HUMAN DEVELOPMENT REPORT 2004

HUMAN DEVELOPMENT REPORT 2004 Cultural liberty in today s diverse world Published for the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP)

Copyright 2004 by the United Nations Development Programme 1 UN Plaza, New York, New York, 10017, USA All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without prior permission. ISBN 0-19-522146-X 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1 Printed by Hoechstetter Printing Co. on chlorine-free paper with vegetable inks and produced by means of environmentally compatible technology. Cover and design: Gerald Quinn, Quinn Information Design, Cabin John, Maryland Information design: Grundy & Northedge, London Editing, desktop composition and production management: Communications Development Incorporated, Washington, DC For a listing of any errors or omissions in HDR2004 found subsequent to printing, please visit our website at http://hdr.undp.org

TEAM FOR THE PREPARATION OF Human Development Report 2004 Director and Lead Author Sakiko Fukuda-Parr Core team Carla De Gregorio, Haishan Fu (Chief of Statistics), Ricardo Fuentes, Arunabha Ghosh, Claes Johansson, Christopher Kuonqui, Santosh Mehrotra, Tanni Mukhopadhyay, Stefano Pettinato, David Stewart and Emily White Statistical adviser: Tom Griffin Editors: Cait Murphy and Bruce Ross-Larson Principal consultants Amartya Sen (Chapter 1), Lourdes Arizpe, Robert Bach, Rajeev Bhargava, Elie Cohen, Emmanuel de Kadt, Nicholas Dirks, K.S. Jomo, Will Kymlicka, Valentine Moghadam, Joy Moncrieffe, Sam Moyo, Brendan O Leary, Kwesi Kwaa Prah, Barnett R. Rubin, Daniel Sabbagh, D.L. Sheth, Rodolfo Stavenhagen, Alfred Stepan, Deborah Yashar and Aristide Zolberg Cover and layout design: Gerald Quinn Information design: Grundy & Northedge HDRO colleagues The team expresses its sincere gratitude for the invaluable support and contributions from their colleagues in the Human Development Report Office (HDRO). Administrative support for the Report s preparation was provided by Oscar Bernal, Renuka Corea-Lloyd and Mamaye Gebretsadik. Outreach and promotional work for the Report were provided by Nena Terrell with Maria Kristina Dominguez and Anne-Louise Winsløv. HDRO operations were managed by Yves Sassenrath with Marie Suzanne Ndaw. And the team collaborated with members of the National Human Development Report (NHDR) Unit including: Sarah Burd-Sharps (Deputy Director HDRO and Chief NHDR Unit), Marcia de Castro, Sharmila Kurukulasuriya, Juan Pablo Mejia and Mary Ann Mwangi.

Foreword At a time when the notion of a global clash of cultures is resonating so powerfully and worryingly around the world, finding answers to the old questions of how best to manage and mitigate conflict over language, religion, culture and ethnicity has taken on renewed importance. For development practitioners this is not an abstract question. If the world is to reach the Millennium Development Goals and ultimately eradicate poverty, it must first successfully confront the challenge of how to build inclusive, culturally diverse societies. Not just because doing so successfully is a precondition for countries to focus properly on other priorities of economic growth, health and education for all citizens. But because allowing people full cultural expression is an important development end in itself. Human development is first and foremost about allowing people to lead the kind of life they choose and providing them with the tools and opportunities to make those choices. In recent years Human Development Report has argued strongly that this is as much a question of politics as economics from protecting human rights to deepening democracy. Unless people who are poor and marginalized who more often than not are members of religious or ethnic minorities or migrants can influence political action at local and national levels, they are unlikely to get equitable access to jobs, schools, hospitals, justice, security and other basic services. This year s Report builds on that analysis, by carefully examining and rejecting claims that cultural differences necessarily lead to social, economic and political conflict or that inherent cultural rights should supersede political and economic ones. Instead, it provides a powerful argument for finding ways to delight in our differences, as Archbishop Desmond Tutu has put it. It also offers some concrete ideas on what it means in practice to build and manage the politics of identity and culture in a manner consistent with the bedrock principles of human development. Sometimes, that is relatively easy for example, a girl s right to an education will always trump her father s claim to a cultural right to forbid her schooling for religious or other reasons. But the question can get much more complicated. Take education in the mother tongue. There is persuasive evidence that young children are more successful learning in their own language. However, what is an advantage at one point in life and indeed may remain an indispensable bedrock of identity throughout life can turn into a disadvantage in other ways when lack of proficiency in more widely used national or international languages can severely handicap employment opportunities. As this Report makes clear, from affirmative action to the role of the media, there are no easy or one size fits all rules for how best to build working multicultural societies. Even so, one overarching lesson is clear: succeeding is not simply a question of legislative and policy changes, necessary though they be. Constitutions and legislation that provide protections and guarantees for minorities, indigenous people and other groups are a critical foundation for broader freedoms. But unless the political culture also changes unless citizens come to think, feel and act in ways that genuinely accommodate the needs and aspirations of others real change will not happen. When the political culture does not change, the consequences are disturbingly clear. From disaffected indigenous groups across Latin America, to unhappy minorities in Africa and Asia, to new immigrants across the developed world, failing to address the grievances of marginalized groups does not just create injustice. It builds real problems for the future: unemployed, disaffected v

youth, angry with the status quo and demanding change, often violently. That is the challenge. But there are also real opportunities. The overarching message of this Report is to highlight the vast potential of building a more peaceful, prosperous world by bringing issues of culture to the mainstream of development thinking and practice. Not to substitute for more traditional priorities that will remain our bread and butter but to complement and strengthen them. The flip side of the development divide is that developing countries are often able to draw on richer, more diverse cultural traditions whether captured in language, art, music or other forms than their wealthier counterparts in the North. The globalization of mass culture from books to films to television clearly poses some significant threats to these traditional cultures. But it also opens up opportunities, from the narrow sense of disadvantaged groups like Australian Aborigines or Arctic Inuit tapping global art markets, to the broader one of creating more vibrant, creative, exciting societies. Like all Human Development Reports, this is an independent study intended to stimulate debate and discussion around an important issue, not a statement of United Nations or UNDP policy. However, by taking up an issue often neglected by development economists and putting it firmly within the spectrum of priorities in building better, more fulfilled lives, it presents important arguments for UNDP and its partners to consider and act on in their broader work. This year, I would also like to pay particular tribute to Sakiko Fukuda-Parr, who is stepping down after 10 successful years leading our Human Development Report Office. I would also like to extend special thanks to Amartya Sen, one of the godfathers of human development, who has not only contributed the first chapter but been an enormous influence in shaping our thinking on this important issue. Mark Malloch Brown Administrator, UNDP The analysis and policy recommendations of this Report do not necessarily reflect the views of the United Nations Development Programme, its Executive Board or its Member States. The Report is an independent publication commissioned by UNDP. It is the fruit of a collaborative effort by a team of eminent consultants and advisers and the Human Development Report team. Sakiko Fukuda-Parr, Director of the Human Development Report Office, led the effort. vi

Acknowledgements This Report could not have been prepared without the generous contributions of many individuals and organizations. The team expresses its sincere gratitude to Professor Amartya Sen, who provided the conceptual framework for the Report. CONTRIBUTORS The team is particularly grateful for its collaboration with the Director-General of UNESCO, Koïchiro Matsuura, and his staff, especially Ann-Belinda Preis, Katarina Stenou and Rene Zapata. Many background studies, papers and notes were prepared on thematic issues related to identity, cultural diversity and cultural liberty. These were contributed by Lourdes Arizpe, Robert Bach, Rajeev Bhargava, Elie Cohen, Emanuel De Kadt, Carolyn Deere, Nicholas Dirks, K.S. Jomo, Will Kymlicka, Valentine Moghadam, Joy Moncrieffe, Sam Moyo, Brendan O Leary, Kwesi Kwaa Prah, Barnett R. Rubin, Daniel Sabbagh, Amartya Sen, D.L. Sheth, Rodolfo Stavenhagen, Alfred Stepan, Deborah Yashar and Aristide Zolberg. Chapter 2 benefited from the country maps and associated information on conflict provided by the Bureau for Crisis Prevention and Recovery, especially from the work of Meegan Murray, Praveen Pardeshi and Pablo Ruiz. Several organizations generously shared their data and other research materials: Carbon Dioxide Information and Analysis Center; Caribbean Community Secretariat; Center for International Comparisons at the University of Pennsylvania; Economic and Social Commission for Asia and the Pacific; Food and Agriculture Organization; International Institute for Strategic Studies; International Labour Organization; International Monetary Fund; International Organizations for Migration; International Telecommunication Union; Inter-Parliamentary Union; Joint United Nations Programme on HIV/AIDS; Luxembourg Income Study; Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development; Stockholm International Peace Research Institute; United Nations Children's Fund; United Nations Conference on Trade and Development; United Nations Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean; United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization Institute for Statistics; United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees; United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime; United Nations Office of Legal Affairs; United Nations Population Division; United Nations Statistics Division; World Bank; World Health Organization and World Intellectual Property Organization. The team also expresses its appreciation for the support received from the Rockefeller Foundation, especially Ram Manikkalingam, Janet Maughan, Joan Shigekawa, Lynn Szwaja, Tomas Ybarro-Frausto as well as Gianna Celli and Nadia Giladroni at the Bellagio Rockefeller Foundation Conference and Study Center. ADVISORY PANEL The Report benefited greatly from intellectual advice and guidance provided by an external advisory panel of eminent experts. The panel included Arjun Appadurai, Robert Bach, Seyla Benhabib, Nancy Birdsall, Jody Narandran Kollapen, Mahmood Mamdani, Sonia Picado, Surin Pitsuwan, Jorge F. Quiroga, vii

Paul Streeten, Victoria Tauli-Corpus, Ngaire Woods, Rene Zapata and Antonina Zhelyazkova. An advisory panel on statistics included Sudhir Anand, Paul Cheung, Willem DeVries, Lamine Diop, Carmen Feijo, Andrew Flatt, Paolo Garonna, Robert Johnston, Irena Krizman, Nora Lustig, Ian Macredie, Marion McEwin, Wolf Scott, Tim Smeeding and Michael Ward. CONSULTATIONS Many individuals consulted during the preparation of the Report provided invaluable advice, information and material. The Report team thanks Carla Abouzahr, Yasmin Ahmad, Patricia Alexander, Serge Allegrezza, Anna Alvazzi del Frate, Shaida Badiee, Yusuf Bangura, Nefise Bazoglu, Grace Bediako, Matt Benjamin, Yonas Biru, Ties Boerma, Eduard Bos, Thomas Buettner, Tony Burton, Rosario Garcia Calderon, Joe Chamie, Shaohua Chen, Paul Cheung, Martin Chungong, David Cieslikowski, Lee Cokorinos, Patrick R. Cornu, Kim Cragin, Trevor Croft, Gaurav Datt, Ian Dennis, Yuri Dikhanov, Dennis Drescher, Asghar Ali Engineer, Hubert Escaith, Kareen Fabre, Yousef Falah, Richard Fix, Karl Franklin, Nancy Fraser, Rodolfo Roque Fuentes, Enrique Ganuza, Peter Ghys, Erlinda Go, Rui Gomes, Ray Gordon, Marilyn Gregerson, Ted Robert Gurr, Brian Hammond, Philomen Harrison, Sabinne Henning, Alan Heston, Misako Hiraga, Frederick W.H. Ho, Joop van Holsteyn, Béla Hovy, Piero Ignazi, Chandika Indikadahena, Jens Johansen, Lawrence Jeff Johnson, Robert Johnston, Vasantha Kandiah, Alison Kennedy, Sio Suat Kheng, Elizabeth Kielman, Taro Komatsu, Karoly Kovacs, Olivier Labe, Frank Laczko, Henrik Larsen, Georges Lemaitre, Denise Lievesley, Rolf Luyendijk, Nyein Nyein Lwin, Doug Lynd, Esperanza C. Magpantay, Mary Mahy, Heikki S. Mattila, Clare Menozzi, Jorge Mernies, Michael Minges, Anjali Mody, Catherine Monagle, Bruno Moro, Ron Morren, Philip Mukungu, Angela Ferriol Muruaga, Jack Nagel, Keiko Osaki, Jude Padyachy, Sonia Palmieri, Rosario Pardo, Amy Pate, Sulekha Patel, François Pelletier, Bob Pember, Indira Persaud, Francesca Perucci, Rudolphe Petras, Spyridon Pilos, Lionel Pintopontes, William Prince, Lakshmi Puri, Agnès Puymoyen, Hantamalala Rafalimanana, Markandey Rai, Vijayendra Rao, Luca Renda, Clinton Robinson, David Roodman, Ricardo Sibrián, Shaguni Singh, Armin Sirco, Carl Skau, Petter Stalenheim, Elsa Stamatopoulou, Mark Stoker, Diane Stukel, Ilpo Survo, Eric Swanson, Tony Taubman, Benedicte Terryn, Michel Thieren, Anne Thomas, Barbara Trudell, Elisa Tsakiri, Rafael Tuts, Erica Usher, Said Voffal, Rick Wacek, Neff Walker, Steve Walter, Tessa Wardlaw, Jayashree Watal, Glenys Waters, Catherine Watt, Wendy Wendland, Patrick Werquin, Siemon Wezeman, Anders Widfeldt, Boris Wijkström, Jonathan Wilkenfeld, Diane Wroge, A. Sylvester Young, Elizabeth Zaniewski and Hania Zlotnik. An informal consultation with UN agencies provided the team with helpful comments and suggestions. The team thanks Food and Agriculture Organization; International Fund for Agricultural Development; International Labour Organization; International Monetary Fund; Joint United Nations Programme on HIV/AIDS; United Nations Children s Fund; United Nations Conference on Trade and Development; United Nations Department of Economic and Social Affairs; United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization; United Nations Environment Programme; United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights; United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees; United Nations Human Settlements Programme; United Nations Institute for Training and Research; United Nations Population Fund; World Health Organization; World Intellectual Property Organization and World Bank. The team would like to thank members of the UNDP human development reports network (HDR-Net) and civil society network who provided many insightful comments and suggestions during the network discussions. UNDP READERS A Readers Group, made up of colleagues in UNDP, provided extremely useful comments, suggestions and inputs during the writing of the viii

Report. The Report team is especially grateful to Randa Aboul-Hosn, Fernando Calderon, Moez Doraid, Gilbert Fossoun Houngbo, Andrey Ivanov, Selim Jahan, Bruce Jenks, Freddy Justiniano, Inge Kaul, Douglas Keh, Thierry Lemaresquier, Lamin Manneh, Saraswathi Menon, Kalman Mizsei, Balasubramaniam Murali, Shoji Nishimoto, Omar Noman, William Orme, Eugenio Ortega, Hilda Paqui, Ravi Rajan, Ramaswamy Sudarshan, Mark Suzman, Julia V. Taft, Gulden Turkoz-Cosslett, Louisa Vinton, Mourad Wahba and Gita Welch. EDITING, PRODUCTION AND TRANSLATION As in previous years, the Report benefited from the editors at Communications Development Incorporated: Meta de Coquereaumont, Elizabeth McCrocklin, Thomas Roncoli, Bruce Ross-Larson and Christopher Trott. The Report (including cover) was designed by Gerald Quinn and laid out by Elaine Wilson. Statistical information appearing in the Report was designed by Grundy & Northedge. The production, translation, distribution and promotion of the Report benefited from the help and support of the Communications Office of the Administrator: Djibril Diallo, Maureen Lynch, Trygve Olfarnes, Bill Orme, Hilda Paqui as well as Elizabeth Scott Andrews. Translations were reviewed by Helene Castel, Cielo Morales, Vladimir Scherbov, Andrey Ivanov, and Ali Al-Kasimi. The Report also benefited from the dedicated work of interns: Valentina Azzarello, Alexandra Lopoukhine, Rachel Sorrentino and Rati Tripathi. Emmanuel Boudard and Jessica Lopatka made valuable contributions to the statistical team. Liliana Izquierdo and Gerardo Nunez of the UN Office of Project Services provided critical administrative support and management services. * * * The team expresses sincere appreciation to the Report s peer reviewer, Will Kymlicka, who carefully reviewed drafts and shared his expertise and insights. The team is also grateful to Ian Macredie, Lene Mikkelsen and David Pearce, the statistical peer reviewers who scrutinized the data in the Report and lent their statistical expertise. Finally, the authors are especially grateful to Mark Malloch Brown, UNDP s Administrator, for his leadership and vision. And although thankful for all the support they have received, the authors assume full responsibility for the opinions expressed in the Report. Sakiko Fukuda-Parr Director Human Development Report 2004 ix

Contents OVERVIEW Cultural liberty in today s diverse world 1 CHAPTER 1 Cultural liberty and human development 13 Participation and recognition 14 Freedoms, human rights and the role of diversity 15 Identity, community and freedom 16 Globalization, asymmetry and democracy 19 Conclusions 22 CHAPTER 2 Challenges for cultural liberty 27 Cultural liberty an uncharted dimension of human development 28 Promoting cultural liberty requires recognizing differences in identity 36 Three myths surrounding cultural liberty and development 38 Today s challenges for cultural liberty 44 CHAPTER 3 Building multicultural democracies 47 Resolving state dilemmas in recognizing cultural difference 47 Policies for ensuring the political participation of diverse cultural groups 50 Policies on religion and religious practice 54 Policies on customary law and legal pluralism 57 Policies on the use of multiple languages 60 Policies for redressing socio-economic exclusion 65 CHAPTER 4 Confronting movements for cultural domination 73 Movements for cultural domination today s challenges 74 Dilemmas for democracies restrictive or accommodative measures? 77 CHAPTER 5 Globalization and cultural choice 85 Globalization and multiculturalism 88 Flows of investment and knowledge including indigenous people in a globally integrated world 91 Flows of cultural goods widening choices through creativity and diversity 96 Flows of people multiple identities for global citizens 99 Notes 107 Bibliographic note 110 Bibliography 112 x

SPECIAL CONTRIBUTIONS Human rights embody the fundamental values of human civilizations Shirin Ebadi 23 Diversity from divisive to inclusive Nelson Mandela 43 Recognition of linguistic diversity in Afghanistan s Constitution Hamid Karzai 64 Difference is not a threat but a source of strength John Hume 82 Indigenous peoples and development Ole Henrik Magga 91 BOXES 2.1 Two aspects of cultural exclusion 27 2.2 Defining cultural rights lags behind defining civil, political, economic and social rights why? 28 2.3 Measuring cultural liberty 31 2.4 The human development index: capturing inequalities across groups 36 2.5 Cultural policies protecting cultural heritage and promoting cultural liberty 38 2.6 Inequalities between groups can fuel conflict and tension 41 2.7 Solomon Islands ethnic difference not the cause of conflict 42 3.1 A rough guide to federalism 50 3.2 The challenge of federalism: Nigeria s troubled political trajectory and prospects 52 3.3 Proportional representation or winner takes all? New Zealand makes a switch 55 3.4 The many forms of secular and non-secular states and their effects on religious freedom 56 3.5 Hindu and Muslim personal law: the ongoing debate over a uniform civil code 57 3.6 Access to justice and cultural recognition in Guatemala 59 3.7 Multilingual education in Papua New Guinea 61 3.8 How many languages are there in Africa? 85% of Africans speak 15 core languages 63 3.9 Land rights in the Philippines 68 3.10 Experiences with affirmative action in Malaysia and South Africa 70 4.1 Leadership, ideological manipulation and recruiting supporters 77 4.2 Central Asia the danger in restricting political and cultural liberties 78 4.3 Egypt distinguishing between moderates and extremists 80 4.4 Algeria discontent, democraticization and violence 81 4.5 United States targeting intolerance and hatred 83 5.1 Culture paradigm shift in anthropology 89 5.2 Sources of global ethics 90 5.3 Private companies and indigenous people can work together for development 94 5.4 Using intellectual property rights to protect traditional knowledge 95 5.5 The debate on cultural goods and the Multilateral Agreement on Investments fiasco 96 5.6 France s successful support of domestic cultural industries 99 5.7 The headscarf dilemma in France 101 5.8 Temporary contracts welcoming workers but not people does not work 103 5.9 How Berlin promotes respect for cultural difference 104 TABLES 2.1 Political representation of ethnic minorities in selected OECD parliaments 35 2.2 Integrating multicultural policies into human development strategies 37 xi

3.1 Indicators of internal output and costs of conventional and bilingual schools in Burkina Faso 62 4.1 Casualties resulting from sectarian violence in Pakistan, 1989 2003 75 5.1 Indigenous population in Latin America 92 5.2 Policy choices for the promotion of the domestic film and audiovisual industry market and industry size matter 98 5.3 Top 10 cities by share of foreign born population, 2000/01 99 FIGURES 2.1 Most countries are culturally diverse 28 2.2 Indigenous people can expect a shorter life 29 2.3 Europe s non-european migrant population has increased significantly... and migrants are coming from more places 30 2.4 Many lack access to primary education in their mother tongue 34 2.5 National holidays are important ways to recognize or ignore cultural identities 35 3.1 Indigenous people are more likely than non-indigenous people to be poor in Latin America 67 3.2 Non-whites benefit less than whites from public health spending in South Africa 67 3.3 Group inequalities have declined in Malaysia, but personal inequalities have not 71 3.4 The record of affirmative action in the United States is mixed 71 4.1 Movements for cultural domination not the same as all fundamentalist or all violent movements 73 4.2 Some European extreme right parties have won steadily increasing vote shares 74 4.3 Democratic participation can expose the fringe appeal of extreme right parties 82 5.1 Top-grossing films of all time at the international (non-us) box office were US films, April 2004 97 5.2 Unprecedented growth in international migration to Europe, North America, Australia and New Zealand, but refugees remain a small proportion, 1990 2000 100 5.3 More and more governments (rich and poor) want to control immigration, 1976 2001 100 MAPS 2.1 Guatemala exhibits substantial overlap between linguistic communities and social exclusion 37 5.1 Much extractive and infrastructural activity in developing countries is in areas where indigenous people live 92 FEATURES 2.1 The Minorities at Risk data set quantifying cultural exclusion 32 Figure 1 Discrimination and disadvantage of culturally identified groups can be cultural, political and economic with considerable overlap 32 Figure 2 Political and economic exclusion have different causes 32 3.1 State unity or ethnocultural identity? Not an inevitable choice 48 Figure 1 Multiple and complementary identities 48 Figure 2 Trust, support and identification: poor and diverse countries can do well with multicultural policies 49 5.1 What s new about globalization s implications for identity politics? 86 Table 1 Top 10 countries by share of migrant population, 2000 87 Figure 1 Rapid increases in investments in extractive industries in developing countries, 1988 97 86 Figure 2 Fewer domestic films, more US films: evolving film attendance, 1984 2001 87 Statistical feature 1 The state of human development 127 Table 1 HDI, HPI-1, HPI-2, GDI same components, different measurements 127 Table 2 Eliminating poverty: massive deprivation remains, 2000 129 xii

Table 3 Progress and setbacks: child mortality 132 Table 4 Progress and setbacks: primary education 132 Table 5 Progress and setbacks: income poverty 132 Table 6 Countries experiencing a drop in the human development index, 1980s and 1990s 132 Figure 1 Same HDI, different income 128 Figure 2 Same income, different HDI 128 Figure 3 Not enough progress towards the Millennium Development Goals 130 Figure 4 Timeline: when will the Millennium Development Goals be achieved if progress does not accelerate? 133 Figure 5 Global disparities in HDI 134 Figure 6 Top and high priority countries 134 Index to Millennium Development Goal indicators in the indicator tables 135 Statistical feature 2 Note to table 1: About this year s human development index 137 HUMAN DEVELOPMENT INDICATORS MONITORING HUMAN DEVELOPMENT: ENLARGING PEOPLE S CHOICES... 1 Human development index 139 2 Human development index trends 143 3 Human and income poverty: developing countries 147 4 Human and income poverty: OECD, Central & Eastern Europe & CIS 150... TO LEAD A LONG AND HEALTHY LIFE... 5 Demographic trends 152 6 Commitment to health: resources, access and services 156 7 Water, sanitation and nutritional status 160 8 Leading global health crises and risks 164 9 Survival: progress and setbacks 168... TO ACQUIRE KNOWLEDGE... 10 Commitment to education: public spending 172 11 Literacy and enrolment 176 12 Technology: diffusion and creation 180... TO HAVE ACCESS TO THE RESOURCES NEEDED FOR A DECENT STANDARD OF LIVING... 13 Economic performance 184 14 Inequality in income or consumption 188 15 Structure of trade 192 16 Rich country responsibilities: aid 196 17 Rich country responsibilities: debt relief and trade 197 18 Flows of aid, private capital and debt 198 19 Priorities in public spending 202 20 Unemployment in OECD countries 206... WHILE PRESERVING IT FOR FUTURE GENERATIONS... 21 Energy and the environment 207 xiii

... PROTECTING PERSONAL SECURITY... 22 Refugees and armaments 211 23 Victims of crime 215... AND ACHIEVING EQUALITY FOR ALL WOMEN AND MEN 24 Gender-related development index 217 25 Gender empowerment measure 221 26 Gender inequality in education 225 27 Gender inequality in economic activity 229 28 Gender, work burden and time allocation 233 29 Women s political participation 234 HUMAN AND LABOUR RIGHTS INSTRUMENTS 30 Status of major international human rights instruments 238 31 Status of fundamental labour rights conventions 242 32 Human development indices: a regional perspective 246 33 Basic indicators for other UN member countries 250 Note on statistics in the Human Development Report 251 Technical notes 1 Calculating the human development indices 258 2 Identifying top priority and high priority countries for the Millennium Development Goals 265 Definitions of statistical terms 268 Statistical references 277 Classification of countries 279 Index to indicators 283 xiv

OVERVIEW Cultural liberty in today s diverse world How will the new constitution of Iraq satisfy demands for fair representation for Shiites and Kurds? Which and how many of the languages spoken in Afghanistan should the new constitution recognize as the official language of the state? How will the Nigerian federal court deal with a Sharia law ruling to punish adultery by death? Will the French legislature approve the proposal to ban headscarves and other religious symbols in public schools? Do Hispanics in the United States resist assimilation into the mainstream American culture? Will there be a peace accord to end fighting in Côte d Ivoire? Will the President of Bolivia resign after mounting protests by indigenous people? Will the peace talks to end the Tamil-Sinhala conflict in Sri Lanka ever conclude? These are just some headlines from the past few months. Managing cultural diversity is one of the central challenges of our time. Long thought to be divisive threats to social harmony, choices like these about recognizing and accommodating diverse ethnicities, religions, languages and values are an inescapable feature of the landscape of politics in the 21st century. Political leaders and political theorists of all persuasions have argued against explicit recognition of cultural identities ethnic, religious, linguistic, racial. The result, more often than not, has been that cultural identities have been suppressed, sometimes brutally, as state policy through religious persecutions and ethnic cleansings, but also through everyday exclusion and economic, social and political discrimination. New today is the rise of identity politics. In vastly different contexts and in different ways from indigenous people in Latin America to religious minorities in South Asia to ethnic minorities in the Balkans and Africa to immigrants in Western Europe people are mobilizing anew around old grievances along ethnic, religious, racial and cultural lines, demanding that their identities be acknowledged, appreciated and accommodated by wider society. Suffering discrimination and marginalization from social, economic and political opportunities, they are also demanding social justice. Also new today is the rise of coercive movements that threaten cultural liberty. And, in this era of globalization, a new class of political claims and demands has emerged from individuals, communities and countries feeling that their local cultures are being swept away. They want to keep their diversity in a globalized world. Why these movements today? They are not isolated. They are part of a historic process of social change, of struggles for cultural freedom, of new frontiers in the advance of human freedoms and democracy. They are propelled and shaped by the spread of democracy, which is giving movements more political space for protest, and the advance of globalization, which is creating new networks of alliances and presenting new challenges. Cultural liberty is a vital part of human development because being able to choose one s identity who one is without losing the respect of others or being excluded from other choices is important in leading a full life. People want the freedom to practice their religion openly, to speak their language, to celebrate their ethnic or religious heritage without fear of ridicule or punishment or diminished opportunity. People want the freedom to participate in society without having to slip off their chosen cultural moorings. It is a simple idea, but profoundly unsettling. States face an urgent challenge in responding to these demands. If handled well, greater recognition of identities will bring greater cultural diversity in society, enriching people s lives. But there is also a great risk. These struggles over cultural identity, if left unmanaged or managed poorly, can quickly Cultural liberty is a vital part of human development OVERVIEW 1

This Report makes a case for respecting diversity and building more inclusive societies by adopting policies that explicitly recognize cultural differences multicultural policies become one of the greatest sources of instability within states and between them and in so doing trigger conflict that takes development backwards. Identity politics that polarize people and groups are creating fault lines between us and them. Growing distrust and hatred threaten peace, development and human freedoms. Just in the last year ethnic violence destroyed hundreds of homes and mosques in Kosovo and Serbia. Terrorist train bombings in Spain killed nearly 200. Sectarian violence killed thousands of Muslims and drove thousands more from their homes in Gujarat and elsewhere in India, a champion of cultural accommodation. A spate of hate crimes against immigrants shattered Norwegians belief in their unshakable commitment to tolerance. Struggles over identity can also lead to regressive and xenophobic policies that retard human development. They can encourage a retreat to conservatism and a rejection of change, closing off the infusion of ideas and of people who bring cosmopolitan values and the knowledge and skills that advance development. Managing diversity and respecting cultural identities are not just challenges for a few multiethnic states. Almost no country is entirely homogeneous. The world s nearly 200 countries contain some 5,000 ethnic groups. Twothirds have at least one substantial minority an ethnic or religious group that makes up at least 10% of the population. At the same time the pace of international migration has quickened, with startling effects on some countries and cities. Nearly half the population of Toronto was born outside of Canada. And many more foreign-born people maintain close ties with their countries of origin than did immigrants of the last century. One way or another every country is a multicultural society today, containing ethnic, religious or linguistic groups that have common bonds to their own heritage, culture, values and way of life. Cultural diversity is here to stay and to grow. States need to find ways of forging national unity amid this diversity. The world, ever more interdependent economically, cannot function unless people respect diversity and build unity through common bonds of humanity. In this age of globalization the demands for cultural recognition can no longer be ignored by any state or by the international community. And confrontations over culture and identity are likely to grow the ease of communications and travel have shrunk the world and changed the landscape of cultural diversity, and the spread of democracy, human rights and new global networks have given people greater means to mobilize around a cause, insist on a response and get it. Five myths debunked. Policies recognizing cultural identities and encouraging diversity to flourish do not result in fragmentation, conflict, weak development or authoritarian rule. Such policies are both viable, and necessary, for it is often the suppression of culturally identified groups that leads to tensions. This Report makes a case for respecting diversity and building more inclusive societies by adopting policies that explicitly recognize cultural differences multicultural policies. But why have many cultural identities been suppressed or ignored for so long? One reason is that many people believe that allowing diversity to flourish may be desirable in the abstract but in practice can weaken the state, lead to conflict and retard development. The best approach to diversity, in this view, is assimilation around a single national standard, which can lead to the suppression of cultural identities. However, this Report argues that these are not premises they are myths. Indeed, it argues that a multicultural policy approach is not just desirable but also viable and necessary. Without such an approach the imagined problems of diversity can become self-fulfilling prophecies. Myth 1. People s ethnic identities compete with their attachment to the state, so there is a trade-off between recognizing diversity and unifying the state. Not so. Individuals can and do have multiple identities that are complementary ethnicity, language, religion and race as well as citizenship. Nor is identity a zero sum game. There is no inevitable need to choose between state unity and recognition of cultural differences. 2 HUMAN DEVELOPMENT REPORT 2004

A sense of identity and belonging to a group with shared values and other bonds of culture is important for individuals. But each individual can identify with many different groups. Individuals have identity of citizenship (for example, being French), gender (being a woman), race (being of West African origin), language (being fluent in Thai, Chinese and English), politics (having left-wing views) and religion (being Buddhist). Identity also has an element of choice: within these memberships individuals can choose what priority to give to one membership over another in different contexts. Mexican Americans may cheer for the Mexican soccer team but serve in the US Army. Many white South Africans chose to fight apartheid as South Africans. Sociologists tell us that people have boundaries of identity that separate us from them, but these boundaries shift and blur to incorporate broader groups of people. Nation building has been a dominant objective of the 20th century, and most states have aimed to build culturally homogeneous states with singular identities. Sometimes they succeeded but at the cost of repression and persecution. If the history of the 20th century showed anything, it is that the attempt either to exterminate cultural groups or to wish them away elicits a stubborn resilience. By contrast, recognizing cultural identities has resolved never-ending tensions. For both practical and moral reasons, then, it is far better to accommodate cultural groups than to try to eliminate them or to pretend that they do not exist. Countries do not have to choose between national unity and cultural diversity. Surveys show that the two can and often do coexist. In Belgium citizens overwhelmingly replied when asked that they felt both Belgian and Flemish or Walloon and in Spain, that they felt Spanish as well as Catalan or Basque. These countries and others have worked hard to accommodate diverse cultures. They have also worked hard to build unity by fostering respect for identities and trust in state institutions. The states have held together. Immigrants need not deny their commitment to their families in their countries of origin when they develop loyalties to their new countries. Fears that if immigrants do not assimilate, they will fragment the country are unfounded. Assimilation without choice is no longer a viable or a necessary model of integration. There is no trade-off between diversity and state unity. Multicultural policies are a way to build diverse and unified states. Myth 2. Ethnic groups are prone to violent conflict with each other in clashes of values, so there is a trade-off between respecting diversity and sustaining peace. No. There is little empirical evidence that cultural differences and clashes over values are in themselves a cause of violent conflict. It is true, particularly since the end of the cold war, that violent conflicts have arisen not so much between states but within them between ethnic groups. But on their causes, there is wide agreement in recent research by scholars that cultural differences by themselves are not the relevant factor. Some even argue that cultural diversity reduces the risk of conflict by making group mobilization more difficult. Studies offer several explanations for these wars: economic inequalities between the groups as well as struggles over political power, land and other economic assets. In Fiji indigenous Fijians initiated a coup against the Indian-dominated government because they feared that land might be confiscated. In Sri Lanka the Sinhalese majority gained political power, but the Tamil minority had access to more economic resources, triggering decades of civil conflict. In Burundi and Rwanda, at different points in time, Tutsis and Hutus were each excluded from economic opportunities and political participation. Cultural identity does have a role in these conflicts not as a cause but as a driver for political mobilization. Leaders invoke a single identity, its symbols and its history of grievances, to rally the troops. And a lack of cultural recognition can trigger violent mobilization. Underlying inequalities in South Africa were at the root of the Soweto riots in 1976, but they were triggered by attempts to impose Afrikaans on black schools. While the coexistence of culturally distinct groups is not, in itself, a cause of violent conflict, A sense of identity and belonging to a group with shared values and other bonds of culture is important for all individuals. But each individual can identify with many different groups OVERVIEW 3

Cultural liberty is the capability of people to live and be what they choose it is dangerous to allow economic and political inequality to deepen between these groups or to suppress cultural differences, because cultural groups are easily mobilized to contest these disparities as injustice. There is no trade-off between peace and respect for diversity, but identity politics need to be managed so that they do not turn violent. Myth 3. Cultural liberty requires defending traditional practices, so there could be a trade-off between recognizing cultural diversity and other human development priorities such as progress in development, democracy and human rights. No. Cultural liberty is about expanding individual choices, not about preserving values and practices as an end in itself with blind allegiance to tradition. Culture is not a frozen set of values and practices. It is constantly recreated as people question, adapt and redefine their values and practices to changing realities and exchanges of ideas. Some argue that multiculturalism is a policy of conserving cultures, even practices that violate human rights, and that movements for cultural recognition are not governed democratically. But neither cultural freedom nor respect for diversity should be confused with the defence of tradition. Cultural liberty is the capability of people to live and be what they choose, with adequate opportunity to consider other options. Culture, tradition and authenticity are not the same as cultural liberty. They are not acceptable reasons for allowing practices that deny individuals equality of opportunity and violate their human rights such as denying women equal rights to education. Interest groups led by self-appointed leaders may not reflect the views of the membership at large. It is not rare for groups to be dominated by people who have an interest in maintaining the status quo under the justification of tradition and who act as gatekeepers of traditionalism to freeze their cultures. Those making demands for cultural accommodation should also abide by democratic principles and the objectives of human freedom and human rights. One good model is the Sami people in Finland, who enjoy autonomy in a parliament that has democratic structures and follows democratic procedures but is part of the Finnish state. There does not need to be any trade-off between respect for cultural difference and human rights and development. But the process of development involves active participation of people in fighting for human rights and shifts in values. Myth 4. Ethnically diverse countries are less able to develop, so there is a trade-off between respecting diversity and promoting development. No. There is no evidence of a clear relationship, good or bad, between cultural diversity and development. Some argue, however, that diversity has been an obstacle to development. But while it is undeniably true that many diverse societies have low levels of income and human development, there is no evidence that this is related to cultural diversity. One study argues that diversity has been a source of poor economic performance in Africa but this is related to political decision-making that follows ethnic rather than national interests, not to diversity itself. Just as there are multi-ethnic countries that have stagnated, there are others that were spectacularly successful. Malaysia, with 62% of its people Malays and other indigenous groups, 30% Chinese and 8% Indian, was the world s 10th fastest growing economy during 1970 90, years when it also implemented affirmative action policies. Mauritius ranks 64 in the human development index, the highest in Sub-Saharan Africa. It has a diverse population of African, Indian, Chinese and European origin with 50% Hindu, 30% Christian and 17% Muslim. Myth 5. Some cultures are more likely to make developmental progress than others, and some cultures have inherent democratic values while others do not, so there is a trade-off between accommodating certain cultures and promoting development and democracy. Again, no. There is no evidence from statistical analysis or historical studies of a causal 4 HUMAN DEVELOPMENT REPORT 2004

relationship between culture and economic progress or democracy. Cultural determinism the idea that a group s culture explains economic performance and the advance of democracy as an obstacle or a facilitator, has enormous intuitive appeal. But these theories are not supported by econometric analysis or history. Many theories of cultural determinism have been advanced, starting with Max Weber s explanation of the Protestant ethic as a key factor behind successful growth in capitalist economies. Persuasive in explaining the past, these theories have been repeatedly proven wrong in predicting the future. When Weber s theory of the Protestant ethic was being touted, Catholic countries (France and Italy) were growing faster than Protestant Britain and Germany, so the theory was expanded to mean Christian or Western. When Japan, the Republic of Korea, Thailand and other East Asian countries achieved record growth rates, the notion that Confucian values retard growth had to be jettisoned. Understanding cultural traditions can offer insights to human behaviour and social dynamics that influence development outcomes. But these insights do not offer a grand theory of culture and development. In explaining economic growth rates, for example, economic policy, geography and the burden of disease are found to be highly relevant factors. But culture, such as whether a society is Hindu or Muslim, is found to be insignificant. The same is true with reference to democracy. A new wave of cultural determinism is starting to hold sway in some policy debates, attributing the failures of democratization in the non-western world to inherent cultural traits of intolerance and authoritarian values. At the global level some theorists have argued that the 21st century will see a clash of civilizations, that the future of democratic and tolerant Western states is threatened by non-western states with more authoritarian values. There are reasons to be sceptical. For one thing, the theory exaggerates the differences between civilization groups and ignores the similarities among them. Moreover, the West has no monopoly on democracy or tolerance, and there is no unique line of historical division between a tolerant and democratic West and a despotic East. Plato and Augustine were no less authoritarian in their thinking than were Confucius and Kautilya. There were champions of democracy not just in Europe but elsewhere as well. Take Akbar, who preached religious tolerance in 16th century India, or Prince Shotoku who in 7th century Japan introduced the constitution (kempo) that insisted that decisions on important matters should not be made by one person alone. They should be discussed by many. Notions of participatory decision-making on important public issues have been a central part of many traditions in Africa and elsewhere. And more recent findings of the World Values survey show that people in Muslim countries have as much support for democratic values as do people in non-muslim countries. A basic problem with these theories is the underlying assumption that culture is largely fixed and unchanging, allowing the world to be neatly divided into civilizations or cultures. This ignores the fact that while there can be great continuity in values and traditions in societies, cultures also change and are rarely homogeneous. Nearly all societies have undergone shifts in values for example, shifts in values about the role of women and gender equality over the last century. And radical changes in social practices have occurred everywhere, from Catholics in Chile to Muslims in Bangladesh to Buddhists in Thailand. Such changes and tensions within societies drive politics and historical change, so that the way power relationships affect those dynamics now dominates research in anthropology. Paradoxically, just as anthropologists have discarded the concept of culture as a bounded and fixed social phenomenon, mainstream political interest in finding core values and traits of a people and their culture is growing. Theories of cultural determinism deserve critical assessment since they have dangerous policy implications. They can fuel support for nationalistic policies that denigrate or oppress inferior cultures argued to stand in the way of national unity, democracy and development. Such attacks on cultural values would then fuel violent reactions that could feed tensions both within and between nations. A new wave of cultural determinism is starting to hold sway OVERVIEW 5

Cultural liberty is a human right and an important aspect of human development and thus worthy of state action and attention Human development requires more than health, education, a decent standard of living and political freedom. People s cultural identities must be recognized and accommodated by the state, and people must be free to express these identities without being discriminated against in other aspects of their lives. In short: cultural liberty is a human right and an important aspect of human development and thus worthy of state action and attention. Human development is the process of widening choices for people to do and be what they value in life. Previous Human Development Reports have focused on expanding social, political and economic opportunities to expand these choices. They have explored ways that policies of equitable growth, expansion of social opportunities and deepening of democracy can enhance those choices for all people. A further dimension of human development, difficult to measure and even to define, is vitally important: cultural liberty is central to the capability of people to live as they would like. The advance of cultural liberty must be a central aspect of human development, and this requires going beyond social, political and economic opportunities since they do not guarantee cultural liberty. Cultural liberty is about allowing people the freedom to choose their identities and to lead the lives they value without being excluded from other choices important to them (such as those for education, health or job opportunities). In practice there are two forms of cultural exclusion. First is living mode exclusion, which denies recognition and accommodation of a lifestyle that a group would choose to have and that insists that individuals must live exactly like all others in society. Examples include religious oppression or the insistence that immigrants drop their cultural practices and language. Second is participation exclusion, when people are discriminated against or suffer disadvantage in social, political and economic opportunities because of their cultural identity. Both types of exclusion exist on an extensive scale, across every continent, at every level of development, in democracies and authoritarian states. The Minorities at Risk data set, a research project including issues relating to cultural exclusion that has reviewed the situation of minority groups worldwide, estimates that about 900 million people belong to groups that are subject to some form of either living mode or participation exclusion not faced by other groups in the state around one in every seven people around the world. Of course, suppressions of cultural liberty fill the spectrum. At one extreme is ethnic cleansing. Then there are formal restrictions on the practice of religion, language and citizenship. But more frequently cultural exclusion comes from a simple lack of recognition or respect for the culture and heritage of people or from some cultures being considered inferior, primitive or uncivilized. This can be reflected in state policies, as in national calendars that do not observe a minority s religious holiday, schoolbooks that leave out or belittle the achievements of minority leaders and support to literature and other arts that celebrate the achievements of the dominant culture. Living mode exclusion often overlaps with social, economic and political exclusion through discrimination and disadvantage in employment, housing, schooling and political representation. The occupational castes in Nepal have under-five mortality rates of more than 17%, compared with around 7% for the Newar and Brahmin. In Serbia and Montenegro 30% of Roma children have never attended primary school. Latin Americans of European descent often express pride that they are colour blind and insist that their states are too. But across the continent indigenous groups are poorer and less represented politically than the non-indigenous. In Mexico, for example, 81% of indigenous people are reckoned to have incomes below the poverty line, compared with 18% for the general population. Living mode and participation exclusion, however, do not always overlap. People of Chinese ancestry in South-East Asia, for example, are economically dominant yet have been culturally excluded, for example, with Chinese language schools restricted, publishing in Chinese prohibited and people of Chinese descent socially pressured to adopt local names. But more often 6 HUMAN DEVELOPMENT REPORT 2004