Teaching a Fraudulent History of the Revolution During the Kadar Dictatorship

Teaching a Fraudulent History of the Revolution During the Kadar Dictatorship Karoly Nagy Errors of omission and distortion mar American history textbooks... Why should children believe what they learn in American history, if their textbooks are full of distortions and lies?... James W. Loewen. Lies My Teacher Told Me, Everything Your American History Textbook Got Wrong (New York: The New Press, 1995). One of the most dramatic moments of the 1956 Hungarian Revolution was a short statement broadcast on October 30, 2:06 PM by the Budapest Radio Kossuth, by that Radio's new Revolutionary Committee, parts of which said the following: Dear listeners, we are beginning a new chapter in the history of the Hungarian Radio. For many years the radio has been an instrument of lies: it merely carried out orders. It lied day and night; it lied on all wavelengths. Not even at the hour of our country's rebirth did it cease its campaign of lies. But the struggle which... brought national freedom also freed our Radio. Those who spoke those lies are no longer among the staff of the Hungarian Radio, which can henceforth rightfully bear the name of Kossuth and Petofi. We who are now at the microphone are new men. We shall tell the truth, the whole truth and nothing but the truth. 1 Truth was an effect, just as the elemental need of truth was a cause of the Revolution. As an eighteen-year-old Hungarian revolutionary student told the United Nation's Special Committee in 1957: We wanted freedom and not a good comfortable life... Even though we might lack bread and other necessities of life, we wanted freedom. We, the young people were particularly hampered because we were brought up amidst lies. We contin-

ually had to lie. We could not have a healthy idea, because everything was choked in us. We wanted freedom of thought. The Committee's Report noted: "This young student's words expressed as concisely as any the ideal which made possible a great uprising". 2 After completing its fact-finding hearings and investigations, the U.N. Special Committee concluded, among other things the following, regarding what they called "the essential facts" about the 1956 Hungarian Revolution: What took place in Hungary [in October and November, 1956] was a spontaneous national uprising, caused by longstanding grievances... Soviet pressure was resented... The government was maintained by the weapon of terror, wielded by the AVH or political police... The demonstrations on 23 October were at first entirely peaceable. None of the demonstrators carried arms. The demonstration turned into armed uprising when the AVH opened fire on the people outside the radio building. Within a few hours, Soviet tanks were in action against the Hungarians. This... had the effect of still further uniting the people... From start to finish, the uprising was led by students, workers, soldiers and intellectuals... The majority of political demands put forward during the revolution included a stipulation that democratic socialism should be the basis of the Hungarian political structure... The few days of freedom enjoyed by the Hungarian people provided abundant evidence of the popular nature of the uprising. A free press and radio came to life all over Hungary, and the disbanding of the AVH was the signal for general rejoicing, which revealed the degree of unity achieved by the people once the burden of fear had been lifted from them... Hungarian resistance to the second Soviet military intervention was a heroic demonstration of the will of the Hungarian people to fight for their national independence... 3 Adam Michnik of Poland's Solidarnosc said at the June 16, 1989 solemn public reburial ceremony of Imre Nagy and other martyrs executed by the Kadar regime: "Today the spirit of liberty moves into Budapest." The previous occupant of Budapest and of the country for thirty-three years was the spirit of suppression, lies and communist dictatorship after the Soviet army crushed the 1956 Revolution. The last Soviet soldier left Hungary on June 19, 1991. The thirty-three years too-long Kadar regime was conceived and born by and amidst treason and lies in 1956.

During the dawn hours of the November 4, Sunday Soviet all-out military attack against Hungary, Janos Kadar and Ferenc Munnich read a statement in a radio broadcast from Szolnok, containing, among other things the following: We the undersigned, Antal Apro, Janos Kadar, Istvan Kossa and Ferenc Munnich, former Ministers in the Imre Nagy government, announce that on November 1, 1956, we broke off our relations with this government, left this government and took the initiative of forming the Hungarian Revolutionary Worker-Peasant Government. We were prompted to take this responsible step by the realization that, within the Nagy government, which became impotent under the pressure of the reaction, we could do nothing against the counterrevolutionary danger menacing our People's Republic, the rule of the workers and peasants, and our Socialist achievements. We must put an end to the excesses of the counterrevolutionary elements. The hour of action is here. We are going to defend the power of the workers and peasants and the achievements of the people's democracy. The Hungarian Revolutionary Worker-Peasant Government, acting in the interest of our people, our working class, and our country, requested the Soviet Army Command to help our nation in smashing the dark reactionary forces and restoring order and calm in the country 4 After the brutally violent restoration of communist dictatorship, the Kadar regime began an all-out brainwashing campaign of Orwellian 1984 dimensions to drill in the lies that the Revolution was a counterrevolution, that the revolutionaries were murderous reactionary fascists, that the Soviet Army's mass destruction and mass murder was selfless brotherly help and that the restored one-party communist dictatorship and police state was a legitimate government representing the will of the people's democracy. Immense number of pamphlets, books and articles were published detailing this grotesque propaganda for decades, while complete censorship enforced an absolute prohibition of any even the faintest, mildest or poetic public reference to any true or factual alternative interpretation, definition, question or idea about the Revolution. The enforcement of this taboo was all too real and concrete. The Communist Kadar regime executed 349 and arrested, jailed, deported and imprisoned more than 22,000 people between 1957 and 1963.

The barrage of fraudulent propaganda material about 1956 seemed endless. The tenth, twentieth, twenty-fifth and thirtieth anniversaries of the Revolution were targeted by the regime as especially important dates to inundate the bookstores and libraries, the pages of academic and other periodicals and the newsstands with printed matter hammering the official "party line".^ Books and other publications documenting the actual facts about 1956 which were published in western countries were available during these decades only in a few major libraries of Hungary behind the doors of closed sections, accessible only by special temporary research permission issued to a select few. Mailed or smuggled publications were the only other alternative, if they were not intercepted by the political police, the AVO, or by the border guards, thus risking reprisals. The most heinous brainwashing campaign was waged against Hungary's youth. Counting on the effectively enforced complete absence of any alternative information and the terrorized silence of the population, even within the private sphere of families, the regime had every schoolbook, textbook and history book, lesson book re-written to contain the blatantly fraudulent, perjurious messages about 1956 on all levels of education. Orwell wrote in his 1984: "They say that who controls the past controls the future, and who controls the present controls the past." 6 The most effective way to achieve this control is to exclude the truth from and incorporate the lies into all the mandatory school textbooks of all the required classes teaching virtually the entire population. The history textbook for the thirteen to fourteen year-old, 8th grade students contained the following passages reprinted in various versions year after year in a chapter titled "The 1956 Counterrevolutionary Insurgence": The building of Socialism was temporarily interrupted by the 1956 counterrevolutionary insurgence. Western imperialist circles and emigrant fascist counterrevolutionary elements were continually inciting against our people, our regime. They prepared the counterrevolution with the aid of secret local centres. Armed counterrevolutionary forces were pouring into our country from the West. They were striving to overthrow the people's democracy. They were murdering the communists and the progressive people; they were jailing thousands of patriots... Our government requested the help of the Soviet army and liquidated the counterrevolution. 7 For high school seniors, their history textbook's chapter about Hungary's 1956 was titled: "The 1956 Counterrevolution", or in other editions:

"The 1956 Armed Counterrevolutionary Attack and Its Defeat." The chapter in most editions usually contained the following text: On October 23, during the evening hours armed counterrevolutionary groups attacked the Hungarian Radio building as well as the Party's central newspaper, the Szabad Nep (Free People) building, the Telephone Centre, the Lakihegy radio transmission Centre and in order to obtain weapons, many armories, army barracks, police stations and other objectives... At the end of October they restored the multiparty system... many extreme rightist, even fascist parties started to organize... The danger of capitalist restoration was real... Imre Nagy opened the door widely to the flood of capitalist, nationalist, fascist elements; bloody white terror ruled the streets... On November 3, Janos Kadar and others formed a new government in Szolnok. In the name of the Revolutionary Workers' and Peasants' Government he announced on November 4 that they requested the help of the Soviet Union's Red Army to suppress the counterrevolution. s Higher education textbooks were not exempt either. In 1986, a new law prescribed a new course to be required in every college and university in Hungary, titled "Magyarorszag tortenete 1918-1975" (The History of Hungary 1918-1975). The mandatory history textbook for this required course was Magyarorszag a 20. Szdzadban (Hungary in the 20th Century). This book had this to teach about the 1956 Revolution: The goal of the Hungarian counterrevolution was the restoration of the capitalist-landowner regime... The counterrevolutionary insurgents attacked the Hungarian Radio building... To incite mass hysteria, they demolished the Stalin statue on Gyorgy Dozsa Street. They succeeded drawing into their armed groups many hundreds of students and adults. Imre Nagy and his group encouraged the reactionary forces. International imperialism was helping the counterrevolution in Hungary to succeed, with the goal to establish a new war base. 9 How many young Hungarians were subjected to this fraudulent historiography about their nations' internationally appreciated, esteemed and acclaimed revolution? According to currently available statistics, 98% of Hungary's relevant aged population attends 8th-grade education, 60.9% attends high schools,

20% studies in vocational schools and 17.4% attends colleges and universities. Between 1957, the year after the suppression of the Revolution and 1988, the year before the regime change from Soviet-occupied communist dictatorship to independent democracy, 4,892,842 students graduated from the 8th grade of the public school system and 2,046,163 students graduated from high schools. 10 What these numbers reveal is that within those three decades approximately 6,939,000 people about 67% of the country's population were taught blatant lies about the 1956 Hungarian Revolution in primary and in secondary schools, more than two million of them at least twice, once in the 8th grade and once again in the 12th grade. (Further research would surely reveal additional material and numbers about the vocational schools.) We must add to these those college and university students annually approximately 17.4% of the relevant aged population who received this fraudulent message at least three times during their school years, as an official, required and enforced lesson. These people today are in their 30's 40's 50's. Many of them are in leadership positions in Hungary. How honestly open and motivated are they to re-examine, to re-establish the true facts of history, so as to be able to learn from their real heritage of the brightest star of modern Hungarian history, the 1956 Hungarian Revolution? Or, was their historical consciousness, their national identity seriously damaged by this prolonged and thorough brainwashing campaign? As Marcell Jankovics film director and historian observed in the 2006. 1. issue of the cultural periodical; Uj Horizont (New Horizon): Thanks to the decades of Communist rule, a not insignificant part of our country's population became indifferent, insensitive about our nations' basic concerns. They are not patriots, they became merely inhabitant residents... They came to feel that it is not good to be Hungarian with such a bad history... They were convinced that 1848 and 1956 was futile and senseless. They came to believe that our wonderful history is foul, a reproachable burden to be gotten rid of... They came to believe that they would ease their souls and conscience if they renounce their national identity. 11 Hungarian youngsters growing up since the 1990 regime changes in Hungary and the neighbouring countries in the Carpathian Basin are studying from a wide variety of textbooks in all classes of their primary, secondary and higher education, and the closed sections of the libraries have also opened up.

Their new textbooks and other research resources, even entire scientific institutes, like the Institute for the History of 1956, and museums, like the House of Terror Museum, both in Budapest, provide them with adequate, valid, reliable facts about 1956. Thus, being no longer forcefully barred from access to the truths of their past, today's free and responsible citizens have excellent opportunities to negotiate Santayana's classic warning: "Those who cannot remember the past are condemned to repeat it." 12 NOTES Earlier versions of this paper were read at the May, 2006, annual conference of the American Hungarian Educators' Association, held at the University of Indiana, in Bloomington Indiana, and at the Hungarian Academy of Sciences' Special General Assembly commemorating the fiftieth anniversary of the 1956 Revolution, on October 30, 2006, in Budapest. 1 The Revolt in Hungary, A Documentary Chronology of Events, October 23, 1956 November 4, 1956 (New York: Free Europe Committee, [1957]), 43-44. United Nations, Report of the Special Committee on the Problem of Hungary, General Assembly, Official Records: Eleventh Session, Supplement no. 18 A/3592 (New York, 1957), 68. 3 Ibid, pp. 33, 137, 138. 4 The Revolt in Hungary, pp. 83-84. 5 A few examples: Tibor Klaniczay, J. Szauder, M. Szabolcsi, History of Hungarian Literature (Budapest: Corvina, 1964); Janos Molnar, Ellenforradalom Magyarorszagon 1956-ban [Counterrevolution in Hungary in 1956] (Budapest: Akademiai kiado, 1967); Ervin Hollos, Kik voltak, mit akartak? [Who Were They, What Did They Want?] (Budapest: Kossuth, 1967); Janos Berecz, "1956 - negyedszazad tavlatabol" [1956 - From a Distance of a Quarter of a Century], in Tdrsadalmi Szemle (Societal Review), XXXVI. 8-9 (Aug.-Sept. 1981); Istvan Pinter, Peter Renyi, etal., Ez tortent, a Nepszabadsag cikksorozata 1956-rol [This is What Happened - Articles Series about 1956 in the Daily Nepszabadsag] (Budapest: Nepszabadsag - Kossuth, 1981); Ervin Hollos, Vera Lajtai, Hideghdboru Magyarorszag ellen/1956 [Cold War Against Hungary/19561 (Budapest: Kossuth, 1982); Ferenc Glatz, ed., Historia [History, a bi-monthly periodical of the Hungarian Historical Society], various articles about 1956 in various issues in 1982 and 1983; Janos Berecz, et al, A nephatalom vedelmeben [In Defense of the People's Power] (Budapest: Zri'nyi, 1984); Sandor Gereb and Pal Hajdu, Az ellenforradalom utovedharca, 1956. november - 1957. mdrcius [Rearguard Fights of the Counterrevolution, November 1956 - March 1957] (Budapest: Kossuth, 1986); Balint Szabo, Az dtvenes evek [The 1950's] (Budapest: Kossuth, 1986); Laszlo Benczedi, Peter Gunst, Zsuzsa L. Nagy, et al., Magyar tortenelmi kronologia [Chronology of Hungarian History] (Budapest: Tankonyvkiado [Textbook Publisher], 1987).

6 George Orwell, 1984 (New York: Harcourt, Brace, 1949), p. 35. 7 For providing me with the 8th grade and 12th grade textbook chapters, I am very grateful to Piroska Nagy, teacher of the American International School of Budapest. See also, Bela Csiszer and Gusztav Sari, Tortenelem, az dltalanos iskolak 8. osztalya szamara [History for the 8th Grade of the Public Schools] (Budapest: Tankonyvkiado, 1966), pp. 191-193, 205. Subsequent editions were published in 1968, in 1973 (see pp. 28-30, 37), and in 1983 (see pp. 131-133). 8 Gyorgy Ranki, Tortenelem az dltalanos gimnaziumok IV. osztalya szamara [History for the General High Schols' IV th. {12 th} Grade] (Budapest: Tankonyvkiado, 1960), p. 265. Subsequent editions by various authors were published in 1961 (see pp. 77-279, 285), in 1965 (see pp. 344-46, 358), in 1968 (see pp. 300-302, 317), in 1976 (see pp. 317-321, 333), and in 1983 (see pp. 87-90, 223). 9 S. Balogh, J. Gergely, L. Izsak S. Jakab, P. Printz, I. Romsics, Magyarorszag a 20 szazadban [Hungary in the 20th Century] (Budapest: Kossuth, 1985), 402-420. 10 For making available Central Statistical Office and Ministry of Education statistical data to me, I am very grateful to Erzsebet Vizvari of the Ministry of Education, Budapest, Hungary. 11 Marcell Jankovics, "Jo magyarnak lenni" [It is Good to be Hungarian], Uj Horizont (New Horizon), Veszprem, 34, 1 (2006): 4. 12 George Santayana, The Life of Reason, Vol. L, 1905.