URTIIN DUU: PERFORMING MUSICAL LANDSCAPES AND THE MONGOLIAN NATION LILIANA CARRIZO THESIS

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1 URTIINDUU: PERFORMINGMUSICALLANDSCAPESANDTHEMONGOLIANNATION BY LILIANACARRIZO THESIS Submittedinpartialfulfillmentoftherequirements forthedegreeofmasterofmusicinmusic withaconcentrationinmusicology inthegraduatecollegeofthe UniversityofIllinoisatUrbana Champaign,2010 Urbana,Illinois Master scommittee: DonnaA.Buchanan,AssociateProfessor GabrielSolis,AssociateProfessor

2 ABSTRACT Urtiinduu,orMongolianlongsong,isavocalgenreprevalentthroughoutMongoliaand especiallycommonamongmobilepastoralistsofthecentralgobisteppe.basedon fieldworkconductedin2001,2004,and2006indundgoviprovinceandulaanbaatar,this thesisfocusesonurtiinduuasamarkerofregionalandnationalidentity.urtiinduusignify variouslevelsofmeaningforperformersandlistenersalike.throughthemimesisof landscapetopographyinmelodiccontour,thesesongshavebecomepowerfulemblemsof clanidentityimportanttochinggiskhan slegacy.theirmelodiccontoursalludeto landscapedeities,orezen,associatedwithparticulargeographicalformationsandregional topographies,andtheirtextsoftenpraiseimportanttibetanbuddhistdeitiesormonks.a musicaltoolutilizedineffortstocalmandsoothelivestock,thesesongsalsoforman importantcomponentofvariousmobilepastoralherdingpractices.duringmongolia s socialistera( ),however,urtiinduuwereinvariablyimplicatedinprocessesof culturalmodernizationandreform,duringwhichtimethegenre sperformancecontextand associatedmeaningswerelargelytransformed.althoughthesesongscontinuedtobe performedinthedomesticsphere,theywerealsoincreasinglyperformedatlarge,staged gatheringsinsupportofthemongoliapeople srepublicandcommunistparty. Additionally,melodieswerestandardizedaccordingtoWesterntunings,anddiffering regionaldialectswereconsolidatedintothatoftovkhalkha,whichbecameknownasthe national Mongolianurtiinduustyle.Overthecourseofdecades,thesereformscameto changethemeaningsassociatedwithurtiinduu.oncearuralgenreprevalent predominantlyinthedomesticsphere,itultimatelybecameakeycomponentinthe constructionofmongoliannationalidentitywritlarge.thisworkfocusesonthevarious meaningsofurtiinduuimpliedindomestic,spiritual,politicalandsocialrealms,andthe processesthatledtothegenre svalorizationasanemblemofthemongoliannation. ii

3 TABLEOFCONTENTS CHAPTER1:INTRODUCTION 1 LearningtoPerformMelodicLandscapes..8 MongolianMobilePastoralismandtheNavigationofLandscape LiteratureReview CHAPTER2:PERFORMINGMUSICALLANDSCAPES 18 MimesisandSemioticTheory.25 MimesisandUrtiinDuu...27 GraphingMelodicContours..29 TheNairFestival.38 OtherFormsofMimesis.41 Conclusions 44 CHAPTER3:PERFORMINGTHEMOTHERLAND 47 HistoricalOverview..47 Pre RevolutionaryandRevolutionaryEras...52 TheThirdPeople srepublic 62 NorovbanzadandtheIncreasingProfessionalizationofUrtiinDuu...65 ARisingMongolianNationalism...74 UrtiinDuuasPerformativeResistance..76 CHAPTER4:CONCLUSION:THECOMMODIFICATIONOFURTIINDUU...81 TheGrowthofTourismandanInternationally OrientedMarketEconomy.83 REFERENCES.93 APPENDIXA:URTIINDUUGRAPHS 99 iii

4 CHAPTERONE: INTRODUCTION It salongridefromulaanbaatartoderensoum,thesmalltowninthecenter ofthegobinearwheremymentordad surenlives.theroadsareunpaved,fullof rocks,andthoughtherussianvansavailableforrentareastoughastheiriron clad exteriors,therideisstill,inevitably...bumpy.attimesmyneckmusclescannot supportthespringingofmyheadbackandforthandi mprettysurethemomentum ofthecarisgivingmeminorwhiplash.ilookaroundtherussianvanandcansee thattheotherpassengersaren tenjoyingthevoyageanymorethaniam.westill havefivehourstodrive,andthejourneyonlygetsworseasweheadfurthersouth. I vehiredadrivertogetmefromulaanbaatartoderensoum,andwe ve givenaridetothreeofmyteacher stenchildren.dad suren sthreesonsareinmy van,alongwiththewifeofoneofthesonsandtheirnewbornchild.alongtheway westopataroadsidestoretopickupsomeairag(fermentedhorsemilk).sinceit s August,theairagseasonisinfullswing,andwepurchaseacoupleofliterstomake ourridealittlemoreenjoyable.ihavesomegulpsaswepassthebottlesaround;it hasastrange,bitingtastebutitgivesanever so slightalcoholicbuzzthatlightens themood(anddiminishestheeffectsofthewhiplash)aswecontinuealongthe bumpyroad. Inthedistance,thelandscapeisdottedwithremoteyurts,herdsofsheep, andmanymountainpeaks,valleys,andhillsexpandingacrossthevividgreen horizon.thisareaisknownasdundgoviprovince.itislocatedinthecenterofthe Gobidesertandisgenerallydescribedingeographicaltermsasthe lowsteppe. In 1

5 thesummer,grasscoversthemostly treelessmountainsinafairlyuniformway, creatinguniqueshadesofgreenwherethelargeroundedsummitsfoldintoone another.inthewinter,thegrassturnsaglisteningshadeofgoldandcoversthe mountainsinthesamethoroughmanner.thegoldenhuesinfusingthelandscape withcolorinwinterareasremarkableasthegreensthatappearinsummer,though vastlydifferentincharacterandappearance.onlytelephonepolesstringacrossthe landscape:besidesthese,theimmeasurableviewiscompletelyunmarredbyroads, cultivatedfields,orhomessectioningoffpiecesofland. Aswecontinuetotraversetherockyterrain,itoccurstomethatDad suren wouldhavemadethisvoyageonhorseback.althoughheisoversixtyyearsinage, herarelyridesinamotor operatedvehicle. 1 Dad suren schildrenliveinthecapital cityandareclearlymorecomfortableinavan,butdad surenhimselftravels predominantlybyhorseandoccasionallybycamel.heisanadeptrider,andhas madethevoyagefromulaanbaatarsouthtoderensoummanytimes. Atonepointduringtheride,Iaskmyfellowpassengersiftheywanttosing somepopularmongoliansongs.artiinduuoo?mydriverasksus, folksongs? Heis referringtoelectro acousticpopularsongsthatarewidespreadthroughout Mongolia.Someonesuggestsorosniiduu(Russiantechno pop),butweallshootthat ideadownquickly.wemighthaveconsideredsingingurtiinduu(longsong),butno 1 Oldernomadsinthisdesertstillusetheirhorsesformobility.Iusetheword still because internationalopinionisthatcurrenttechnologies,suchascarsandothermotorvehicles,are graduallyreplacinghorsebackridingandcamelridingasthecommonmeansformobilityamong Mongolia snomadicpopulation.accordingtonambarynenkhbayar,formerprimeministerof Mongolia,trendsofmodernismwillcausenomadisminMongoliatodisappearcompletelybythe year2018.whetherornotthisprophecywillcometruehasyettobedetermined,thoughcurrent populationcensusesdoindicatethatincreasingnumbersofnomadsaremovingtothecapitalcity duetoharshconditionsinthegobi. 2

6 oneinthecarreallyknowshow.noneofdad suren schildrenhaveacquiredhis interestinsinging.artiinduu(shortsongs),ontheotherhand,areknownbyall. Withtheirshortrecognizablemelodieswithstudio recordedwesternbackgrounds, artiinduuareeasyforalmostanyonetofollow.everyoneenthusiasticallyagreesto hearartiinduu,andourdriverinsertsatapeinthecassettedeckbeforewecontinue onourway.weallbegintosingalongaseejimin(anartiinduucalled MyMother ) beginstoplayoverthecarstereo. Lateintheevening,wefinallyarriveatDerenSoum,andeveryonelaughsasI attempttofinddad suren ssummercamp(whichihadbeentomorethanthree times,atthatpoint).inmydefense,thistaskisnotaseasyasitsounds,foritentails recognizingthecorrectmountainsandlandformationsandturningbeforeorafter themappropriately(andintherightdirection).withoutroadstofollow,thevast landscapeisintimidatingtonavigate.nevertheless,itisaneasytaskfordad suren s children,whospentalmosteverysummeroftheirchildhoodwithinthissame generallocation,andgrewupreadingandnavigatingthegeographicalformsofthis particularlandscape. Inthisarea,nomadicmigrationpatternstendtobeseasonal,withnomads returningtospecificlocations withinaboutafifteentotwentykilometerradius everyseason.mostofthefamiliesintheareaknowthenomadicpatternsofother families,particularlythelocationoffamiliestowhomtheyarerelated.thisresults inanetworkofsharedknowledgeregardingpeople swhereaboutsastheyrelateto differentgeographicalformations.needlesstosay,idon tshareinthisknowledge, 3

7 andittakesmemuchlongertofindseasonalcampsanddifferentfamilies locations (apointofhumorformanymongolianswithwhomihavetraveled). WhenIfinallydofindthesummercamp,everyonejokinglycheers.Weget outofthevehicleingoodspirits,gratefultostretchourlegs.thefamilies dogs surroundus,barking.wehavefinallyarrived,fullofairagbutknowingthatmore awaitsusinsidedad suren syurt.whendad surengreetsme,heholdsouthispalms inhiscustomaryway,touchingthemtomine,andsmellsmyforehead(inmongolia, asniffsuchasthisisequivalenttoourversionofakiss). Youcouldn tfindthe summercamp? heasksme,incredulous,ashechucklesandopensthedoortohis yurt.thesedoorsarealwayssmall,aboutthreefeetinheight.iduckdown,careful nottobangmyhead,andturnleftimmediately.thereisatabooagainstwomen visitorsbeingontherightsideoftheyurt;inaddition,guestscustomarilyentera hometowardstheleft.whendad surenenters,heheadsimmediatelyright,where thehost sfamilytypicallysits. Inside,everyoneisseatedonthefloor,huddlingaroundthewarmthofthe centerstove.herefreshmilkteaisboilingforthenewarrivals.foodhasalsobeen preparedinanticipationofourvisit,anddad suren swifepromptlyhandsmea bowlofgoriltaishuul,atypicalmongoliansoupcontainingnoodlesandboiled mutton,asitakeaseat.iquicklydevourmysoup,eatingasmanyofthelargepieces ofmuttonfatasicantolerate,asiknowtheseweregiventomeasademonstration ofhospitality. Thatnight,Dad surenandicontinuemylessonslearningurtiinduu.wesit towardthenorthsideoftheyurt,andperiodicallytakebreakstodrinkairagor 4

8 saltedmilktea.itishardwork.usually,hewillrepeatedlysingsectionsofthesong tome,andiwillplaythembacktohimonmyfluteuntiligetthemright.urtiinduu phrasesarelong,andafterawhileigrowdizzyfromholdingmybreathforsuch lengthyspansoftime.ourpracticewillusuallycontinueuntiliamabletoplayan entireverseofasongfrommemory.thatnight,icompletemylearningofthesong KherliinginBariyabeforeweblowoutthecandleandthegroupofusdriftoffto sleep.asitgetscoldinthedesertatnight,thefamilyiswrappedinwoolandsheep blankets,andiaminmygortexsleepingbagwithafewextrablanketsdad suren s wifehaspiledontopofmeforwarmth.myeyelidsareheavyandidriftaway, singingkherliinginbariyainmyheadsoidon tplayitincorrectlyduringmylesson tomorrow. *** Usingthemusicalpracticeofurtiinduuasalensthroughwhichtoview Mongoliancosmology,musicandpractice,thisthesisbuildsontheburgeoning literatureassociatedwithtwentieth centuryandcontemporarymongolia.asakey componentintheconstructionofthemongoliannation,urtiinduuwassubjecttothe drasticculturalreformsofthecountry ssocialistandpost socialisteras.yetits originslieinruralmongolia,whereithaslongbeensungforentertainment,in ceremonies,asaformofworship,anaidinmobilepastoralherdingpractices,a markerofregionalidentity,andasonicillustrationoflandscape.thisthesis exploresthemimeticconnectionbetweenmelodiccontourandlandscape topographyinurtiinduupractice,andthevariouslevelsofsocio spiritual,political andculturalmeaningsimplicatedtherein. 5

9 Amongotherthings,theopeninganecdoteillustratestheextenttowhich naturallandformations includinghills,ravines,andrivers arenecessaryfor navigatingthegreatruralexpansethatcomprisesthemajorityofthemongolian steppe.asaperformancepracticethatoriginatedintheseruralareasamongmobile pastoralcommunities,urtiinduuhaveextensivetiestothesetopographies and manyofthemelodiccontoursofthesesongsemulatethelandscapecontoursof certaingeographicallocations(pegg2001e:44 49,106). 2 AscertainMongolian clanstendtoresideinparticularlocations,thegenrehasahistoricalimportanceas amarkerofregionalandclanidentity. MostMongolianmusicalpracticesarecategorizedaccordingtowhetheror nottheyarefromeasternorwesternmongolia;theeastencompassesthe geographicareasofthelowersteppelands,buriyatiaandpresent dayinner Mongolia,whiletheWestspansthemountainousregionsofXinjiang,Tuva,theAltai, andpartsofpresent dayrussia.historically,easternandwesternmongoliahave periodicallyfoughtagainstoneanothersincethethirteenthcentury.inthe seventeenthtoeighteenthcenturies( s),EasternMongoliadevelopedinto anindependentstate,knownasjungar.separatedbygeographicalaswellas culturalandclanboundaries,themusicalpracticesofeachconfederationare unequivocallyunique,thoughtheynonethelessexhibitstrongsimilaritiesinsonic quality,form,purpose,andassociatedcosmology.manymongolianmusical practicesarevocaltraditions,andalmostallinvolvecosmologicalbeliefsassociated withnaturespirits,includingmimeticsonicemulationsofnaturalphenomenasung 2 Notethatthephrase urtiinduu isbothsingularandplural(pegg2001e). 6

10 outofreverencefortheenvironment,andasofferingsofprayertolandscapedeities (Levin2006;Pegg2001e). VocalmusicofbothEastandWestMongoliaincludesalargevarietyof genres,includingheroicepics,musicalpoetry,legendsongs,incantations,praise songs,dialoguesongs,andshort,satiricalsongs(pegg2001f).whenaccompanied, theyaremostoftenperformedwithapluckedorbowedstringedfiddle(the topshuurorikilinthewest,orthemorinkhuurintheeast).intheeast,vocal traditionssuchasurtiinduuwereoncewidespread,aswellasmusicalnarratives knownasholbooandanelegantdancecalledbiy(whichisnowpredominantly practicedamonginnermongolians).inthewest,khoumii(throat singing)is prevalent,aswellasotherpolyphonicmusicalpracticesthatinvolvetheinterplay betweendronetonesandovertones,includingtheend blownpipeknownasthe tsuur.beforetheturnofthetwentiethcentury,epicsingerswhosangdays long musicalnarratives(tuul )werecommoninwesternmongolia. UrtiinduufindsitsplaceamongthewidevarietyofMongolianmusical practices,anditisoneoftheonlygenresthatisfoundinbotheasternandwestern Mongolia(althoughitismorecommonlysungamongEasternclans).Asa performancepractice,ithasthecapacitytoenliventhesurroundingenvironment throughitsemulativecapabilities,likethevastmajorityofmongolianvocalmusic. Morecommonlyaccompaniedbythemorinkhuur(thetwo stringed,horse headed fiddle),ortheikilasitisknowninthewest,urtiinduucanalsobeaccompaniedby themongolianflute,orlimbe,foundpredominantlyamongeasternclans,aswellas othervoicessoundedin heterophoniclayersofsound (Pegg2001f:1005). 7

11 LearningtoPerformMelodicLandscapes Ifirstheardurtiinduuinaverydifferentsettingthantheonedescribed above.inmarchof2002,iattendedaperformanceofwhatwasadvertisedas classicalmongolianfolkmusic inulaanbaatar,mongolia scapitalcity.theconcert, heldintheelegant StateandDanceOperaBuilding, waslargelyattendedby Westernersinfancyattire.Oncewewereseated,abeautifulMongolianwoman dressedinanexquisitedel(nomadiccloak)madeofsilkthreadandintricate embroiderysteppedonstage.onherheadwasalargeheaddresswithtwo incrediblylarge,wildgoathornsprotrudingfromitssides,givingheraregal,ifnot ostentatious,appearance.theperformerstoodtwo and a halftothreefeetaway fromthemicrophone;ilaterunderstoodthatthiswasdoneinordertoavoidthe distortionthatwouldensueifherpowerfulvoiceoverwhelmedthedeviceinfront ofher.sheopenedhermouthand,beginninginaveryhighvocalregister,beganto sing.themelodysoundedpowerfulandreverberant;itbecameimmediatelyclear whythisgenrewouldaptlybedescribedas longsong. Hermelodywasexpansive andoverarching,andinitiallyquitehardtofollowastherewaslittlemotivic repetition.theperformancelastedaroundtenminutes,andthemelodiccontour easilytraversedmorethantwooctaves.shemadefrequentuseofglottalstopsto accentuatelongnotes,slurringbetweenpitcheswhichnonethelessclearlyfellinto thewesterntuningsystem,andtherewasnonoticeablerhythmicmetertoher vocalization.notesweresustainedaslongasshehadthebreathtodoso,andthey lastedlongenoughtoelicitraisedeyebrowsandgaspsofpleasedastonishment fromaudiencemembers. 8

12 Captivatedbytheperformance,Ihungaroundafterwardtospeakwiththe singer.hernamewaschuluuntsetsegandshewasaprofessionalurtiinduusinger whohadstudiedthegenreataconservatoryinulaanbaatar.shetoldmethaturtiin duuoriginatedinthemongoliancountrysidecenturiesago,anddevelopedin conjunctionwiththenomadiclifestyle,asakindofherdingtoolusedto communicatewithanimalsthroughsong.heradvicewastotraveltothemidcentralgobi,toaprovinceknownas Dundgovi andnicknamed thesinging province. Sheassuredmethattheremainingruralurtiinduuherdersinexistence wouldbethere. Uponcompletingmyfour monthstudyabroadprograminmayof2002,i wasaffordedtheopportunitytoextendmystayinmongolia.havingjustfinisheda seriesofintensivelanguageseminarsincolloquialmongolian,ihadattainedstrong proficiencyinthelanguage,enablingmetotravelandworkindependently.asa flautistandavidaficionadoofurtiinduu,iwasdrawntowardslearningtheartof accompanyingthegenre.duringmystay,ihadbeenluckyenoughtoreceive instructioninmongolianflute,orlimbe,fromaprofessionalflautistnamed Tsendpuro,basedinMandalgovi.FollowingChuluuntsetseg sadvice,itravelledto Dundgoviprovincetoseekouturtiinduusingersandfoundahandfulwhowere kindenoughtoinstructmeintheartofaccompaniment.itwasindundgovi province,amongdad surenandhisfamily,aswellaswithvariousotherruralurtiin duusingers,thatiaccomplishedmyfieldworkforthisproject,onfourdifferent visitstotheareabetweenmay2002andaugust

13 Duringthistime,Ibecameveryclosetooneparticularmentor,theelderly Dad suren.wheniinitiallyapproachedhim,dad surenwaswaryofmymotives, havingbeenwarnedbylocalauthoritiestobesuspiciousofwesternershopingto makeaquickprofitbyrecordinghisurtiinduuandsellingthemintheinternational market.ihadheardofdad suren ssingingprowessfromvariousotherurtiinduu singers,butwhenifirststeppedintohisyurtandaskedhimtoteachmetheartof longsongaccompaniment,hekindlybutsternlyrefused,explainingthatthoughi seemedperfectlynice,hecouldnotknowwhatmytruemotiveswerefor approachinghim. 3 Withoutarguing,Ibroughtoutmylimbeandbegantoperformall oftheshortmongoliansongs(boginduu)iknew,allofwhichhadbeentaughttome aurallybymyaforementionedlimbeteacher,tsendpuro.iplayedaboutthreesongs, andwhenifinished,dad surenlookedsatisfied. Icanseeyouareheretolearn, he toldme. I llteachyou. Thusbeganourlessons,whichwouldlastafewhourseachday,interrupted onlywhendad surenwasrequiredtogoherdhissheeptodistantpastures,orto roundupsomeofhiscamelsfortheevening.ourlessonswouldalwaysproceedthe sameway:dad surenwouldteachmeasongbysingingmethefirstfewseconds. Then,hewouldwaituntilIrepeatedthepitchescorrectly;noddinginapproval wheniwasaccurate,andpromptlycorrectingmethroughhissingingwhenihad renderedsomethingincorrectly,byemphasizinganypitches,slidesorornaments 3Inlateryears,Dad sureninformedmethathishesitancyuponfirstmeetingmewaslargelyfueled byhisfearofretributionfromlocalauthorities,whohadwarnedhimagainstworkingwith foreigners.inthesocialistera,suchdefiancewaspotentiallymetwithviolentpunishment;inthis case,suchfearisthepsychologicallegacyofthemoreviolentaspectsofsocialistmongolia. 10

14 thatimighthavemissed.onceihadmasteredaphrase,hewouldsingthenext phrase,andtheprocesswouldthenrepeat,adinfinitum. Initially,Ibeganlearningtoaccompanyurtiinduuonthelimbe.Overtime, Dad surenaskedmetoswitchtoanotherflutethatialsocarriedwithme throughoutmytravels;thisinstrument,ab foot,open holedsilveryamaha, fascinatedhim.headoredthe precise equal temperedpitchesandvarious differentkeyswithinwhichurtiinduucouldbeperformed,andexplainedhowthe precisionoftheinstrumentwasusefulforaccompanyingtheprecisionofborjigin urtiinduu,thesongsofhisparticularclan.dad surenhelpedmedevelopatechnique ofgraduallyslidingmyfingertipsovertheopenholesofmywesternflutetoconjoin pitchesinamannerreminiscentofthevocalelisionsfoundthroughouthisurtiinduu melodies.onceicompletedlearningasong,dad surenwouldthenpractice performingthesongwithme,andiwouldaccompanyhimintheappropriatestyle: pre emptinghisentrywiththefirstfewnotesofthemelody,andthenholdingback toshadowhisvocalline,creatingtheappropriate,delayedheterophonictextureof traditionalurtiinduu.accordingtotheperformancepractice,theaccompanistis secondarytothevoiceinmelodicimportance,andshouldbesensitivetothestylistic nuancesofthevocallinebeingrendered.eventually,dad surenandibegan performingtogetheratlocalnairfestivals(includingweddingsandcelebrations throughoutdundgoviprovince).itookgreatprideinreachingastatewhereiwas abletopubliclyperformasanaccompanistfordad suren,andicouldsensehis approvalinthewayhenoddedwithsatisfactionwhenweperformedtogether successfully. 11

15 MongolianMobilePastoralismandtheNavigationofLandscape LikeDad suren,themajorityofindividualswithwhomistudiedwereelderly andpredominantlyresidedinruralsettings.theyhadallgrownupinthemongolian countrysideandhadspentmostoftheirliveslivingasmobilepastoralists.ifound that,asopposedtothekindofurtiinduuperformancesfoundinconcerthalls throughoutulaanbaatar,urtiinduuisaverydifferentperformancepracticeinthese remoteenvironmentsandherdingcontexts.thoughmanysingers,including Dad suren,areequallyadeptatperforminginbothherdingcontextsaswellaslargescaleconcertsettings,theyacknowledgethatthepurposebehindtheperformances variesgreatly.whileherdinganimals,urtiinduuareoftensunginaninformal manner,oftentocoaxtheanimalorentertainthesinger.thedynamicsaremuch softerthanthoseofconcertperformancesandrigidrulesinvolvingmelodic recitationandspecificbreathingtechniquesarenotnecessarilypresent.inthese informalsettings,singersoftenimprovisemelodiesandsoundsinrelationtothose thattheyperceivefromtheirsurroundingenvironments,oftencreatingamimetic exchange. OtherMongoliansongtypes,includingkhoumii(throatsinging),aresaidto emulatesoundsfoundintheoutdoorworldwhenpracticedinformallybyherding musicians.thesemusicalsoundsimitatevariousenvironmentalphenomena, includingthewhistlingofthewindortherushingofwater(levin2006;pegg 2001e).Inthecaseofurtiinduu,thesongsoftenportrayparticularlandscapes throughtherepresentationoftopographyinmelodiccontour,totheextentthat bothsingersandlistenersalikeareabletodistinguishlandscapesdepictedbythe 12

16 risingandfallingofpitchasthemelodiesaresung.theseperformedlandscapes, describedandemulatedinsong,haveabasisinpracticesassociatedwiththe worshipofspirit entitiesknownasezen,whoarethoughttoresideinparticularly holylandscapes.justaschinggiskhanworshippedholygeographicallocations,such asthemountainburkhankhaldun,nomadsofthisareaworshipthevariousland formationsthatsurroundthemandtheezenwhoresidewithinthem(weatherford 2004).Dad suren,forexample,worshipsaparticularlytallmountainnearhishome. Hepraystotheoboo(ritualcairn)andsingsurtiinduuonthemountaintopwhenhe isinneedofspiritualprotectionandguidance.thisisallpartoftheactof reciprocity:asamimeticexchangewiththeenvironment,dad surengivesbackto theearthinsongwhatheandhisherdshavetakeninsustenance. DuringmytimeamongsingersinDundgoviprovince,Ifoundezenworshipto beanextremelyimportantandvalueddailyactivity,andthesespirit entitieswere oftenpraisedthroughsong.indeed,singingurtiinduuwasanimportantaspectof human ezeninteraction,whereindividualsutilizedmimesistosonicallyinteract withthespiritsthatresideinparticularlandscapes.inthecaseofurtiinduu,the melodiccontoursofsongsaremimeticofenvironmentalsoundsandtopographies uniquetothelandscapesoftheezenparticulartoaspecificnutag,orgeographical location.asinger snutagisnotonlyone spersonalhomeland,butalsothehomeof one sancestorsandezen;thusthelandscapessignifiedbyurtiinduumelodiesare deeplyimportanttothepeoplewholivethere. 13

17 LiteratureReview Variousethnomusicologistshavedemonstratedtheextenttowhichmimesis playsaroleinmongolianmusicalpracticeswritlarge.thisthesisbuildsonthis scholarshipbyexaminingaparticularkindofsonicmimesisthatoccursinurtiin duu theemulationoflandscapetopography.throughanapplicationofsemiotic theory,thisworkaddsananalyticalperspectivetotheexaminationofmimesisin Mongolianperformativepractices.Bycreatingagraphicnotationforthesongsand outliningboththespiritualandpoliticalmeaningsassociatedwiththem,iexplore therelationshipofthesesongstobothmongolianlandscapesandthemongolian nation.additionally,iexaminethecareerandmusicianshipofdad suren,whoselife intersectedwiththelarge scalepoliticalchangesandtumultuousculturalreformsof twentieth centurymongolia.indoingso,ihopetoillustrateanindividual s perspectiveonthenegotiationofmeaninginvolvedinurtiinduuperformanceasit transformedovertime. MyworkhasbeengreatlyinfluencedbytheworkofTheodoreLevin(1996, 2006)andCarolePegg(2001e,2001f),bothofwhomhavespentextensivetime researchingthereciprocal,mimeticqualitiesofcentralasianmusicalformsandthe importanceofnutagtomobilepastoralistsofthisarea.ihavealsobeeninformedby CarolineHumphrey swritingsonezenworship(1992,1995,1996a,1996b),andthe importanceofreciprocalgivingamongmobilepastoralistsinmongolia through prayer,song,andmaterialgoods tospiritualbeingsinordertopromotesuccessful animalhusbandryandspiritualwellbeing.likehumphrey(1995,1996a,1996b) andatwood(1996),iviewthemixofbuddhistandanimisticspiritualityprevalent 14

18 throughoutthecommunitiesiencounteredascooperative,mutuallyreinforcing sidesofapotropaicspirituality,whereindividualsregularlypraytobothezenand protectivebuddhistdeitiesforthewellbeingofthemselves,theirfamilies,andtheir herds. Additionally,Turino sworkonpeirciansemiotics(1999,2000,2008)has provenextremelyvaluableforexplainingthedetailsofsignificationinurtiinduu performance,aswellastheimpactofsovietculturalreformsonthisgenre.also influencedbypetermarsh(2002,2009)andtomginsburg(1999),ihaveattempted toshowhowcosmopolitanvalueswereadoptedandinternalizedbymanyduring thesocialistera,influencinghowurtiinduuiscurrentlyconceived,valued,and commodifiedwithinatouristeconomy. Nonetheless,Ialsorecognizethatsomescholarsdisagreeonhowtoregard thedrasticculturalandmusicalreformsofthetwentiethcentury.carolepegg (2001e),forexample,viewstheSovietpresenceinMongoliaasalargelymonolithic, imposingforce.shehasarguedthat,inthefaceofcompletedominance,mongolians maintainedtheirownformofresistancethroughthesecretunderground performanceofoutlawedmusicalforms,whichvibrantlyreemergedonce communismwasoverthrowninthe1990s.petermarsh(2002,2009),however,has recognizedtheimportant,complicit,andoftendecisiverolemanymongolians playedintheadoptionofcommunistideologyoverthecourseofmongolia ssocialist era.asaresult,marsharguesthatmongolians readoptionofindigenousmusical formsintheearly1990sisnotquiteareflourishingofpre socialistmusical performance,butare negotiationandre adoptionofindigenousmusicalformsin 15

19 linewiththedominantandpervasiveremnantofthesocialistera anunderlying discourseofmodernism. LikeMarsh,Irecognizetheimpactofmodernistreformsandcosmopolitan valuesonmusicalpractices,andarguethatthecurrentsituationisacomplex amalgamcomprisedofinternalizeddiscoursesandindigenousvalues.my scholarshipislargelyinspiredbylevin sworkincentralasia(1996)aswellas Buchanan sresearchinbulgaria(1995,2006) whichisfocusedonthewaysthat Soviet stylesocialismwasbothresistedandinternalizedbybulgarianmusicians.in Bulgaria,forexample,folkorchestrascomposedof traditionalbulgarian instrumentsmodeledonthewesternclassicalphilharmonic, werecreatedtoaidin theconstructionofadistinctbulgariannationalidentity(buchanan1995:382).as inbulgaria,mongolianofficialsalsoimplementedsuchculturalreforms,largely inspiredbythesovietmodel.realizedthroughbothviolenceandexcessive persecution,thesereformsthathelpedreframeindigenousmusicalpractices accordingtonationalistsentimentandcommunistpartyloyalty.duringthistime, individualshadtonegotiatetheiracceptanceandresistanceofthesereformsin complexways. Throughoutthetwentiethcentury,thesocialistgovernment s implementationofmodernistreformsexistedinadialecticalrelationshipwith previous,indigenousvaluesheldamongthepopulation.urtiinduu,nowanindexof themongoliannation,oncehelpedaspectsofthesocialist sponsoredrealityappear natural,as thetruthofcommonsense (Buchanan1995:384).Thoughcommunist dogmawasinitiallyactivelyresisted,partsofitshegemonywereacceptedas 16

20 legitimate,particularlyitsdisseminationoftheidealsofnationalism.the unsuccessfulmongoliannationalistrebellionofthe1960s,forexample,wasthe ideologicalproductofacombinationofdominationandresistance:informedby indigenousideasofspiritualityassociatedwithmongolianclanidentityandchinggis Khan,butfundamentallyguidedbyadiscourseofnationalism(Boldbaatar1999).In therealmofurtiinduupractice,asimilarprocessoccurred:culturalreforms valorizingurtiinduuasaniconofthemongoliannationwereadoptedbut simultaneouslyco optedasemblemsofperformativeresistance. Alloftheselevelsofmeaningderivefromtheconnectionbetweenurtiinduu melodyandlandscapetopography.variousmongolianclansrelyonthemelodiesof urtiinduutoproclaimtheirownpersonalrelationshipswithspecificgeographical areasandtheezenfoundtherein.inchaptertwo,iwillillustrateurtiinduu s involvementincomplexissuesofclanidentityassociatedwithbothrealand imaginedhomelands.inchapterthree,wewillseehowtheserelationshipsbecame furthercomplicatedwhensovietculturalreformshelpedreframethemelodic landscapesandnutagaccordingtonationalistsentimentsassociatedwithsoviet loyaltyandthemongolianmotherland(ehoron).thesereformsmarkedlychanged thewayurtiinduuwasandispracticedandreceived.bythetimemongoliabecame aparliamentarydemocracyintheearly1990s,urtiinduuhadbecomeakeyemblem intheconstructionofmongoliannationalpride. 17

21 CHAPTERTWO: PERFORMINGMUSICALLANDSCAPES Iwasborninaherdingfamily, Saturatedwiththickcattle dungsmoke, Iregardasmycradle Thegrassland,myhomeland(nutag). Ilovelikemyownbody Thehomeland(nutag)uponwhichIdropped. Iregardasmymother smilk Thecrystalclearriver. ThisisaMongol. Apersonwholovesthemotherland(ehoron). BiMongolHun( IamaMongol ) byr.chimed (translationbyuradynbulag,bulag1998:174 75) Intheabovesong,R.Chimeddescribeshowhislivelihoodiscontingenton thesustenanceprovidedbyhishomeland,ornutag.heconsidershisnutaghis providerandmother,theonewhocradleshiminthefoldsofherterrainand nourisheshimwithherriversofmilk.hisdeepemotionalattachmenttoherisladen withfeelingsofgratitude,andherespondstoherneedsassherespondstohis.heis carefultomaintainthisreciprocalbalancewithher,becauseitisuponherthathis survivaldepends. Chimed sperspectiveisinfluencedbyhislifelongpracticeofmobile pastoralism,awayoflifelooselydefinedasakindofspecialized,itinerantformof animalhusbandryfocusedonraising,herding,andbreedingdomesticatedlivestock. Mobilepastoralpracticeshavelargelydevelopedinresponsetotheinhospitable, 18

22 aridclimateofcentralasia.indeed,thegeographicalterrainandtheland use strategiesemployedbypastoralistsinthisareahavemutuallyimpactedand influencedoneanothertoagreatextentoverthecourseofthelastmillennia. ContrarytoromanticizednotionsoftheMongoliansteppeas pristinenature, the grasslandsareactuallyauniquebio environmentthathasdevelopedinconjunction withthemillennia longpresenceofseasonalmobilepastoralistsandtheir domesticatedherds(humphreyandsneath1996b:9).theseasonalmigrationof nomads,aswellasthegrazinghabitsoftheirparticularherds specificallyhorses, cows,yaks,camels,sheepandgoat haveallcontributedtothedevelopmentofthe seeminglyendlessgreenpasturesthatspreadforthousandsofmilesacrossthe CentralAsiansteppe.Thisrelatively undamaged environment(inanon polluted sense)islargelytheresultofpastoralpracticesthatconservetheenvironment s naturalresources,includingusingdrieddungratherthanwoodfordomesticfuel, andbreedinglivestockthatcansurviveonnaturalpasturethroughouttheyear (Ibid.:12). AsanthropologistUradynBulagdescribes,theconceptofnutag,or homeland,isextremelyimportantamongcentralasianmobilepastoralistsand inextricablytiedtoezenworship: Whensomeonemovesawayfromhisnativeland,heshouldtakestones fromthehomeland,andaddthemtothenewoboohonouringlocaldeities... oneshouldbeburiedinone snatallandorhomeland(torsonnutag).upon one sreturnhome,thefirstthingoneshoulddoisdrinkthewater(ugaasan us)...theburyatmongolsusuallyburytheplacentaundertheyurt,asacred spottowhichmenwouldtravelmilestopayhomage.thehomelandisthus saidtobeconnectedtoone sumbilicalcord(hüisenholbootai).anemotional metaphorforlandistörsönnutagugaasanus(thelandthatgavemebirth, andthewaterthatbaptizedme). (Bulag1998:175) 19

23 AmongthemobilepastoralistswithwhomIresided,Ifoundagreattendency forherderstoworkincooperationwiththeirnutag.indeed,theextensiveliterature oncentralasiannomadsdescribeshowtheyoftendeferjudgmentonwhereto allowtheiranimalstograzebasedonsignalsfromtheenvironmentandthespiritmasters,orezen,whoresidethere.certaincluescanhelpdeterminewhereanimals shouldbeherded,includingconsiderationslikehowmuchprecipitationhasfallenin acertainarea,orwhetherornotapasturehasbeenrepeatedlygrazedovermany seasonsandneedstorest.asameansofrespect,theseindividualsalsopraisethe landscapesuponwhosebountytheysustaintheirherds,andeverydaytheymake offeringstotheancestralspiritsandezenthatresideinthelandformations surroundingtheiryurts(bulag1998:175). Inadditiontoezenworship,otherreligiousandspiritualbeliefshave certainlylefttheirmarkonurtiinduupractice.manyofthethemesdescribedin urtiinduulyricsreflectthemixtureofspiritualandreligiousbeliefspresentin MongoliasinceaboutChinggisKhan stime.accordingtothesecrethistoryofthe Mongols,writteninthethirteenthcentury,theMongoliansofChinggis time worshipped eternal,mightyheaven (Hessig1980:47 49).Tengriism,abelief systemthatconsiderthesky(tenger)thesupremedeity,includeselementsof ancestorworshipandanimism.alsoincorporatingelementsoflandworship,these beliefsaretiedtothepracticeofconsultingshamansasmediatorsbetweenthe spiritworldofancestors(whousuallyresideinparticularlyholymountainsor rivers)andpeopleoftheearthlyrealm.additionally,startinginthesixteenth century,tibetanbuddhismwasgraduallyintroducedwhenaltankhan,rulerofthe 20

24 MongoltribesanddescendentofChinggisKhan,recognizedSoyomGyatsoofTibet asthedalailama.bytheeighteenthcentury,thereligionwasfirmlyentrenched amongthepopulationbytherulingmanchuqingdynasty,andadelicatebalance hadformedbetweenthevariousbeliefsassociatedwithtengriismandthose introducedbybuddhistmonks,temples,andpracticesestablishedacrossthe steppe. Variousscholarshavedescribedthemixofanimism,shamanism,andTibetan BuddhisminruralMongoliancommunities,withanimismandBuddhism predominatinginthecentralsteppegrasslandsandshamanism(virtuallyabsentin thecentralsteppelandsofmongolia)prevalentinthewoodedforeststowardsthe marginsofthenation sborders(humphrey1995:159).thoughearlierreligious scholarstendedtofocusonthe contamination ofthebuddhistliterarytradition withthesuperstitiousbeliefsassociatedwithshamanismandanimism,referringto thebrandofbuddhisminmongoliaasakindofwatered down Lamaism, recent scholars(withchristopheratwoodattheforefront)havecriticizedsuchfalse dichotomies,explainingthatbothbuddhistandanimisticbeliefshaveapotropaic qualities,allowingthetwobeliefsystemstointermingleindailypractice(atwood 1996).Thuscertainanimisticrituals,liketheworshipofmountaintopcairns,or oboo,devotedtoparticularezen,areactuallypresidedoverbybuddhistlamas (Humphrey1995:122). ThepracticeofworshippingezenwassupportedbybothBuddhistclergyas wellasrulingaristocrats,inordertomaintaincredibilityamongmobilepastoral communities.duringmanchuqingrule,forexample,localmanchulandlords 21

25 ceremoniallypresentedthemselvestoezenasameansofensuringtheirauthority amongmongoliannomads(humphrey1995:146).despitefacingextensive persecutionduringthesocialistera,animisticandbuddhistbeliefshaveleda somewhatvigorousundergroundexistenceinthecentralgobidesert,whereurtiin duuispredominantlyfound.thisis,inpart,duetotheeaseofpracticingcertain animisticformsoflandworshipcovertly,aswellasthefactthatbeliefsassociated withanimistthemescouldthriveundertheblanketofnationalisticpraisetowards thehomelandandthusescapeattentionfromrulingauthorities. Theapotropaicpracticesassociatedwiththeworshipofbothezenand Buddhistdeitiesconcerntheimportanceofappeasingthesespiritualbeings,who holdthepowertoprovide generalizedwell being,goodweather,andfertility,or,if angered, droughtandpestilence (Humphrey1995:145).Ezen,inparticular,can bepleasedthroughbothmaterialandmusicalofferingssungintheirimage. Simultaneously,theycandictatewhereandwhennomadswillmovetheirherds basedonthecuestheymanifestintheenvironment.inherenttothisanimist philosophyisafundamentalrespectforandconsiderationofeveryentityinthe environment,where animals,mountains,trees,grass,weatherandsoforthfunction asactivesubjectswhichhavetheirownwaysofbeingthataffecthumanbeings (HumphreyandSneath1996b:3).Thus,itisnecessaryforindividualsofthese communitiestoconsiderthewellbeingoftheirsurroundingenvironmentsifone wantshisorherownwellbeingtobeconsideredinturn.certaintaboos,knownas yos,arepracticedinthisarea,andrestonthepremisethathumansshouldavoidany unnecessarydisturbanceofezenortheenvironment.forexample,oneshouldnot 22

26 scuffmarksorfootprintsontheearth,norhuntyoungorpregnantanimals,norrip outgrassbytheroots.additionally,itisprohibitedtourinateorwashoneselfina river,ortourinateordefecateintheburrowsorlivingareaofanyanimal (Humphrey1995:141).TheMongolianwordfornature,baigal,comesfromthe verbbaix(tobe),whichliterallytranslatesas whatis, andincludesbothhuman beingsandtheenvironmentunderitspurview.ashumphreydescribes: Itisnotincontemplationoftheland(gazar)thatisimportantbut interactionwithit...[mongoliannomads]donottakeoverterrain...and transformitintosomethingthatistheirown.instead,theymovewithin aspaceandenvironmentwheresomekindofnomadiclifeispossible... Thatistosay,theyletit[theirenvironment]pervadethemandtheir herds,influencingwheretheysettle,whentheymove,andwhatkindsof animalstheykeep. (Humphrey1995:135,myemphasis) CentralAsianmobilepastoralistsinteractextensivelywithintheir environments,notjustphysically,butthroughsonicmeansaswell.thispremiseis echoedintheworkofethnomusicologistcarolepegg(2001e)andtheodorelevin (2006).Levinassertsthatsuchmusicalpracticesanimatesonicresonancesofthe environmentbyusingmimeticfacultiestointeractwiththenaturalreverberations producedbygeographicalformations.theseincludesoundssuchasthetricklingof water,theboomingechoinacave,orthevibrationofsoundasitcoursesacrossan openplain.urtiinduu,which,accordingtolevin,constitute oneofthemost dramaticexamplesofresonantreverberation, aresongsthatmimeticallyemulate theenvironment,producingsoundsthatarenotmerelyaproductofhumaneffort, butratheraresultoftheinteractionbetweenhumanandenvironmentalsound (Levin2006:37). 23

27 Utilizingmimeticfacultyinperformanceaffordsurtiinduusingerstheability toproducehumansoundsiconicofthesoundsproducedbycertaingeographies;in sodoing,practitionersenterintoakindofcommunicationwiththeresidentezen emulatedinsong.urtiinduuaresungasakindofofferingtoezen,eitherinmelodic emulationoftheworshippedentityorthroughapoeticdescriptionofit: Contemporaryfolk religiouspracticesaredialogicandmutuallyinfluencing reciprocalexchangesbetweenhumanbeings,nature spirits,andgodsofthe universe,achievedbymimesisinperformance...topographicalimagesare mappedincontoursofmelodiesanddances;thebodyusedtoproducesounds andshapesinimitationoftheenvironment.suchmimesisisanintegralaspect ofasociospiritualprocessofexchange.reciprocityisnecessary,for,whether itisvocalreproductionofsoundsheardinnatureorusingmaterialsfrom natureinordertoproducethosesounds,somethinghasbeengiventhatmust bereturned.havingreturnedthegiftinperformance,thereisanexpectation thattherelationshipofexchangewillcontinue:theforcesofnaturewillgrant thefavorsaskedofthem. (Pegg2001e:97) Throughmimesisoflandscapetopographies,theenvironment,andanimal sounds,urtiinduuperformancesinvolvethesonicemulationofentitiesinthe outdoorworld.inthecaseoflandscapeandenvironment,melodiccontoursare iconicofdifferentgeographictopographiesandenvironmentalphenomena such astherisingandsettingofthesun.inthecaseofanimals,thewordsofurtiinduu operatethroughonomatopoeia:bymimickinganimalsoundsinsong,singersare abletocommunicatewiththeirherds.as imagisticsketchesofnature, urtiinduu practicecanbeamimeticexpressionofgratitudeandanappealforprotectionfrom ezenthatresideinparticularlyholylandformationsandrivers(levin2006:91). Theezen,pleasedbythemusicalofferingsiconicoftheirlandscapes,provide protectionandanswerprayersofnomads. 24

28 MimesisandSemioticTheory Peirceansemioticsisusefulfordescribingthekindsofmimeticfacultyfound inurtiinduupractice,aswellasthemultilayeredmeaningsinspiredbythe productionandreceptionofthesesongs.accordingtopeirce,humanbeingsdevelop theirsensesoftheirworldandthemselvesthroughthemediationofsign object relations.inorderforasigntoeffectivelysignifysomekindofmeaning beitan idea,anemotionalfeeling,oraremembranceofapastexperience thesignmustbe something(asignvehicle),whichsignifiessomething(anobject)forsomebody, creatinganeffect,orinterpretant(peirce1995:99).sign objectrelationshipscanbe iconic,asisoftenthecasewhenhumanbeingsemploymimeticfacultiesinartistic andmusicalperformances,buticonsareonlyoneofthreetypesofsign object relations.theothersareindices,basedonco occurrenceinreal lifesituations,and symbols,basedonlinguisticdefinitionandagreement.inanysocialsituationthere isalwaysanoverlapbetweentheiconic,indexical,andsymbolicrealms,as processesofcreatingandinterpretingmeaningnecessarilyinvolvechainsofsigns wheretheinterpretantofthefirstsigncanbecomeanewsignvehicle,standingfora newobject,creatinganewinterpretant,andsoon,adinfinitum(peirce1955:169). Whenurtiinduusingersemulateparticularlandscapesthroughmelodic contour,partoftheprocessinvolvestheproductionofmusicalsignsiconicof landscapetopographies,environmentalphenomena,oranimals(nakagawa1980, Pegg2001e,Levin2006).Sincetheseprocessesimply atransferofpropertiesof spaceandplacetosonicparameterssuchaspitch,timbre,rhythmanddynamics (Levin2006:91),theycanbeconsidereddiagrammaticicons,involving analogous 25

29 relationsofthepartsbetweensignandobjectasthebasisofsimilaritybetween them (Turino1999:227).Theinitiallyiconicsign objectrelationships,then,further createpowerfulresponsesinindividualsfamiliar,andoftendeeplyemotionally attached,totheseobjects.theseeffects,orsign object interpretantrelationships, canbedescribedasoneofthreetypes:rhematic(wherethesignisinterpretedas oneofpossibility),dicent(wherethesignisinterpretedcausallyandcanbe confirmedordeniedthroughfactorexperience),orargument(wherethesignis interpretedasasymbolicpropositionoridea). Signsproducedandreceivedinmusicalperformancesareofteninterpreted asdicentindices,inthattheyareperceivedasbeingactuallyaffectedbytheir objects.dicent indicescanbeparticularlypowerfulsignsinthattheycometostand fortheirobjectsinseeminglynatural,innateways.amongmongoliannomadic pastoralists,urtiinduuareoftenproducedandreceivedasdicent indices,especially whensungduringdailylifeactivities,suchaswhileherdinganimals. Tugemel urtiin duu(amoreabbreviatedversionofurtiinduu),forexample,areoftensungplayfully onthesteppebyherdersinemulationofsurroundinglandscapes.describedasa formof ludicmimesis bylevin,thesesonicemulationsareperformedinan unofficialmanner,usuallywhenherdersentertainthemselvesduringlonghours spenthorsebackridingandherdinganimalsfromonepasturetothenext(levin 2006:82 88). 1 Themelodiccontoursareiconicofparticularlandscapespersonally favoredbytheherder,andtheyindexemotionalfeelingsofattachmentinvolved 1 Onlongherdingjourneys,nomadssometimesrideforovertenhoursstraight,andareabletoeat andsleeponhorseback.theyoftensingtoentertainthemselvesontheselong,solitaryrides. 26

30 therein: Long songsarethefetishofconnoisseursoflandscapeacoustics:theyelicit thedistinctivesonicqualitiesofafavoriteoutdoorplace,andlong songsingers savorandrecallthese (Ibid.:37). MimesisandUrtiinduu SeveraldifferentsocioculturalgroupsacrossMongoliahavetheirown uniqueurtiinduustyle,includingtheoiratanduriangkhaigroupsofnorthwest Mongolia,theDarkhatandBuryatgroupsofnorthMongolia,theTovKhalkha (centralkhalkha)andborjiginofthecentral southerngobi,andvariousother peoplesacrossinnermongolia.despitethewidegeographicalrangeinwhichurtiin duuarepracticed,aswellasthedisparatesettingsinwhichtheyarecurrently found includingruralnomadicencampmentsaswellaslarge scaletourist productions allurtiinduuexhibitcertainsimilarcharacteristics.mostaresungin powerful,declamatoryvoicesthatcaneasilyechoacrossvaststeppeland,fillayurt withdeeplyresonantvocalizations,orcarryacrossaconcerthall.themelodic contoursofmosturtiinduutraversearangeofatleasttwooctaves,containfew words,andareperformedwithoutfixedmeter.sincethesesongsincorporatevery fewwordsoverthecourseoflongmelodicversesthatsometimeslastoverfive minutesindurationbeforebeingrepeated,manysyllablesaresungasnon lexical vocables(soundswithoutdistinctsymbolicmeaning),suchashai,eh,ooh,orah.for example,onlyeightwordsaresungoverthecourseoftheofthetovkhalkha versionofkherlengiinbariya,thoughasmanyasthirtynon lexicalvocablescanbe 27

31 counted.similarly,theborjiginversionofthissamesong,withthesamelyrics,also containsoverthirtynon lexicalvocables. Thesonglyricsthattypicallycarryreferentialmeaningareoftenthose referringtoparticularlyholylandscapes.theselyricscanbeunderstoodasthey markthebeginningofmusicalphrasesandareemphasizedthroughlouddynamics andcarefullyplacedvibratoandglottalstops.twourtiinduuinappendixaserveto illustratethispoint.inthetwoaforementionedversionsofthesongkherlengiin bariya,boththewordskherlengiin(phraseone),andbariya(phrasetwo)canbe understoodastheybegineachimportantphrase(appendixa:a.3,a.4).these wordsdirectlyrefertospecificgeographicallocationsandphenomena,particular thoseassociatedwithchinggiskhanandparticularmongolianclanidentities,such asthelegendaryriverkherlenthatrunsthroughwhatisthoughttobechinggis Khan sbirthplace. ManyofthewordsusedinurtiinduuarepronouncedaccordingtoOld Mongolianscript,theverticalscriptprevalentinthisareabefore1921,rendering theirlexicalmeaningdifficulttounderstandfortheaveragemongolian.syllablesare interpolatedtopreservethemelodiclineofthetext, andthelyricalline isoften truncated,sothatmetricalelementsofthewrittentextarenotpreservedinsong, furtherobscuringthemeaningofthewordsandindicatingthatsonglyricsare operatingprimarilyasiconicandindexicalsignsformostmongolians(pegg2001e: 45).ManyruralMongoliansconfirmedthispoint,explainingthaturtiinduulyrics are difficulttounderstand, inoldscriptpronunciation, andasdad suren 28

32 explained,theywouldhavetobestudiedby scholars inordertofullycapturetheir literalmeaning. Signscreatedbyurtiinduuperformance,then,primarilyoperateasiconic andindexicalrelations,asemioticfeaturecommontomanymusicalpractices. AccordingtoTurino, iconicandindexicalsignstypicallyoperatetogetherin expressiveculturalpractices,andindiceshavetheirownspecialpotentialsfor producingemotionalresponseandsocialidentification (Turino1999:234 35).In urtiinduu,iconicemulationandindexicalsignificationareoftencommunicated throughiterationofthesemelodiccontoursrepresentativeofcertainlandscapes. Thesemusicallandscapes,inturn,canevokepowerfulfeelingsassociatedwith ancestralandezenspirits,aswellasdifferentsocioculturalidentitiesforperformers andlistenersalike. GraphingMelodicContours Inurtiinduu,melodiccontourisanoverwhelminglysignificantandsalient featureofasong;itiswhatrendersasongrecognizablefromonesingertothenext. Forthisreason,Ihavecreatedagraphicrepresentationofurtiinduuthatessentially mapsout melodiccontourasitisexpressedovertimeinordertoemphasizethese contours.itismyhopethatthisformofnotation,asakindofvisualrepresentation ofmelodiccontour,willhelpdepictthewayurtiinduumelodiescanoperateas diagrammaticiconsofcertainlandscapetopographies.thisnotationisalsohelpful forillustratinghowtheoverallmelodiccontourofanurtiinduuremainssteady, varyingaccordingtothepersonalstyleofthesinger. 29

33 Certainmelodicgestures,forexample,areanintegralpartofthemelodic contourofspecificurtiinduu(nakagawa1980:153).inthefollowingexample,the mainmotifsofthesonggiingooareconfirmedbygraphicnotationoftwodifferent performancesofthesong(appendixa:a.1,a.2).thespecificrhythmsand ornamentationwithinsuchcontourscanchangedependingontheindividual performer,asdoesthestartingpitchofthesong.inthesetwoexamples,each performer,dunjimaanddad suren,employsdifferentinternalrhythmswhile performinggiingoo.however,themelodiccontourofthesesongsremainsrelatively stable,despitevariancesinornamentation,useofvocables,andrhythm.to illustratethispoint,ihavelabeledthesharedmelodicmotifsinthegraphsofeach singer sversion. Urtiinduuarepowerful,inpart,becauseoftheirabilitytosignifydifferent kindsofnutag,rangingfromvastgeographicallandscapesandhomelands (includingentiremountainchains)tospecificgeographies(suchasnearbyhillsand valleysimportanttotheindividualswholivenearthem).ononeoccasion,i happenedtocomeacrossanexampleofthelatterkindofsignification.inmay2002 Imettwodifferentsingers,JantsanandDolamsuren,whoeachsangtheirown versionsofanurtiinduuknownasbogdinondor(holytallmountain).theysangthe samesong,withthesamelyrics,andthesamegeneraloverallmelodiccontour. Nonetheless,theirversionsdifferedinuniqueandimportantways:Dolamsuren s melodiccontourwascalmer,withoutasmanyunanticipatedleapsandfallsas Jantsan sversion.jantsan scontour,ontheotherhand,incorporatedmuchmore drasticpitchvariationandlessoftheoverallsmoothqualityconveyedby 30

34 Dolamsuren.WhenIaskedboththesingersandfamilymembersthereasonsfor theirdifferentstyles,theresponsescenteredonthedifferencesinlandscape betweenthegeographicalareassurroundingeachsinger shome.dolamsuren s renditionofbogdinondorisinfluencedbyherownindexicalexperiencesofthe landscapetopographiessheissurroundedbyandwhichshereveres.thesehappen tobeflatterthanthemountainsnearjantsan shome,whoresidesinanareaaround thirtykilometersawayfromdolamsurenknownasbagagazriinchuluu(small, rockyhills),aplacenotedforitsrockycontours: Figure2.1 Reprintedfromwww.flikr.com BagaGazriinChuluu,Dundgoviprovince TheparticularlandscapethatsurroundsJantsan shomeinfluencesthemore drastichill likerisesandfallsinpitchofhispersonalurtiinduustyle.graphsa.5and A.6inAppendixAdemonstratethedifferentcontoursofJantsan sanddolamsuren s versionsofthesong,respectively.thoughthesemelodiesareiconicofthedifferent 31

35 landscapessurroundingdolamsuren sandjantsan syurts,theyalsoindexeach singer spersonalrelationshipwiththeparticularlandscapesinwhichtheyreside. Thistypeofindexicalsignificationoperatesinpowerfulwaysandcanimplicate multiplelayersofmeaningforanyindividualsinger,accompanist,orlistener. Jantsan,forexample,wasmovedtotearswhensingingBogdinondorforme, particularlybecausehissonhadjustpassedaway.inthemomenthesangtome,his melodybecameasoniccatalystforelicitingstrongfeelingsofgrief.jantsanlater explainedthatthesonghadremindedhimofhishome,evokingemotional recollectionsassociatedwithhisfamilyandhisdeceasedson.thisexperience illustratesthaturtiinduuhasthepotentialtobeapowerfulformofexperiential significationformanyindividualsatanygivenmoment. Thoughthemelodiccontoursofurtiinduucansignifyparticularsurrounding landscapeswherenomadscurrentlylive,theycanalsorepresentlarger geographicalareas,eventhosewheresingersdonotliveorthattheyhavenever personallyseen.mongolswhoself identifyastovkhalkha,forexample,currently resideinthecentralsoutherngobidesert,anareatheyhaveoccupiedforcenturies. Thelandscapefeaturescharacteristicofthisareaarenotunlikethoseofthe southwesternunitedstates,includingmesasandplateaus,aswellaslowvalleys andflatlands.theirurtiinduustyle,describedasaizam,or extended urtiinduu,is saidtobeareflectionofthevast,lowsteppeofthegobi: Mongolsusetermssuchas spacious, wide, long lasting, big, free and ofgreatsize forthisstyle (Pegg 2001e:45). 32