EMU without fiscal and political union could it work?

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EMU without fiscal and political union could it work? Vesa Vihriälä 22 September 2016

The mainstream argument 1. Monetary union => fiscal union Conjunctural differences => cross-country fiscal stabilisation needed in the absence of national monetary policy Efficient macro policy mix => joint fiscal policy stance Threats to financial stability => risk-sharing, tight constraints on MS fiscal policy Bank failures: fiscal backstops for deposit insurance, resolution Sovereign debt crises: mutualisation of sovereign risk, more powerful constraints on MS fiscal policy 2. Fiscal union => political union (federal decision making structures) Efficiency and legitimacy of joint fiscal decisions Control of moral hazard

Yes, but Agree that Fiscal union would improve the functioning of the EMU, if well managed Fiscal union => political union However, Little appetite for risk sharing among the likely providers of insurance, Even less appetite for surrendering national fiscal sovereignty, lack of will not limited to the financially strongest countries Fortunately, a full-blown fiscal union probably not necessary

The unlikelihood of political union Theory political costs of providing public goods increase as a function the population heterogeneity (e.g. Spolaore 2015) fiscal policy inherently distributive and subject to large differences of preferences Practice Functioning federal structures have taken long time to develop (USA!) In the EU, risk sharing has been accepted only under extreme duress MS (especially the big ones) have protected their fiscal sovereignty fiercely SGP 2003 Valls 2014: We decide the budget France should be respected. It is a big country Renzi 2014: We don t take orders from Brussels The de-facto watering down of the new strengthened governance rules (Spain, Portugal, Italy 2016) Constraints only accepted when no feasible alternative (financial assistance programmes) The crisis has led to populist reactions and driven countries further apart

The non-necessity of full-blown fiscal union Cyclical stabilisation across MS unlikely to be very important, according to the US experience Most consumption smoothing through capital and credit markets (Astrubali &co) State-level pro-cyclical policies have largely undone the stabilising effects of the federal budget (Darvas; Aizenman & Parischa; Rodden & Wibbels) The role of fiscal policy in the current crisis may be overstated The US-EA difference less due to fiscal stance than monetary and financial conditions Credible and efficient bail-in rules limit the need for fiscal backstops in the handling of banking and sovereign crises

% 4 Differences in financial market conditions rather than in fiscal policy stance explain the US-EA growth difference GDP growth and fiscal policy: US vs Euro area % 6 GDP growth and interest rates: US vs Euro area 3 2 1 0-1 -2-3 -4-5 Source: OECD Economic Outlook, Spring 2008 2009 2010 2011 2012 2013 2014 2015 2016* 2017* 4 2 0-2 -4-6 2008Q12009Q12010Q12011Q12012Q12013Q12014Q12015Q12016Q1 USA Cyclically adjusted government primary balance EA15 Cyclically adjusted government primary balance USA GDP growth EA15 GDP growth EA GDP growth EA 10yr bond yields Source: Eurostat, OECD USA GDP growth USA 10yr bond yields

What is needed in an EMU without fiscal union? Unlimited supply of liquidity to solvent banks and sovereigns (elimination of self-fulfilling crisis expectations) An efficient resolution of solvency problems of banks and sovereigns Effective market discipline on sovereign indebtedness in the absence of effective fiscal rules Separation of bank and sovereign risks (elimination of the doom-loop)

What is also helpful for a functioning EMU Greater stabilisation of shocks via capital and credit markets Greater labour market flexibility in MS Greater labour mobility across MS Better regulation and supervision of banks and other financial institutions

What could to the trick? Completion of the banking union, including clarification of the rules on fiscal risk-sharing; steps towards a capital market union Clarification of the ECB financial stability mandate, including the option of financing ESM Creation of a mechanism for an orderly sovereign debt restructuring, combined with a one-off stock operation to reduce debt burdens (Corsetti et al.) Further tightening of financial regulation Restrictions for banks sovereign exposures More capital / less leverage (maybe steps towards less money creation as proposed by Lord King) Stronger macro-prudential regulations

Why these might be doable reforms Acceptance of financial stability as a EA public good, and the associated ultima ratio risk sharing greater than of risk sharing in general Banking and financial regulation relatively more technical than political in comparison with taxes and expenditure Bail-in principle already accepted for banks, thus why not for sovereigns; legacy debt a major challenge, though

Similar argumentation Corsetti G. et al. (2016), Reinforcing the Eurozone and protecting an Open Society. Eichengreen B. and Wyplosz C. (2016), Minimal Conditions for the Survival of the Euro. Sandbu M. (2016), Europe s Orphan. The Future of the Euro and the Politics of Debt.

Thank you!

References Aizenman J. and Parisha G. (2010), On the ease of overstating the fiscal stimulus in the US, 2008-9, NBER WP 15784, Astrubali P., Sorensen B. and Yosha O. (1998), Channels of interstate risk sharing: United States 1963-90, QJE 111 (4). Corsetti G. et al. (2016), Reinforcing the Eurozone and protecting an Open Society. Monitoring the Eurozone 2. CEPR Darvas Z. (2010), Fiscal federalism in crisis: lessons for Europe from the US. Bruegel Policy Contribution 2010/7. Eichengreen B. and Wyplosz C. (2016), Minimal Conditions for the Survival of the Euro, Interconomics, 2016 (1) Rodden J. and E. Wibbels (2009), Fiscal decentralization and the business cycle: an empirical study of seven federations, Economics & Politics 22 (1). Sandbu M. (2016), Europe s Orphan. The Future of the Euro and the Politics of Debt. Princeton University Press. Spolaore E. (2015) The political economy of European integration. NBER WP 21250.