Moving South: Analyzing the development potential of the new Portuguese migration to Angola and Cape Verde

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1 Moving South: Analyzing the development potential of the new Portuguese migration to Angola and Cape Verde For the first time in African postcolonial history, citizens of a former European colonial power are seeking improved living conditions in the ex-colonies on a massive scale. Until recently, Angolans and Cape Verdeans moved to Portugal in search of secure livelihoods, but the last five years, migration has been reversed. For visitors to Lisbon, the long line of Portuguese women and men queuing outside the Angolan consulate is a telling sign of a new era. Between 100,000 and 150,000 Portuguese citizens work in Angola (Portal das Comunidades Portuguesas 2013) and some in Cape Verde. Migrant remittances from Angola to Portugal increased by 83 % only between 2011 and 2012 (Observatório da emigração 2013b). The background to this development is the economic crisis in Portugal with drastically decreased salaries and soaring unemployment rates in combination with strong macro-economic growth both in Angola and Cape Verde. The main motive for the new migrants seems to be to work hard and earn enough money to raise a family, or to sustain family members left behind in Portugal. Thus, integration into the labour market is the goal for most of these migrants. The urgent need to secure a reliable income is a reality these migrants share with labour migrants all over the world. What is unique in this case, however, is that this vulnerable position is combined with a position of symbolic power grounded in the Portuguese historical identity as a former colonial power. Moreover, and similarly to other European countries, in recent decades Portugal has built up development cooperation programs with the former African colonies, and has sent out experts to manage these activities. This role as developers seems to partly shape the new migrants identities. Previous field visits by the project team indicate that the Portuguese immigrants tend to see themselves as contributing with new knowledge, skills, experiences and links to transnational social networks that are important for the development of the two countries. Yet, to what extent these images correspond to the human and social capital they actually bring, and whether this image is shared by people and authorities in the host societies remains an open question and is one of the main questions explored in this research project. The Portuguese postcolonial relations to Angola and Cape Verde differ in some important ways. The Cape Verdean state is under strong Portuguese influence because of its smallness, lack of natural resources and political closeness to the EU, whereas Angola has a much more independent standing. In recent years, oil-rich Angola has become the economic master in relation to Portugal as Angolan business interests close to president dos Santos have invested in Portuguese banks, energy firms and telecom companies. The migrants seeking to improve their life in Angola and Cape Verde have to navigate these different conditions. Purpose and aims The overall objective of the project is to explore the dynamics and experiences of the recent Portuguese-African labour migration, focusing on the migrants potential contribution to development in the form of human and social capital. 1

2 The project will concentrate on the following research questions: How do the Portuguese migrants experience their integration into the receiving societies and their potential contribution in the form of human and social capital? How do the Portuguese migrants negotiate their identities in relation to the Angolans / Cape Verdeans they interact with in their working life, and how do they understand and navigate around the changing power relations? How do Angolan / Cape Verdean colleagues and others who meet the Portuguese migrants in their working life understand a) their contribution in terms of human and social capital b) their social position in terms of identity and power, c) their integration. How do the differences in Portuguese postcolonial relations to Angola and Cape Verde, respectively, shape differences in the migrants contributions to development in these two countries? Significance This project engages in a timely and important issue which so far has received no scholarly attention. Contemporary European labour migration to Africa represents something totally new in relation to the field of migration and development studies. While there is a wealth of literature on international economic / labour migration, this is mainly focused on South North migration, (i.e. migration from developing countries to Europe and North America) and, to a lesser extent, South South labour migration. However, there is of yet no research on economic migrants moving North South. While Portugal constitutes a specific case in Europe due to its severe economic crisis and its historically marginalized economic position (and the spectacular growth of some of its African ex-colonies), it is possible that North South migration will increase in the future. Such new movements will give rise to new questions that need to be addressed within the vast research field attending to the relationship between migration and development. Hence, this research project fills a glaring gap in current research on the migration - development nexus in relation to Africa. By analysing North- South migration from the perspective of migrants contributions to development, it will contribute with unique data that will further our understanding of the complexities of the migration - development nexus, especially with regard to new forms of transfer of social and human capital. Survey of the field Migration, development and integration As concluded above, European labour migration to developing countries is a new field. So far existing studies on migration from Europe to developing countries has focused on different categories of more privileged mobile people on temporary contracts, for instance for European development organizations and foreign companies (Fechter 2007; Hannerz 1990 Eriksson Baaz 2005). Moreover, there is a burgeoning literature on privileged migrants in general (Amit 2007). Much research on the so called migration development nexus attends to the issue of human and social capital (Faist 2009). Today s migrants from developing countries 2

3 are exhorted to transmit useful knowledge and skills as well as to provide access to transnational networks to their countries of origin (de Haas 2010). Human and social capital gained in the Northern countries is seen as having a superior value. This applies especially to returnees, who after having worked in Europe or the US are expected to come back with democratic values, new business ideas and entrepreneurial skills (Åkesson 2011a; under review). This line of thought can, in principle, be transferred to the case of Portuguese migrants in Africa. If we follow policy-makers reasoning, these migrants are equipped with experiences, knowledge, values and social contacts that can be valuable for the economic and social change taking place in Angola and Cape Verde. This may, for instance, apply to highly specialized knowledge that is relevant for certain sectors and to experiences of managing small and medium sized enterprises. Moreover, this picture seems to fit well with some of the Portuguese migrants image of Self (Observatório da emigração 2013a). Therefore, this project sets out to explore how both the Portuguese migrants and their African colleagues imagine the contribution, if any, that these migrants make to development in Angola and Cape Verde. The question of the Portuguese migrants integration into the African receiving societies has so far not been analysed in scholarly literature. In Europe, the notion of integration is often used by migration researchers analysing immigrants adaptation to the receiving society (Koopmans 2010; Phillips 2010). Both in research and the public debate, the term integration does not only refer to functional incorporation with regard to, for example, employment and housing. It has become a way of talking about how migrants conform to social norms and cultural values which in the dominant discourse are defined as fundamental to belonging in a society (Åkesson 2011b; Olwig 2011:180). According to Olwig and Paerregaard, Integration also refers to the more general processes of adaptation that all individuals must go through if they are to become part of a functioning society Members of a society must come to some sort of agreement regarding how they are going to live together if a society is to function (2011:11f). For the new Portuguese migrants in Africa, the question of integration is tightly linked to changing power relations. Historically, the Portuguese defined the political and social hierarchies of the colonial society, including the right to be incorporated as a full citizen or not. Today, the new migrants are dependent on becoming at least functionally integrated into the postcolonial societies, while these societies only can benefit from the contributions of their new European immigrants if these actively try to adapt to social norms and the general lifestyle. Research addressing migration and development in relation to Portugal, Angola and Cape Verde As has been highlighted in much research, it was only in the 1980s that Portugal became a country of immigration. Instead, emigration has been a historically significant factor shaping Portuguese economy, society and identity for at least four centuries (Lubkemann 2002). This means that the new Portuguese emigrants leaving for Africa are doing what earlier generations always have done; moving away from a country marked by stagnation and poverty in search for a better life. Portuguese emigration was especially pronounced between 1950 and 1990, and still today more than 1 million people born in Portugal live in other European countries (Observatorio de Emigração 2013c). These migrants were mainly of a 3

4 rural poor origin (Lubkemann 2002), whereas those who leave for Angola and Cape Verde today seem to mainly belong to the middleclass in terms of cultural capital (Bourdieu 2005). The majority has, however, experienced a rapid decline in their economic situation, and finds it impossible to sustain themselves and dependent family members. Thus, many of those who leave try to avoid open poverty and social degradation, and they are heavily dependent on rapidly finding a secure income. Both women and men migrate, but whereas the men primarily see themselves as breadwinners, Portuguese female migrants have to balance carefully between their roles as providers and as family caretakers (Brettell 2003). Much research has addressed migration and development in Cape Verde (e.g. Carling 2004; 2008), which is a nation where a majority of the population live in the widely dispersed diaspora. Cape Verdeans have viewed themselves as a people that only can survive through emigrating, but the immigration that has taken place in Cape Verde the last years has changed this image of Self. Mainly due to rapidly increasing tourism, the growth in the Cape Verdean economy has averaged more than seven per cent the last decade (World Bank 2010). This has attracted West African labourers, Chinese shopkeepers and Portuguese professionals. The Portuguese mainly try to make a living on business, teaching or as highly skilled professionals. Some also try their luck in the tourism sector. In the wake of the immense economic growth in Angola during the last decade, averaging 12% per year (Utrikespolitiska institutet 2013), migration patterns have reversed. The rapid growth of the economy, mostly due to the booming post-war oil industry, in tandem with the end of civil conflict in the country (in 2002), has attracted Angolans who fled the conflict back to their country of origin. Furthermore, business agreements between the Angolan government and China and Brazil have resulted in an increase in immigration of citizens from these countries. Some sectors in the fast growing Angolan economy is in need of educated professionals who speak Portuguese, which has reinforced the immigration boom of Portuguese citizens. Research on identity and migration in the postcolonial era One important factor which shapes migrants integration and contributions is host societies perceptions of migrants characteristics and capacities. As has been demonstrated in much research on South-North migration, prejudice and stereotypes of migrants seriously hamper their potential contribution to host-societies (Silverstein 2005). At the same time, migrants potential contribution is also shaped by their images of themselves and their capacities (Eriksson Baaz forthcoming). Similarly to South-North migration, the dynamics of North- South migration (as the case of Portuguese migration to Angola and Cape Verde in focus here) have to be analysed from the perspective of post-colonial studies. In brief, post-colonial research attends to how colonial history shapes contemporary identities and power relations. It has done so in relation to various relations and fields, such as migration (Gupta & Ferguson 1992), representations of Africa in media and popular culture in Europe (Nederveen Pieterse 1992), development discourses and interventions (Eriksson Baaz 2005; Escobar 1995) and North-South research relations (Abrahamsen 2003). Postcolonial studies builds on a constructivist approach to identity, in which identities are conceptualized as relational and shaped by shifting discourses and power-relations (Hall 1996). Yet, despite the attention to change and context, post-colonial studies has so far mostly been preoccupied with 4

5 documenting continuance. It has not yet seriously attended to the potential manifestations of changing North-South relations in the wake of the new emergent powers, or changing migration patterns (as those reflected in the case of Portugal and its former colonies). Hence, while drawing on post-colonial theory, this research project will also contribute with new perspectives and data not yet addressed within this field of studies. Being the one of the poorest and most peripheral nations in Europe, Portugal has often been described as a subaltern empire Feldman-Bianco (2001:479) and has received comparably little attention in post-colonial studies. Most of the research addressing Portuguese colonialism has analyzed and engaged in a critical analysis of lusotropicalismo, the lusotropical ideology, which was adopted in the 1950s, during the Portuguese Salazar dictatorship, and which gained scientific clout through the studies of the Brazilian sociologist Gilberto Freyre (1946; 1961). This ideology was adopted in an effort to legitimate continued Portugese colonization, despite the pressure from the burgeoning independence movements (Helgesson 2001; Rodrigues 2003). The fundamental idea in lusotropicalism was that the Portuguese colonial rule was unique because it created a hybrid creolized social formation wherever it was entrenched. According to Freyre, the Portuguese colonies were characterized by a harmonious unity as the colonial masters adapted to the culture of the territories they ruled and rejected ideas of ethnic purity that marked, for instance, British colonialism. This discourse of a lusotropical image of communality across the (former) empire has continued to shape official Portuguese rhetoric in relation to the African ex-colonies. Political and economic alliances with the former colonies is based on references to a specific brotherhood of cultural continuity and language (Rodrigues n.d.). The issue of Lusophony has become a leading theme for reconfiguring a Portuguese global community (Vale de Almeida 2001). Yet, as several post-colonial analysts have highlighted, despite its emphasis of brotherhood and community, lusotropicalism functioned to legitimize and hide unequal relations. Portugese colonialism was still based on racial discrimination connected to an image of the White (male) Portuguese as superior (Meintel 1984). Moreover, and in contrast to the politicized stress on Luso-African unity, the African migrants in Portugal have not been met with expressions of brotherhood. Race has been a cornerstone of the way in which the metropolitan Portuguese community is socially imagined (Lubkemann 2002). Estimations indicate that there are some 60,000 Cape Verdeans (immigrants and their descendants) in Portugal, and some 30,000 Angolans (Pires 2010). In everyday life, these African migrants have often been met with prejudices, discrimination and verbal abuse (Fikes 2009). In media, they are frequently associated with violence, unemployment, drug trafficking and the black market (Marques 2007). This stands in stark contrast to the popular idea that the Portuguese are characteristically anti-racist. It should be emphasized that there are differences in the Portuguese postcolonial relations to the two cases addressed in this research project. In colonial times, Cape Verdeans were seen as culturally closer than Angolans because of the former s mixed African- Portuguese ancestry. Whereas less than 1 % of the Angolan population were classified as assimilados and thereby given the right to a Portuguese passport, all Cape Verdeans - in theory - possessed Portuguese citizenship (Bender 1978). Moreover, the Cape Verdeans were allowed to play the role of proxy colonisers and to be middlemen in the empire. This historic 5

6 distinctiveness is less strong inside contemporary Portugal, where Cape Verdean migrants have come to occupy the same immigrant status as other African migrants (Fikes 2009). Project description The project benefits from on interdisciplinary approach through the combination of an interpretative anthropological approach, a postcolonial perspective and the multi-disciplinary fields of migration and development studies. The anthropological thrust lies in capturing the perceptions of the Portuguese migrants, and relating them through careful contextualization to the structural changes taking place in their African countries of destination. The project will depart from fields of inquiry that are traditionally applied to South North labour migration. By relating these research fields to a new kind of migrants, the project will illuminate assumptions that are often taken for granted by scholars. One such assumption is that asymmetrical power relations favouring the resident population always permeate the integration of labour migrants. Understandings concerning the sort of cultural differences that can be accommodated are normally seen as dominated by the majority population (Åkesson 2011b). This project, however, will explore perceptions of integration among migrants who see themselves as sharing a historical position of superiority. Another common assumption is that it is only native migrants, in their roles as remittance senders and returnees, who play a role for social and economic change in developing countries. Moreover, these migrants contribution to development is seen as driven by their moral commitment to their country of origin (Åkesson 2011a). In contrast, this project focuses on migrants who seem to base their role as developers on a view of themselves as bringing a superior knowledge to the country where they temporarily work. At the same time, power relations are conspicuously unstable and contested in relationships between Portuguese, Angolans and Cape Verdeans. The dominance of the ex-colonizer is challenged as s/he is dependent on being accepted on the labour market or among business partners in the former colony. However, power relations and identities cannot be reduced to the question of access to economic resources; they are also created in the ongoing production of cultural ideas. Given this, the manifestations of the changed economic relations in terms of power and identity are not given, but must be subject to a thorough and contextual analysis. Project design The project will conducted during three years, focusing on Portuguese migrants in the cities of Benguela in Angola and Mindelo in Cape Verde. During colonial times, there was a strong Portuguese presence in both these towns, and the colonizers saw them as nearly Portuguese. After independence in 1975, both cities have lost some of their economic power of attraction, but they are still the preferred destination for many of the new Portuguese migrants. These towns are suitable for ethnographic fieldwork because of their convenient size and tight social structures. The main methods of data collection will be participant observation and openended interviews. Participant observation: Entrance to the field will be gained through already existing contacts as well visits to clubs and other social settings where the Portuguese migrants meet spontaneously. In these social settings, special attention will be paid to discussions and 6

7 negotiations concerning working life. In a later stage, participant observation will be carried out at interlocutors homes and workplaces, in cases where they consent to this. Participant observation will be informed by situational analysis as a methodological approach. This implies detailed studies of negotiations and conflicts in a delimited social situation, which later are contextualized and used for understanding broader processes of change (Evens & Handelmann 2006). More time will be dedicated to participant observation in Angola than in Cape Verde, as the team already masters important parts of the ethnographic contextualization in relation to the Cape Verdean case study. Interviews will be conducted with the following groups: 1) Relevant state authorities in Portugal, Angola and Cape Verde working with migration and development. The interviews aim to get access to: a) potential records of aggregate data on Portuguese migrants, particularly related to human capital variables (education, previous occupation etc). and gender; b) state representatives perceptions of the potential development contribution of migrants. 2) Portuguese migrants. Departing from the contacts acquired through participant observation a sample of migrants will be selected in both Angola and Cape Verde for a series of open-ended interviews. The aim is to have a varied sample in terms of: gender, education, time away from Portugal, and sector of work. The migrants will be interviewed in 2014, 2015 and 2016 in order to gain insights into changes over time. Those who return permanently to Portugal during this period of time will be interviewed there. The interviews will focus on a) migrants perceptions of the social and human capital they bring to the new setting; b) migrants view of key social and cultural differences between Portugal and Angola / Cape Verde and of how they have adapted to these, c) migrants identities and understanding of their situation as labour migrants in the former colonies. 3) Angolan and Cape-Verdeans who interact with Portuguese migrants in their work places. Approximately people will be selected in both Angola and Cape. The interviews will focus on: a) experiences of working and social relations with Portuguese migrants; b) perceptions of the Portuguese migrants identities and roles in relation to the development taking place in the respective country. The project team consists of: 1) Lisa Åkesson, Associate professor in Anthropology at the School of Global Studies and the Nordic Africa Institute, 2) Maria Eriksson Baaz, Associate professor in Peace and Development Research at the School of Global Studies and the Nordic Africa Institute 3) unknown PhD-student. Lisa Åkesson has long-term experience of research on migration and development. In addition, she is fluent in Portuguese and has extensive research and working experience from Cape Verde, Portugal and Angola. Maria Eriksson Baaz has long research experience within development studies, gender analysis, and postcolonial studies, and has recently also engaged in migration studies (Eriksson Baaz forthcoming).the project will be directed by Associate Professor Lisa Åkesson, who will also be responsible for the data collection in Cape Verde. The PhD-student will be recruited internationally in order to guarantee the right linguistic and ethnographic competence. S/he 7

8 will carry out the main part of the data collection in Angola. Åkesson and Eriksson Baaz will be responsible for developing interview guides and analytical frameworks, and they will both visit Angola in order to guarantee the synergy between the two sub-projects. To achieve this goal, and to attract other researchers (especially from Lusophone Africa) to explore the new Portuguese migration, a workshop will be organized in Cape Verde in the beginning of Time plan 2014: Overview of relevant literature. Eight months of fieldwork in Angola (PhD-student)/ and two months in Cape Verde (Åkesson). Three weeks visit to Angola by Åkesson and Eriksson Baaz. Participant observation at clubs and other social settings, as well as in the migrants homes and workplaces, and selection of samples. First round of open-ended interviews. 2015: Two months of fieldwork in Angola (PhD-student) and Cape Verde (Åkesson). Participant observation and second round of interviews. Preliminary analysis of collected material. Writing up of first draft of PhD thesis, and of one article on each case (Åkesson and Eriksson Baaz). Workshop in Cape Verde with participants from Angola, Cape Verde and Portugal. 2016: One month of fieldwork in Angola and Cape Verde. Third round of interviews. Interviews in Portugal with migrants from the sample who have returned. Writing up of two more articles and an edited volume (Åkesson and Eriksson Baaz) and final version of PhD thesis. Translation of articles into Portuguese. Åkesson will dedicate 30%, Eriksson Baaz 10% and PhD student 100% of full time to the project. Dissemination of results The results of the research project will be published in at least four articles in international peer-reviewed journals within the fields of migration studies and development research. In addition, at least one article will be published in Portuguese, in an Angolan, Cape Verdean or Portuguese research journal. The PhD student will produce a monograph. Moreover, the findings from the workshop will be presented in a book edited by the project members. Preliminary results As the proposed project focuses on novel phenomena, there are few preliminary results to rely on. However, previous field visits by the project team indicate that Portuguese immigrants in both countries tend to see themselves as contributing with new knowledge, skills and experiences that are important for the development of the two countries. However, this perception seems not to be widely shared by Angolan / Cape Verdean counterparts, indicating conflicts in perceptions and experiences of these new migration patterns. Preliminary observations indicate that these conflicts are reflections of different positions and responses in relation to historical experiences of superiority and subordination. On the more aggregate level, it seems as if Portuguese labour migration might have a positive contribution in in Angola, where there are some sectors where the Portuguese migrants seem to match a lack of highly-qualified personnel. In Cape-Verde the contribution seem to be more limited since there is a surplus of young people with a university education in almost all sectors. 8

9 Research collaboration Åkesson coordinates a research group on Migration and Diversity at the University of Gothenburg, and she is a member of the Nordic Network on Migration Research. She has well established cooperation with a number of social scientists at the Universidade de Cabo Verde and she is affiliated to the Centro de Estudos Africanos at the University of Porto. Maria Eriksson Baaz has an extensive network with researchers within development studies, both in Europe (for example through AGEGIS) and in Africa, particularly in the DRC and Rwanda. References Abrahamsen, Rita African studies and the postcolonial challenge. African Affairs 102: Åkesson, Lisa. Under review. Multi-sited accumulation of capital: Cape Verdean returnees and small-scale business. Åkesson, Lisa. 2011a. Making migrants responsible for development: Cape Verdean returnees and Northern migration policies. Africa Spectrum 1: Åkesson, Lisa. 2011b. Multicultural ideology and transnational family ties among descendants of Cape Verdeans in Sweden. Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies 37(2): Amit, Vered Going first class? New approaches to privileged travel and movement. New York and Oxford: Berghahn Books. Bender, Gerald Angola under the Portuguese: The myth and the reality. Los Angeles: University of California. Bourdieu, Pierre The social structures of the economy. Cambridge: Polity Press. Brettell, Caroline Anthropology and migration. Walnut Creek: Altamira Press. Carling, Jørgen Emigration, return and development in Cape Verde: The impact of closing borders. Population, space and place 10: Carling, Jørgen Policy challenges facing Cape Verde in the areas of migration and diaspora contributions to development. Oslo: PRIO Papers. de Haas, Hein Migration and development: A theoretical perspective. International Migration Review 44(1): Eriksson Baaz, Maria The paternalism of partnership : a postcolonial reading of identity in development aid. London: Zed Books. Eriksson Baaz, Maria. Useful Skills Acquired in a Developed North? Experiences of Congolese return migrants, in Åkesson, Lisa and Eriksson Baaz, Maria (ed.) The new developers? Experiences of African return migrants. Book proposal under review at Zed Books, London & New York. Escobar, Arturo Encountering development: The making and unmaking of the Third world. Princeton: Princeton University Press. Evens, T. & Don Handelmann The Manchester school: Practice and ethnographic praxis in anthropology. New York & Oxford: Berghahn Books. Faist, Thomas Transnationalization and development: Toward an alternative agenda. Social Analysis 53(3): Fechter, Anne-Meike Transnational lives: Expatriates in Indonesia. Ashgate Publishing. Feldman-Bianco Colonialism as a continuing project: The Portuguese experience. Identities 8(4): Fikes, Kesha Managing African Portugal. Durham: Duke University Press. Freyre, Gilberto O Luso e o Trópico. Lisbon. Freyre, Gilberto Casa-Grande e Senzala. Rio de Janeiro. 9

10 Góis, Pedro Introdução. Góis, P. (ed.) Comunidade(s) Cabo-Verdiana(s). As múltiplas faces da imigração Cabo-Verdiana. Lisbon: ACIDI. Gupta, Akhil & James Ferguson Beyond culture : Space, identity and the politics of difference. Cultural Anthropology 7(1):6-23. Hall, Stuart When was The postcolonial? Thinking at the limit. In Chambers, I & L.Curti (eds.) The postcolonial question: Common skies, divided horizons. New York: Routledge. Hannerz, Ulf Cosmopolitans and locals in world culture. Theory, Culture and Society 7: Helgesson, Stefan Black Atlantics. Eriksson Baaz, Maria & Mai Palmberg (eds.) Same and other: Negotiating African identity in cultural production. Stockholm: Elanders. Instituto de Estatística Koopmans, Ruud Trade-Offs between Equality and Difference: Immigrant Integration, Multiculturalism and the Welfare State in Cross-National Perspective. Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies 36 (1): Lubkemann, Stephen. The moral economy of Portuguese postcolonial return. Diaspora 11(2): Marques, João Felipe Do não-racismo Português aos dois racismos dos Portugueses. Lisbon: Alto Comissariado para a imigração e diálogo intercultural. Meintel, Deidre.1984.Race, culture and Portuguese colonialism in Cape Verde. Syracuse University: Maxwell School of Citizenship and Public Affairs. Nederveen Pieterse, J White on Black: Images of Africa and Blacks in Western Popular Culture. London: Yale University Press. Observatório da emigração. 2013a. Esta terra dá-nos o tempo e o espaço que Portugal não dá. Observatório da emigração. 2013b. Remessas de emigrantes portugueses aumentaram 13% em Observatório da emigração. 2013c. Os 10 países com mais portugueses emigrados Olwig, Karen Fog Integration : Migrants and Refugees between Scandinavian Welfare Societies and Family Relations. Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies 37(2): Olwig, Karen Fog and Karsten Pærregaard Introduction: strangers in the nation, in Olwig, K.F. and Pærregaard, K. (eds.) The Question of Integration: Immigration, Exclusion and the Danish Welfare State. Newcastle: Cambridge Scholars Publishing. Phillips, Deborah Minority Ethnic Segregation, Integration and Citizenship: A European Perspective. Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies 36 (1): Pires, Rui Pena Portugal: An atlas of international migration. Lisbon: Tinta-da-China. Portal das Comunidades Portuguesas Trabalhar em Angola. Rodrigues, Isabel Fêo. Islands of sexuality: Theories and histories of creolization in Cape Verde. International Journal of African Historical Studies 36(1): Rodrigues, Isabel Fêo. n.d. Once upon a time at Portugal dos Pequenitos : Playing empire or narrating history? Manuscript. Silverstein, Paul Immigrant racialization and the new savage slot: Race, migration and immigration in the New Europe. Annual Review of Anthropology 34: Utrikespolitiska institutet Vale de Almeida, Miguel. Epilogue of empire: East Timor and the Portuguese postcolonial catharsis. Identities: Global Studies in Culture and Power 8(4): Venâncio, José Carlos Colonialismo, antropologi e lusofonias. Lisbon: Vega. World Bank Project appraisal document on a proposed credit to the Republic of Cape Verde. Washington, D.C. 10