THE RELATIONSHIP OF LONELINESS AND SOCIAL ANXIETY WITH CHILDREN S AND ADOLESCENTS ONLINE COMMUNICATION Luigi Bonetti, BEdStud Principal Supervisor: Dr. Marilyn Campbell Associate Supervisor: Dr. Linda Gilmore Submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Education (Research) School of Learning and Professional Studies Faculty of Education QUEENSLAND UNIVERSITY OF TECHNOLOGY 2009
Keywords Adolescents, children, friends, Internet, loneliness, motives, online communication, relationships, social anxiety, well-being. iii
Abstract Children and adolescents are now using online communication to form and/or maintain relationships with strangers and/or friends. Relationships in real life are important for children and adolescents in identity formation and general development. However, social relationships can be difficult for those who experience feelings of loneliness and social anxiety. The current study aimed to replicate and extend research conducted by Valkenburg and Peter (2007b), by investigating differences in online communication patterns between children and adolescents with and without selfreported loneliness and social anxiety. Six hundred and twenty-six students aged 10-16 years completed a questionnaire survey about the amount of time they engaged in online communication, the topics they discussed, who they communicated with, and their purposes of online communication. Following Valkenburg and Peter (2007b), loneliness was measured with a shortened version of the UCLA Loneliness Scale (Version 3) developed by Russell (1996), whereas social anxiety was assessed with a sub-scale of the Social Anxiety Scale for Adolescents (La Greca & Lopez, 1998). The sample was divided into four groups of children and adolescents: 220 were non-socially anxious and non-lonely, 139 were socially anxious but not lonely, 107 were lonely but not socially anxious, and 159 were lonely and socially anxious. A one-way ANOVA and chi-square tests were conducted to evaluate the aforementioned differences between these groups. The results indicated that children and adolescents who reported being lonely used online communication differently from those who did not report being lonely. Essentially, the former communicated online more frequently about personal things and intimate topics, but also to compensate for their weak social skills and to meet new people. Further analyses on gender differences within lonely children and adolescents revealed that boys and girls communicated online more frequently with different partners. It was concluded that for these vulnerable individuals online communication may fulfil needs of self-disclosure, identity exploration, and social interactions. However, future longitudinal studies combining a quantitative with a qualitative approach would better address the relationship between Internet use and psychosocial well-being. The findings also suggested the need for further exploration of how such troubled children and adolescents can use the Internet beneficially. iv
Table of Contents Chapter I: Introduction... 1 Background to the Study... 1 Diffusion of Computer-Mediated Communication... 1 Computer-Mediated Communication as a Means to Form and Maintain Relationships through Self-Disclosure... 2 The Internet and Psychological Well-Being: Loneliness and Social Anxiety... 3 Statement of the Problem... 5 Purpose of the Study... 6 Research Questions... 6 Significance of the Study... 7 Outline of the Study... 7 Chapter II: Literature Review... 8 Loneliness and Social Anxiety in Children s and Adolescents Social Life... 8 Loneliness... 8 Social Anxiety... 12 Children s and Adolescents Use of Internet Communication... 16 Children s and Adolescents Online Social Life... 18 Lonely and Socially Anxious Children and Adolescents Communicate Online... 21 Research Questions... 22 Chapter III: Method... 24 Research Design... 24 Participants... 24 Measures... 26 Procedure... 34 Data Analysis... 35 Chapter IV: Results... 37 Patterns of Online Communication: General Descriptives... 37 Frequency and Duration of Online Communication... 37 Topics of Online Communication... 37 Partners of Online Communication... 39 Purposes of Online Communication... 40 Age Differences in Patterns of Online Communication... 43 Age Differences in Amount (Frequency and Duration) of Online Communication... 43 Age Differences in Topics, Partners, and Purposes of Online Communication 43 Topics.... 44 Partners.... 46 Purposes.... 47 Gender Differences in Patterns of Online Communication... 49 Gender Differences in Amount (Frequency and Duration) of Online Communication... 49 Gender Differences in Topics, Partners, and Purposes of Online Communication... 50 Topics.... 50 Partners.... 52 v
Purposes... 53 Relationships among Loneliness/Social Anxiety and Online Communication... 56 Group Differences in Amount (Frequency and Duration) of Online Communication... 56 Group Differences in Topics, Partners, and Purposes of Online Communication... 57 Topics... 58 Partners... 60 Purposes... 61 Age and Gender Differences in Amount (Frequency and Duration) of Online Communication within the Lonely But Not Socially Anxious plus the Lonely And Socially Anxious Groups... 63 Age and Gender Differences in Topics, Partners, and Purposes of Online Communication within the Lonely But Not Socially Anxious plus the Lonely And Socially Anxious Groups... 64 Topics... 64 Partners... 65 Purposes... 65 Chapter V: Discussion... 67 Age Differences in Patterns of Online Communication... 67 Gender Differences in Patterns of Online Communication... 68 The Relationship of Loneliness and Social Anxiety with Children s and Adolescents Online Communication... 70 Limitations and Future Directions... 74 Conclusion... 76 References... 79 Appendix A... 93 vi
List of Tables Table 1. Demographic Characteristics of Participants... 25 Table 2. Parents Socio-Economic Status... 27 Table 3. List of Topics of Online Communication... 28 Table 4. List of Partners of Online Communication... 30 Table 5. List of the Five Motive Scales Including Purposes of Online Communication... 31 Table 6. Percentages of Respondents who Answered that they Never, Sometimes or Often Communicated Online about each of the Listed Topics... 38 Table 7. Percentages of Respondents who Answered that they Never, Sometimes or Often Communicated Online with each of the Listed Partners... 40 Table 8. Percentages of Respondents who Answered that they Never, Sometimes or Often Communicated Online for each of the Listed Purposes Included in Five Motive Scales... 41 Table 9. Chi-Square Tests for Statistical Differences across Age in terms of Online Communication Topics... 44 Table 10. Chi-Square Tests for Statistical Differences across Age in terms of Online Communication Partners... 46 Table 11. Chi-Square Tests for Statistical Differences across Age in terms of Online Communication Purposes Included in Five Motive Scales... 47 Table 12. Chi-Square Tests for Statistical Differences across Gender in terms of Online Communication Topics... 51 Table 13. Chi-Square Tests for Statistical Differences across Gender in terms of Online Communication Partners... 53 Table 14. Chi-Square Tests for Statistical Differences across Gender in terms of Online Communication Purposes Included in Five Motive Scales... 54 Table 15. 95% Confidence Intervals of Pairwise Differences in Mean Amount of Online Communication... 57 Table 16. Chi-Square Tests for Statistical Differences across Loneliness/Social Anxiety in terms of Online Communication Topics... 58 Table 17. Chi-Square Tests for Statistical Differences across Loneliness/Social Anxiety in terms of Online Communication Partners... 60 Table 18. Chi-Square Tests for Statistical Differences across Loneliness/Social Anxiety in terms of Online Communication Purposes Included in Five Motive Scales... 61 Table 19. Summary of Multiple Linear Regression Analysis for Variables Predicting Amount of Online Communication (n = 266)... 64 List of Figures Figure 1. Distribution of Scores for Amount of Online Communication (age)... 43 Figure 2. Distribution of Scores for Amount of Online Communication (gender)... 50 vii
Statement of Original Authorship The work contained in this thesis has not been previously submitted to meet requirements for an award at this or any other higher education institution. To the best of my knowledge and belief, the thesis contains no material previously published or written by another person except where due reference is made. Signature: Date: viii
Acknowledgements Many special thanks to my Australian supervisors, Dr. Marilyn Campbell and Dr. Linda Gilmore, who spent an enormous amount of time reading and editing this thesis. Not only am I very grateful to them for their mentorship on this project, but also for our friendly relationship, at times crazy and funny, throughout my journey as a research student. More importantly, they set an example for me to be a rigorous and autonomous scholar, by always challenging me on my ways of thinking; they definitely taught me to never give up whenever I struggled with lack of selfconfidence! Needless to say, I extremely appreciate the help and encouragement I received from other people as well. First and foremost, I am indebted to my family and thankful to my Italian supervisors, who in 2007 all gave me the opportunity to conduct my first research abroad and to pick this wonderful country (Australia) in order to continue my education. But I will never forget either how amazing my partner and best friend Trina plus my statistical advisor Ray were at providing me with their moral, editorial, and statistical support. Last but not least, I would also like to acknowledge all my colleagues at QUT who I shared an office and many jokes with (Lutz, Uke, Elham, Janet, and Cappy), as well as Jan, David, and Mark for their extra feedback. All these people therefore deserve exceptional recognition for their invaluable contributions to this thesis but perhaps above all for their patience in tolerating me for either longer or shorter periods of time! ix
Chapter I: Introduction Background to the Study Diffusion of Computer-Mediated Communication Computers offer a wide range of informational, entertainment, and communicative services (Pornsakulvanich, 2005). The focus of this study, regarding these devices, is on computer-mediated communication (CMC), which Walther (1992) defined as synchronous and asynchronous electronic mail and computer conferencing by which senders encode in text messages that are relayed from senders computers to receivers (p. 52). CMC technologies have widely developed their functions since the early nineties and are now frequently used by individuals and work places (Pornsakulvanich, 2005). In modern society computer-mediated communication is increasingly common among children and adolescents (Green et al., 2005). E-mail usage has steadily decreased among them over the past few years, with texting, Instant Messaging (IM), and the current social networking sites now being preferred mediums for communication, as they facilitate more instantaneous contact with friends (Lenhart, Madden, Rankin Macgill, & Smith, 2007). Lenhart and Madden (2007) highlighted in their study that 55% (N = 935) of American children and adolescents aged between 12- and 17-years reported using online social networking sites to communicate with people. Similarly, Livingstone and Bober (2005) in a national survey conducted in the United Kingdom found that 55% (N = 1,511) of children and adolescents aged between 9-19-years sent instant messages. This research concluded that while the conversational content was often mundane, participants reported that they valued highly constant contact with friends but were generally wary about talking to strangers online. Although they reported that talking to people online was less satisfying than talking to people in real life, they noted that the advantages of online communication were privacy, confidentiality, and intimacy. In Canada, children and adolescents reported that their most memorable Internet experiences involved connecting with friends and making new friends (ERIN Research Inc., 2003). In a representative Israeli sample of individuals aged 12-18 (N = 980), Mesch and Talmud (2007) found that the social bond was stronger 1
as a function of how similar an online friend was in terms of their gender and residence. In some Asian cultures such as in Hong Kong or Taiwan, adolescents and young adults spend much of their spare time on ICQ, an Internet tool that facilitates the exchange of instant messages between friends (Leung, 2002). In Singapore, a study found that 16% (N = 1,124) of Internet users aged from 12- to 17-years engaged in a face-to-face meeting with someone whom they first encountered online (Liau, Khoo, & Ang, 2005). Recent studies have shown that children and adolescents who make new friends online sometimes allow these relationships to move to face-to-face meetings and then to become increasingly closer (Mesch & Talmud, 2007). These friendships are referred to as mixed-mode friendships (Walther & Parks, 2002). Even when one does not meet others offline, the Internet may be used as a medium to expand their social skills set, allowing them to keep in close contact with others (Stevens, 2006). Thus, evidence shows that in various countries, the Internet is a major part of children s and adolescents everyday lives, particularly as a medium for the formation and/or maintenance of their social relationships (Haythornthwaite & Wellman, 2002; Wolak, Mitchell, & Finkelhor, 2003). Computer-Mediated Communication as a Means to Form and Maintain Relationships through Self-Disclosure Essentially, people have basic interpersonal needs to be included and loved, but also to belong and have relationships (Pornsakulvanich, 2005). Therefore, maintaining at least a minimum quantity of lasting, positive, and significant relationships is a fundamental human motivation for engaging in social interactions (Baumeister & Leary, 1995). It is through communication and interaction with others that the interpersonal needs for inclusion, affection, approval and control are fulfilled (Kaplan, Cassel, & Gore, 1977; Schutz, 1966). Forming new relationships and exploring new ideas or roles are in particular two crucial developmental tasks for children and adolescents (Erikson, 1963; Harter, 1999; Schaffer, 1996). However, an important determinant of one s ability to form and maintain quality close relationships is their ability to intimately self-disclose (Knapp & Vangelisti, 2000). Sharing of personal information is influenced by the breadth (content areas) and depth (intimacy level) of communications (Altman & Taylor, 2
1973; Leung, 2002). In order for intimate self-disclosure to take place, generally relationship partners must like and trust one another. Several studies have demonstrated that online communication promotes intimate self-disclosure (Joinson, 2001; Tidwell & Walther, 2002). For some people, the relative anonymity of the Internet greatly aids safe self-disclosure and expression of one s inner or true self (McKenna, Green, & Gleason, 2002). The Internet allows a person to control information communicated to others (Peter & Valkenburg, 2006); also, people on the Internet can choose to be invisible in terms of physical appearance and hence they may even give false information (McKenna & Bargh, 2000; Peter & Valkenburg, 2006). Therefore, in online attraction what is important is one s perception of the other person (Levine, 2000), and an impression of someone else can only be formed through the information that a person chooses to impart (Bonebrake, 2002). However, Pornsakulvanich, (2005) argues that the negation of physical proximity online offers opportunities for people to get in touch with others in ways that may not be achieved in face-to-face interactions. In addition, socially interactive technologies provide people with a means to alter and experiment with their identities by disguising their real self (Gross, 2004; Leung, 2003; Subrahmanyam, Greenfield, & Tynes, 2004; Turkle, 1995; Valkenburg & Peter, 2008). Erikson (1959) believed that the major psychosocial task faced during childhood and adolescence was for individuals to develop stable and consistent gender, sexual, moral, political, and religious identities. These identities initially vary across relational contexts, such as within the family, school or peer group, but ultimately should move towards transformation into an integrated self (Marcia, 1993). The fact that children and adolescents engage in online social interactions provides opportunities for interesting research on the impact of the Internet on their personality, and the implications for their self and identity formation (McKenna & Bargh, 2000). The Internet and Psychological Well-Being: Loneliness and Social Anxiety The introduction of the Internet has given rise to a debate on whether online communication impacts positively or negatively on social adjustment and psychological well-being (Engelberg & Sjöberg, 2004). Subjective well-being, whose assessments include both cognitive and affective components, refers to how people experience their lives in regard to dimensions of life satisfaction and positive 3
emotions (Diener, Suh, & Oishi, 1997). Two conditions, however, affect a person s well-being being associated with negative emotions: these are loneliness and social anxiety. Valkenburg and Peter (2007b) reviewed the research on Internet communication from its early history to recent times. To explain with whom and how children and adolescents go online, they first introduced two contrasting hypotheses called reduction and stimulation of the closeness to friends. Previous research seems to favour the reduction hypothesis. Children and adolescents use the Internet mainly to communicate with strangers. This reduces the quality of their existing friendships and social involvement (Locke, 1998). If Internet use is excessive and lessens the amount of time that could be spent communicating face-toface with friends or family members (Nie & Erbring, 2000), it impacts on people s general well-being and results in higher rates of loneliness, as documented in a frequently cited study by Kraut et al. (1998). Recently, however, Valkenburg and Peter (2007b) identified findings more consistent with the stimulation hypothesis. That is, children and adolescents communicate online with existing friends to consciously influence their peer networks (Bryant, Sanders-Jackson, & Smallwood, 2006). This hypothesis goes on to suggest that the Internet has become a handy method of communication that fosters social support, without, in theory, reducing the quality of well-being (Katz & Rice, 2002). This gives rise to the basis for the current thesis. Does Internet use increase loneliness, or are lonely individuals more likely than non-lonely individuals to be drawn to the Internet? The direction of causality underlying this relationship is uncertain (Kraut, Kiesler, Boneva, & Shklovski, 2006; Morahan-Martin & Schumacher, 2003). Indeed, neither the reduction nor the stimulation hypothesis takes into account the antecedents of online communication, which are still expressed by two other opposing hypotheses identifying the types of children and adolescents that are most likely to be attracted to the Internet (Valkenburg & Peter, 2007b). Some studies support a social compensation hypothesis, that is, lonely individuals turn to online communication because they have difficulty developing friendships in their real lives (Amichai-Hamburger & Ben-Artzi, 2003; Amichai-Hamburger, Wainapel, & Fox, 2002; Valkenburg & Peter, 2007b). This hypothesis argues that contrasting features of online communication may assist children and adolescents to overcome their 4
innate shyness and inhibitions which typically hinder their experiences in face-toface interactions, resulting in online relationships appearing more attainable (McKenna et al., 2002). Other studies support a rich-get-richer hypothesis, which asserts that non-lonely individuals turn to online communication and use the Internet as just another venue where they can practise their already strong social skills to get in touch with peers (Kraut et al., 2002; Wästlund, Norlander, & Archer, 2001; Weiser, 2001). The social compensation and the rich-get-richer hypotheses also apply to socially anxious and non-socially anxious individuals. The former it is argued as using online communication as a means to meeting basic needs for belonging and intimacy (Baumeister & Leary, 1995; McKenna & Bargh, 2000). The latter also communicate online but, unlike socially anxious individuals, they have little need to express their true selves (McKenna et al., 2002). In summary, some people have social and psychological conditions that may affect ways and reasons why they use the Internet to fulfil their needs (Katz, Blumler, & Gurevitch, 1974). Theories that were developed in the second half of the nineties assumed that loneliness and/or social anxiety determined the frequency and nature of social interaction on the Web (Valkenburg & Peter, 2007c). Later, these personality variables were recognized as possible predictors of children s and adolescents likelihood to utilise online communication (Gross, Juvonen, & Gable, 2002; Kraut et al., 2002). Statement of the Problem Research over the past decade has investigated people s use of Internet communication for social purposes; however, these studies have neglected to examine the influence of loneliness and social anxiety on the usage of computermediated communication (Pornsakulvanich, 2005). Moreover, the social compensation and the rich-get-richer hypotheses are inadequate at explaining how particular individuals communicate online to maintain and/or to form friendships. Indeed, such hypotheses do not take into consideration the fact that people may vary in their motives for using the Internet, which are relevant in describing its psychosocial consequences (Peter, Valkenburg, & Schouten, 2005; Ruggiero, 2000). Research to date has therefore provided inconclusive findings regarding the 5
relationship between Internet use and well-being. Valkenburg and Peter (2007a) suggested that this is because such a relationship has been investigated in a linear way based on a simple main effects model (Valkenburg & Peter, 2007b). Boase and Wellman (2006) refuted this theoretical framework, in which the features and content of computer-mediated communication are believed to affect children s and adolescents attitudes, thoughts, and behaviours (Klapper, 1960), and pointed to the fact that CMC has no direct effect on psychosocial development. The present study argues that the amount, topics, partners, and purposes of online communication are formed patterns that provide underlying mechanisms of its uses and effects; as such, these mechanisms need to be identified and examined (Gross et al., 2002; Valkenburg & Peter, 2007b). Purpose of the Study Building on the work of Valkenburg and Peter (2007b), this study explored how much, about what, with whom, and why participants with self-reported loneliness and/or social anxiety used the Internet for social communication as compared with participants who did not report significant loneliness and/or social anxiety. In Australia, Donchi and Moore (2004) and Mazalin and Moore (2004) have examined the relationship between Internet use and well-being, but these authors sampled mainly young adults. The current research, instead, targeted 626 children and adolescents aged 10-16 years-old. Research Questions Given what is identified as the purpose of the study, the following related research questions were addressed: 1: Are there age differences in children s and adolescents use of online communication? 2: Are there gender differences in children s and adolescents use of online communication? 3: Are there differences in patterns of online communication for lonely and/or socially anxious children and adolescents? 6
Significance of the Study Clarification of differing online communication use between children and adolescents with self-reported high levels of loneliness and/or social anxiety and those with low scores may lead to improved understanding of the role that the Internet plays in the pursuit of either social support or escape among children and adolescents with these symptoms (Stroschein, 2006). During childhood and especially in adolescence, forming and maintaining close relationships is a core task in the process of identity experimentation and establishment (Kagan & Gall, 1998; Newcomb & Bagwell, 1995). For those individuals who experience loneliness and/or social anxiety, these routine stages that all individuals must traverse can be particularly distressing and anxiety provoking (Altman, 2000). Social skills are vital to one s ability to communicate and to form close relationships with others. If children and adolescents do not learn appropriate social behaviours, this may have a profound impact on their ability to function in life across familial, social, school, and work domains (Altman, 2000). Outline of the Study Chapter 1 presents an overview of the study. Next, Chapter 2 contains a discussion of the literature on loneliness and social anxiety among children and adolescents both in their offline and online settings, with particular attention to Internet communication. Chapter 3 presents the methodology implemented for data collection and data analysis used in the study. This includes descriptions of the sample, measures, procedure, research questions, and statistical analyses used in the study. Chapter 4 reports on the findings of the study, which includes a summary of preliminary analyses and significant results for each research question. Finally, Chapter 5 includes a discussion of the findings of the study followed by a description of the limitations, implications and recommendations for future research. 7
Chapter II: Literature Review Loneliness and Social Anxiety in Children s and Adolescents Social Life Loneliness Children as young as five or six years old have a basic understanding of loneliness (Asher & Paquette, 2003). Kindergarten and first-grade children in a study by Cassidy and Asher (1992) responded to a series of questions regarding their concepts of loneliness, including where it comes from and what one might do to overcome this feeling. The researchers found that for children loneliness involves a combination of isolation and a depressed affect. Children may experience loneliness at times such as when there is nobody to play with; hence, they are able to associate these feelings with a need to find a friend. This research was groundbreaking as previously researchers believed that children were incapable of experiencing the phenomenon of loneliness. Sullivan (1953), for example, argued that children cannot experience true loneliness until they reach early adolescence, as it is during this period that a need for intimacy arises (Buhrmester & Furman, 1987). According to Brennan (1982), adolescence is the time of life when loneliness first emerges as an intense recognisable phenomenon (p. 269). Researchers have typically measured loneliness in childhood using sociometric instruments that have been usually administered in the school environment (Larson, 1999), because it is easier to assess their peer world in this context. The majority of research on children s loneliness has focused on aspects of their peer relationships and factors that lead to loneliness. A flaw in these early studies was that they objectified social contact without considering children s subjective experiences of loneliness such as their social relationships (Qualter & Munn, 2002). One of the main aspects of peer adjustment relates to whether one is accepted as opposed to rejected by peers (Asher & Gazelle, 1999; Asher & Paquette, 2003; Boivin & Hymel, 1997; Pedersen, Vitaro, Barker, & Borge, 2007). Children who are poorly accepted by their peers self-report experiencing higher levels of loneliness, and feel more rejected over time than those who feel accepted (Boivin, Hymel, & Bukowski, 1995). Experiencing rejection, indeed, increases the likelihood that one 8
will be the recipient of negative behaviour from others including peer victimisation (Dodge & Frame, 1982). Being poorly treated, in turn, is more likely to contribute to a child s negative representation of peers (Cassidy & Berlin, 1999). Additionally, those who report having no friends are more likely to experience loneliness than those with friends (Parker & Asher, 1993; Renshaw & Brown, 1993). An important determinant of loneliness in children and adolescents is whether their friendships are mutually valued, meaningful and lasting. Parker and Seal (1996) found that children who frequently made new friends, but who did not maintain these relationships, derived less benefit from these friendships in terms of being protected from feelings of loneliness. Indeed, friendships can be differentiated in terms of whether they are of a high or low quality; consequently, loneliness may result when one experiences low quality friendships which may be characterised by limited companionship; lack of emotional support, affection and loyalty; one or both members feeling devalued and worthless in the relationship; or having limited scope for recreation. (Asher & Gazelle, 1999; Hymel, Tarulli, Hayden Thomson, & Terrell- Deutsch, 1999). However, the quality of friendship contributes to loneliness independently of the contribution of peer acceptance, because research indicates that poorly accepted children may still have friends, whilst well accepted children may nonetheless lack friends (Parker, Saxon, Asher, & Kovacs, 1999). One s potential for loneliness has been demonstrated to be correlated with their relative level of peer competence. Those with low peer competence have been shown to be at a greater risk than those who are more competent. Another factor which has been shown to have an impact is whether the individual who is low in peer competence is aware of their deficit (Asher, Hymel, & Renshaw, 1984). Peer victimisation also plays a crucial part as a determinant of loneliness. It may range from verbal teasing which has the intention of being harmful through to more extreme forms such as physical aggression and bullying in school (Asher & Gazelle, 1999). Children who are accepted by peers and have friends are better protected from victimisation (Boivin & Hymel, 1997; Hodges, Malone, & Perry, 1997). Those who lack peer acceptance and friendships are more susceptible to peer victimisation, which has been hypothesized to destabilise children s core feelings of trust, security, and safety (Slee, 1993). In turn, feelings of mistrust or fearfulness toward peers may cause victimised children to further isolate themselves and increase their feelings of alienation (Burgess, Ladd, Kochenderfer, Lambert, & 9
Birch, 1999). Moreover, these victimised and lonely children have been found to be more disconnected resulting in their being more anxious, insecure, and unappreciative of school than non-victimised peers (Kochenderfer & Ladd, 1996; Olweus, 1993). Rejection among peers, a lack of close friends, and peer victimisation are among the best predictors of one s potential for negative self-views (Boivin, Poulin, & Vitaro, 1994; Hartup, 1996; Rubin, Bukowski, & Parker, 1998). From middle to late childhood, loneliness appears to be an indicator of internalising emotional problems and negative self-perceptions such as anxiety, shyness, depression, or low self-esteem (Boivin et al., 1994; Crick & Ladd, 1993). Research has also provided evidence that children who experience peer relations problems and have low peer social status are more likely to have a language impairment, suggesting that loneliness and deficits in communicative competence among children may be related (Asher & Gazelle, 1999). In the period between adolescence and adulthood, loneliness becomes increasingly associated with social anxiety, depression, and other mental health issues that may be externalised through problem behaviours such as dropping out of school, alcoholism, drug usage, aggression, delinquency, obesity and sometimes even suicide (Goossens & Marcoen, 1999; Pedersen et al., 2007). During adolescence, the individual s social world undergoes an important restructuring, and a sense of identity emerges (Harter, 1999; Perlman, 1988). In this stage, parents become less important whilst peers become more influential, particularly opposite sex peers (Larson, 1999). Social relationships, therefore, start to expand outside of the individual s family unit (Giordano, 2003), so being included and accepted by peers is of vital importance in the development of one s identity (Erikson, 1963; Rokach & Neto, 2000). Early adolescence in particular is a time of experimentation with one s role-taking abilities, self-consciousness, and exploration of one s social value and self-presentation (Parkhurst & Hopmeyer, 1999). As a result of these changes, the early adolescent s interpersonal self is typically disrupted as long as he/she has not reached a state of stabilisation in his or her relationships (Goossens & Marcoen, 1999). During this period, self-evaluative emotions including shame and humiliation can be expected to increase, leading to feelings of loneliness (Parkhurst & Hopmeyer, 1999). These teenage years do not just heighten the feeling of alienation from peers; they can make individuals feel like they have failed at 10
successfully meeting the task of being socially connected (Larson, 1999). In conclusion, loneliness in adolescence may result from struggles with both interpersonal and intrapersonal issues, which reflect an interaction between the self and the broader social domain. As adolescents struggle to reconcile the beliefs and values of peers and parents with their own values and beliefs, they may experience feelings of loneliness (Sippola & Bukowski, 1999). Larson (1999) argues that as children enter adolescence, they actively choose contexts that may lead to greater loneliness and as a result may spend increased amounts of time alone at home. In the middle childhood years a tendency to engage in solitary play is correlated with social isolation and depressive symptoms; therefore, loneliness remains markedly associated with solitude (Hay, Payne, & Chadwick, 2004). Older children, particularly early adolescents, are able to differentiate between loneliness on the one hand and solitude (or aloneness) on the other, with solitude being seen as a voluntary state (Goossens & Marcoen, 1999). However, whether solitude is selected by an individual or not, it is important to determine whether their aloneness is due to their disposition or due to peer exclusion (Gazelle & Ladd, 2003). Larson (1997) also found that for adolescents, solitude can have an adaptive and positive effect on one s emotional state, with those who spend an intermediate amount of their time alone being better adjusted than those who spend little or a great deal of time alone. Research suggests that this is because adolescence is also a time characterised by a rising need for self-reflection (Goossens & Marcoen, 1999). Loneliness can be viewed as the inevitable consequence of forming connections and attachments to people, and thus should not be viewed in itself as pathological (Asher & Gazelle, 1999). Loneliness can be considered a chronic condition when children and adolescents lack quality relationships over a long period of time, whereas it is considered normal for them to experience situational or transient loneliness from time to time, when they lose someone close to them or lack a friend to play with (Asher & Paquette, 2003; Beck & Young, 1978). One last consideration that is noted in the literature relates to parents affective states and behaviour that affect their children s experiencing of loneliness. Rotenberg (1999) reviews five major theories and hypotheses regarding parental antecedents of children s and adolescents loneliness. One of these is the attachment theory. Berlin, Cassidy, and Belsky (1995) argued that children who reported the 11
most profound sense of loneliness in early childhood also formed an insecureavoidant attachment during infancy. Andersson (1990) on the other hand asserted that parental intrusion was more likely to foster narcissism in children which may in turn enhance their propensity for being lonely. Intergenerational factors which relate to children s likelihood of experiencing loneliness have also been identified. Low warmth and lack of positive involvement by parents with their children, as well as a controlling interaction style shown by mothers and fathers, may cause children and adolescents to experience greater degrees of loneliness (McDowell, Parke, & Wang, 2003). Additionally, it is purported that the more parents positively encourage and promote children s peer relationships, the less likely children are to experience feelings of loneliness (Rotenberg, 1999). Thus, as parents are a key agent of socialization especially in childhood (Shaffer, 2002), it is important for them to teach their children to be able to resolve problems occurring in peer interactions; otherwise their children may develop feelings of loneliness (Hay et al., 2004). Furthermore, factors which may result in the onset of loneliness in children and adolescents may be attributable to familial conflict and stress in the home context, parental separation and/or divorce, or even grief and loss associated with the death of a family member (Jones, 1992). Social Anxiety Loneliness can also be associated with social anxiety (Rao et al., 2007). Social anxiety is also known as social phobia and is a disorder characterised by a strong fear of humiliation, embarrassment, and a perception that one may be negatively evaluated by others in social situations (American Psychiatric Association, 1994). This often results in socially anxious individuals withdrawing from what they perceive as frightening and hence anxiety-provoking situations. This fear of social situations may then generalise to other forms of interpersonal contact (Kashdan & Herbert, 2001). The reason for such behaviour is that the socially anxious individual is typically afraid of failure if he/she feels exposed to unfamiliar people or to possible scrutiny by others (Velting & Albano, 2001). Expectation of negative evaluation has been negatively associated with low self-worth and to a lack of peer acceptance (La Greca & Stone, 1993), as well as to more frequent negative peer interactions and increased deficits in assertiveness and responsibility (Ginsburg, La Greca, & Silverman, 1998). 12
Social anxiety can lead to significant distress and impairments in social, academic, and family functioning (Kashdan & Herbert, 2001). Beidel, Turner, and Morris (1999) reported that individuals in middle childhood through early adolescence who were found to be socially anxious suffered substantial emotional distress and impairment in many routine, daily situations. They had few if any friends, were extremely lonely, and may have felt depressed as well. They also experienced increased somatic complaints such as headaches and stomach aches. Most notably, children and adolescents who are socially anxious exhibit significantly poorer social skills than those who are socially well adjusted. Spence, Donovan and Brechman-Toussaint (1999) found that socially phobic children not only performed less competently on social skills than their non-socially anxious peers, but also tended to anticipate negative outcomes from social-evaluative tasks and showed a higher level of negative cognitions in relation to these. However, these socially phobic children may have focused on and exaggerated those aspects of their performance that would be most likely to elicit criticism or derision from others, rather than focusing on their global performance or the more positive features. Rapee and Heimberg (1997), indeed, argue that such negative expectancies and selfevaluations may not accurately reflect appraisals of reality, suggesting that the social phobic s view of himself or herself may be distorted. Children and adolescents who have experienced elevated levels of peer victimisation have been found to report higher levels of social phobia as well (Crick & Bigbee, 1998; Crick & Grotpeter, 1996). Two types of peer victimisation have been studied: overt victimisation, which involves, for example, hitting or threatening to attack others (Storch & Masia-Warner, 2004); and relational victimisation, which is more covert and involves one hurting others through manipulation or damage to their interpersonal relationships (Crick & Grotpeter, 1996). Repeated exposure to peer harassment may lead children and adolescents to avoid anxiety provoking social interactions or to endure them with substantial distress (Storch, 2003). Negative feedback from these situations may consequently hamper victimised individuals potential for exposure to constructive peer relationships, thus further impeding their ability to develop more appropriate social skills and self-esteem (Storch & Masia- Warner, 2004). However, Storch (2003) describes how the causal nature of the relationship between peer victimisation and social anxiety is unclear. Other models argue for a bi-directional relationship, by positing for example that socially anxious 13
children and adolescents espouse signs of vulnerability that invite peer victimisation (Crick & Bigbee, 1998). The typical manifestations of social anxiety differ as a function of age. Indicators such as crying and tantrums may be examples of this disorder during childhood (Spence, Donovan, & Brechman-Toussaint, 2000). Children can also present with less obvious symptoms such as freezing (Albano, 1995), inflexible and rigid temperamental styles such as obsessive-compulsive disorders (Beidel, 1991), somatic complaints (Faust & Forehand, 1994), and concerns of being looked at or talked about by strangers (Abe & Suzuki, 1986). Hofmann et al. (1999) found that adolescents who are socially anxious are typically afraid of informal social interactions such as attending parties or after school activities. Fear may also be invoked through public observation, circumstances requiring assertiveness, and formal situations in which they have to speak to an authority figure or perform in front of an audience. Initiating or joining conversations, as well as writing or eating, may pose difficulties for these adolescents (Storch, 2003; Velting & Albano, 2001). They are more prone than children to externalise their problems through fighting, antisocial behaviour, and substance abuse (Clark et al., 1995; Davidson, Hughes, George, & Blazer, 1993; DeWit, MacDonald, & Offord, 1999). They are also at a higher risk for truancy and academic failure (Wittchen, Stein, & Kessler, 1999). Beidel et al. (2007) found that compared to non-socially phobic adolescents, those who are socially anxious experienced higher levels of depression, loneliness and introversion, as well as significant patterns of social avoidance and deficits in social skills. Further, they are more likely to report suicidal ideations (Francis, Last, & Strauss, 1992) or excessive self-focused attention (Albano, DiBartolo, Heimberg, & Barlow, 1995). Velting and Albano (2001) reviewed several areas of research related to the phenomenon of social phobia in children and adolescents. For example, familial genetic predisposition and environmental influences including parenting style cumulatively have a moderate but complex affect on the development of this phenomenon (Spence et al., 2000; Velting & Albano, 2001). It has been found that parents of children and adolescents who are socially anxious are also more likely to meet criteria for an anxiety disorder themselves compared to parents of non-socially anxious offspring (Last, Hersen, Kazdin, Francis, & Grubb, 1987). Velting and Albano (2001) believe that parental anxiety is, at the very least, a significant 14
maintaining factor in children s social phobia. It is assumed that this is due to their anxious parents adopting an over-controlling, over-protective, and over-critical approach towards their children which they justify through their negatively skewed view of the world (Dadds, Barrett, Rapee, & Ryan, 1996; Messer & Beidel, 1994). As a result, they are more likely to demoralize their children with regards to the acquisition of social skills for solving problems, and encourage them instead to keep the threatening aspects of life in mind, hence avoiding that which is perceived as threatening (Spence et al., 2000). Conversely, it is highly probable that socially anxious children or adolescents perceive their parents as contributing to their social isolation and being overly restrictive of them. They are also more likely to believe that their parents are ashamed of their shyness and poor performance (Caster, Inderbitzen, & Hope, 1999; Messer & Beidel, 1994). Spence et al. (2000) believe that social anxiety is not likely to be a temporary condition; instead it is expected to be a long-term problem for those with the disorder. Furthermore, socially anxious children and adolescents do not generally exhibit behaviours that typically concern their parents enough for them to seek help (Beidel et al., 1999). Socially anxious individuals become so fixated on what others might think of them that they tend to make themselves invisible, not wanting to stand out or be different in case someone might notice them (Kashdan & Herbert, 2001). This can lead to their being neglected at school and further intensify their anxieties (Kashdan & Herbert, 2001). Excessive social anxiety may interfere with their normal process of peer socialisation and play a key role in their decreased social support and impaired social functioning (Inderbitzen, Walters, & Bukowski, 1997). Above all, social anxiety places children and adolescents at risk for long-term problems with education, social relationships, and employment. It also inhibits their ability to function independently as adults, as well as increasing the risk of suffering from depression (Velting & Albano, 2001). Therefore, some form of intervention either through psychopharmacology or psychotherapy is required to treat childhood and adolescent social anxiety (Kashdan & Herbert, 2001). Furthermore, Spence et al. (2000) provide parents with suggestions for being involved in cognitive-behaviour therapy for children s and adolescents social phobia, as clearly parents have been shown to play a crucial role in the development and maintenance of this disorder. Teaching parents to model, prompt, and positively reinforce newly acquired social 15
skills regularly in real life situations is likely to increase the generalisation of their children s behaviour changes across contexts. In conclusion, the family and peer groups are important for the development of children s and adolescents identity and the pursuit of self-discovery and independence (Kagan & Gall, 1998). Children and adolescents during these stages have to learn how to cooperate with peers, assume and reconcile different perspectives and satisfy rising needs for intimacy and belonging (Crosnoe, 2000). Forming and maintaining strong interpersonal bonds with friends is of vital importance for their cognitive, emotional, social development and health (Newcomb & Bagwell, 1995). According to Hartup and Stevens (1997), individuals who have friends are more likely to have increased confidence, be more altruistic, be less aggressive, are more engaged and connected at school and in their orientation towards work than those who do not report having friends. In addition, individuals who have more supportive friends have been shown to report higher self-esteem and be at a significantly reduced risk for depression than those whose friends are less supportive (Beraman & Moody, 2004). Nonetheless, peer relationships can be unsatisfactory and potentially damaging for those children and adolescents who are vulnerable and at higher risk for peer victimisation (Hay et al., 2004). Their lives can be plagued by loneliness and/or social anxiety, which may result in their seeking excitement, intimacy, and friendship from using the Internet (Leung, 2003). Children s and Adolescents Use of Internet Communication The Internet has a profound influence on today s children and adolescents in general, especially on how they respond to interactions in their social life. They use this technology in many different ways and for various purposes, including entertainment and information retrieval (Kraut et al., 1998; Mesch, 2001). Notably, at present usage of the Internet for educational purposes (Wynne & Mai, 2002) pales in comparison to its utilisation as a tool for interpersonal communication and socialising (Kraut et al., 2002; Wolak et al., 2003). Valkenburg and Peter (2007b) define online communication in terms of frequency, intensity and rate with which children and adolescents interact socially via Instant Messaging or chat. Frequency and duration are common quantitative measures of direct online experiences of 16
Internet use, including online communication (Yan, 2006). As social networks are being co-constructed online, such environments are redefining the use of computers for communication and networking purposes (Bryant et al., 2006; Greenfield & Yan, 2006). Tapscott (1998) suggested that children and adolescents can become more actively involved when communicating via the Internet and can develop a new language and a new set of values. He argued that all the elements of the front stage, including physical appearance, manner of speaking, and usage of various props, on the Internet must be therefore totally constructed by the participants (Brignall & Van Valey, 2005). Tapscott (1998) classifies those born between 1977 and 1997 as a new generation called The Net-Generation. These Net-Geners are characterised as consumers who are accepting of diversity, are curious, assertive, and self-reliant (Leung, 2003). They on average spend more time on the Internet than earlier generations (Lenhart, Madden, & Hitlin, 2005), because they utilise this means of communication to a greater extent in their social lives (Madden & Rainie, 2003). This generation is more comfortable with computers than their parents due to their exposure to this technology having grown up in the Digital Age (Leung, 2003). Children and adolescents have also adopted text-mediated communication by mobile phone relatively quickly because it is more convenient, of low expense, and faster than classical technologies (Bryant et al., 2006). Moreover, it can be accessed at any time without the need for a computer allowing the user to be constantly available for communication. By talking at non-traditional times, these technologies become more within their financial reach (Lenhart et al., 2005), enabling a synchronous as opposed to an asynchronous (Walther, 1996) form of communication such as e-mail. Instant Messaging allows users to be informed when friends are online and thus to chat with them in real-time through text windows that appear on the screens of the two parties involved (Gross et al., 2002). In this way children and adolescents engage in unlimited real-time, private, dyadic chatting (Gross, 2004). Within the conversational space provided in chat rooms several topics can be discussed in parallel by groups of people that may partly overlap. This allows individuals to contribute to several conversations at the same time, or undertake relatively short conversations (Greenfield & Subrahmanyam, 2003; Herring, 1999). Through the use of Multi-User Domains (MUDs), children and adolescents are able to play virtual 17