ENHANCING COMPETITIVENESS OF V4 HISTORIC CITIES TO DEVELOP TOURISM. Spatial-economic cohesion and competitiveness in the context of tourism

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2 ENHANCING COMPETITIVENESS OF V4 HISTORIC CITIES TO DEVELOP TOURISM Spatial-economic cohesion and competitiveness in the context of tourism

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4 ENHANCING COMPETITIVENESS OF V4 HISTORIC CITIES TO DEVELOP TOURISM Spatial-economic cohesion and competitiveness in the context of tourism Edited by: Zsolt RADICS and János PÉNZES The project was financed and supported by the Standard Grant (no ) of the International Visegrad Fund. Debrecen, 2014

5 Project partners: Jagiellonian University in Krakow (Poland) University of Wrocław in Wrocław (Poland) Palacký University in Olomouc (Czech Republic) University of Presov in Presov (Slovakia) Károly Róbert College in Gyöngyös (Hungary) University of Debrecen in Debrecen (Hungary) Edited by: Zsolt RADICS and János PÉNZES Lectored by: Gábor KOZMA and Csaba PATKÓS Technical Editor: Erzsébet ERDELICSNÉ VIRÁGOS ISBN Kiadta a DIDAKT Kft., Debrecen Felelős kiadó: a DIDAKT Kft. ügyvezetője Nyomdai munkák: Center-Print Kft., Debrecen

6 TABLE OF CONTENTS Foreword... 7 Social-economic characteristics of the Visegrad countries... 9 JÁNOS PÉNZES JÓZSEF FEKETE: Transformation of the spatial structure in the Visegrad countries in the light of the location of peripheral areas ANDRZEJ ZBOROWSKI TOMASZ CHABERKO: Demographic And Social Challenges for the historic inner cities in Central Europe ANTAL AUBERT MÓNIKA JÓNÁS-BERKI GERGELY MARTON ANDREA PÁLFI: Region specific characters of tourism in East-Central-Europe ÁGI PAP: The potentials of cultural tourism in the countries of the Visegrad Group Culture and heritage from the aspect of tourism ZOLTÁN BUJDOSÓ LÓRÁNT DÁVID KOVÁCS GYÖNGYI VERONIKA MAJOR-KATHI ANETT TŐZSÉR: Cultural heritage as a new element of tourism and experience economy GÁBOR KOZMA: Most important characteristics of heritage planning ANIKÓ KHADEMI-VIDRA: Third places : social-cultural aspects of the leisure places Definition and delimitation of historic cities in the Visegrad countries ROBERT FARACIK: Which cities are historic? An attempt to define the phenomenon in the context of tourism development opportunities ROBERT FARACIK MAGDALENA KUBAL: Historic cities in Poland RENÉ MATLOVIČ KVETOSLAVA MATLOVIČOVÁ JANA KOLESÁROVÁ: Conceptualization of the historic mining towns in Slovakia in the institutional, urban-physiological and urban-morphological context ISTVÁN SÜLI-ZAKAR TIBOR KECSKÉS: Tourist and cultural economy of the historical towns from the point of view of towns rehabilitation (example of Debrecen)

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8 FOREWORD The heritage and its cultural appreciation is one of the most important features of the tourism of the globalising world. On the one hand, the demand of the tourism products based on these appeals is considered universal, and on the other hand, the preservation of heritage both serves the long-term subsistence of the local population and the economic development. The cultural heritage could be very diverse from the aspect of intellectuality and material features, as well. From this aspect the historic towns have outstanding features, since the elements of the built environment include certain layers of the past. Each element of the settlement, the habits and behaviour of the population are considered to be the survival of the past which still effect the present time. In the turbulent historical past of the Visegrad countries, there were many elements, which framed the countries into a common framework. The impressions of these historical events can be found in the larger cities, which have significant historical traditions. Many of these cities can be found in the area of the four countries. The systematization of these monuments and heritage elements, and the formulation of joint recommendations are aimed by the Enhancing competitiveness of V4 historic cities for tourism development project, led by the University of Debrecen and supported by the Visegrad Found. In the framework of the project, a common tourism brand and system of thematic routes are going to emerge based on those studies, which were carried out by the six higher education institutions of the four countries. The first results of these studies could be read in these volume, arranged around three themes. In the first part, the authors give insight into the social and tourism processes of the Visegrad Group. In the second part, the studies describe the role of the cultural heritages in the regional development and especially in the tourism processes. Finally, in the third chapter, the typing options and the characteristics of the historic towns are presented with some examples by the analyses. We hope that the respected reader will find in the volume some interesting studies, which familiarize the reader with some previously unknown facts, and principally that kind of questions, whose further elaboration may help to create a common Central European economic and social identity, which may be the key factor for the latter prosperity. The Editors 7

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10 SOCIAL-ECONOMIC CHARACTERISTICS OF THE VISEGRAD COUNTRIES 9

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12 János Pénzes 1 József Fekete 2 TRANSFORMATION OF THE SPATIAL STRUCTURE IN THE VISEGRAD COUNTRIES IN THE LIGHT OF THE LOCATION OF PERIPHERAL AREAS 3 Introduction Current paper is fundamentally based on the referred study (Pénzes, J. 2013b). Central European countries have gone under a fundamental transformation in , during the end of the communist regime. The political changes that took place had an impact on almost all kind of socio-economic processes. The spatial pattern of these changes was significantly different from the features socialist era, from those center-periphery conditions which evolved in the past decades. These changes were accompanied by the significant increase of regional disparities differences between developed and undeveloped areas. The 1990s were the period of rapid changes. In addition to the crisis phenomena, the concentrated starting up of regional development has also played a role. The accession of Central European countries in to the European Union in 2004 essentially has not brought change the economic processes since they had took place in the previous decade and a half. Out and away, the availability of financial resources has opened up new perspectives for the regional policy. The assessment of the cohesion funds is controversial, because neither the convergence of the most backward areas nor the reduction of regional differences is unambiguous. This is due to partly the multi-dimensional nature of regional development, partly caused by the spillover impact of the 2008 crisis (and partly by the ineffective regional policy). The spatial pattern in Hungary after 2000 has frozen and the significant regional inequalities seem to be 1 PhD, University of Debrecen, Department of Social Geography and Regional Development Planning 2 Phd student, University of Debrecen, Department of Social Geography and Regional Development Planning 3 This research was supported by the European Union and the State of Hungary, co-financed by the European Social Fund in the framework of TÁMOP A/ 2-11/ National Excellence Program. 11

13 stabilized. The present study is an attempt to analyze the spatial pattern these four until 1992, only three countries in the socialist era comparing to after the 2000s. In addition the study aims to reveal the changes, occurring in spatial locations; and the regional characteristics of the peripheral areas. The study tool is typically the review of the associated literature. Social-economic transformation after the change of regimes in the Visegrad countries The political shift of the Visegrad countries at the end of the communist regime had occurred market economic transformation; there the economy determined by spatial situation (Nemes Nagy, J. 1998). Thus, the majority of the countries faced with dramatic economic setback, drastic increase of unemployment, structural crisis, and formation of acute crisis areas (Gorzelak, G. 1996). The significant decrease of industries, which were supported during the socialist era, caused very fast transformation of occupation in addition to a considerable amount of reduction of employment (Keane, M. P. - Prasad, E. S. 2006). To those regions which had developed infrastructure, skilled labor force, hence best survived the transition; innovation supporting, competitive foreign direct investments have come. Consequently the tertiarization of the economy began. The decisive factors for the success of the transformation: the initial stages of development, sectoral distribution of economic activities; properties of the factors of production; and the situation in political and economic space (Gorzelak, G. 1996). Within countries, the former more leveling spatial pattern became ever so much polarized (pl. Szabó, P. 2003; Abrhám, J. 2011). In the 1990s, the rapidly growing regional inequalities were prevalent in these countries, compared to the more moderate socio-spatial pattern of the period of socialism. The essentially similar regional inequality trends can be included within a single model (the modified Kuznets-Williamson s inverted U hypothesis), which focuses on the socialist redistribution. This kind of redistribution artificially maintained the more balanced spatial pattern. As a result of switchover to market 12

14 economy this influence has eliminated and the regional differences returned to the country s appropriate level of development (Nemes Nagy, J. 2005). Figure 1: Generalized model of the dimensions of spatial disparities after the change of regime by the example of Hungary (authors edition by Nemes Nagy, J. 1998, 18 p.) Primarily, the metropolitan regions, which can provided the benefits of agglomeration Heidenreich, M. 2003), the major urban agglomerations (Burda, A. 2013); and those western border areas, which were closer to the developed Western Central Europe economic centers and generally had a higher level of development could benefit from the transformation (Kozma, G. 1998; Süli- Zakar, I. 2007; Nemes Nagy, J. - Tagai, G. 2011). At the same time, the Eastern, often agro-industrial profiled border areas of the Central European countries; practically continuous peripheral band evolved and the former mining and heavy industrial areas have become predominantly structural crisis areas. This spatial structure materialized in many socio-economic indicators and progresses e.g. migration within countries, presence of FDI, differences in employment and income patterns. The aim of our study is to introduce the peripheral areas of Central Europe in two segments of time, after the period of socialism and after the new millennium. We try to point out the main processes of change based on two periods spatial image, and summarize the dimensions of transformation. Our 13

15 analysis used the peripheral areas as tool to indicate the changes of the spatial pattern. It is important to emphasize that this methodology expresses only one aspect of the territorial development this is the reason why the review of relevant literature was featured in parallel. Besides of this, the multidimensional character of peripherality must be considered as well (Kanalas I. - Kiss A. (eds.) 2006). Transformation of the spatial pattern by the location of peripheral areas As a result of the characterized processes, in some cases the spatial pattern have been significantly transformed, that in many cases changed the center-periphery spatial specificities as well. It was also pointed out that the spatial position of the peripheral areas despite the presence of the traditionally underdeveloped areas considered dynamic. So it can be interpreted as an indicator of spatial processes, which took place in the last nearly quarter century. Figure 2: Regional gross domestic product in 2010 (PPS per inhabitant in % of the EU27 average) by NUTS 2 regions in the Visegrad countries (authors edition by the data from EUROSTAT) 14

16 Several studies have been created, which are focusing on spatial processes and development s spatial pattern of the Central European countries (far from exhaustive e.g. Nemes Nagy, J. 1987; Gorzelak, G. 1996; Horváth, Gy. 1998, 2009; Sokol, M. 2001; Kuttor, D. 2009; Nemes Nagy, J. - Tagai, G. 2011; Rechnitzer, J. 2013; EC, 2010). However these works have predominantly static aspect and they are focusing on NUTS 2 and NUTS 3 levels with using some indicators, which are available in the Eurostat database. Principally, GDP and HDI are often used as complex indicators. Figure 2 illustrates the GDP per capita values in the percentage of the EU-27 average on NUTS level. The recent EU Cohesion Report contains a detailed map of the disadvantaged areas of the EU, but this mainly takes natural and agricultural aspects into account (EC, 2010 p. 193.). Lately, poverty and the analysis of marginalization in the Europeanscale regional analyzes get more and more emphasis. In this paper we try to create a more complex view, in which the areas qualified as underdeveloped ones of the examined countries juxtaposed puzzle correctly, can go beyond national borders (as detailed regional analyzes were created in each country). One the one part the aim is that the similarities or differences become detectable, on the other hand, the overview of the common border areas can used as a guide at regional development planning (including multi-country aspect of contiguous peripheral regions comparative study, even exploring the possibilities of cross-border co-operations). About the limitations of the testing facilities and about the obstacles of international comparisons of the relating studies see Pénzes, J. 2013b. The consolidated and significantly generalized maps, which were made according to the available sources cited in footnote provide a characteristic point of view. (Figure 3 and 4). These kind of maps are appropriate to illustrate the spatial pattern (Szabó, P. 2010). Unfortunately, due to the listed several methodological issues and problems, the further quantitative GIS-based comparative analysis would be a concern. Therefore, we only want to draw attention to the visible changes that have affected the location of peripheral regions. The examination of the peripheral areas during the socialist era was quite subordinate. (Figure 3) Though the conceptions and objectives served the regional equalization, too (Cotella, R. 2006), through the public development policy and redistribution (which resulted levelized spatial pattern in superior 15

17 regional level. The concentrated developments have generated considerable inequalities, too) (Fuchs, R. J. and Demko, G. J. 1979; Beluszky, P. 2002). The researches, which designated to determine regional differences in living conditions, gained momentum primarily during the 1970s in Hungary. Since 1986, the delimitation of underdeveloped areas has been occurred (although any substantive regional development policy has not evolved). Thereafter the 1980s in Poland, researchers placed more emphasis on the territorial aspect to examine the living conditions, quality of life and access to services. In the former Czechoslovakia these studies were subordinated, as the most important spatial disparities were known (especially significant differences in development of the Czech-Moravian and Eastern Slovak areas). Each of the countries the capital city and rural area spatial dichotomy was stressful. Figure 3: Peripheral areas of the Visegrad countries during the socialist period (edited by the authors, based on the sources in the footnote) 16

18 4 In the case of Hungary especially conspicuous the veg ( water head ) type of Budapest, which was significant during the period of socialism, too (Fuchs, R. J. Demko, G. J. 1979); but became more dominant after the end of the communism (see. inter alia Enyedi, Gy. 1996; Nemes Nagy, J. 1998; Kovács, Z. 2004). In Slovakia, the appreciation of Bratislava and the neighboring region can be observed, characterized by suburbanization especially in the new millennium (Halás, M. Hurbanek, P. 2008). It is coupled with constipation of the peripheral areas east from the capital. However, Bratislava s spatial weight is far less oppressive than in the case of Hungary, and the same can be said of Czech Republic, too. Figure 4. Peripheral areas of the Visegrad countries after the new millennium (edited by the authors, based on the sources in the footnote) 5 4 By Potrykowska, A. 1985, p. 124.; Ciechocińska, M. 1986, p. 253; Gawryszewski, A. Potrykowska, A. 1988, p. 91.; Musil, J. Müller, J. 2006, p. 38.; the data of ŠSR and Beluszky, P. 1976, p By NSRD, 2010, p. 96.; Musil, J. Müller, J. 2006, p. 38.; Halás, M. Hurbanek, P. 2008, p. 131., and Faluvégi, A. Tipold, F p

19 The role of Warsaw in Poland is less characteristic, because of the feature of the city network and existence of major metropolitan sub-centers (Fuchs, R. J. Demko, G. J. 1979). Relation to the latter country, which is more due to the large urban-rural dichotomy, can be highlighted Poznań, Kraków, Wrocław and the so called Tricity (Gdańsk, Gdynia and Sopot) (Gorzelak, G. 2006) however, the largest cities are not necessarily the regional development centers, which the Polish regional policy strives to concentrate (Churski, P. 2010). The urban-rural dichotomy has a significant presence in all Central European countries and its importance has grown since the democratic transition. In rural areas, the economic obsolescence was much more significant, particularly in the east of the studied area, which is agrarian-dominant. The employment in the cities revalued, by the smaller decrease in the number of jobs. The phenomenon of suburbanization around the city moves forward the development, while the regions which are farther from the agglomeration are lagging behind (Novák, J. Netrdová, P. 2011; Czyż, T. 2012; Pénzes, J. 2013a; Bujdosó, Z. et al. 2013). This process is also further enhanced by the selective migration, which leads to the conservation of divergences, and leads to further concentration (Miszczuk, A. Wesołowska, M. 2012). The East-West dichotomy can be detected in some form in all four countries. The valorizing of the western areas and crisis phenomena in the eastern areas have been mentioned in the introduction, and we referred to the structural background, too (Nemes Nagy, J. 1998; Gorzelak, G. 2006; Kozma, G. 2008; Halás, M. Hurbanek, P. 2008). Due to the foreign direct investments and the proximity to the core European areas revived the economy in the Poznań-Wrocław emerging development axis. This effect bring along the convergence of the peripheral areas of Southwestern Poland (Czyż, T. 2012). After the end of the communism, the progress which took place in Western Slovakia and Northwest Hungary also resulted in the transformation of the backward regions - especially along the main transport axes (Lőcsei, H. Szalkai, G. 2008; Tóth, G. 2013). The automotive industry and the related supplier sectors had a prominent role in industrial restructuring of the Western areas (Pavlinek, P. et al. 2009). The process was the least spectacular in the Czech Republic, as Prague and its surroundings has always been the most dynamic region also affecting this spatial dimension. 18

20 As the other projection of the west-east lean, there is a trend which shows the increasing spatial concentration of peripheral areas in the eastern regions. This concentration appears in the Eastern Wall zone of Poland (Gorzelak, G. 1996); in the accumulated spatial problems of Southeastern and Eastern Slovakia and the concentration of peripheral territories in Northeast and East Hungary (Kovács, Z. 2004). A high level of backward areas is concentrated in the geographical peripheries by the borders. In this area, the proportion of the agricultural sector is typically high, which greatly produced for the Eastern Soviet markets. After the end of the communist era and the collapse of the Soviet Union, prolonged crisis of the agricultural sector evolved. In addition to the outer periphery of the Central European countries, internal peripheries are present, too. In the case of Poland, in the region among Warsaw-Łódź-Kielce-Lublin, the increase of peripheral areas is particularly conspicuous. The region of the Świętokrzyskie Mountains is traditionally backward area of Poland, however the elements of the restructuring crisis overlap with the previous one. In the Czech Republic, the most part of the internal peripheries concentrated along the administrative borders so called kraj borders; and their extent does not seem to decline over the past decades (Musil, J. Müller, J. 2006). In Hungary the Central Tisza region ( Közép- Tiszavidék ) regarded as an internal periphery, in which the post-communist processes have resulted the strengthening of the peripheral status (Pénzes, J. 2011). The structural crisis of the mining, textile- and heavy industry caused the come up of the unfamiliar socio-economic difficulties in those areas, which were prosperous during the socialism. These include high unemployment, high social inputs, declining tax revenues and environmental problems e.g. in Poland in the region of Upper Silesia and Łódź; and typically in our country in the surroundings of Salgótarján, Ózd and Komló. The significant part of the region traditionally backward, therefore its peripheral status is not recent. In Eastern Poland the fragmented farm structure of agriculture, and the neighborhood of Belarus and Ukraine conserve the disadvantages, which go hand in hand with similar socio-economic problems in all countries (e.g. low employment rate, selective and significant emigration) (Miszczuk, A. Wesołowska, M. 2012). In the case of Slovakia and Hungary (in northeastern part, along with the southwestern part), social and employment 19

21 problems of the Roma population aggravate the close up of the region (Matlovičová, K. et al. 2012). Conclusions As a conclusion it can be stated that in the peripheral territories the most significant features are the change, the dynamic transformation and consistency. Because of the non-homogenous nature of the change after the years of communism, there are regions in each of these countries which once were about to be prosperous, but did not succeed. It can be observed especially in the case of structural crisis-stricken areas and also, in the converging peripherals (primarily the western border; the capital and main cities agglomerating, suburbanizing areas). However, some of the peripheral areas are traditionally backward (mainly the eastern border regions, and the so called internal peripherals), which has a convergence that is still not detected. The regional problems and the socioeconomic symptoms overlap each other in many cases and show a number of common elements in Central European countries. Although with different emphasis, the evolution of regional inequalities, the question of increasing polarization in the future, the exploration of peripheral territories processes and in particular to outline the response capabilities of the regional policy in all of these countries is present in this research. This is mainly due to the distribution of the EU s regional development funds and the consumption which serve the regional cohesion. The analysis of the summarized processes and the detailed methodological problems submitted in the present study will be the definite object of further studies. 20

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26 Andrzej Zborowski 6 Tomasz Chaberko 7 DEMOGRAPHIC AND SOCIAL CHALLENGES FOR THE HISTORIC INNER CITIES IN CENTRAL EUROPE Introduction Cities of Europe, including Central Europe with their identity and regional diversity create unique cityscapes. They mostly consist of historic cities. Especially their inner cities have their own identity, expressed by their historic heritage i.e. monuments, architectonic complexes, historic sightings and traditions. Historic inner cities are not only historic cityscapes: they are the core of often big cities, which performs many important functions for the whole urban organism: like the ones connected with work, housing, trade and catering, transport, communication, education, leisure and culture. Historic inner cities are living organisms, which creates the space of everyday life of students, citizens, tourists, executives, entrepreneurs. The combination of cultural cityscape with social groups, which inhabit it, creates very specific capital of a city. Therefore the question who lives in historic inner cities is very important. What social problems emerges in this districts, located most often in the central part of the city? This article is an attempt to answer this questions with reference to the chosen phenomena and processes, which contributors to the everyday life of citizens of inner cities. Because these districts have its own demographic and social issues we confront them with the city as a whole in order to indicate and highlight it. Due to limits of the article we only point out some of the phenomena and processes, which take place in the inner cities, like depopulation, aging, changes within family model, issues of social degradation or educational matters. We mostly concentrate on demographic and social issues of the inner cities, which can be identified as the city zones of the biggest 6 Jagiellonian University, Institute of Geography and Spatial Management ul. Gronostajowa 7, Kraków, andrzej.zborowski@uj.edu.pl 7 Jagiellonian University, Institute of Geography and Spatial Management ul. Gronostajowa 7, Kraków, tomekchaberko@gmail.com 25

27 cultural heritage. As the inner city we understand urban areas with buildings dating before I World War. Authors of the article tried to distribute their attention evenly between large cities (including capital ones) as well as medium-sized cities ranging between to citizens. The possibility of scientific discourse is as always affected by very limited access to the databases of city districts as well as the fact that the statistic data are not always complete or of good quality. Tendencies and dynamics of population of cities and inner cities Changes among population in the particular region but also in a city are strictly connected with its economic and social development. Another determinant of the population change are past and present functions performed by a particular city. During the transfomation processes in East-Central Europe very important were de-industrialization processes, which occurred in the old industrial zones, and the connected process of depopulation of cities. Yet another element of the population changes is demographic transition, which is connected not only with the decrease of female fertility but also with the changes in family patterns. However, most often in the debate about the city, depopulation processes are combined with suburbanization, which is regarded as the main process of contemporary redistribution of population in the Central European urban regions. Depopulation processes of inner city on the one hand and suburbanization on the other, can also be associated with the model of the stages of urban development. The above-mentioned factors of population change became the basis for the division of modern Europe in two different types of population growth (Turok, Mykhnenko 2006). In the central cities of Western Europe there is generally an absolute growth of the number of inhabitants. However, the large urban centres of Central and Eastern Europe are experiencing demographic regression unprecedented throughout their history. In this region, usually only the capitals record population growth, remaining ones are losing their population potential deprived of "the power of immigration" and by casting their inhabitants to the suburban areas. Depopulation processes affects the entire cities, but not with equal strength. They can be noticed most strongly in the inner cities because here focuses many additional adverse social and economic phenomena such as the high degree of 26

28 degradation of buildings, deficiencies in the technical infrastructure and the negative social phenomena (poverty, crime, unemployment). These phenomena are accompanied by commercialization and privatization of the property, and consequently moving its residents to the peripheries of the city. Those processes appeared simultaneously with strong aging in the inner cities. A very good example is the trend of depopulation in the city of Łódź (Table 1), where already in the communist period the population decline was observed. The loss of its population deepened in the period of post socialist transformation. With particular force it affected the inner city. In 1960, almost every fourth citizen of Łódź was a resident of the inner city, in 2002, however only one in ten. In 40 years, this inner city has lost nearly half of the citizens from Table 1 The population of the inner city of Łódź in the comparison with the city as a whole in the years (in thousands). Year Inner city Entire city Percentage of citizens of inner city among the total population of Łódź ,5 717,1 22, ,8 762,7 16, ,1 854,3 1) 11, ,0 823,2 11, ,3 789,3 10, ,9 725,1 10,1 The difference ,2-129,2-1,7 percentage point 1) the population after the extension of city borders Source: own study based on GUS (Główny Urząd Statystyczny Central Statistical Office) data. A significant decrease in the number of residents affected not only the urban centres heavily industrialized in the past. It also occurred in cities with very well-developed service functions, such as Bratislava, Brno, Kraków and Praha (Table 2). The phenomenon of depopulation of inner cities in Central and Eastern Europe has been confirmed in several studies (Zborowski 2000, Ouředníček and Sýkora 2002, Zborowski 2005, Kowalski and Śleszyński 2006, Steinführer at al. 2010, Zborowski at al. 2011). 27

29 Further depopulation of inner cities with the discharge of their important role not only as the location of the higher-order functions, but also as places of increased tourist reception is not beneficial and desirable. The inner city should not only be destination teeming with life, but above all, it ought to fulfill the role of the centre of experiencing everyday urban life. That is why permanent residents are necessarily needed. Table 2 Changes in the population of selected Central European cities and inner cities in the years 1988/ /02 City Population (1000s) Population change (percentages) 1988/ / / ) Entire city 442,2 428,7-3,1 Inner city 49,0 44,8-8,6 1) Entire city 388,3 376,2-3,1 Inner city 66,8 60,9-8,8 2) Entire city 747,7 758,5 1,4 Inner city 85,0 70,9-16,6 2) Entire city 854,3 789,3-7,6 Inner city 101,0 85,0-15,8 1) Entire city 1214,2 1169,1-3,7 Inner city 186,4 158,4-15,0 1) data for years 1991/2001 2) data for years 1988/2002 Source: own study based on data from statistical offices in Slovakia, the Czech Republic and Poland and Steinführer et. al The above data indicate that there are at least two types of depopulation of inner cities. The first one includes the former industrial cities and is characterized by continual high rate of population loss. The second type can be 28

30 observed in the inner cities of large cities, where depopulation processes were partially suppressed. This can be combined with the processes of gentrification of inner cities, as well as with a huge influx of young people from outside taking up employment, or studying, and living in the inner cities temporarily (Zborowski 2005, Zborowski and Soja 2009, Grabkowska 2012). These new residents, never recognized by the municipal statistics are described as "transitory urbanities (Haase at al. 2012). The processes of aging One of the most important processes taking place today, due to demographic changes in the age structure of the population, is aging. It affects especially the more developed countries, including the region of Central Europe, and especially the cities. Ageing is seen, among others, as a result of the so-called second demographic transition, including changes in the pattern of fertility of women. Another factor influencing the course of aging is a decrease in mortality and closely connected increase of the average life expectancy. In the Central European cities it is reinforced by the low level of urban migration dating from socialist times. During this period centres of large cities were especially subjected to the leaking. Young people left for the new large housing estates outside of the inner cities, which further strengthened the aging of the population of these districts. Among the large Polish cities population aging is the most advanced in two i.e. Warszawa and Łódź, where the share of the elderly residents reaches about 18% of the population (Figure 1). Cities in which the progress of aging of residents has been the biggest in the past twenty years are Wrocław and Kraków. These metropolises back in 1990 stand out amidst large Polish cities, due to relatively young age structure of the population, which resulted from significant inflows of migrants in the range 20 to 35 years of age during the socialist era. It is worth noting that the older population is concentrated in the inner cities, younger one occupies the peripheral areas. The spatial distribution of population structure in the city is essentially a reflection of the infrastructure s age. Thus, regardless of the size of the city's oldest buildings are located in the inner city and in many cities of Central Europe they are inhabited by elderly population (Szirmai 2007). In Polish cities aging processes, especially the inner cities took on even greater scale than Central Europe. A good example is 29

31 Warszawa, where there is traditionally the highest share of seniors in the inner city, and the proportion of this subpopulation accounts for about 28% of the total population of the district % Poland Cities in total Warszawa Kraków Łódź Poznań Wrocław Figure 1 The share of the population aged over 64 years (in %) in large Polish cities in the Source: own study based on GUS data % 40 Entire city Inner city Biała Podlaska Będzin Tarnowskie Góry Bełchatów Płock Rzeszów Częstochowa Figure 2 The share of people in postproductive age in total population in selected cities and their inner cities in Poland. Source: Zborowski, Soja

32 Spatial diversity in this field in smaller Polish towns illustrates Figure 2, which draws attention to the fact that in a number of cities the percentage of older people is 20% of the residents of the inner city. A different spatial distribution of the age structure is presented in large centres where there was a decrease in previously high level of old age. Such a situation we note among others in Łódź and Kraków (Figure 3). It appears that on the one hand, at that time a number of older generations began to die, on the other hand, buildings regained by the descendants of the past owners got new, nonresidential functions which is often connected with the ousting of senior citizens from their flats. The housing rents were also substantially raised. Thus, older people have been forced to leave the previously occupied premises, very often because some informal means were used against them. Another factor which lead to the rejuvenation of inner cities were the processes of gentrification and revitalization. Although these processes are initiated in the majority of cities in Poland, except for major metropolitan areas are in the initial phase. Figure 3 The dynamics of the population of Kraków at the 60 years of age and more in the years Source: Zborowski

33 The size and structure of households as a significant factor of social change in cities and their inner cities One of the most significant signs of contemporary social changes are changes in family patterns which are closely related with transformations of household formation, aimed at a significant reduction in their average size. Changes in the average size of households are a process known in Europe since at least the 60s of the last century (Ogden, Hall 2000). It should be associated with changes in the family model leading to decreasing fertility rate and an increase in the number of single-person households. Responsible for these changes are also another types of transformations affecting the labor market and the housing market. Table 3 Changes in the share of single-person households in the total number of households in selected Central European cities and their inner cities in the 1988/90/ /02. Change in one-person One-person households (%) households (percentage p.) City / 1988/90/ / Brno 1) Entire city 31,1 33,3 2,2 Inner city 36,5 38,6 2,1 Kraków 2) Entire city 22,9 35,1 12,2 Inner city 35,2 43,7 8,5 Łódź 2) Entire city 25,9 35,4 9,5 Inner city 31,6 40,3 8,7 Praha 1) Entire city 26,7 36,8 10,1 Inner city - 43,4 - Warszawa 2) Entire city 26,3 38,3 12,0 Inner city 37,0 50,0 13,0 Budapest 3) Entire city 32,5 34,5 2,0 Inner city - 44,0-1) data for 1991/2001 2) data for 1988/2002 3) data for 1990/2001 Source: own study based on data from statistical offices from The Czech Republic, Poland and Hungary and Steinführer et. al

34 With some delay these changes occurred in Central Europe, including in large cities. As in the West they relate to decrease of the average number of persons in a household, and increase the share of single-person households. In the big cities of Central Europe we can notice large intra-urban differences in the size and structure of households (Table 3). Like in other major cities of Europe the largest share of single households is in inner cities. Moreover, this share is increasing. The largest increase in the share of this type of households was recorded in the center of Warszawa, where the discussed type of households in 2002 accounted for half of the total number. Small single and double person households were in the inner city of the Polish capital as many as 76% of the total. On the outskirts of the city there are distinctively less such households, they do not exceed 50% of the total number. This phenomenon is also well diversified in Kraków (Zborowski 2005). Within the city and its region three zones can be distinguished: the inner city of very small households (2.1 person), a zone of large housing estates with their average size (2.6 persons) and suburban and rural urban fringe zones with large households (3.2 persons). In the inner cities dominates single-person households, reaching more than 40% of their total number, in other areas of urban regions this type accounted for about 20-25% the total number. Social degradation and its spatial dispersion in city Systemic changes that have taken place in Poland and other Central European countries two decades ago resulted in positive phenomena at very many levels of economic and social development, at the same time certain adverse symptoms of this way of life appeared, among others, stronger stratification of society. The emergence of inequality further leads to the marginalization of certain groups, which have limited access to various goods, while representatives of the other ones use them without limitation. Nowadays the concept of marginalization means "state of uprooting, non participation of individuals or groups in the institutional order of society and the processes that lead to this condition (Kwaśniewski 1997). At the same time next to the concept of marginalization exist others, semantically very similar, such as deprivation, social exclusion, vulnerability, etc. 33

35 The processes of marginalization in the cities can be seen in several scenes: the level of unemployment, poverty and poor housing conditions, the level of crime, the level of education of the citizens. In the inner city we can observe the accumulation of a number of negative, even pathological phenomena of the social sphere. They go hand in hand with a relatively low level of education. This social situation is applied to the negative phenomena of the organization of space and aesthetics of the environment (technical degradation of buildings, lack of infrastructure). This is largely due to the insufficient level of investment by local authorities and the low level of these investments undertaken by private entrepreneurs. The described system of interdependencies creates a cycle of degradation of the city, especially of the inner city (Figure 4). Figure 4 The cycle of degradation of inner city Source: Zborowski and Dej 2009 The most common cause of social marginalization is poverty. In general, it leads to alienation in many ways by preventing the normal participation in life of a community. The lack of resources needed to meet basic needs is a manifestation of marginalization in the economic dimension, while contributing to exclusion in other areas, such as education (lack of funds for the education of children). The analyzed inner cities to a greater extent than the other parts, gather people with financial difficulties (Figure 5). In part it is connected with older age of residents of these neighborhoods, but a large proportion of pensioners does not fully explain this phenomenon. 34