ThePoeticsofWaterGovernance: DifferentialLanguageUseinRelationtoWaterinElSalvador by StephanieOgden MPPEssay submittedto OregonStateUniversity inpartialfulfillmentof therequirementsforthe degreeof MasterofPublicPolicy PresentedJune26,2009 CommencementJune2010
ABSTRACT ThePoeticsofWaterGovernance:DifferentialLanguageUseandWaterinElSalvador Thelanguageofwaterpolicybothsuggestsandenforcestherelationshipthatthepublic shouldhavewithwater.differencesinlanguageusebetweenpolicyinstitutionsandthe publicsuggestthattheunderstandingofwaterpromotedthroughpolicymaybeincongruent withtheunderstandingofwaterheldbythepublic.semi structuredinterviewswere conductedwithresidentsoftworuralcommunitiesinelsalvador,localandregional governmentinstitutions,aswellaslocalandinternationalngos.adiscourseanalysisofthese interviewsdemonstratesthatthereisasignificantdifferencebetweenthelanguageutilizedby communitymembersandthelanguageusedbypolicy makinginstitutionswithrespectto waterandwateruse.thisdifferenceindiscoursemaysignifyadifferenceinunderstanding regardingwaterandpeople srelationshiptowater,whichmayultimatelycompromisethe effectivenessofwaterpolicyinruralareasofelsalvador.furthermore,theintroductionand prevalenceofpolicydiscourseatthecommunitylevelmaycontributetotheeliminationofthe communitydiscourseandsubsequentlythelossofthecommunity sparticularunderstanding ofwater.thisresearchsuggeststhat,inordertocreateapolicydiscoursethatmoreclosely resemblescommunitydiscourseandevokesasimilarunderstandingofwater,languagemust beusedthatconnotesaffection,thatconnotesownershipandobligation,andthatisgrounded ingeographiccontext.
Acknowledgements Mysinceregratitudeisextendedtomyveryimpressivecommittee.Iambothhonoredand gratefulthatdrs.deniselach,aaronwolf,andbryantiltwouldlendtheirtimeandexpertise tothisproject.iamparticularlygratefultodr.lachforhertirelessguidance,herunfailing willingnesstofindtimeforherstudents,andforherencouragementofmywork.ifeelvery fortunatetohavehadthecontinuedmentorshipofdr.wolf,whohastaughtmetoseethe manydimensionsofwater,andthethoughtfulguidanceofdr.tilt,wholentmetimeevenat hisbusiest.inaddition,iowemanythankstodr.kathleendeanmoore,whoprovidedme withguidanceduringtheearlystagesofthisprojectaswellasastirringexampleofeloquence. ManythanksisalsoowedtoToddJarvisandtheInstituteforWaterandWatershedsfortheir generousgrantinsupportofmyresearchinelsalvador,aswellascharlesgoodrichandthe SpringCreekProjectforlendingmeabeautifulandinspiringlocationinwhichtowrite.Iam gratefultotheuniversityclubfoundationofportlandandtheoregonstateuniversitysystem fortheirrecognitionandfinancialsupport,anddrs.brentsteelanddeniselachfortheir thoroughandthoughtfuleffortstokeepmefunded. Finally,Iwouldliketothankmythoughtfulcommunityoffriendsandfamily,whorenewmy convictioneverydaythatwecandogoodintheworld.myparentsandmybrother,dan,are fineexamplesofthat.atlast,iamindebtedtoelinalinandparisedwards,remarkablepeople whohavemademebetterfromourfirstfewminutesasstudentstogether,andtojeff,who helpedmetotalkthroughmanyoftheideaspresentedhere,andisamanthathelpsmeto seetheworlddifferentlyeveryday.
TABLEOFCONTENTS Page INTRODUCTION...1 ResearchQuestion...3 SignificanceofResearch.4 DescriptionofStudySite..4 ElSalvador 4 ThecommunitiesofLasTunasandLomaAlta.6 LITERATUREREVIEW.. 9 TheSocialConstructionistPerspective..9 DiscourseandtheEnvironment.12 Summary.15 RESEARCHMETHODS.. 17 MethodologicalApproach 17 DataCollection.19 DataAnalysis..24 RESULTS.27 WordFrequencies.27 ThematicDiscourse 33 DISCUSSION 47 DifferencesinDiscourse.47 ReasonsforDisparateDiscourses 50 TheSignificanceofDisparateDiscourses 53 LIMITATIONSANDFUTURERESEARCH 57 CONCLUSIONANDRECOMMENDATIONS 59 BIBLIOGRAPHY 63 APPENDICES 66
LISTOFTABLES Table Page 1. ListofRuralCommunityMembersinterviewed....21 2. ListofGovernmentOfficialinterviewed.. 22 3. ListofNGOsinterviewed....23 4. Example,Comparativefrequenciesoftermsinthediscourses ofvariousspeakergroups..25 5. Comparativefrequenciesofwordsappearingintheaggregate discourseofdifferentspeakergroups 28 29 6. Wordscharacterizinggroupdiscourses 33
LISTOFFIGURES Figure Page 1.Locationofresearchsite,MunicipalityofLislique,LaUnion,ElSalvador 8
INTRODUCTION ThePoeticsofWaterGovernance: DifferentialLanguageUseinRelationtoWaterinElSalvador AtBlackwaterPondthetossedwatershavesettled afteranightofrain. Idipmycuppedhands.Idrink alongtime.ittastes likestone,leaves,fire.itfallscold intomybody,wakingthebones.ihearthem deepinsideme,whispering ohwhatisthatbeautifulthing thatjusthappened? MaryOliver,AtBlackwaterPond Principle1:Freshwaterisafiniteandvulnerableresource,essentialtosustainlife, developmentandtheenvironment; Principle4:Waterhasaneconomicvalueinallitscompetinguses,andshouldbe recognizedasaneconomicgood. The1992DublinPrinciples,InternationalConferencefor WaterandtheEnvironment Thereareaninfinitenumberofdifferentunderstandingsofwaterandthehumanrelationship toit,andtheseunderstandingsarebothreflectedandconstructedbythelanguageweuseto describethem.theexcerptsaboveevokeverydifferentimagesofandattitudestowards waterandimplicitlyprescribevastlydifferentinteractionswithit.thefirst,apoembymary Oliver,speaksofwateraselemental;itisofthesameessenceasstone,leaves,andfire,and throughtheactofdrinking,itconnectsustotheearth.itisalsoitselflife giving;itwakens eventhebonesofthebody.gratitude,awe,andjoyareevidentonthepartofthenarrator, whoseboneswhisperintheexcitementofawakening.thesecond,anexcerptfromthefour principlesdefinedatthe1992internationalconferenceforwaterandtheenvironmentin Dublin(knownastheDublinPrinciples),suggeststhatwaterisnecessaryanduseful,thatitis inneedofprotection,andthatitshouldbetreatedlikeaneconomicgood.theseprinciples 1
allocatethepowerofcontrolandcreationtohumansratherthantowater.ineachsetof words,thenotionsofreverence,control,gratitudeandjoyareportrayeddistinctly.eachhas thepowertocreateadistinctunderstandingofwater,andtoevokedifferentimages, attitudes,andsuggestparticularbehaviors. Whenthiscreativepoweroflanguageisconsideredwithrespecttopolicy,whichitselfis intendedtoformulatenormsofappropriatebehavior,thesedifferencesindiscourseandthe attitudesassociatedwiththembecomemoretangiblysignificant.languageiscreativewhile policyisbothformativeandauthoritative.thus,policylanguagehasboththepowerto formulateaparticularunderstandingoftheworldandtheauthoritytoimposethat understandingonthepublic. Thelanguageofwaterpolicies,then,suggestsandenforcesaparticularrelationshipthatthe publicshould,accordingtoagoverningbody,havewithwater.ifthisrelationshipistobe amenabletothegoalsandvaluesofthepublic,waterpolicymustbeinvestedwithalanguage appropriatetocreatingsucharelationship:alanguagethatisbothfamiliartoandreflectiveof thepublic,andalanguagethatisinclusiveofthevaluesthatthepublicassociateswithwater andwateruse. ThisattentiontolanguageisparticularlyrelevantinplacessuchasElSalvador,wherea nationalwaterpolicyisindevelopment,andtheroleofpolicyinruralwatergovernanceis emerging.accordingtotheunitednationsdevelopmentprogram,elsalvadorhasoneofthe lowestratesofaccessibilityofpotablewaterinlatinamerica.sincetheintroductionofthe UnitedNationsMillenniumDevelopmentGoalsin2000,theSalvadorangovernment,in conjunctionwithinternationalngos,hasconcentratedregionaleffortsonimprovingwater andsanitationinfrastructureinordertodrasticallyimprovethecountry saccesstopotable waterbytheyear2015.inaddition,thegovernmenthasattemptedtoformalizeamore coherentwaterpolicy,andcouplegreaterinfrastructureaccesswithanationallyrecognized systemofwaterrightsandtariffs.yet,agovernmentallyprescribedwaterpolicyhassofar facedsignificantchallengestoitssuccessfulimplementation.alargeportionofelsalvador s communities,especiallyinruralareas,stillstrugglestogainaccesstopotablewaterfor subsistenceneeds,andthenewlyenactedpoliciesseemtohavedefinedpriorityusersand 2
rightstotheexclusionofthecountry smanyruralpoor.accordingtothesalvadorancenter forconsumerprotection,thecountry swatersituationisworseningratherthanimproving despitechangesinwaterpolicy. Itmustbeacknowledgedthatthelackofsuccessinimplementingwaterpoliciesand improvingwatergovernanceinruralareasofelsalvadormayultimatelybeattributabletoa numberoffactorsinthepolicydesignandpolicyimplementationprocessesincluding, inadequatefunding,significantoverlapofrelevantgovernmentandnon governmental institutions,andtheconcentrationofthepoliticalagendaonotherissuesofgreaterperceived importance,amongothers.however,thatsalvadoranwaterpolicyaddressthevalueframes sustainedbyitsruralpopulationsregardingwaterandwateruseisindispensabletowardsan effectivepolicy,regardlessofimprovementsinanyotherareaofpolicydesignor implementation(fischer2003).thesevalueframesmaybereflectedin,aswellasmaintained by,thelanguagethatisusedbydifferentpeopleandgroupsofpeopletodescribewaterand wateruse.adisparityinthelanguagesurroundingwaterandwaterusebetweenpolicy makersandruralcommunitymembersmaysuggestthatadiscrepancyoffundamentalvalue framesmustbeovercomebeforewaterpolicycanbeeffectivelyimplementedinruralareasof ElSalvador. RESEARCHQUESTION Myresearchisanexploratoryinvestigationofthelanguageusedbydifferentpolicyrelevant groupsinelsalvadorwithrespecttowaterandwatersources.iinvestigatethetypesof languageruralcommunitymembersusetorefertowaterandwatersources,aswellasthe languageusedbypolicymakersandpolicyimplementers(includingofficialsofnongovernmentalorganizations)andwithinpolicydocuments.ifurthermoreattempttocompare thelanguageusedbyeachgrouptodeterminewhatdistinctionsandsimilaritiesexistbetween themthatmightsuggestpotentialdisparitiesorsimilaritiesinthevalueframesandpolicy goalsofeach.assuch,theguidingresearchquestionforthisstudyis, Howdoesthelanguage usedbycommunitymemberstorefertowaterdifferfromthelanguageusedwithinpolicy, andbypolicymakersandrepresentativesofngos? 3
SIGNIFICANCEOFRESEARCH Whilethereappeartobeahandfuldiscourseanalysesofwaterpolicies,andahandfulof analysesofeverydaylanguageusewithrespecttowater,thereseemstobelittlestudyofthe distinctdifferencesbetweenthetwodiscoursesthatwouldallowforagreaterunderstanding ofgapsbetweenwaterpolicyandthepublic. Withinthisresearch,differentvocabulariessurroundingwaterandwaterusesuggestthat groupsseemtohavevastlydifferentunderstandingsofwater,andhavevastlydifferentvalues, priorities,andactivitiesassociatedwithit.furthermore,fundamentaldifferencesinthe understandingofwordsthatsurroundwaterandwateruseinelsalvadormaycreatea conceptualmiscommunicationwherebythesamewordsconnotedifferentmeaningstorural communitymembersthantopolicymakers.thisdifferenceinwhatisconceptuallybeing referredtomaysuggestthatwhatistrulybeinggovernedbyeachgroupisessentiallya differententity. Thisresearchaimstoillustratethespecificdifferencesindiscoursebetweenpolicies,policymakers,andthepublic,thatmaypresentchallengestothesuccessofwaterpoliciesinrural areasofelsalvador.furthermore,thisresearchaimstomakerecommendationsregarding howthelanguageofwaterpolicycanmoreaccuratelyreflecttheunderstandingoftherural publicinelsalvador,withimplicationstowardthelanguageofpolicy DESCRIPTIONOFSTUDYSITE ElSalvador ThecountryofElSalvadoristhesmallestandmostdenselypopulatedcountryinCentral America,encompassinganareaof20,646squarekilometersonthePacificCoastbetween GuatemalaandHonduras.Withinthislandmass,roughlyequivalentinareatothestateof Massachusetts,livesapopulationofapproximately5.7millionpeople(CIAWorldFactBook, 2009),morethanhalfofwhichliveinthecapitalcityofSanSalvador,andotherurbanareas. 4
Inaddition,anestimated20percentoftheSalvadoranpopulation,roughly1.5millionpeople, livesoutsideofthecountry,manyofthemresidingillegallyintheu.s.andcanada. ElSalvadorhasatropicalclimate,withawetseasonthatextendsfromMaytoOctober,anda dryseasonthatextendsfromnovembertoapril.averageyearlyprecipitationisroughly200 cm,almostallofwhichfallsintheformofrainduringthemonthsofthewetseason. Precipitationisrareduringthemonthsofthedryseason,andthemonthsofMarchandApril areparticularlyarid. ThoughithasthethirdhighestGDPpercapitainCentralAmerica,ElSalvadorisoneoftheten poorestcountriesinlatinamerica.grossdomesticproductpercapitainelsalvadoris approximately$6,200,thoughthereisamarkeddisparitybetweenincomesinurbanareasand ruralareas.whilethenationalminimumwageis$5perday,rurallivelihoodsarelargely agriculturallybased,andtheaveragedailywagerangesfrom$1 4perday. AccesstowaterandsanitationinElSalvadorisnotablylow.While84%ofhouseholdsinEl Salvadorhaveaccesstopotablewater,thispercentageismarkedlylessinruralareas.Seventy percentofruralhouseholdshaveaccesstopotablewaterinsomeform,thoughonlyan estimated38%havehouseholdconnectionstopublicwatersysteminfrastructure (WHO/UNICEFJointMonitoringProgram,2006).Mostruralfamiliesaccesswaterfromnearby springs,creeks,orrivers,orfrompublicwaterfaucets. ThoughtheNationalWaterCarrierandSewerageAdministration(ANDA)isthegovernment agencychargedwithprovidingwatersystemservicestoallhouseholdsinelsalvadorsinceits inceptionin1961,anda scoveragehashistoricallybeenlimitedoutsideofsansalvadorand otherlargeurbanareas.thedisruptionofthecivilwarfrom1980to1992,andlatercharges ofcorruptionwithintheagencyarepartlyresponsibleforpastinstitutionalfailures.however, currentlimitationstotheexpansionofanda sservicesareatleastpartlyattributabletothe lackofgovernmentfundingallocatedtotheorganization.thislackoffundingisparticularly acuteconsideringthatandasubsidizespublicaccesstowateratacostthatisonlyhalfofthe actualcostincurredbytheinstitutiontofilterandtransportit.regardlessofthereasonsfor theinstitution sinefficiencies,thefactremainsthatonlyasmallportionofruralfamilieshave 5
accesstowateradministeredbyanda.someruralwatersystemsdoexistoutsideofthe jurisdictionofandahowever,manyofwhicharefinanceddirectlybymunicipalitiesorngos, andareregulatedbythecommunitiesthemselves. ThoughANDA,byitsconstitution,isnationallyresponsibleforprovidingpotablewateraccess tothecommunitiesofelsalvador,therearemorethan10federallawsthatgoverntheuse andallocationofwaterthroughoutthecountry,andatleast4federalgovernmentagencies chargedwithresponsibilityinenforcingtheselaws.theministryoftheenvironmentand NaturalResources(MARN)isresponsiblefortheprotectionofsurfaceandgroundwaterasan environmentalresource,andenforcesregulatoryenvironmentalstandardsinindustry, pollutionlaws,anddeforestationlawsinmajorwatersheds.theministryofagriculture(mag) ischargedwithirrigationlawsandtheregulationofagrochemicalsandeffluents,andthe MinistryofPublicHealth(MSPAS)ischargedwithensuringwaterqualityinpublicwater sources.inaddition,thenationalinvestmentfundforlocaldevelopment(fisdl),thenation s socialwelfareprogram,iscurrentlyendowedwiththeresponsibilitytohelpelsalvadorreach themillenniumdevelopmentgoals,includingincreasingruralaccesstopotablewaterand sanitationnationwide.however,wheretherespectiveresponsibilitiesoftheseorganizations mayoverlapisoftenambiguous. Theinvolvementofnon governmentalaidorganizationsinelsalvadorincreasedprecipitously after1992,whenthesigningofthepeaceaccordsofficiallyendedelsalvador s12yearcivil war.aidorganizationshelpedtorebuildinfrastructureinareasdevastatedbythewar,andto introduceinfrastructureinruralareasthathadpreviouslybeenundeveloped.waterand sanitationhasbeenanareaofparticularconcentrationofdevelopmentworkinelsalvador sincetheyear2001,motivatedbythedeclarationofthemillenniumdevelopmentgoalsinthe year2000,andaseriesofmajorearthquakesinjanuaryandfebruaryof2001thatkilledover 1,000people,affectedhalfamillionhousesandbuildings,anddamagedmuchofthecountry s existingwaterandsanitationinfrastructure.asaresult,manyinternationalnon governmental organizations(ingos)suchascare,projectconcerninternational,unicef,planinternational, andthepanamericanhealthorganization,aswellasintergovernmentalaidprogramssuchas USAIDandtheSwissDevelopmentCooperationstillworkinwaterandsanitationprojectsinEl 6
Salvador.Inaddition,severalSalvadoranNGOsworkspecificallyinwaterandsanitation,both onanationalscaleandataregionalorlocalscale. Manyoftheseorganizations,cooperatingundertheauspicesoftheWaterandSanitation NetworkofElSalvador(RASES),anorganizationfoundedin1997,andincollaborationwith civilsocietyorganizations,haveassertedtheneedforintegratedwaterresourcesmanagement inelsalvador,andhavelobbiedforthepassageofageneralwaterlaw.thegeneralwater Lawwouldconsolidatealllegislationrelevanttotheprotection,use,andallocationofwater, andspecifytherespectiverolesofgovernmentinstitutionsandcivilsocietyorganizationsin enactingthatlegislation.thoughadraftofthegeneralwaterlawwaspresentedin2006,itis stillunderrevisionbytheofficeofthesecretaryofstateofelsalvador,andasofyethasnot beenconsideredforratificationbythelegislativeassembly. ThecommunitiesofLasTunasandLomaAlta TheruralcommunitiesofLasTunasandLomaAltaaresituatedwithinthemunicipalityof LisliqueinthenortheasterncornerofElSalvador,neartheborderofHonduras.(SeeFigure1). ThisareaofElSalvadorisoneofthemostremoteareasofthecountry,aswellasoneofthe mostimpoverished(fisdl,povertymap2006).familieswithintheregionrelyalmost exclusivelyonrain fedagriculture,primarilycorn,beans,andsquashthatareplantedand harvestedduringtherainyseasoninsufficientquantitiestosupplyfamilieswithfood throughoutthemonthsofthedryseason.averageadulteducationisnogreaterthansecond gradeandilliteracyisprevalentamongolderadults,especiallywomen(personal communication,secretaryoflastunascommittee,december23,2008).thougheducation levelshaveriseninthelastdecadewiththeinceptionofruralschools,thereislittlelocal employmentoutsideofagriculture,andmenarelargelyleftwithoutworkduringthedry season.womenareprimarilyresponsiblefortasksinthehome,includingthecollectionof waterandthehouseholdchoresthatutilizeit. 7
Figure1:Locationofresearchsite,MunicipalityofLislique,LaUnion,ElSalvador ThecommunitiesofLasTunasandLomaAltaareeachcomprisedofapproximately85 households.bothcommunitieshavelimitedroadaccess,electricitynewlyimplementedbythe municipalityoflisliqueasof2008,andschoolsthatteachtosixthgrade.thenearesthealth facilityisinthetownoflislique,accessiblebybusorbycarduringthedryseason,oronfoot duringtherainyseason.thoughlastunashasasmallcommunityinitiatedandfinanced watersystemthatconsistsof8publicfaucets,thesystemisunreliableduringthemonthsof thedryseason,duringwhichmostcommunitymembersrelyonthelocalspringsforwater. ThecommunityofLomaAltahasnoformalwaterinfrastructure,andmosthouseholdsaccess waterfromlocalspringsyearround.womencollectwaterforhouseholduseincantaros,or plasticurns,sometimeswalkinguptohalfanhoureachwaytodoso.additionally,community membersbathe,andwashclothes,corn,anddishesatthesprings.duringthedriestmonths, whentheflowofthespringsisminimal,communitymembersoftenwashandbatheatthe river,locatedapproximatelyamilefromthecommunityviasteepfootpaths. 8
LITERATUREREVIEW TheSocial ConstructionistPerspective Centraltothisthesisistheideathatpeoplehavedifferentperceptionsofreality.While positivistsandthosethatsubscribetorationalmodelsoftheworldmightcontendthatpeople simplyhavedifferentvantagepointsorwaysofmakingsenseofthesameobjectivereality, socialconstructionistscontendthatmultiplerealitiesarecreatedandperpetuatedthroughour waysoforderingandcreatingmeaningoftheeventsweobservearoundus(murphy1989, Gergen1998).Fromapoliticalperspective,theseperceivedrealitiesarethecontextinwhich politicalproblemsareunderstoodandsolutionsapproached(edelman1988). Inordertodemonstratethesocialconstructionofpoliticalproblems,MaartenHajer(1993:44) posesanexampleofastandofdeadtrees.thetreesthemselvesarenottheconstructin question,butratherthesensethatismadeofthemisimportant;themanypotential narrativesthatmightexplainwhythetreeshavedied drought,wind,extremeweather,acid rain allrepresentseparaterealities.eachpotentialcauseofdeathpresentsaseparate politicalproblem,eachofwhichcallsforadistinctpolicysolution. Howgroupscollectivelymakesenseofevents,orhowtheyshareconstructedrealities,isthus thebasisforhowproblemsandsolutionsareidentified,andwhatactionistakentoconnect thetwo(stone1997).policies,accordingtostone,mustestablishsharedmeaninginorderto motivateaction.assuch,shearguesthatpolicymakingisa constantstruggleoverthe criteriaforclassification,theboundariesofcategories,andthedefinitionofidealsthatguide thewaypeoplebehave(stone1997:11). Theperspectivethatpoliticalproblemsandeverydayrealitiesaresociallyconstructedisnow commonplaceinavarietyofacademicdisciplines,fromsociologytoanthropology,linguistics andliterarycriticismtopoliticalscience(hajer1993).referringtothenowwidespread applicationoftheconstructionistperspective,murrayedelman(1988:1)asserts, [w]eare acutelyawarethatobserversandwhattheyobserveconstructoneanother. 9
Languageplaysaparticularlycrucialroleinthesocialconstructionistunderstandingofreality asitisthemediumthroughwhichwecategorize,order,andassignmeaningtotheworld. Whileaccordingtothepositivistdoctrine,languageisconsideredsimplyasatoolthatreflects truenatureandourperceptionsofit,constructionistsavowthatlanguage,astheonlyaccess thatindividualshavewiththeworld,notonlyreflectshowweinterpretreality,butalsohelps toconstructourunderstandingofit(gergen1998). Thatlanguageactsasaconstructiveforceisacentraltenetofthesocial constructionist ideology.edelman(1998:103)assertsthat themostincisivetwentieth centurystudentsof languageconvergefromdifferentpremisesontheconclusionthatlanguageisthekeycreator ofthesocialworldspeopleexperience. Intracingthesocial constructionistgenealogy, Murphy(1989:40)furthermoreassertsthat, insteadofembellishingreality,language pervadeseverythingthatisknown. Hedecisivelydeclaresthattoconstructionists, toa certainextent,realityisalinguistichabit(murphy1989:40). Inherexplicationofproblemdefinition,Stone(1997)adamantlyassertsthatlinguisticdevices suchassymbols,metaphor,andhyperboleareoftenutilized,bothdeliberatelyandhabitually, topresentapoliticalprobleminanemotionalcontextthatfitswithintheframeofthe intendedaudience.furthermore,languageaccruesaparticularvaluewithrepeateduse,such thatthewordbecomesasymbol,evocativeofpre existingemotionalresponsesandcallingfor alreadycommonsolutions.wordssuchaswelfare,discrimination,teen pregnancy,and illiteracy,areexamplesoftermsthathavebecomevalue laden,thougheachisembeddedwith adistinctmeaningdependinguponone sframeofreference(edelman1988,stone1997).as Edelman(1988:16)explains, everyinstanceoflanguageandactionresonateswiththe memory,thefear,ortheanticipationofothersignifiers,sothatthereareradiatingnetworks ofmeaningthatvarywiththesituationsofspectatorsandactors. Theimplicationofsocial constructionisminapoliticalcontext,accordingtostone,edelman, andothers,isthat,becauserealitiesarecreatedandperpetuatedthroughsocialinteractions andlanguageuse,individualsandgroupsareapttocreateandperpetuaterealitiesinwhich theybenefit.thus,adeliberateandstrategicuseoflanguageisemployedinordertoconvince othersthataparticulardefinitionofasocietalproblemisthecorrectone,andthataparticular 10
solutionisthemosteffectiveone(edelman1988;fischerandforester1993;stone1997; Birkland2005).Edelmaninparticularadamantlysuggeststhatallpoliticallanguageisstrategic language,andisintendedtopreserveexistingpowerstructuresaswellasprotectbenefitsof thosewhoarealreadybenefiting. FischerandForester(1993),ShonandRein(1994),andZahariadis(2003)viewthisstrategic useoflanguageasanelementofframing;awayofselectingaspectsofaperceivedrealityand makingthemseemmoresalient,insuchawayastopromoteaparticularproblemdefinition, causalinterpretation,moralevaluation,and/oractionrecommendation.(entman,ascitedby Zahariadis2003:89 90). SchönandRein(1994)furtherassertthatpolicyconflictsareultimatelyframecontroversies, instancesinwhichtherealityperceivedbyonegroupofpeopledoesnotmatchtherealities perceivedbyothers.thesecontroversiesareoftenintractablebecausetheparties conflicting framesdeterminewhatcountsasfactandwhatargumentsaretakentoberelevantand credible.eachpartywillnecessarilyarguethattheirframeofreferenceisreflectiveofthe truth.itispreciselyinthiscontextthatthefunctionofpoliticallanguageismostpowerful, saysedelman:whenitispresentedbypolicymakersundertheguiseofatoolforobjective description,andappealingtoasenseofobjectivetruth(edelman1988). However,theconstructivepoweroflanguageisnotrelegatedtopurposiveorstrategicusesof language.thelanguageusedbyindividualsintheirevery daycontext,languagethatis incidentalratherthandeliberate,alsoreflectsandsimultaneouslyconstructstherealitiesof thespeakers.apartfrompoliticalproblems,edelman(1988:110)contendsthat aspirations [and]socialconditions,arealsosubjecttointerpretation;theyareconstructionsoflanguage aswell. Itfollows,heargues,thatpeopleinsimilarsocialsituationsshouldusesimilar language. InhisethnographicstudyoftheCibequecommunityofeasternNewMexico,KeithBasso (1996)considershowplacenamesandmetaphorsusedbytheWesternApacheareintegralto theirunderstandingoftheworldandtheirinterpersonalrelations.totheapache,place namesarefundamentallyconstructive;theyconjureupimagesofplacesthatallowboththe 11
speakerandthelistenerto travelintheirminds, reconstructthelandscapeinfrontofwhich theirownancestorsstoodandplaceitinthepresent day,troublesomecontext,asananchor. Hecontendsthatordinarylanguageis awindowontothestructureandsignificanceofother people sworlds(basso1996:73), andthatlanguagecannotbeseparatedfromourparticular waysofunderstandingtheworld. Thestudyof discourse, understoodasboththelanguageandmeaningsutilizedby individualsandgroups,eitherdeliberatelyorasamatterofhabit,hasthuscometoplaya pivotalroleinmanydisciplines.inlightofthis,asweapproachpolicyanalysis,itiselemental thatwestudynotonlythecontextofpoliciesbutthelanguageinwhichthatcontextis expressed.asfischerandforester(1993:6)argueinoneexample,ifwearetotruly understandareportfromaneconomicpolicyanalyst,itisessentialthatweexamine notonly theeconomicpolicyanalyst sfindings,buttherhetoricoftheeconomicanalysisaswell. DiscourseandtheEnvironment Thoughnotalllanguageanddiscourseanalysisisconductedfromasocial constructionist perspective,thereareanumberofapplicationsofdiscourseanalysisthathaveprovided guidancetotheframeworkthroughwhichthisstudyisapproached. Muchattentionhasbeengiveninrecentdecadestotheneedtomobilizecivicandpolitical actionwithrespecttotheenvironment,andtheneedtocreatearhetoricthatcandoso.as such,scholarsfromvariousdisciplineshavebeguntoexaminethetypesofdiscoursethathave emergedwiththegrowthofamericanenvironmentalism.thoughmuchofthelanguagethat surroundstheenvironmentispowerfulandcompelling,manyscholarshaveattestedthatthe currentenvironmentaldiscourseisdiffuse,widelyvariable,andambiguous. Dryzek(2005),forexample,identifiesfourseparatediscourseswithinthecurrent environmentalmovement.heexaminesthedistinctcausalnarrativethateachimpliesand determinesthateachrevealsdifferentmotivationanddifferentunderstandingofappropriate action.similarly,linguistgeorgelakoffexaminesthemanydifferentcognitiveframesthrough 12
whichtheissueoftheenvironmentisperceived,andsuggeststhat,attheheartofthe environmentaldebate,isafundamentalframecontroversy.lakoff,anadvisortothe Democraticparty,contendsthatenvironmentalistshaveadoptedaframeandalanguage (indeed,tolakofftheseareinseparableentities)thatfailstoreflectthevitalimportanceand interdependenceofallthingsonearth.eventheterm theenvironment, suggestsa separationbetweenmanandhissurroundings,andtheenvironmentasseparatefromother everydayissuesofhumanlife.suchadistinction,inlakoff sview,isultimatelydetrimentalto thetenetsoftheenvironmentalmovement(butler2004). Whilediffuserhetoricandmultiplecognitiveframesmayprovideshakygroundfor environmentaldiscourseparticularlyatthepoliticallevel,thelanguagethatsurroundsthe environmentandourrelationshiptoitisalsoplaguedbytermsthatarenotoriously ambiguous.inhisexaminationof21 st centurywatergovernance,castro(2007)notesthat termssuchas civilsociety, watersector, and governance, haveamorphousdefinitionsor noneatall,andthusprovidelittledefinitionalguidanceastohowwatercanbemanaged. Similarly,Bentrupperbaumeretal.(2006)findthatthemeaningof worldheritagevalues, thoughdefinedinvariousworldheritageandunescodocumentsandconventions,are neverthelessambiguousinpractice.interviewswithresourcemanagersandvisitorstoa WorldHeritagesiteinAustraliashowedthatthegroupstendedtodefinetheterm world heritagevalues differently,andthattherewasnocommonreferentforthetermatall.they concludethatthisdisconnectmaycompromisetheeffectivenessofpolicyimplementation withrespecttoworldheritagesites,asgroupsdon tequivalentlydefinethetermsuponwhich thepolicygoalsarecontingent. Inrelationtotheambiguityoftermsutilizedwithinenvironmentaldiscourse,severalauthors pointtothesocialconstructionofkeyconcepts,particularlywithintheamorphousnotionof watergovernance.mukhartov(2007)pointstotheongoingconstructionofandtheemerging legitimacyofthelanguageofintegratedwaterresourcesmanagement.blatterandingram (2009)pointtotheprevalenceofthelanguageofeconomics,andtheconstructedimportance ofthenotionofefficiencyinglobalwatergovernance.thelanguageofefficiency,theypoint out,hasanaudiencelimitedtosocietiesinwhichmarketsarewellestablished,andexcludes 13
notionsofequityandsenseofplace,bothofwhichmustbeconsideredinorderforwater governancetobeeffective.castro(2007)likewisearguesthatcurrentglobalwaterpolicies employalanguageof commodification and entitlement whichreflectsasetofvaluesand principlesthataresimplynotresonantinallglobalcontexts.interestingly,henotesthatwater isreferredtoasa resource 1400timesinthe2006UNESCOWorldWaterReport. WashbourneandDicke(2001)furthercontend,intheirnarrativeanalysisofwater managementinenglandandwales,thatthenarrativeofwaterasacommoditythatcanbe boughtandsoldiscountertoandirreconcilablewiththenarrativeofwaterasagodgiven right. Discoursesareneitherimpenetrablenorpermanent(Dryzek1995,SchneiderandIngram 1997).However,currentdiscoursesurroundingglobalenvironmentalandwatermanagement maybecontributingtothepolicy sownfailure.castro(2007)notesthatthenotionof water crises, isonethathasbeenconstructedbytheconceptualframethathasbeenbuiltaround watergovernance,oneinwhichsectorsandboundariesarecreated,inwhichwaterisreferred tomostoftenasaresource,andinwhichajuxtapositionexistsbetweenthisvocabularyand theexplicitrecognitionthatwaterismorethanjustaneconomicresource.thishelpstoframe anunderstandingofwaterincrisisandmuddlethetermgovernancesuchthatnocommon referenceforitcanbemadeacrosspoliticalandintellectualboundaries. HullandRobertson(2000)arguethat,inadditiontobeingsimplyimprecise,manyofthe wordsusedtodescribenatureareinherentlybiased.embeddedwithinthedefinitionsofthe termscommonlyusedtodescribenatureanditscomponents,arevalues,thoughweperceive ofthesedefinitionstobescientificandobjective.hullandrobertson(2000)activelyadvocate foradifferentlanguagetorefertotheenvironment,languagethatisbothhonestofits inherentvalueandpubliclyaccessible. Inanexaminationoftheeverydaylanguageofwaterandplace,Burenhult(2008),Basso (1996),andCordova(2007)suggestthatanunderstandingofourkinshiptotheenvironmentis interdependentandcontingentuponourlanguage.burenhult sethnographicstudyofthe waterlexiconwithinthejahaidialectofmalaysianpeoplesandtheiruseofmetaphorofthe humanbody,suggeststhatthewaythatwerefertowaterandwatersourcesisdeeply 14
intertwinedandultimatelyinseparablefromourunderstandingofhowwerelatetoour environment.finally,nativeamericanphilosopherviolacordovacontendsthatalanguageof place,alanguagethatrecognizestheboundariesofthespaceweinhabit,createsanincentive forpeopletousetheresourcesoftheirplacewithcare. Summary Collectively,thisliteratureatteststhatlanguagehasbothinterpretiveandformativepower andthattherealitiesthatweeachperceivethroughourinteractionswiththeworldaroundus areindeliblyintertwinedwiththetypeoflanguageweuse.thewordswespeakbothreflect andre createtheworldaroundus. Languageisalsoinstrumentaltothewaywedefinepolicyproblemsandthesolutionsweseek tothem,includingthewayweunderstandproblemsandsolutionswithrespecttothe environmentandcollectivelyusedresources,suchaswater.howgroupscollectivelymake senseofevents,orhowtheyshareconstructedrealities,isthusthebasisforhowproblems andsolutionsareidentified,andwhatactionistakentoconnectthetwo(stone1997). Commondefinitionoftheproblemisanessentialimpulsiontocollectiveaction.Policiesthat donotdefineproblemsinsuchawayastoencompassthevaluesandconstructedrealitiesof relevantstakeholdergroupsare,accordingtofischer, boundtoberejected (Fischer2003: 13). Thisliteraturefurthersuggeststhatthelanguagethatthusfarpredominateswithin environmentalpolicydiscoursedoesnotmatchthelanguageusedbythepeoplethatsuch policyintendstogovern.whilethelanguageofplaceandnatureisfundamentaltoand formativeofmanypeople sgreaterunderstandingoftheworld,theseauthorssuggestthatthe languageofenvironmentalpolicyissofarambiguous,biasedtowardsefficiencyandcontrol, andbereftofthecultural,spiritual,andworldlyvaluesattributedtotheenvironmentthrough theuseofcommunitylanguage.suchadisparityoflanguagemaycompromisethe effectivenessofenvironmentalpolicy.moreimportantly,ifsuchlanguageprevailswithin environmentalpolicyitmay,withwidespreaduse,createarealityinwhichweperceiveofthe 15
environmentasambiguous,asnecessitatinggreaterefficiencyandcontrol,andasbereftof cultural,spiritual,andworldlyvalue. 16
RESEARCHMETHODS MethodologicalApproach Myresearchquestioncomparestypesoflanguageusedacrossspeakergroupsasindications ofmultipleperspectivesandrealities.theliteraturepointstothecollectionofqualitativedata intheformofnarrativesobtainedthroughparticipantinterviews,asthemostappropriate. AccordingtoMilesandHuberman(1994),qualitativeanalysisallowsforgreaterrichnessthan doesquantitativeanalysis,andisoftenusedtohelpidentifythemeaningsthatpeopleplace ontheevents,processes,andstructuresoftheirlives,andtoconnectthesemeaningstothe socialworldaroundthem.participantinterviewsareaparticularlyrelevantmethodof gatheringsuchdatawhenthefocusofresearchisthemeaningthatparticipantsascribeto certainphenomena,andareoftenusedwithinconstructionistframeworksbecausetheyallow fortheaccumulationofmultipleperspectivesaswindowsintomultiplerealities(robson, 2002). Robson(2002)furthermoresuggeststhat,becauseconstructionistsperceiveofmultiple createdrealities,theresearchquestionscannotbefullyestablishedinadvanceofthe research,butwillratherbeinformedbythedatacollectionitself.inthiscase,semi structured orunstructuredinterviewquestionsaremostappropriate,astheyallowforflexibilitywithin theinterviewprocesstochangethewordingororderofthequestionstoaccommodatea morenaturalnarrativeflow,andgroundtheresearchasmuchaspossible,asmilesand Hubermansuggest,inordinaryeventsinnaturalsettings.Incontrasttoafullystructured interview,asemi structuredinterviewdesignfurthermoreallowstheresearchertoclarifyor explainquestionsaswellasomitquestionswhentheyareinappropriate(robson2002). Discourseanalysisisatbestanambiguousterm,butreferstoatypeofevaluativeframework thatfallsgenerallyintotherealmofcontentanalysisandencompassesavarietyoftechniques. Contentanalysis,anddiscourseanalysisinparticular,arecommonlyusedwithina constructionistframeworkinordertoexploretherelationshipbetweenlanguageuseand broadersocialandculturaldevelopmentsandstructures(robson2002).theunderlying premise,accordingtophillipsandjorgenson(2002),isthatdiscursivepracticebothreflects, 17
andactivelycontributesto,socialandculturalchange.potterandwetherell(1994)also suggestthat,thoughtherearemanytechniquesthatfallwithintherealmofdiscourse analysis,aprimarysharedfeatureofthedifferentapproachesisthattheyareconcernedwith talkandtextsassocialpractices.assuch,discourseanalysisexploresbothlinguisticcontent andlinguisticform,recognizingthemasinterdependentandfoundationalintheconstruction ofmeaningwithinasocialcontext. Howisdiscourseanalysisusedtoconnectlanguageandmeaning?PhillipsandJorgenson (2002,83)summarizeFairclough sframeworkfordiscourseanalysis,inwhichheadvocates observationofthefollowingcharacteristicswithintextordialogueaspotentiallyeffectivein examiningtherelationshipbetweenlanguageuseandsocialpractice: interactionalcontrol,therelationshipsbetweenspeakersandhowthoserelationships areexpressedorperpetuatedthroughconversation ethos,howidentitiesareconstructedthroughlanguage metaphors wording grammar(phillipsandjorgenson2002,p.83). Examininganyoneoftheseaspectsprovidesinsightintothewaysinwhichwordsarerelated toeventsandsocialrelationsandtherebyconstructparticularversionsofreality.useofthese differentlinguisticaspects,eitherintentionallyorunintentionally,createsaparticular discourse,ora particularwayoftalkingaboutandunderstandingtheworld(phillipand Jorgenson2002,p.1). Asexamples,PhillipandJorgenson(2002,83 84)provideanalysesofsentencessuchas, Fifty nursesweresackedyesterday, wheretheuseofpassivevoiceabsolvesanyoneinparticularof responsibilitybyomittingtheresponsibleagent,and hardeningofthearteriesattacksarteries alloverthebody, whichmakesacommittedknowledgeclaimwherethesentence hardening ofthearteriesmayattackarteriesalloverthebody doesnot. 18
Ofthe tools infariclough sframework,ichosetoconcentrateexclusivelyonwordingand metaphorwithinmyownanalysis,sincethesetoolscouldbemostreadilyattainedthrough participantinterviews. Onefinalconceptinformedmyresearchmethodology.RelationshipsinElSalvador,andmuch oflatinamerica,arebaseduponthenotionof confianza, awordthathasconnotationsof trust,confidence,andfamiliarity.withoutconfianza,salvadorans,especiallyruralcommunity members,areoftenunwillingtospeakopenlyorhonestlytoothers,particularlyregarding topicsofanyemotionalordelicatematter.theneedtomaintainconfianzainfluencedmy studydesignintwoways.firstly,itreinforcedthenecessityofasemi structuredinterview design,theflexibilityofwhichallowedforanappropriateorderingandphrasingofquestions, aswellastheomissionandadditionofquestionsthatpromotedadialogueresponsiveto participants behavior. Secondly,inordertoassurethatIobtainedhonestdiscourse,especiallyfromruralcommunity membersforwhomconfianzaistraditionallymoreimportant,ichosetoconductrural interviewsinacommunityinwhichiwasalreadyfamiliar,andhadalreadygainedconfianza.i hadservedfortwoyearsasapeacecorpsvolunteerinacommunityinnortheasternel Salvador,andhadcontinuedtovisitthecommunityandthesurroundingareaonamonthly basisforseveralyearsafterwards.furthermore,conductinginterviewsinacommunityin whichiwasalreadywellknown,helpedtoguardagainststrategicbias,wherebyparticipants, believingthataparticularanswermayinfluenceapolicychangeordecision,respondto questionsuntruthfully(whittington,etal.1990).hadruralcommunitymembersbelievedthat theiranswerstomyquestionsregardingwaterwouldinfluencewhetherornotcommunity wateraccesswasimproved,thenatureoftheirdiscoursemayhavechanged. DataCollection InDecemberof2008,ItraveledtoElSalvadorandconductedinterviewswithruralcommunity members,governmentofficials,andofficersoflocalandinternationalngos. IchosetoconductinterviewsinruralcommunitiesinNortheasternElSalvadorwhereIhad livedasapeacecorpsvolunteerandamemberofthecommunityforseveralyears.aftermy 19
departurefromthecommunity,imaintainedfriendshipswithmanyofthefamiliesthere,and continuedtovisitonamonthlybasisforseveralyearswhileiwasworkinginthelarger developmentsectorinelsalvador.ihadgainedadvancedproficiencyinspanishduringmy timeinthecommunity,andcouldcommunicatebothverballyandinwrittenformatwithease. ThoughImaynothavegainedconfianzawithallofthefamilieswithinthecommunity,Ido haveevidenceofhavingconfianzawithmanyofthem,andwiththecommunityasawhole;i gatheredandattendedcommunitymeetings,visitedhousesandwasallowedtohelpwomen tobreakcornandmaketortillas,wastrustedtotakechildrentocampsandeducationalevents awayfromhomeandtokeeptheminmycare,andwasprivytogossip,dirtyjokes,andtalltales. Thepurposeofchoosingthesecommunitiesinparticularwastwofold.Asaresearcher,I alreadyunderstoodmanyofthechallengesfacingruralwaterusersinthesurrounding communities,andsothetimenecessarytoeducatemyselfwithrespecttothesituationwas muchshorter.moreimportantly,ihadalreadygainedtheconfianzaoftheruralcommunity membersinthearea,anotionessentialtorelationsinmuchofrurallatinamerica.without confianzaicouldnothaveexpectedmanyoftheruralpeopletospeaktomeopenlyand honestlyabouttheirsituation,alessonihadlearnedasapeacecorpsvolunteeryearsearlier. WithinthesecommunitiesIconductedapurposivesample,seekingtointerviewbothmenand women,youngerandolder,andthoseinvolvedincommunitygovernanceaswellasthosenot directlyinvolved.thus,iproposedtospeaktoatleast8womenand8men,halfofwhom wereuninvolvedincommunitygovernance,andtheotherhalfinvolvedinsomeformof communitygovernance,particularlylocalwatercommitteesandadescos(localcommunity developmentcouncilsakintoavillagecouncil).asisthecaseinlastunasandthesurrounding communities,women sinvolvementincommunitygovernanceinmanyruralareasofel Salvadorisstillmuchlessfrequentthanmen s,andismostobservableinlocalschool committeesandactivechurchcouncilsratherthanadescos,developmentcouncils,orwater committees.asaresult,inseekingasampleofwomenactiveincommunitygovernance,iwas forcedtoseekoutnotonlywomenwhowereinvolvedinwatercouncilsandadescos,but alsothoseinvolvedinchurchgroupsandschoolcommittees.atableofcommunitymembers interviewedislistedbelowintable1. 20
Table1:Acompletelistofruralcommunitymembersinterviewedandtheirrespective affiliationswithcommunitygovernance. Interview Participant# Sex Age (approximate) Activein Commnity Governance? CommunityGovernanceAffiliation 1 M 38 Yes ADESCO,jointvillagewatercommittee 2 M 35 Yes AESCO 3 M 42 Yes ADESCO,watercommittee 4 M 23 Yes ADESCO,LocalCooperative 5 F 25 Yes Schoolcommittee 6 F 30 Yes Schoolcommittee,churchcommittee 7 F 55 Yes ADESCO,churchcommittee 8 F 50 Yes ADESCO 9(joint interview) 10(joint interview) M M M M 75 50 17 24 No No No None None 11 M 47 No None 12 M 63 No None 13 F 55 No None 14 F 22 No None 15 F 50 No None 16(joint interview) F F 15 55 No None Acombinationsampleofgovernmentofficials,bothpurposiveandsnowball,wasconducted withfivegovernmentagenciesatthenationallevel,andonelocalofficialwithinthemunicipal governmentoflislique,undertheauthorityofwhichtheruralcommunitiesoflastunas, Guajiniuil,andLomaAltareside.Ichosethegovernmentagenciesbasedontheirinvolvement orpotentialauthorityinwatergovernanceinelsalvador.asnotedintheintroduction, responsibilityforwatergovernanceinelsalvadoriscurrentlydispersedacrossmany governmentagencies,mostnotablyanda(thenationalwatercarrier),theministryofthe Environment,theMinistryofHealth,andFISDL(thenationalinversionfundforlocal 21
development).inaddition,snet,thenationalstatisticsbureauislargelyresponsiblefor collectingandanalyzingdatawithregardtowaterandothernaturalresources.inthecaseof theministryoftheenvironment,theministryofhealth,andfisdl,icalledtorequestan interviewandbrieflyexplainedmyresearch,andwasscheduledtomeetwiththemost relevantofficial.icouldnotcontactandatoscheduleaninterview,andsoscheduledan interviewinperson,andwasshuffledthroughofficesuntililanded,again,atthepersonwith knowledgedeemedmostrelevanttomyresearch.inthecaseofsnet,iwasreferredbythe MinistryoftheEnvironment,whorecommendedtheagencyasrelevanttothegatheringand organizingofstatisticsrelatedtowaterinelsalvador.lastly,isoughtoutthemayorof Lislique,asthemostrelevantofficialofthelocalgovernmentintheregioninwhichthechosen ruralcommunitiesweresituated.alistofgovernmentofficialsinterviewedisincludedbelow, thoughtheirexactjobdescriptioncannotbeincludedhereforreasonsofconfidentiality(table 2). Table2:ListofGovernmentOfficialinterviewedandlevelofgovernmentatwhichthey participate GovernmentOffice MinistryoftheEnvironmentandNaturalResources SNET(NationalStatisticsBureau) FISDL(InvestmentFundforLocalDevelopment) ANDA(NationalWaterandSewageAgency) MinistryofHealth Levelofgovernment National National National National National MunicipalityofLislique(Mayor soffice) Local AsimilarsampleofNGOs,bothpurposiveandsnowballwasconducted,withtheintentionof gatheringperspectivesofngosworkingatinternational,national,andlocalscales.eachof thengosthatcomprisethesampleworksinwaterandsanitationattheruralcommunitylevel inelsalvador,andeachisdirectedatthenationallevelbyasalvadoran.thoughitiscommon forexpatriatestoheadregionalofficesofinternationalorganizations,allinterviewparticipants weresalvadoranandnativespanishspeakers.ichosetospeaktocareandcatholicrelief 22
Servicesasrepresentativesofinternationalorganizationsworkingregionally,becauseeachhas workedextensivelyinwaterandsanitationinelsalvadorandprofesscommitmentto improvingpotablewateraccessandsanitationinelsalvadorasinstitutionalobjectives. PROCOSALisaSalvadoranNGOoflargescale,anditsdirectoristhepresidentofRASES,a networkofngosworkinginwaterandsanitationinelsalvador,andaforumforinstitutional sharing.andarisasmallsalvadoranngothatservesroughlyhalfofthenation sterritory, andisamemberofrases,andassaisasmall,localorganizationthatworksprincipallyin2of the14departmentsofelsalvador.alistofngosinterviewedisincludedbelow(table3).for purposesofconfidentiality,icannotprovidethejobtitlesofinterviewparticipants,though eachparticipantwaseitherthedirectororsub directorofthelocaloffice,orthedirectorof thewaterandsanitationprogram. Table3:ListofNGOsinterviewed,andtherespectivegeo politicalscopeofeachinstitution NGO Scopeofwork CARE International CatholicReliefServices International PROCOSAL National ANDAR Local ASSA Local Interviewswithparticipantsineachofthethreegroupsweresemi structured,andconsisted ofbroadquestionsintendedtoprovokeunguided,orrelativelyspontaneous,discoursesfrom individualsregardingwaterinthecontextmostrelevanttothem.iusedpromptswhere necessarytotriggermoreextensivedialogue,andthesepromptswerelargelyconsistent acrossgroups.boththequestionsandthepromptswereapprovedbytheuniversity s InstitutionalReviewBoard.Allinterviewswereaudiorecordedusingasmalldigitalrecorder. (Alistofsemi structuredinterviewquestionsisattachedasappendixi). Interviewswithgovernmentofficials,NGOworkers,andmostcommunitymemberswere conductedindividually.however,inthecaseofsomecommunitymembers,jointinterviews wereconducted.interviewswereconductedwithinrespondents homesandotherswere 23
ofteneitherpresentorenteredoutofcuriosity,andwerecompelledtorespondtothe questionsasked,thoughtheimportanceofobtainingindividualinterviewswasexplainedprior toeachinterview.robsonsuggeststhatinterviewsmaytakeplaceinagroupcontext, especiallyinlessstructuredinterviewswherethenormalformatofalternatingquestionand answerismoreflexible,butthatsuchgroupinterviewsnecessarilyexplorecollective phenomenaratherthanindividualones(robson2002). Finally,Iobtainedanelectroniccopyofthe2007draftoftheSalvadoranGeneralWaterLaw document,asitwassubmittedforrevisiontothesalvadorannationallegislature. Dataanalysis Oncetheinterviewswerecomplete,Itranscribedthemintoasimpleword processing program,notingthemes,motifs,andanyvocabularyusedrepeatedly.inordertocompare vocabulariesandthematiccontentparticulartospeakersandspeakergroups,ifirstlookedfor thefrequencywithwhichcertainwordswereusedwithineachspeakergroup.inorderto conductwordfrequencycounts,icompiledalistofvocabularyusedrepeatedlythroughout theinterviewsasawhole.thelistwascomprisedofapproximately30wordsandwasa mixtureofcolloquialismsandmoretechnicalterms,andreflectedarangeofvalues, perspectives,andetymologies.ithendividedtheinterviewsintothreeseparatetextfiles,one forcommunitymembers,governmentofficials,andmembersofngosrespectively.iremoved myowndialoguefromthetranscriptionssothatonlythewordsoftheinterviewparticipants remained,suchthatihadatypeof discoursebank foreachspeakergroup.ithenrana simplewordcountwithineachofthetextfiles,recordinghowmanytimeseachofthewords onthelistappearedinthediscoursebankforeachgroup. Somespeakersweremoreverbosethanothers.Inordertocomparewordfrequenciesacross speakersandspeakergroups,iobtainedatotalwordcountforeachtextfile,anddividedthe talliesforeachindividualwordbythetotalnumberofwordsinthedocument,andthen multipliedby1000toobtainafrequency/1000words.table4showsasmallexcerptofthe vocabularylist,aswellasthecomparativefrequenciesacrosstherespectivespeakergroups. 24
Thefinalcolumnreferstothefrequencywithwhichtermsappearinthetextofthe2007draft ofthegeneralwaterlaw. Table4:Excerptofresults;comparisonoffrequencieswithwhichtermsappearinthe discoursesofvariousspeakergroups.(frequenciescalculatedandreportedper1000words). English Translation Spanish Word Frequency in community discourse Frequency in government discourse Frequency in NGO discourse Frequency in General Water Law Water Agua 31.04 18.10 21.02 12.87 hydrologic resource Recurso hídrico 0.00 0.52 0.28 7.46 Efficient/efficiency Eficiente/cia 0.00 0.39 0.28 0.39 management manejo 0.00 1.47 0.76 2.83 "eye of water" Ojo de agua 1.05 0.00 0.00 0.00 Well (or spring) Pozo 3.49 0.86 0.96 0.49 spring (connotation: spill out of) Vertiente 0.41 0.09 0.00 0.05 Inaddition,duringmyinitialtranscriptionaswellasmyre readingoftheinterviews,icoded thedialogueaccordingtorelevantandrecurringdescriptivethemes,sothaticouldcompare statementsacrossspeakersandspeakergroups.codesarelabelsattachedtosnippetsof discoursethatassignitameaningorsignificancewithinacertaincontext(milesand Huberman1994)),andorganizedialogueandtextsaccordingtoaseriesofrelevantcategories. Thoughsomecodesarecreatedtheoretically,themajorityofthecodesIchoseemerged duringthedatacollectionandorganization(milesandhuberman1994).thus,asanexample, Icodedallstatementsthatreferreddirectlyorindirectlytowaterrightswithasimilarcode (Rights),thenextractedthecodedstatementsfromtheremainingdialogue,andgroupedthem accordingtothespeakergroupsfromwhichtheyweredrawn.discourseoflikecategories couldthenbecomparedtodistinguishsimilaritiesordifferencesinperspectivebetween speakergroups.intheinitialcomparisonofthecodeddiscourse,itbecameobviousthatnot allofthecodesproducedrelevantfindings(milesandhuberman1994).ofthe18codes,7 thatshowedrelevantdifferencesorsimilaritiesacrossspeakerswerecomparedinmoredetail, including:quantity,hardship,futuregenerations,waterrights,caringforwater,institutional gaps,andwateraslife. 25
Finally,inordertounderstandthedifferencebetweenspokendiscoursesandthewritten policydiscourse,ichosetofurthercomparetheusevocabularyandthemeswithinthe interviewstothevocabularyandthemesembeddedinthewrittentextofelsalvador s emerging LeyGeneraldeAgua, thegeneralwaterlaw.thoughthefinalversionofthe legislationhasnotyetbeenpassed,iobtainedadigitalcopyofafullywrittendraftandhave analyzedthedocumentasitstandsasofmay2009.inananalysissimilartothatconducted withtheinterviewtranscripts,iperformedawordsearchforeachofthewordsonthelistand convertedthewordcountsintofrequenciesper1000words.thoughthedocumentdoesnot haveanarrativestructureastheinterviewsdid,icodedthedocumentaccordingtothe18 codesalreadyestablishedinthecodingoftheinterviews.noneofthesevencodesrelevantto theinterviewswererelevanttothedocument. 26