Executive Summary. Food Deserts: An Overview. In this report, we employ three different but related conceptual definitions of food deserts :

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1 Executive Summary The problem of food deserts in Chicago is a serious one: low-income neighborhoods are disproportionately affected by the lack of access to healthy fresh food options, and the individuals living in them disproportionately suffer from diet-related illnesses. The link between inadequate access to nutritious food and quality of health in the city of Chicago has been extensively studied by the Mari Gallagher Research and Consulting Group, whose examination of the issue in the 2006 report, Good Food: Examining the Impact of Food Deserts on Public Health in Chicago, established the existence of a significant correlation between health and food access in Chicago s communities. The goal of the Chicago Policy Research Team (CPRT) in this report is to analyze the food access experiences of specific neighborhoods on Chicago s South Side, and in doing so, contribute a rich and comprehensive examination, both qualitative and quantitative, of Chicago s food desert crisis to the existing body of literature that predominantly features quantitative data and city-wide analyses. The CPRT focused on the issue of food deserts in Chicago by studying the links between food access, demographics, markets, culture, and health. We employed a survey, market basket research, food source mapping, focus groups, and interviews to analyze the dynamics of food access in four South Side neighborhoods in Chicago: Washington Park, a predominantly low-income, African American food desert; Greater Englewood, a predominantly low-income, African American area that is mostly a food desert; Gage Park, a predominantly Hispanic middle-income neighborhood with access to some fresh food outlets; and Chatham, a mixed-income, predominantly African American neighborhood with fresh food access. Through our study of these four neighborhoods, we aimed to propose policy recommendations which, if implemented, we believe may lessen the impact of their respective problems with food access, and in turn contribute to providing solutions to Chicago s complex food desert crisis. For more information, please visit Food Deserts: An Overview In this report, we employ three different but related conceptual definitions of food deserts : 1. Lack of Geographical Access: lack of physical access to healthy food options. 2. Lack of Income Access: lack of money and time to purchase or cook healthy food. 3. Lack of Cultural Access: cultural and taste preferences that limit healthy food intake. Why are food deserts harmful? There exists an irrefutable link between poor food choices and poor health outcomes, particularly in the form of diet-related illnesses (Gallagher 2006). One such illness, cardiovascular disease, is currently the leading cause of death in the United States. Some examples of the impact of cardiovascular disease in the U.S. include (from the Centers for Disease Control): 80,000,000 cases of cardiovascular or related diseases in ,480 deaths from cardiovascular or related diseases in Financial cost of $316.4 billion in 2010 in lost productivity and health care services. ii

2 Low-income neighborhoods are disproportionately affected by both a lack of healthy food options and higher incidences of diet-related illnesses, with low-income African American neighborhoods being the most disadvantaged (Gallagher 2006). In this report, we examine the link between healthy food options and healthy food choices, and show that although geographic access is a significant reason behind healthy food choices, other factors, especially income and taste, play equal or more important roles. Why do food deserts exist? Today s food deserts are the result of the compounded problems of politics, public policies, and social institutions, which intentionally or unintentionally resulted in the ultimate exclusion of populations from the crucial resources or representation necessary to ensure adequate access to food. Resulting from these failings, we find that food deserts represent an equilibrium outcome of two main factors: demand for and supply of healthy foods. Demand-side reasons, including residents low income; high prices of healthy food options; low convenience in terms of food preparation; and cultural and taste preferences, all lead to low demand for healthy food and high demand for fast food in low-income neighborhoods. Supply-side reasons, including a small customer base; low neighborhood income; high operating expenses; high security risk and costs; at times ineffective public policy; and the lack of large contiguous space in the inner city, all lead to high costs to retailers and low supply of healthy food. What policies that address food deserts currently exist? A host of public and private programs currently exist. Federal programs include: Community Development Block Grants (U.S. Housing and Urban Development) New Market Tax Credits (U.S. Treasury) Food Desert Oasis Act (currently in Congress) Supermarket Tax Exemption Act (passed in 2000) Child Nutrition Act (up for reauthorization in Fall 2010) State, local and private programs in Chicago include: Illinois Food, Farms and Jobs Act of 2007 (to promote local food systems) Incentivizing Link card (food stamp) users to make healthier purchases Municipal efforts by the City of Chicago across several departments Growing Home, Growing Power, God s Gang (urban agriculture; food education) Community gardens, corner store solutions, transportation solutions While the CPRT explores each program in this report, we lack sufficient data to evaluate the effectiveness of these programs. We surmise that the persistence of food deserts despite these programs implies that the programs themselves have still not managed to adequately address fundamental issues regarding food access in Chicago, possibly due to other barriers associated with poverty and disadvantage. iii

3 The Walmart Question There has been increasing attention on the part of policymakers focused on the capacity of Walmart to provide low-cost healthy food options in low-income neighborhoods. However, such policy ideas have traditionally been opposed by small retailers who argue that their inability to compete with the retail giant would translate into a net loss of jobs in the neighborhood (and even further desertification of the food landscape). And labor unions are rightfully concerned that the entry of more Walmart stores could erode labor standards in the city. The CPRT believes that, despite the validity of these arguments, the strategic introduction of a handful of Walmart Supercenters in certain neighborhoods may provide a feasible, if partial solution to the food access-related issues some communities face. Methodology Our methodology focused on analyzing the food access issues of the four neighborhoods from a variety of angles, including literature review, market basket analysis, food source mapping, survey administration, and qualitative research including focus groups, key informant interviews, and observation. For these purposes, the CPRT divided into eight groups, with each group assuming a unique means by which to examine the issues of food accessibility, affordability and quality in the four neighborhoods under investigation. We selected four distinct neighborhoods to investigate according to their unique demographics and the severity of their food access conditions. These neighborhoods were Greater Englewood, Washington Park, Gage Park and Chatham. The neighborhoods were chosen in part according to their proximity to the University of Chicago campus in Hyde Park, so as to maximize the time we had available to conduct our research, and in part according to their unique qualities with regards to food access. For instance, Washington Park was selected because it has been traditionally classified as a food desert. On the other hand, Greater Englewood was chosen because it was classified as a food desert containing small food oases, or a region characterized by a focal point of healthy food providers surrounded by a relatively stark and infertile food environment. We selected Chatham because it was classified as a non-food desert by various reports, and similarly Gage Park, which was not only classified as a non-food desert, but also consisted of a predominantly Hispanic population. By choosing these four neighborhoods with distinct food desert and non-food desert landscapes, we hoped that a comparative analysis between these neighborhoods would offer insight into how each neighborhood s respective differences related to food access, and allow us to better determine which policies would be appropriate and applicable to a wide array of circumstances. For more information on the CPRT methodological approach please consult the Appendices of the Deserted? full report. A Comparative Analysis of Four South Side Neighborhoods in Chicago Greater Englewood Greater Englewood is a predominantly African American neighborhood, which, while a thriving community in the beginning of the 20th century, slowly decayed as a result of white flight, increasing joblessness, and concentrated poverty. Today, Greater Englewood faces a number of challenges, iv

4 including gang violence, lead poisoning, drug dealing, teen pregnancies, and high student dropout rates, in addition to problems of food access. Food access and availability is hindered by barriers of transportation and of income, which divide Greater Englewood s population into those who can and those who cannot access healthy food options. Our investigation determined that food issues are further exacerbated by supply-side and demand-side barriers that prevent fresh produce and greater food variety from entering the community. For instance, the lack of good-quality fruit and vegetable options in the neighborhood prompts customers to avoid produce, reducing demand and causing food providers to stock with more profitable, and less healthy, alternatives. There are, however, many community strengths in Greater Englewood, as evidenced by the large number of strong community programs that possess the capacity to promote change. Unfortunately, these organizations lack visibility and, as a result, do not have a strong influence in addressing food access problems. Greater Englewood is home to a Food4Less chain grocery store, which is a main source of produce in the area. Many residents are too poor to shop at grocery stores, however, and instead depend on food ministries and food pantries run out of churches. Community-Specific Policy Recommendations Incentivize the use of farmers markets: passing legislation to make farmers markets Link card-friendly would make a wider variety of healthy foods more accessible to the public, who may not otherwise be able to find nutritious and affordable food options. There is pending legislation in the Illinois General Assembly to address technological and cost barriers to using Link cards readers at farmers markets. Improve nutritional literacy: creating food-literacy curricula in community centers and churches could teach residents how to prepare healthy meals, and in doing so increase the demand for healthy foods. The City of Chicago s Department of Family and Support Services currently conducts healthy cooking demonstrations in its Mobile Community Service Center. Staggered distribution of Link benefits: staggering the distribution of Link benefits throughout the month would eliminate employment issues for food providers, which result from an overflow of demand caused by simultaneous distribution. The Illinois Department of Human Services will implement this recommendation (already made by several Chicago area organizations) soon. Washington Park Washington Park is community with a median income just a few thousand dollars above the poverty line. Predominantly African American, Washington Park experienced a drastic decline in population density with the closing of the Robert Taylor Homes in 2007, depriving entrepreneurs of the consumer base necessary for successful small businesses. Scattered apartment buildings serve as strong community and social centers, though the neighborhood is generally sparsely populated. Churches are the most common sight on the streets of Washington Park, with approximately one church for every 700 people. Residents and storeowners alike indicated concern over the existence of a generational gap, wherein older residents, having grown up eating relatively nutritious meals, tend to prepare similar meals even now, while the younger generation gravitates towards fast food and snack foods, as that is all they know. v

5 The neighborhood is home to a few local convenience stores, none of which stock a large amount or variety of produce, and all of which charge prices higher than those in non-food desert areas. The local convenience stores are often owned and operated by Arab Americans, creating tension with the African American residents who are unhappy with the quality and price of the goods provided. Gage Park Community-Specific Policy Recommendations Introduction of a new grocery initiative: establishing a large chain grocer or supermarket would provide employment opportunities, boost community morale, and would do much to alleviate food accessibility issues for the community. The City of Chicago s Department of Community Development has been working in this area. Grocery shuttles: most residents rely on public transportation to go grocery shopping and report that their shopping trips consist of visits to several stores in search of the best deals, and that they are often limited in the amount they can buy because of their means of transportation. We therefore recommend shuttles to larger grocers in nearby Englewood. Gage Park is a predominantly Hispanic, middle-income neighborhood. Our research reveals that residents feel little community strength, and express concerns about safety and security problems. Although there are few large supermarkets, given the presence of a large number of small ethnic groceries, Gage Park is not a food desert by Gallagher s definition. However, these small groceries charge relatively high prices for low-quality produce, so most residents avoid these stores when possible and travel outside of Gage Park to shop. According to residents interviewed, income and price access are more relevant than geographic access. In general, fast food is not a popular option, with many residents preferring home-cooked meals. Specifically, price was listed as the most important factor in food choices, followed by food quality. Chatham Community-Specific Policy Recommendations Small grocery store coalition: by coming together to combine wholesale purchases and share supply chains, small-scale retailers can leverage economies of scale to improve food quality and reduce prices in Gage Park. Community programs: improving community spirit is key to providing a minimal level of social infrastructure necessary for the implementation of alternative healthy food solutions such as urban farms, fresh produce collectives and co-ops. Chatham is 98 percent African American, with a median income around $35,000 and a significant elderly population. It is a mixed-income community with evidence of strong community cohesion, as seen through the Chatham Business Association and Seaway Bank, which ensure the economic stability of the neighborhood. With the presence of two large supermarkets in the southwest corner of the neighborhood and discount stores like Aldi and Save-a-Lot relatively nearby, Chatham is not considered a food desert. vi

6 However, this classification overlooks the obstacles to food access encountered by low-income residents in the northern and northeastern parts of Chatham, areas dense with fast food restaurants and corner stores that sell very little fresh food. Many residents of these areas must travel up to 30 minutes each way to reach supermarkets according to our research. We found that both price and convenience factored significantly into residents decisions about food. Those whose travel times to the supermarkets were an hour or longer round-trip expressed frustration at not having healthy food available close to their homes. Elderly residents said they feel unsafe riding the bus, or cited physical conditions as an obstacle to traveling by public transportation. The more convenient option, shopping at one of the abundant corner stores, is undesirable because of the inflated prices these stores charge for basic items. Conclusion Community-Specific Policy Recommendations: Incentives for corner storeowners: owners need a trial period and help with marketing to see if fresh produce will sell. If successful, this kind of initiative could lead to a regular supply of fresh food in corner stores like the D.C. Corner Store Program. Shuttles to grocery stores: elderly residents in Chatham experience many difficulties getting to the grocery stores, and would benefit from a direct shuttle service to the supermarkets. Investigate possibility of Walmart: the Target in southeast Chatham recently converted to a supercenter, which stocks fresh, frozen and pre-packaged foods at reasonable prices. The impact of this change on the lower-income residents of Chatham, many of whom live closer to Target than to the supermarkets, could lend insight into the viability and potential impact of a Walmart in Chatham. In pursuing this research, the Chicago Policy Research Team worked to understand how stakeholders from communities, universities, and government agencies conceptualize, experience, and work to counteract food access issues at the national, state, and local levels. This led to examinations of previous research as well as existing programs and initiatives still in the planning stages. What we sought most, however, was a rich, in-depth, multi-method analysis of how diverse individuals understand and experience food access issues at the consumer level in their neighborhood contexts, a reality that we felt was largely absent from the existing literature. By engaging with residents of Chicago s South Side through focus groups, key informant interviews, and surveys and by engaging with their material environments through in-store market basket research and on-the-ground spatial analysis, this report contributes critical insights into the very human dilemmas faced not only by food desert residents, but also by others who struggle to access healthy, quality foods, whether due to age, ability, financial concerns, transportation difficulties, or fear of violence and crime. vii