The Psychology of Youth - A Review

Transcription

1 Drug Demand Reduction as Formal Social Control: Teenagers' Rational Choice and Reverse Effects of Anti-Drug Media Campaigns Due to Hidden Curriculum Draft Paper prepared for the Third Annual Conference of the International Society for the Study of Drug Policy (ISSDP) Conference, United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime, Vienna International Centre, 2-3 March 2009 Tevfik ÇAMPINARI General Directorate of Family and Social Research (Turkey Republic, Prime Ministry) Hacettepe University, Department of Sociology, MSc. Candidate Abstract In developing countries, drug policy is focused on use reduction as a demand reduction strategy by anti-drug media campaigns aiming drug free life, and a considerable target of the mentioned policy is high school students. (TADOC-TUBIM 2004 surveys show that the statistical mode of first drug usage age is age group in Turkey) However, these anti-drug media campaigns sometimes disregard youth subcultures; underestimate hidden curriculum and rational choice of young individuals. Drug usage of young individuals embodies a motivation that is more complex than identification of cultural idols using drugs. Drug usage and exaltation of the consciousness level attributed to drug usage symbolize a subculture and life style in which the conventional life styles and collective consciousness is disowned. Moreover, reactions to all hegemonic discourses and intended curriculum are common attributes for these youth cultures. On the other hand, anti-drug campaigns aiming awareness and consciousness either criminalize the youth subcultures or reduce individuals that are using drugs to a simpler victimized state. Furthermore, these anti-drug campaigns develop the hegemonic discourse opposed by youth culture, increase social polarization, increase the gap between hidden and intended curriculums and create a superior exclusion effect for ideas, cultures and life styles of high school youth. Youth subcultures are also disregarded by economic analysis accepting other activities which are different from addiction as one commodity. This paper questions the effects of antidrug media campaigns with a behavioural economics approach demonstrating the drug addiction choice of youth as well as possible effects of anti-drug media campaigns in light of addiction theories. It also mentions the basic differences of current first drug usage in industrialized and developing countries, evaluates anti-drug activities targeting youth in Turkey in light of TADOC-TUBIM's empirical findings and possible alternative policies. In particular, a wide interpretation is put on the phrase "demand reduction policies shall be sensitive to culture" in the 8th article of UNGASS 1998 Declaration and a critical approach is brought (in terms of youth subculture and youth life styles) to demand reduction by conventional anti-drug media campaigns aiming to prevent the decrease in the average age of first usage. Keywords: drug addiction, drug policy, behavioural economics, youth, Turkish drug policy, anti-drug media campaigns 1

2 Introduction Adolescents are becoming the most important focus in anti-drug action plans, prevention programmes and anti-drug media campaigns as well as drug addiction research. The reason of this trend is not only because the age of first usage is decreasing throughout the world among adolescents, but also the new evidences proving that adolescence period is the reproduction of vulnerability to addiction and related risks. (Figure 3.b demonstrates the trends in the first usage ages reported between 2003 and 2007 in Turkey as an example) However, when drug addiction of young people is analysed, the field was dominated by biological or criminological approaches till now. On the other hand, the mentality behind school based-prevention programmes, drug education and anti-drug media campaigns addressing youth generally deal with drug addiction among youth as a problem of morality, peer pressure and persuasion of strange mysterious drug sellers; instead of accepting that the problematic drug use is a problem of social exclusion to a certain extent. (The empirical data as an example in Appendix III on the profile of drug addicts in Turkey provide evidences on the relationship of drug use and social exclusion in terms of education level, income level and reasons for drug use) Research has shown that problematic drug use (particularly among young people) is associated with a broad range of risk factors, including family disruption, poor relationships with parents, childhood abuse, school problems, childhood conduct disorder, crime, mental ill-health and social deprivation. (Lloyd, 1998 by Neale, 2006; 4) The links between these various risk factors are complex and it is not possible to say that any one causes another; simply that they are interrelated. (Neale, 2006; 4) This paper draws attention to cultural and identity based attributes and related rational choices of adolescence and brings a critical approach to drug prevention programmes and anti-drug media campaigns in terms of youth culture and identity with a behavioural economics approach with mentioning several weaknesses of this approach. Most importantly, the paper proposes a new framework for new research focusing on youth culture and identity and impact analysis of anti-drug media campaigns, drug education and prevention programs. Age Groups of First Usage 40% 35% Percentage 30% 25% 20% 15% 10% < < Unknow n 5% 0% Year Figure 3.2b) First usage ages of drug addicts in Turkey (Extracted from the annual reports of TUBIM Turkey Drug Addiction Monitoring Centre) Questioning the place of drug use in youth subcultures and its evolution in last century exceeds the limits of this paper. In fact, the aim of this paper is to mention the general points 2

3 having cultural and identity related aspects to the extent that they are in relation with the inconsistencies between the anti-drug media campaigns, prevention programs and aspects of youth drug use related with culture and identity briefly. Behavioural Economics Approach to Drug Addiction The theories of addiction based on behavioural economics approach focuses on rational choice by placing the cause of addiction inside the person while explaining the behaviour pattern of excessive consumption. Background and Results of Empirical Research in the Field The operant laboratory with animal subjects has been an important empirical experience for behavioural research based on choice. The basic principle of this empirical process was exposing animals simultaneously to two response choices and reinforcing occasionally with food according to pre-determined contingencies. The combined total frequency of reinforcement and the amount of food were held constant for two options in Herrnstein s (1961) seminal experiment. (Herrnstein by Vuchinich, Heather, 2003; 2) However, the relative frequency of reinforcements for two options was variable. The relative frequency of responds was measured and compared with the relative frequency of reinforcements. The most important result of the experiment was the equality of the ratio of responses and the ratio of related reinforcements as it is shown in the equation below. B 1 FR = 1 B2 FR2 In this equation, B 1 and B 2 are responses related with two response options and FR 1 and FR 2 represent reinforcements related with two responses. The resulting equations show that expected behaviours are allocated to two response options according to the frequency of reinforcements. Regarding the observed fact that the ratio of behaviour is matched with the reinforcement distribution between two alternatives, this relation is called the matching law. However, the empirical observations concluded with the findings about the relationship of the reinforcement and response was not only limited with the frequency of reinforcement. Following researches found out that the amounts of behaviour allocated to two response options were related with other dimensions such as amount and delay as well as frequency. These findings could be expressed as equations below in which AR 1 and AR 2 represent amounts of reinforcements and DR 1 and DR 2 represent delays of reinforcements related with two response options. B 1 and B 2 represent responses related with two response options again as in the previous equation. B 1 AR1 B =, 1 DR = 2 B2 AR2 B2 DR1 As it is observed in the second equation, it is easy to conclude that the amount of responses are inversely proportional with the delay of reinforcements because the delay is a factor that is effecting the individual s assessment of the reinforcement and decreasing the total utility anticipated by the individual. Herrnstein (1970) proposed the matching law as a general analytic framework for describing behavioural allocation to any activity in any situation. (Herrnstein by Vuchinich, Heather, 2003; 3) B 1 R = 1 B0 R0 In this equation, B 1 and B 2 represent behaviour allocated to two different response options and DR 1 and DR 2 refer to dimensions of reinforcement related to particular activities. This equation is the expression of the relation between the proportion of behaviour allocated 3

4 to any given activity and reinforcement received from the mentioned activity and reinforcement received from other sources. The delay dimension of reinforcement and the behaviour allocated to a particular activity become an originating point for temporal discounting approach. Individuals usually make a decision between choosing a small reward which is available at the moment and a greater reward which will be available in the future. Individuals either choose substance use which results in risking their future expectations, health, prestige, intimate relationships, future social life, occupation, family life, any success etc. Or choose not to use substance and engage in non-substance activities which are expected to strengthen their future life. Consequently, this contradiction is interpreted as a trade-off between sooner smaller rewards and later larger rewards. ( and ) Matching law states that an individual s choice between two rewards is proportional to the relative amount of reinforcement and inversely proportional to the relative delay of reinforcement. These two conditions could be expressed with the following equality: B1 A1 D2 = B2 A2 D1 If the smaller reinforce is sooner and larger reinforce is later being consistent with the substance use and engaging in non-substance activities, choosing smaller sooner reward () is called impulsive, and choosing larger later reward () is called self-controlled. However, as from a decision point where the value of rewards predicted, at different choice moments, an individual will decide either in an impulsive or self-controlled manner. The time intervals between decision points and the delivering time of rewards are crucial factors determining whether the decision will be impulsive or self-controlled. According to that approach, individual s choice between the and will change over time according to the time intervals between decision moment and the delivering times of and. That means an individual s choice will be self-controlled or impulsive at different choice times and this contrast between the decision characters at different times is the most conflicting aspect of latest temporal discounting approach with traditional views of reward value variations in time. Hyperbolic Temporal Discounting Functions Figure 1) Temporal Discounting Functions as an Expression of Self-controlled and Impulsive Decisions The graphical demonstrations of the mentioned empirical findings are depicted in the graph above. The longer line in the graph represents the discounted value of over a time 4

5 period and the shorter line is a representation of the discounted value of. The peak points of the and curves are the coordinates of total utility and delivery time of and. Till the intersection point of lines, is preferred to because the discounted value of is higher than the discounted value of and consequently the choice will be accepted as self-controlled. However, an individual s choice will changed after the intersection point to maximize utility and from that point the individual will behave in an impulsive manner. The present value of the reinforcement in the future is directly proportional to the amount of the reinforcement and inversely proportional to the delay of reinforcement. If we consider this relationship we can reformulate the relationship as an equality of present value and the division of reinforcement amount by reinforcement delay. A V t = Dt V represents the present value of reward amount A which will be delivered after a delay of D t at current time t. However, there are two unsatisfying aspects of this straightforward equation derived from matching law applied to amount and delay of reinforcement. First of all, when the delivery time arrives and delay becomes zero, the value of the reward value would be undefined. This condition is explained with the preference of the immediate reinforcement to any delayed reinforcement even if the delayed one is greater than the immediate one. Secondly, if it s accepted that the present value of a future reward is equal to the real amount of the future reward divided by delay; this equation will result in accepting that discounted value of the reinforcement would be same for everyone in the same conditions. Nevertheless, we don t need further empirical evidence to conclude that discounted value of the future reward would be different for individuals and there would be different degrees of temporal discounting. Mazur developed the temporal discounting function with two alterations on the (reward amount/delay) ratio. His empirical studies based on the characteristics of temporal changes in the value of delayed reinforcement. (Mazur, 2001; 97) The resulting new equation was as follows: A V = 1+ kd In this equation, V represents the present value of reward amount, A is the amount of delayed reward and D is the delay interval. The equation could be re-written so that D t is the delay interval to delivery at current time t. A Vt = 1+ kdt The equation may be rearranged again so that it will demonstrate the value of a reward that will be delivered in time r. In the new equation, t represents the current time and r is the delivery time of reward. D t could be stated with the expression (r-t) where r represents the reward delivery time and t represents the current time. A V t = 1+ k( r t) The new item in these three equations is the k parameter which is a constant coefficient in front of (r-t) in the last equation and represents the degree of temporal discounting. The higher and lower k values are the expressions of greater and lesser degrees of discounting, respectively. The number 1 in the denominator that is added with the product of k(r-t) ensures that the discounted value of reinforcement could never exceed its real amount even if the delay becomes zero and delivery time arrives. The k coefficient provides an 5

6 equation that is sufficient for demonstration of individual differences in the degree of discounting. The geometric demonstration of the discount function expressed by this ultimate equation exhibits a hyperbola and consequently, this new temporal discounting function is termed hyperbolic temporal discounting. There was an important distinction between hyperbolic discounting function and more traditional approaches. Samuelson s discounted utility model of intertemporal choice was based on an exponential discounting function which has dominated the field since this approach was put forth. (Samuelson, 1937) This approach was based on exponential discounting function which may be shown with the following equation: kd V = A e In this equation, V represents the present value of reward amount, A is the amount of delayed reward and (r-t) is the remaining delay interval to reward delivery at time t as represented in the hyperbolic temporal discounting function. The k coefficient is again the indicator of the degree of temporal discounting. With the exponential discounting function, the rate of discounting is the same. Consequently, equal increments in delay result in constant proportional decrements in value of reward. However, with a hyperbolic discounting function, equal increments in delay result in larger decrements in the value of reward at shorter delay intervals and smaller decrements at longer delay intervals. As it is demonstrated in the figure, the rate of discounting is constant through every point of exponential curve. However, smaller decrements in larger delays could be observed with the hyperbolic discounting function. (Figure 4) Temporal Discounting Functions (Hyperbolic and Exponential) EXP HYP Delivery Interval () Figure 4) Hyperbolic and Exponential Discounting Functions Compared and Demonstrated in terms of Delivery Interval As it is possible to observe from the figures below, the most critical result of this difference is the preference reversal in hyperbolic discounting function. Preference between and remains constant in exponential discounting function, whereas the preference between SR and changes with time in hyperbolic discounting function. As it is mentioned before, this is the most important distinction of hyperbolic discounting function from more traditional approaches. (Figure2, Figure 3) In Figure 2), the two curves demonstrate a hyperbolic discounting function and the intersection point of them is the preference reversal in hyperbolic discounting function. However, in Figure 3) it is not possible to observe this kind of preference reversal. 6

7 Hyperbolic Temporal Discounting Functions Figure 2) Hyperbolic Temporal Discounting Functions Exponential Temporal Discounting Functions Figure 3) Exponential Temporal Discounting Functions The and choice dynamics are crucial for explaining the mechanism behind substance addiction. According to theories that describing the behaviour patterns intended for substance use which may have remarkable negative consequences in the long-run, substance use is considered identical to and engaging in non-substance activities is represented with. Theories of Addiction The theoretical approaches to drug addiction in the field of behavioural economics are dominated with four main theories. These four main theories are Ainslie s addiction approach and prevention mechanisms, the melioration theory of addiction, Rachlin s relative theory of addiction and finally rational theory of addiction. Ainslie applies the general principles of hyperbolic discounting to explaining different cases and behaviours where the choice between expected short-run and long-run consequences is critical. Ainslie describe four types of tactics to avoid impulsive choice. First one is extrapsychic mechanisms and this means deliberate engineering of the physical or social environment so that the impulsive choice becomes impossible or much more difficult to 7

8 make. The problem with extrapsychic devices is that they also reduce desirable flexibility, and may create a wasteful motive to try to evade or undo them. (Ainslie & Monterosso, 1999; 343) The second one is control of attention referring to restrictions on the processing of information about the. The third one is called control of emotions describing attempts to inhibit emotional responses associated with the or even to augment emotions that are compatible with the appetite for it. And finally, personal rules correspond to the idea of principles or universal rules of behaviour that have been recommended as a means of achieving will-power and they dictate the choice to be made in a whole class of conflict situations involving the need to delay gratification. (Vuchinich & Heather, 2003; 19) The melioration theory of addiction focuses on the local utility acquired from substance use and engaging in non-substance activities. Individual achieve a total utility from substance use and non-substance use activities and the options are mutually exclusive. The sum of local utilities belonging to substance use and non-substance activities is global utility. The melioration theory states that an individual s strategy is determined by comparison between local utilities and irrelevant to global utility. Consequently, substance use lowers both utility acquired from substance use and utility of non-substance activities. Melioration refers to the process that behaviour is allocated through the local utility. Substance use lowers both local utility of substance use and local utility of non-substance activities. However, the melioration continues, because the local utility of substance use is always higher than the option of not using. (Herrnstein, 1990: 219) The Melioration Process Local of Nonsubstance activities Local of drug consumption Overall Abstinence Heavy Drug Use Figure 5) Behavioural allocation process from abstinence to heavy drug use in melioration theory of addiction Despite the thesis of the melioration theory indicating individuals tendency to maximize local utility, Rachlin s relative theory of addiction is based on the argument that individuals try to maximize the global utility originating from substance use and social interaction which are substitutable. That means an individual who demands more substance will demand less social interaction and vice versa. When explaining the process of excessive consumption, relative theory of addiction argues that the choice process continues with the adjustments according to benefit/cost ratios of substance use and social interaction so that maximum utility is reached. In addition, there are also two important concepts about comparison of these two commodities: price-sensitization and price-habituation. The benefit/cost ratio and consumption of price-habituated commodities are negatively related. However, the benefit/cost ratio and consumption of price-sensitized commodities are positively related. (Vuchinich & Heather, 2003; 23) 8

9 According to relative theory of addiction, addictive substances are price-habituated and the benefit/cost ratio decreases with the consumption. On the other hand, social interaction is price-sensitized and the benefit/cost ratio increases with the consumption. Rachlin goes further and argues that there are positive and negative addictions which are substitutable for each other. Social interaction is a positive addiction. (Rachlin, 2007; 242) Relative Theory of Addiction Price Sensitization of Social Interaction Price Habituation of Drug Consumption Socialization Drug Use Figure 6) Behavioural allocation process including socialization and drug use in relative theory of addiction The fourth theoretical approach that will be mentioned here is the rational theory of addiction. According to that approach, individuals take into account the consequences of their current decision during the allocation of behaviours. The rational theory of addiction considers future consumption contrarily to other theoretical approaches which argues that the current choice is based on the past experiences. Rational theory of addiction also assumes a choice between two choices: substance use and engaging in non-substance activities. Rational theory of addiction also accepts that substance use lowers the total utility of both substance use and other non-substance activities. Rational Addiction of Nonsubstance Activities of Drug Consumption Abstinence Heavy Drug Use (Stock of Addictive Capital) Figure 7) Behavioural allocation process from abstinence to heavy drug use (no stock to high stock) in theory of rational addiction Nevertheless, the rational theory of addiction makes a distinction between total utility and marginal utility and argues that individuals make their choices to maximize marginal 9

10 utility at the current stage. The rational theory of addiction comes up with a new model including the effect of past consumption on future consumption and this is stated as addictive stock as an expression of stock consumption capital. Addictive stock increases with consumption and depreciates at a rate that varies across individuals and commodities. Addictive stock depends on past consumption and life cycle events. (Becker, Grossman, Murphy, 1992; 237) Stock accumulation lowers total utility derived from substance use and other activities, but raises the marginal utility of consumption of the addictive good. This mechanism is termed adjacent complementarity which is a key feature of rational addiction. It means substance use in adjacent time periods is complementary. In Figure 7), the distance which is getting widened between utility line of drug consumption and utility line of non-substance activities demonstrate the marginal utility. Theoretical Criticism and Empirical Inferences from Turkey Case: What is disregarded in Behavioural Economics Perspective? First of all, when there is an intention to analyse the choice dynamics related to shortrun and long-run rewards, there is an important distinction between behaviour-reinforcement matches of animals and choice of animals. The distinction between and represents a life-style modification in drug use case, because choice represents the conventional life style. This is more than a choice between two discounted values of rewards. This is especially crucial about young people. As it is mentioned before, hyperbolic discounting function is expressed below: A V t = 1+ k( r t) In this equation, V represents the present value of reward amount, A is the amount of delayed reward and (r-t) is the remaining delay interval to reward delivery at time t. However, demonstration of the utility of as substance use and as nonsubstance activities (in other words, conventional activities) is not that simple. Although the utility of reward is denoted with the item A, in the cases of real life, there are mostly external costs and external benefits of choosing or. These external costs and benefits are derived from the current situation when either or is chosen and these external costs and benefits are not discounted values, they belong to current choice period. These external costs and benefits will have an effect on the decision of individual. As the real life examples, when young people choose to use drugs in an environment where drug use seems influential and credited, they person have some social advantages in the environment. Likewise, when people choose non-substance activities as a way of conventional and respected life, they will have some social advantages. Furthermore, people who choose drug use option have some implicit or explicit difficulties when using drugs. Examples are the obstacles to access drugs or possible problems with their friends who do not approve this choice. These costs and benefits arise from the current status, from the nature of choice itself. They are not discounted or they are not part of the future reward although it is difficult for some of them to separate from the original reward as a utility bundle. For that reason, it would be appropriate to demonstrate these external costs and benefits separately as in the equation below: A V = + xb xc 1+ kd In this new equation, xb and xc demonstrates the external costs and benefits exposed in the current situation when the choice is made. These new items are proper tools for the demonstration of shifted new or curves parallel to their initial positions when there are extra costs or benefits occurs. 10

11 Secondly, the discounting curves assume fixed k coefficients throughout the hyperbolic discounting curves in general. However, there could be possible discounting asymmetries regarding the choice of young people (for example low coefficients for discounting benefits and low coefficients for discounting costs) and these effects should be analysed and there should be proper empirical research on this issue. Thirdly, the theories of addiction in the field of behavioural economics focus on two choices as and. This distinction between two commodities/rewards is either labelled as substance use and non-substance activities or substance use and social interaction. However, the distinction in real life is not this much simple and it contains factors other than the mentioned dichotomy. For instance, the is expressed as non-substance activities. These non-substance activities are interpreted as commitment and conventional activities. However, a nonsubstance activity that has long-run consequences may be conventional or non-conventional. This is especially critical about the analysis of young individuals choices. Most of the specific activities of youth culture demonstrate unconventional characteristics in terms of adults lives. On the other hand, young individuals may demonstrate an opposition to conventional activities as a result of their identity crisis in an Eriksonian expression. However, this case does not mean that opposition to conventional activities will result in drug abuse. Another problem about the choice between and is that the choice of young people may be determined according to relative values of future rewards instead of absolute discounted values. This is because the and are perceived utility functions. In this case, suppose that there is a change in the amount (A) of (let s say conventional activities and long-run success) and the result is a new curve that is shifted upwards demonstrating that the utility perceived at every time section will be higher. However, if the drug use have connotation of protesting adult life or conventional life and representing an outside of the ordinary life, young people will perceive a higher and react to the shift in. This is why any research that would be conducted on the process of constructing the meaning of drug use by youth is crucial to discover the perception of relative utilities. According to the empirical findings belonging to the research conducted among drug addicts in Turkey in last twelve years, the highest percentages in the reasons of first usage are curiosity and friend effect. (Table 3.4a, Table 3.4b) If the fact that the highest percentage of first usage belongs to and age intervals, it may be conclude that the curiosity here may be interpreted as a search for different life styles and further more different identities for young people. In any case, it is not possible to consider the factor of curiosity independent form social world and social interaction. In this case, it is very difficult and not realistic to see drug addiction and social interaction (or other non-substance activities as it is considered in most of the theoretical approaches) as substitute goods. On the other hand, drug addiction and conventional life styles under the heading nonsubstance activities of social interaction are designated as substitute goods. However, although any protest behaviour belongs to youth culture doesn t have to be related with drug culture, sometimes drug use may become an outcome of youth protest and culture. In this case, the relationship between the drug addiction and conventional life styles would be mutually exclusive at a certain degree. In this case, an unconventional activity would be a substitute for drug use. The demand relationship between drug use and conventional activities should be examined by future empirical research with including the cultural effects and considering another classification s effects on the choice of youth: unconventional and conventional activities excluding drug use. 11

12 Social Control and Cultural Aspects of Youth Drug Addiction in Terms of Adult Effect and Intervention: Factors to Consider in Future Empirical Research It is appropriate to analyse intended or implicit targets of anti-drug media campaigns and prevention programmes addressing youth within the context of control and social bonding theories of crime. Because the fundamental mentality behind these interventions is that drug use is a result of deviance and it is a crime-like act that could be prevented with the reintegration of deviant youth with the whole society. As an early version of social control theory, F. Ivan Nye identifies three main categories of social control in Family Relationships and Delinquent Behavior : Direct control, by which punishment is imposed or threatened for misconduct and compliance is rewarded by parents Indirect control, by which a youth refrains from delinquency because his or her delinquent act might cause pain and disappointment for parents or others with whom one has close relationships. Internal control, by which a youth s conscience or sense of guilt prevents him or her from engaging in delinquent acts. Nye recognized that direct controls could be exercised through formal or legal sanctions, but he emphasized informal, indirect controls in the family. Nye also argues that the more adolescents needs for affection, recognition, security, and new experiences are met within the family, the less they will turn to meeting those needs in unacceptable ways outside the family. (Nye, 1958 by Akers & Sellers, 2009; 126) The classifications of social control mechanisms proposed by Nye resemble the basic assumptions of the policy making in the prevention field that could be deducted from main discourses of anti-drug media campaigns. (A short list of the examples of slogans or project titles that belong to anti-drug media campaigns from Turkey could be found in Appendix IV.) It is possible to find serious disparities between Nye s approach on social control and Eriksonian view of adolescent development. According to Erik Erikson, the life cycle of individual consists of eight stages labelled as infancy, early childhood, play age, school age, adolescence, young adulthood, adulthood, old age. (Feist & Feist, 2006; 249) These stages follow each other according to epigenetic principles. In each stage there is a conflict between a syntonic element and a dystonic element which is expressed as psychosocial crisis. The basic conflict in adolescence period is the conflict between identity and identity confusion. However, the most important aspect of Erikson s model is the definitions as significant relations of each stage. The significant relations of adolescence are pointed out as peer groups. This thesis could be supported with the empirical findings on the fact that the reason for drug use among drug addicts is friends effect which is the most important factor (24% to 46%) with curiosity in Turkey case. (Table 3.4a and table 3.4b) The schematic demonstration of the basic attributes of adolescence stage in Erikson s model is shown in the table below with the previous and successive stages. (Feist & Feist, 2006; 256) Three Stages from Erikson's Eight Stage Life Cycle Development Stage Psychosexual Psychosocial Basic Strength Core Pathology Significant Mode Crisis Relations Young adulthood Genitality Adolescence Puberty Intimacy vs. Isolation Identity vs. Identity confusion School age Latency Industry vs. inferiority Love Exclusivity Sexual partners, friends Fidelity Role repudiation Peer groups Competence Inertia Neighbourhood, school 12

13 On the other hand, James Marcia suggests that individuals entering adolescence typically fall in one of two categories. The identity-diffused individual has no strong commitments and is not seeking any. Such individuals are satisfied to live day by day and simply see where life takes them. The foreclosed individual, by contrast, does have clear commitments. Those commitments have been internalized from parents and other agents of culture; they are not self-chosen, in that no alternatives have been seriously considered. According to Marcia, it is possible for an individual in either of these identity statuses to move into other. A foreclosed individual may become increasingly dubious of his or her commitments, yet have little or no interest in replacing these commitments with others. Such a decrease in concern with identity commitments would constitute to identity diffusion. (Marcia, 1966 by Moshman, 2005; 107) Marcia constructed a measure called the Identity Status Interview that classified adolescents into one of four identity statuses: diffusion, moratorium, foreclosure or achievement. (Arnett, 2001; 174) Commitment Yes No Yes Achievement Moratorium Exploration No Foreclosure Diffusion Erikson used identity crisis to describe the process through which young people construct their identity, but Marcia and other current scholars prefer the term exploration. Crisis, in the view of these scholars, implies that the process inherently involves anguish and struggle, whereas exploration implies a more positive investigation of possibilities. (Arnett, 2001; 174) Furthermore, if we take in to account Hirschi s social bonds theory, criminal and deviant behaviours as well as delinquency is the result of individual s weakened or broken bonds to society. The stronger social bonds with parents, teachers and peers, the more individual s behaviours will be controlled. The weaker the social bonds are, the more likely it is that the individual will break the rules. (Hirschi, 2004; 16) These four social bonds are attachment, commitment, involvement and belief. Attachment represents affectional ties with others. Commitment is the time, energy, self and personal resources invested in a certain line of activity that is the conventional life style through the life cycle of an individual. Involvement is avoiding criminal and deviant behaviours with a lack of opportunity to do otherwise with being involved in conventional activities. Finally, belief is committing to the value system of conventional society. (Hirschi, 2004; 16-26) If we look at the gender side of social control, there is an empirical finding about the gender profile of drug addicts in Turkey which could be the empirical evidence of a genderbased social control. The male/female ratio of drug addicts is an average of 32 in the period of which is 6-8 times greater than the maximum of drug addicts male/female ratios in European countries according to EMCDDA data. (Table 3.3) This data could be indicating the high level of direct control over females and females less facilities to reach drugs in developing countries and in more communal values at first glance. However, it is possible to interpret this finding related to identity formation and gender. Nielsen suggests more girls than boy leave adolescence without having achieved the necessary steps toward identity formation. According to this explanation, first of all, most girls are socialized to keep their identities flexible in order to accommodate the needs of their future husbands and children. Second, girls are encouraged to focus more on achieving intimacy with other people than on fashioning an identity separate from these relationships. Third, girls are more likely than boys to stop or to foreclose their identities before they explore their options and experiment with 13

14 different roles and paths. This happens largely because forming an identity requires a person to think and behave in ways that are considered unfeminine : taking risks, questioning authorities, asserting opinions, and putting personal needs and interests ahead of others expectations. Many of the teenage girls, who try to form identities of their own, as boys do, encounter considerable disapproval. (Brown & Gilligan, 1992; Gilligan, 1991; Hancock, 1989; Josselson, 1992; Kaschak, 1992; Richards, 1991 by Nielsen, 1996; 220) In addition, Hagan s power-control theory may provide understanding about the relationship between deviant roles and gender. According to power-control theory, social constraint varies by gender. This gender stratification of social control is reproduced across generations, especially in more patriarchal families. Patriarchal families are hierarchal power structures dominated by men. Mothers, especially in patriarchal families, impose more control on daughters than sons. (Hagan, 1990; 138) Power-control theory assumes that inclinations to deviate from social constraint are ubiquitous, but that the presence of power and the absence of control determine the forms that deviations take and the rates of deviation. (Hagan, 1990; 138) An implicit patriarchal social contract structures contemporary gender relations. This contract is built on differences in physical and social power between the genders. (Hagan, 1990; 139) Furthermore, adolescent role exits are efforts to resist controls imposed through gender and age stratification. Caught in transition between childhood and adulthood, adolescents lack the power and resources to fully attain adult status. (Moffitt, 1993 by Blackwell, Schlaupitz, Sellers, 2002; 201) This often produces an age-related search for role exits, conceptualized here as the desire for adult status or autonomy from adult control. Adolescents, however, may vary in their desire for autonomy, often in response to negative relations with adults (Brezina and Perkins, 2000 by Blackwell, Schlaupitz, Sellers, 2002; 201) or their perception of adult control (Eccles et al., 1991 by Blackwell, Schlaupitz, Sellers, 2002; 201). The scant research on gender and desire for autonomy suggests that autonomy is more salient for boys because they are rewarded for assertiveness, whereas girls are rewarded for dependence (Enright, Lapsley, Drivas and Fehr, 1980 by Blackwell, Schlaupitz, Sellers, 2002; 201). Adolescents desire for autonomy may prompt a variety of behavioural responses, depending on levels of control and power; thus distinguishing between contemplation and enactment of role exits may be necessary. (Blackwell, Schlaupitz, Sellers, 2002; 201) Arnett states that in today s industrialized societies, there are few pressures on young people to become economic contributors in childhood or adolescence. Young people in their societies are generally allowed a long psychological moratorium in adolescence and emerging adulthood to try out various possible life choices in love, work, and ideology. However, the experience of adolescence is often much different in traditional cultures. (Arnett, 2001; 176) Arnett also adds that experimentation in love is clearly limited or even nonexistent where dating is not allowed and experimentation in work is limited in cultures where the economy is simple and offers only a limited range of choices. Limitations on exploration in both love and work have been tighter for girls in traditional cultures than for boys. (Arnett, 2001; 176) Regarding the gender aspects of drug use as a risky behaviour and deviant role exit, increasing the control of patriarchal environment and an emphasis on the traditional moral values in anti-drug media campaigns are really questionable. If we consider the gender specific mechanism of drug use, we can even expect reverse effects as outcomes of this kind of strategy. When we consider different forms of identity struggle and search for autonomy, young individuals relationship with drug in terms of managing the body is worth to analyse. In terms of drug-specific features, one of the main differences of youth life styles arise from perceptions of body. Pini (2001) indicates that it is possible to argue that within the conditions of economic hardship facing most young people in Britain in 1990s, the physical body has become one of the main places where control can be exerted. In a moment where most young 14

15 people can manage little else, the body provides one important site for management and also becomes the primary vehicle for the achievement of pleasure. Clearly, for young people the developing adult body has always provided one of the primary sites for the exertion of control. The use of drugs, cigarettes, alcohol etc. and the cultivation of a particular fashion for oneself can, in this context, all be seen as attempts to stake out an independence from the parental and societal regulation of these bodies. In other words, they can be seen as attempts to explore the pleasuring and management of one s self. (Pini, 2001; 163) New empirical research on the perception and management of body will also illuminating for the autonomy and drug use relationship. If the factors based on culture and identity about adolescents, the success of anti-drug media campaigns and school-based prevention programmes may be evaluated with proper impact analysis and empirical research. Hirschi s social bonds approach may play a crucial role and form a framework for the empirical research on the discourses and impacts of these prevention programmes. The degree of prevention programmes intent to establish a social control in terms of commitment, involvement and belief and its relation with the success to achieve targets is seriously questionable. This is especially crucial for developing countries where educational values and prevention programmes mentalities follow more traditional approaches and the adolescent identity and youth culture is less identified. If we intend to analyse the social and psychological factors that lie behind the motivation of young people for drug use, we have to deal with identity and culture. As an example, when children try to understand the underlying motives of smoking habit of parents, they conclude that inhalation of smoke is meaningless and tasteless. However, some of these children began to smoke in their adolescent or adult age. Explaining these sharp reversals about habits acquired by adolescents with factors related with culture and identity is consistent with the constructivist approaches when analysing the subcultures arising in schools. Schools continue education programmes based on an intended curriculum and this is sometimes expressed with the words "official curriculum". Hidden curriculum on the other hand, refers to the practical application of the explicit curriculum. (Izquierdo, Minguez, 2003; 35) Adolescents create a hidden curriculum in education environment. This concept expresses a social environment which is not controllable by the adults or education officers or teachers. Hidden curriculum could be described as a subculture despite the discussion on the conceptual limits of culture and subculture. Adolescents' social identities, their own realities and values are reconstructed, and their personalities are formed through this hidden curriculum. Adolescents gain new values and new behaviour patterns that are different from what is expected from them according to official curriculum. In fact, they even demonstrate the expected behaviours from them according to adults' and education system's intentions, however based on unexpected values which are different from adults'. Consequently, even the basic motives behind engaging in non-substance activities are also different from what is suggested to them by teachers, parents or adult media. Considering Eriksonian human development in adolescence age and Marcia s approach to adolescent identity, we can conclude that an adventurous search for an identity instead of a deep conformity without questioning adult discourses; and the effects of peer groups and formation of youth subcultures among peers (instead of remaining in the domain of family emotionally and culturally) are requirements of human development. The search for an identity in the adolescence period and being influenced by peer groups as emotionally and culturally are natural and youth culture s protest attributes is an embedded fact in the adolescence period of human development. In this case, the anti-drug media campaigns and school based prevention programmes tendencies to demonize peer relationships and provide rescue from peer affect and ensure an unconditional Hirschian commitment to conventional life offered by adult will be unrealistic. Furthermore, the conventional activities that are 15

16 intended to increase involvement (like theatre activities and essay competitions etc.) would be perceived unfamiliar to the extent that they are solely designed by adults and excluded the participation of young people. The resulting conditions would be the increased gaps between hidden curriculum and intended curriculums. Even is these policies would be realizable, it would be at a high cost of extinguishing the healthy development of individuals. Furthermore, any protest culture and resulting behaviours do not have to require drug use. However, youth cultures that have contradictious aspects with official education system and the main discourses in anti-drug media campaigns may reduce these didactic discourses to a pejorative level. Below is a list of main approaches in school-based prevention programmes. (Botvin, Griffin, 2005; 1216) It is easy to observe that information dissemination is the most common approach in current prevention programmes and anti-drug media campaigns in Turkey. (Appendix III) School based prevention programs should have a multi-directional attribute preventing exclusion and emphasizing to prevent external factors related with drug use instead of accepting adolescents as victims. Overview of major school-based prevention approaches Approach Focus Methods Information dissemination Increase knowledge of drugs, their effects and the consequences of use; promote antidrug use attitudes Didactic instruction, discussion, audio/video presentations, displays of substances, posters, pamphlets, school assembly programs Affective education Increase self-esteem, responsible decision making, interpersonal growth; generally includes little or no information about drugs Didactic instruction, discussion, experiential activities, group problem-solving exercises Alternatives Resistance skills Increase self-esteem, self-reliance; provide variable alternatives to drug use; reduce boredom and sense of alienation Increase awareness of social influence to smoke, drink, or use drugs; develop skills for resisting substance use influences; increase knowledge of immediate negative consequences; establish non-substance use norms Organization of youth centres, recreational activities; participation in community service projects; vocational training Class discussion; resistance skills training; behavioural rehearsal; extended practice via behavioural homework; use of same age or older peer leaders Competence enhancement Increase decision making, personal behaviour change, anxiety reduction, communication, social, and assertive skills; application of generic skills to resist substance use influences Class discussion; cognitive behavioural skills training (instruction, demonstration, practice, feedback, reinforcement) 16

17 However, it is possible to observe anti-drug media campaigns exaggerating the harms of drugs, demonizing drug use and emphasizing the necessity to conformity in relation with communal and traditional values instead of dealing with the external reasons of drug use threatening risk groups of adolescents. Blackman states that there is a tendency towards reliance upon stereotypes of drug users and exaggeration of effects in order to promote a primary prevention message. Developments within the field of drug studies during 1990 s suggest that more pupil centred techniques for the delivery of drugs education, such as peerled education, have moved beyond stereotypical presentations of drug users. (Blackman, 1996) It is still difficult to conclude that there is a conceptual shift as the Blackman specified in the developing countries. Blackman also adds that most studies on teenage drug use show that young people gain substances from friends or a close acquaintance. However, drug education which appeared to drop the unsustainable myth of the demonic pusher has reconstituted the pusher through the creation of the dealer, through the constructions out upon the dealer as someone who corrupts and manipulates vulnerable young people. The image bears little resemblance to the friends young people buy cannabis from, but it continues to be hyped by the media. Importantly for drugs education, young people then fail to make any connection with their own drug use and its potential risks to health. (Blackman, 1996) On the other hand, drugs has been an important subject for literature sometimes being transfigured to an entrance to a mysterious world from Homer in Ancient Greece to 18th century French poets and contemporary writers. The examples are like Théophile Gautier, Arthur Rimbaud, Charles Baudelaire, Edgar Allan Poe, Aldous Huxley, Allen Ginsberg and etc. Finally, there were remarkable figures of youth life style like Rolling Stones, Jimi Hendrix, The Who etc. in music as well as literature in the second half of 20 th century. One of the most dramatic examples was "The Doors of Perception" of Aldous Huxley which gave its name to famous legendary rock band "Doors". If we analyse the drug addiction of youth, an unavoidable question arises: what will be the limits of drug research concerning youth if it's disregarded that drug use has its own traditional and cultural aspects as well as youth life styles and choices? If we recall the famous motto of the English Punk Band "There is no future", how may it be possible to analyse the future perceptions and choices of young people ignoring the cultural and identity-based aspects? And, what is the probability of anti-drug media campaigns to succeed with demonizing the drug use, reducing the drug use to a criminal case and disregarding the life style choices of youth? From the empirical experiences from Turkey case, we can observe that a considerable portion of drug addicts live with their family. In this case, the attempts to increase the direct control of families are really questionable. On the other hand, again a considerable amount of drug addicts families income levels are low. Although, the most important causes of drug use are accepted as peer effect and mysterious drug sellers by the policy makers, even it is not proved empirically that these are the most widespread visible reasons and the empirical findings show that the drug use is a problem of social exclusion to a serious degree. This fact could be supported with the high unemployment rate and low education level (even a considerable proportion is illiterate) among drug addicts. (Table 3.5, Table 3.6 and Table 3.7, data show that considerable majority of the drug addicts define their families income as middle level. However, data show that the average monthly income level among drug addicts is in So, the definition of middle class should be understood in a broader meaning. Although the records about employment situation are not regular in Turkey, the existing data shows an average of %24-26 unemployment rate among drug addicts. However, half of the remaining report that they work irregularly) According to Blackman, Government reports and guidelines define drug use as a social evil. Young people who take drugs are identified as victims and presented as unlike ordinary people. Formal assessments from medicine, psychiatry and sociology offer an 17

18 apparently objective and theoretical understanding of this perceived social problem. This legitimate knowledge supports the media s commonsense portrayal of drug use as something bad within the individual. The coalition of academic knowledge and everyday understanding effectively closes the discussion on drug use, because from the outset the person who may wish to use an illicit drug is a priori defined in terms of an otherness or, to cite Foucault, drug users are denied rationality and their actions understood as illegitimate due to their apparent transgression of society s rules. (Blackman, 1996) Anti-Drug Media Campaigns and Prevention Programs Addressing Youth: A Critical Approach to Intended or Implicit Results with a Behavioural Economics View When the main discourses and activities in anti-drug media campaigns are evaluated, it is possible to observe that these media campaigns accept young people in a rational myopia and accept unconcern of their parents. All the attempts are -in an intended manner or implicitly- to ensure that the young people are going to make the right choice and parents will take it more serious. It is possible to classify the intended or implicit targets of anti-drug campaigns and prevention programmes in terms of possible transformations to effect mechanisms that may be analysed from behavioural economics perspective. These intended or implicit results could be analysed under six titles. 1) Criminalization of Substance Users This strategy involves inspiring families to increase families direct control over their children and ensuring physical and instrumental controls. Likewise, it also includes increasing the direct physical control over adolescents in school environment. The net effect of this kind of strategy is the increased cost of access to. These costs include difficulties of spending time in social and physical environments convenient for drug use as well as difficulties in physical access to drugs. I New Figure 2.1) Criminalization of Substance Users Increased difficulties and cost could be depicted with an curve shifted downwards for an appropriate time period. (Figure 2.1) However, when there is less time for delivery of reward, sensitivity to these extra costs will disappear. In other words, criminalizing will prevent choosing for only a limited period and when the reward gets closer; these extra 18

19 costs will be considered less. (Figure 2.1) The reason for this effect is that young people then fail to make any connection with their own drug use and its potential risks to health as it is pointed out before. The rationale of direct control loses its persuasiveness after a period of time. Furthermore, this strategy demonstrates an attempt to criminalize other aspects of youth culture and life styles as well as drugs and it eventually faces with a counter reaction. 2) Victimization of Substance Users Victimization of substance users expresses a mentality that accepts young people as the victims of their problem friends and malicious persons. This approach accepts that the is overestimated by young people and targets to influence young people to undervalue the value of. II New Figure 2.2) Victimization of Substance Users The result of this strategy could be demonstrated with a lower and related curve. (Figure 2.2) If it could be possible to change the acceptations of young people especially risk groups- it would be possible to observe the positive results of this strategy. However, this strategy is almost impossible to realize because it disregards the perceptions and judgements of young people. According to Blackman, Drug education that fails to make some reference to some of the positive aspects of drug use will be automatically discounted at the level of cognition by young people who have access to more substantive street information contradicting the official information. (Blackman, 1006) Berry et al. Argue Programs that address only the negative aspects of drug use, especially those that tend to exaggerate these aspects tend to be disbelieved. (Berry, Gibson, McKenna, Moore, 1994 by Blackman, 1996) 3) Manipulation for High Commitment Trying to ensure a high level of commitment among young people requires a manipulated comprehension of choice related with long-term rewards and consequently curve. That means changing the main understandings of young people related to conventional life style. This is possible to provide short-term benefits for the ones that are choosing conventional life style which is represented by. 19

20 III a) New Figure 2.3a) Manipulation for High Commitment I It could be possible to change the beliefs of young people about long-run rewards related with choosing conventional life style again for a limited and specific time period. It is possible to demonstrate the possible effect of this strategy with an curve which is shifted for a specific time period. (Figure 2.3a) This result is attainable by altering the external benefits (xb) that is mentioned in the previous sections. III b) New New Figure 2.3b) Manipulation for High Commitment II Here, it should have been mentioned that the young people s choice regarding and is based on a perception of relative costs rather than comparing the discounted absolute costs as it is mentioned before. Consequently, a certain degree of differentiation may occur between individuals that conform and individuals who do not change their perception and even choose to ignore or protest this strategy. The net result of this reaction is to perceive a higher relative short-run reward which could be demonstrated with a shadow curve. (Figure 2.3b) 20