opinion privately agreed: in the case of compensated dating, the engagement in the wide and complex symbolism of the discussion far outweighed its sociology or life in bodies. The chief designer of the 1996 TMG Youth Survey, the results of which were widely cited as the source of evidence that compensated dating was a serious problem, was discreet but clear about his own interpretation of the results: Compensated dating is not a serious problem, simply because the number of children involved is so few. Compensated dating is not a social problem so much as a media phenomenon (Iwama Natsuki interview, April 2003). Suspicion that the news about deviant schoolgirls was simply a profitable invention of the media, was voiced by critical observers with insider insight at the earliest onset of the media conflagration. By 1997, ironic deconstructions of the role of the media in framing and branding schoolgirls as the deviant subject of desire were being widely shared between culture workers and their audiences. See the fictional schoolgirl pimp Jonko, in the film Bounce Kogals! (1997) scripted to say It s all the media s fault for encouraging the deluded men who approach me in the streets in Figure 1.9. Comments penned by teenage school students in 1998 on the way kogyaru were presented in the media (gathered by myself and discussed in Chapter 4) indicate the commonplaceness of critical anti-media attitudes generated around this topic. Through the 1990s a feedback loop was put in to motion through which salacious and male-oriented media narratives about saucy schoolgirls stimulated respectable news reports on teenage prostitution, which in turn provoked statistical surveys and intensified the media spotlight on potentially deviant schoolgirls, which then became the stage for further shockingly sexualized street fashions among girls, and provoked further media attention.

29 14 Introduction: the age of the girl FIGURE 1.9 Fictional schoolgirl pimp Jonko, in the 1997 film Bounce Kogals!, is scripted to say It s all the media s fault for encouraging the deluded men who approach her in the streets for sex Source: used with kind permission of the director, Harada Masato. Cliques creating the story The topic of compensated dating moved in a series of discrete hops through sectors of the publishing world and up into the public spheres of television broadcasting, government, politics, film, and art. Close scrutiny of this phenomenon throughout this book, especially in Chapter 3, demonstrates how highly symbolic and resonant narratives can be collectively germinated and worked to fruition. While the wide appeal of the compensated dating story reflects its collective and accreted production, a small and tightly bound cultural and intellectual elite was responsible for adding intellectual high notes and key subplots to the principal tale. Not only were the specific magazines and television programs involved in passing along the story traceable, but their editors and freelance writers along with a field of academic and legal specialists sustaining cultural content and comment on deviant schoolgirls were concrete personages. This book is based on interviews, shared activities, and a few long-running relationships with many of the few dozen individuals involved in producing the great majority of the original copy about deviant schoolgirls and compensated dating, as well as its alternative and more progressive versions. The earliest interlocutor of schoolgirl deviance was a young sociologist, Miyadai Shinji, then based at Tokyo Metropolitan University, who had co-produced a wellreceived book on cultural studies in Japan, Deconstructing the Myth of Subculture (1993),

30 Introduction: the age of the girl 15 and had followed this up with ethnographic research on high-school girls, leading to multiple publications on teenage female subculture and attitudes. In the second half of the 1990s Miyadai, at that time dubbed the school girls pants Professor (burusera gakusha), 10 appeared frequently on television and radio and published numerous nonacademic interviews and articles, in which he invited viewers and readers to see casual prostitution as widespread and as the harbinger of a revolutionary shift in teenage female thinking that signaled the onset of a new epoch of post-political pragmatism. In the late 1990s he became an advisor to the Monbukagakush (Ministry of Sports, Culture, and Education) and reported to the National Diet during preparation of the Child Solicitation and Child Pornography Prevention Act. The most highly rewarded and well-known public specialists on schoolgirl deviance were also acquaintances in the same trade, with insider knowledge of the range and hidden political context of work produced on schoolgirls. They forged alliances among themselves and established camps based to some degree on political cleavages: the schoolgirl issue was new material through which political positioning could take place. Left-wing returnee journalist Fujii Yoshiki worked alongside the libertarian sociologist Miyadai Shinji, who also worked with Hayami Yukiko, a leading female investigative journalist associated with AERA (a center-left news magazine) in this period. The opinions of these professional writer specialists appear throughout this book. Miyadai Shinji and Hayami Yukiko formed an intimate relationship of their own, and both were friendly supporters of the film director Iwai Shunji, who also produced films on the disturbed emotional states and consciousness of schoolchildren (such as All About Lily Chou Chou, 2002). One of these leading specialists was also a close friend of the director Sono Sion who also directed several films about errant schoolgirls (to be discussed in Chapters 8 and 9). Another specialist journalist who came to some fame by writing on compensated dating from a more moralistic and paternal standpoint was Kuronuma Katsushi, a veteran of articles for weekly current-affairs magazines read largely by men, whose investigations are discussed in Chapter 3. In addition to these full-time temporary specialists, several of the leading names in contemporary culture and social commentary began to produce work on the high-school-girl issue on a drop-in basis, including the novelist Murakami Ry (introduced to some of his real-life schoolgirl informants by one of the other specialists discussed here), who scripted Love & Pop (1998), a film on compensated dating directed by Anno Hideaki, the celebrated creator of the animation Neon Genesis Evangelion (1995). Kawai Hayao, the venerable Jungian folklore scholar and social commentator, at that time also director of Nichibunken (International Research Center for Japanese Studies), entered into televised and printed dialogues with Murakami Ry and men s journalist Kuronuma Katsushi to debate the psychology of problem schoolgirls. Feminist writer, scholar, and activist Ueno Chizuko formed a partial alliance with Miyadai Shinji and Hayami Yukiko in work published on the politics of teenage female sexual self-management. Trained cultural anthropologist and cultural critic, editorial pioneer of the Lolita-complex genre, and comic script writer tsuka Eiji appeared on the NHK s educational

31 16 Introduction: the age of the girl channel discussing and meeting with delinquent schoolgirls, and published several serious articles on the theme of schoolgirls ignorance in the wider political context of moves to increase censorship and repress historical awareness of the period of Imperial expansion. Other filmmakers who took up the schoolgirl theme were Harada Masato (Bounce Kogals!, 1997) and cult producer Sono Sion, for whom eccentric, lusting, chasing (Utsushimi, 2000), and violently self-destructive (the Suicide Circle trilogy, 2001~) schoolgirls are the center of the drama. A still from Sono Sion s later film Love Exposure (2008), in which the damaged lead character Yoko has yet another new school uniform fresh from a dry-cleaning shop slung over her shoulder on a hanger, appears in Figure Another key figure in the creative firmament of the 1990s and 2000s was the artist Aida Makoto, arguably the most influential and respected artist in Japan throughout that period (Favell, 2012). Aida Makoto added images such as Joshik sei harakiri (Harakiri Schoolgirls, 1999) to his established oeuvre of national schoolgirls (Azemichi, 1991) and idol-like bish jo (beautiful girls). These schoolgirl pieces are discussed further in Chapters 6 and 9 and can be seen in Figures 6.3 and 6.4. It is important that the reader takes particular note of the fact that the creators, including the people named above, were almost exclusively male sociologists, journalists, artists, novelists, intellectuals, film directors, and sundry other image professionals, who had a specific male imaginative trajectory embedded in social FIGURE 1.10 Man-hating schoolgirl Yoko dawdling across a crossing gives a van driver the finger in the film Love Exposure (2008) Source: used with kind permission of the director Sono Sion.

32 Introduction: the age of the girl 17 and symbolic networks dominated by men. Unraveling the ways in which the cult of schoolgirls has been generated necessarily becomes a feminist project because, with the exception of a few highly prominent female writers and photographers, the academic, legal, and cultural pioneers of material about delinquent schoolgirls were men. 11 The highly gendered balance of power underlying the construction of girl icons and bad schoolgirl narratives is explored in stages throughout this book, particularly in Chapters 3, 5, 8, and 9. Whether sympathetic or damning, the male stars of the culturati who engaged themselves with the task of finessing representations of the lives and habits of deviant schoolgirls shared this job with a warren of lesser-known writers and editors producing copy for men s comics and magazines. Outside of the core of specialist writers and leading names that coalesced around the schoolgirl enigma was another layer of more obscure (and more purely male) producers many of whom had been producing entertainment and scripts around images of sexy, canny, and fighting schoolgirls many years prior to the public events of the mid-1990s, and who were typically embedded within largely male-oriented avant-garde, porn, or otaku milieus. Among the more famous of these, for example, are the director Sat Hisayuki a veteran of splatter and pink films and Mori Nobuyuki the covert otaku taxonomist of high-school girls uniforms. See a late 1980s prototype of a heroic deviant schoolgirl ward of the camera in Sat Hisayuki s pink eiga (cinema porn movie) in Figure Enquiries into the academic, journalistic, and cultural activities of these individuals and many other either unknown or more peripherally engaged editors, academics, local government officials, lawyers, and writers are the principal empirical sources grounding the analysis in this book. Initial phases FIGURE 1.11 A hardened schoolgirl fights off prying cameras in an eighties pink eiga (porn movie), Lolita Vibe Torture that prophesises news media attention to schoolgirls in the 1990s Source: image used with the kind permission of the director Sat Hisayuki, of Lolita Vibe Torture (1987).