Early leaving from vocational education and training. Hungary
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1 Early leaving from vocational education and training Hungary
2 This article on early leaving from vocational education and training written in 2013 is the first one of a set of articles prepared within Cedefop s ReferNet network. It complements general information on VET systems available online at ReferNet is a European network of national networks providing information and analysis on national VET to Cedefop and disseminating information on European VET and Cedefop work to stakeholders in the EU Member States, Norway and Iceland. The article has not been revised by Cedefop and opinions expressed are not necessarily those of Cedefop. The preparation of this article has been co-financed by the European Union. The article is based on a common template prepared by Cedefop for all ReferNet partners. Author: György Mártonfi / Hungarian Institute for Educational Research and Development Feedback and comments: Dr. Tamás Köpeczi-Bócz / national ReferNet representative Tibor Bors Borbély-Pecze / National Employment Service László Bruckner / National Labour Office, VET and Adult Education Directorate Katalin Janák / Hungarian Central Statistical Office György Szent-Léleky / Ministry for National Economy Copyright: Observatory Centre for Educational Development, Corvinus University of Budapest, 2014
3 1 Table of Contents 1. Early leaving from education and training in Hungary: definitions and statistics Definition of early leaving from education and training Data collection on dropping out from VET Different aspects that may influence the decision to remain in or drop out from VET Structural characteristics of the education and training/vet system... 6 Duration of compulsory education and training and its influence on the rate of learners dropping out from VET... 6 Opportunity to acquire a full or partial VET qualification through different programmes within and outside the VET system... 6 Dead ends in VET provision... 7 Mobility within VET and between VET and general education... 9 Apprenticeship-type training Labour market and social policy issues Individual reasons that may influence the decision to discontinue VET Measures to reduce drop out from VET Measures in place to prevent drop out from school-based VET and apprenticeship-type training Remedial measures in place within VET / related to VET Conclusions References:... 19
4 2 1. EARLY LEAVING FROM EDUCATION AND TRAINING IN HUNGARY: DEFINITIONS AND STATISTICS 1.1 Definition of early leaving from education and training The term early school leaving found its way into Hungarian professional discourse at the beginning of the 2000s via the European Union; it is also the EU definition of early school leaving that is in use in Hungary. Accordingly, early school leavers are defined as youth of years of age, holding a qualification of at most ISCED 2 or 3C short, and who declared not having received any education or training in the four weeks preceding the Labour Force Survey. The indicator is primarily used for international comparison, reflecting the process of "falling behind" rather than that of dropping out. In Hungary, the rate of early school leaving had slowly decreased to 10.5% by 2010; however, it began to increase again in the past two years. According to the 2012 national data, the proportion of those falling behind has remained lower among women (10.7%) than among men (12.2%); however, the difference between genders has slightly decreased. Significant regional differences, on the other hand, persist: the rate of early leaving is least problematic in Central Hungary (8.5%); in the Western Transdanubian region it is close to the national average (11.4%). As to the Northern Great Plains and Northern Hungary, the situation has further deteriorated: in those regions the proportion was 5 and 4 percentage points higher respectively than the national average. 1 The concept of dropping out has for decades played a central role in the literature on the sociology of education and in official education policy. However, it cannot be considered an exact term as its meaning changes from context to context and according to individual use. It can refer to a variety of things: staying out of a school-based or other training programme, school year repetition, switching to a training programme that is of lower prestige than the previous one (or is of the same value but the switch costs a school year repetition), leaving an institution, or dropping out of the education system altogether without obtaining a secondary qualification. 1.2 Data collection on dropping out from VET As 'dropping out' is a term with diverse interpretations in Hungary, there is no data collection on dropping out as such. At the same time, statistical data available make it possible to calculate indicators that provide an estimate of dropping out interpreted in a specific way. There are also surveys that calculate some kind of dropping out rate, defined, again, for a particular purpose. 1 Source: Hungarian Central Statistical Office (Központi Statisztikai Hivatal, KSH)
5 3 A working group focusing on ESL indicators was set up in 2005, which, among others, is developing a new and precise indicator for the phenomenon of dropping out. Data collection would imply relying on the use of individual student identification numbers as well. However, neither the available quantity nor the quality of data allow as of yet to publish any results. Annual statistical data collections, conducted in public education institutions in early October of each year, allow for certain estimations. The indicator that has been used for decades for measuring dropping out for this purpose juxtaposes the number of graduates from a programme with the number of students in first year of the same type of programme a certain number of years back, with the latter number determined by the length of the programme in question. For instance, in the case of four-year secondary vocational school programmes, the number of graduates in 2010 is contrasted with the starting number of students in This provides a fairly good estimate for some programmes, for others less so, given the varying level of fluctuation. It is safe to assume that a great number of learners switch programmes, retake a year, suspend and then resume their studies on account of illness, personal/family issues or studying abroad. The duration of different vocational programmes varies. Furthermore, for the past 1.5 decades individual paths of study in upper secondary VET have shown great flexibility, as many decisions fall directly within the scope of authority of school directors. To be more specific: a large number of students, about 10-20% of them, could go from the 9th grade straight to the 11th, i.e. the first vocational year. Until 2012 skipping the 10th grade was an option available to students, provided they were at least 16 years old and secured their school director s approval if they wanted to switch programmes. Statistics show that programme switches were in the thousands every year. Statistical data collection makes it possible to deduct the number of year repeaters (re-starters) from the number of programme starters, as opposed to simply contrasting the number of starters and that of the graduates "N" years later. That results in a more accurate estimate. Using this method we get the following dropping out rates in upper secondary programmes:
6 4 Table 1. Dropout rates in upper secondary programmes Training Dropping out rate, % Catching-up programmes n.a. General education grades (9-10) of vocational schools 31 General training Special vocational school 14 Secondary vocational school 19 Grammar school, 9-12th (13th) years 11 Total 18 VET Vocational school Special vocational school Secondary vocational school vocational qualifications without basic education (2CV) vocational training years (9-16 grades) (3CV) 31 vocational qualifications without completed lower secondary education (2C) n.a. n.a. vocational qualifications requiring completed lower secondary or 10 year-long general education (3C) 45 post-secondary level OKJ* course requiring a high school leaving diploma (4CV) (parallel training programme at grades 9th-12th as well) 16 higher level OKJ* training requiring high school leaving diploma (5B) (parallel training programme at grades 9th- 12th as well) 45 Total 27 General education grades and vocational training together Vocational school 29 Special vocational school 50 Secondary vocational school 19 Grammar school 9-12(13) grade 11 Total 19 * OKJ = National Qualifications Register (Országos Képzési Jegyzék) Source: Ministry of Human Resources (Emberi Erőforrások Minisztériuma, EMMI) In some cases the values above should only be taken as indicative, due to methodological issues as well as the flexibility of real-life processes. In the case of the three large upper secondary programme types (vocational schools, secondary vocational schools and grammar schools), estimates by and large correspond to the results gained in various surveys. For instance, there is a consensus among experts that puts the dropping out rate in vocational schools at 30%, meaning that 30% of 9th graders who enrol in a vocational school will not attain a qualification in the school system. The dropping out rate is outstandingly high among Roma youth: only 22% of them complete upper secondary studies (Council Recommendation 2013). Indicators of dropping out of secondary education refer to the number of students who do not complete a specific programme, even though a significant part of them will still obtain a qualification in the education system (in vocational schools). They do not qualify as what we call early school leavers. A part of those who drop out of
7 5 secondary schools without obtaining a qualification may complete their studies in the adult education and training system, even before they turn 24. We do not, however, have information about the size and age distribution of this group, therefore the extent of their contribution to the reduction of early school leaving is unknown. What could provide really accurate data about early school leaving, whatever definition is used, is the tracking of individual educational paths. Student identification numbers a key pre-condition to individual tracking are available; however, there is no information about any plan to conduct such a survey. Among the large number of studies in the field of the sociology of education, 2 mention must be made of the Life-paths surveys (Kertesi-Kézdi, 2010). Launched in 2006, the school careers of a sample of 10,000 students were documented every year, with a special focus on dropping out. Data from this longitudinal study show that out of those 9th graders who enrolled in vocational schools in the autumn of 2006, 53% were in the 12th year three and a half years later; the respective proportion in the case of vocational secondary schools is 66% and 84% in grammar schools. The rest of the students changed programmes, had year retakes or dropped out. At the same time, those who dropped out of school completely, i.e. did not take part in any kind of education or training programme, made up 19% of the students in vocational schools, and 1-1% in secondary vocational and grammar schools; altogether they constituted only around 7% of each age group. Close to half of the rest were year repeaters, while the other half continued their studies in some kind of (full-time, evening or correspondence) programme for adults. For more than a decade, from 1998 to 2011, data collection was carried out by the one of the agencies of the ministry responsible for VET, on the success and failure rates of vocational school students (Kerékgyártó André, 2010). At the beginning of the study 70-75% of vocational schools took part in the voluntary data provision, while at the end only 55-65%. Still, data thus gained provide a very accurate picture of student mobility, school failures, as well as dropping out of vocational school, special vocational school and catching-up programmes. 2 Babusik (2003), Fehérvári (2008), Kerékgyártó André (2010), Kertesi Kézdi (2010), Liskó (2006, 2008), Mártonfi (2004, 2008, 2011)
8 6 2. DIFFERENT ASPECTS THAT MAY INFLUENCE THE DECISION TO REMAIN IN OR DROP OUT FROM VET 2.1 Structural characteristics of the education and training/vet system Duration of compulsory education and training and its influence on the rate of learners dropping out from VET The 1996 amendment to the Public Education Act raised the upper limit of compulsory school attendance from 16 years of age to 18, beginning from Thus the first year the measure could make any difference was not before 2009/2010. Between a study was conducted (Mártonfi, 2011) based on interviews with stakeholders to investigate the influence of the increased age limit. It was found that the measure was able to retain in school a significant albeit indeterminable number of youth, including many Roma, but could only support the development of a small fraction of them. At the same time, however, it increased the workload of schools and generated disruption in their operation. Education policy did not address the problem and local resources were in most places insufficient to tackle it effectively. Statistical data were at that time unavailable to capture the impact of the changing of compulsory schooling age on the education of different age groups. At the beginning of 2011 the government announced that the upper limit of compulsory school attendance age shall be decreased to 15 years of age to allow young people the choice: whether to study or work. Eventually the new Public Education Act, passed in December 2011, lowered compulsory schooling age to 16 years of age. It will come into force in At this point only assumptions can be made as to the impact of this measure on early school leaving but it is likely to be a negative one. (Council Recommendation 2013). Any kind of prognosis is made all the more difficult by the new VET Act that uniformly decreased vocational school training to 3 years from 4-5 years. Thus young people can now obtain a vocational qualification as early as 17, as opposed to years of age as before. The interplay of the two simultaneous measures will be a key issue for researchers to study. Opportunity to acquire a full or partial VET qualification through different programmes within and outside the VET system Those seeking to obtain a qualification recognised by the state have the opportunity to do so both within the school system and in adult education. Either way, obtaining the first qualification is free of charge. Moreover, the labour market 3 According to the previous regulations, compulsory schooling lasted until the end of the school year in which the student turned 18. At present, compulsory schooling ends on the day after the student's 16th birthday, therefore the new law allows young people to leave the education system on average 2.5 years earlier than previously.
9 7 training of registered job seekers is usually fully or partially financed by the state, and is often combined with additional forms of support. When signing up for training programmes that are subsidized or free, learners have a limited choice as to which trade they can train for. In the school system previous school performance strongly influences the vocation one is admitted to. In adult education local training supply and labour market demands, together with decisions of local government authorities, limit the choices, although learners usually have some degree. Already back in 1993, the National Qualification Framework (Országos Képzési Jegyzék, OKJ) contained more than 40 short courses for low-level vocational qualifications. The concept of partial vocational qualifications, however, appeared with the introduction of the new OKJ in 2006, which listed a much higher number of such qualifications. Partial qualifications can be obtained in three ways: 1. in special vocational schools, where students with special educational needs are admitted by an expert committee; 2. vocational schools do not offer courses leading to partial qualifications; they may, however, issue them to students who fail to pass all the required modules for a full qualification but have completed the requirements for a partial qualification; 3. in adult education where adult training providers are entitled to run training courses leading to partial qualifications. It should be noted that as much as three quarters of partial qualifications are issued in adult education. Let us draw attention to the data in the following table, which indicate that special schools are issuing an increasing number of full vocational qualifications. Table 2. Number of partial qualifications (PQ) and vocational qualifications (VQ) issued VQ PQ VQ PQ VQ PQ special vocational school vocational school adult training (training courses) Source: National Labour Office, VET and Adult Education Directorate (NMH SZFI) Dead ends in VET provision Dead ends in VET provision can be interpreted in two ways. On the one hand, it may refer to cases when a student obtains a diploma/certificate that does not allow
10 8 them to continue their studies in certain directions. On the other, it is also used to describe the predicament of students who, in comparison with others, have very limited opportunity for further study, if at all. The former problem has been addressed and systemically dealt with for decades; correctional paths within the education and training system are being offered for youths and adults alike that open up the way to obtaining a higher qualification within a shorter or longer period of time, depending on how regulations change. Thus those who hold vocational qualifications can obtain a secondary school leaving certificate in two additional years of studies, and then with that can move on to post-secondary or tertiary studies. Also, according to the new VET Act passed in 2011, someone with a vocational qualification and five years of experience in a given field can join a technician's training programme even without a secondary school leaving certificate. Dead ends taken in the second sense i.e. with respect to one s odds of pursuing further studies the situation is different. In the second half of the 1990s, upper secondary education (ISCED 3) went through a series of changes both as to its structure and content. As a result, the content requirements of the two types of upper secondary education provision (secondary vocational and grammar schools) and vocational education (secondary vocational schools and vocational schools) were brought closer to one another. For the past 6-8 years the trend has been quite the opposite, which was further underlined by the new laws passed at the end of The three secondary education programmes are increasingly diverging in terms of content; they have become to form a distinct hierarchy, with further education paths being increasingly closed off. Based on the PISA surveys (PISA, 2010) family background and schools in Hungary have a greater impact on school performance than in almost all other countries participating in the survey: the Hungarian education system is outstandingly selective and segregating in international comparison. These changes are illustrated by the ongoing transformation of the vocational school structure which has recently resulted in the introduction of 3-year programmes, replacing the previous system of 2+2/3 programmes, i.e. 4-year and 5-year ones. It is predominantly the development of key competences that has been adversely affected by the shortening of the duration of training: class time dedicated to mathematics and Hungarian language has been cut to half, that for natural sciences to one third, while ICT subjects have been totally eliminated. This is likely to have a negative impact on the odds of pursuing further education in the school system or in adult education since learning activity in adulthood strongly correlates with former educational attainment. In theory, dropouts may resume their studies both in full-time training (until 21 years of age) and in adult education and training (from 16 years of age on). In practice, sooner or later this group usually ends up in training organised for the
11 9 unemployed. In case their previous qualifications and training are insufficient for them to take part in a vocational programme, then they have the possibility to enrol in so-called catching-up programmes designed to prepare them to start VET. Such programmes are increasingly available, in both the school system and adult training. However, there are limited offers targeting the labour market integration of dropouts. They are incidental, dependant on momentarily available funds, and do not fit into a system. Even though the legislative background is given, there is very little real opportunity to validate the prior knowledge of dropouts. Mobility within VET and between VET and general education Before 2012 the system of secondary education and training was quite flexible in that it allowed changes and alterations. Given the labour market and social benefits of secondary education, a large number of learners attempted this level of studies even with poorer school results. The shrinking of younger generations freed up more capacity in secondary schools. Given that school directors authorized by law play an important role in deciding who is admitted to a school and who is not, a number of students got in despite their poor record of previous educational performance. Some of them dropped out, usually in their first year, and transferred to a vocational school programme. According to the Life-path survey cited above (Kertesi-Kézdi, 2010), 10.5% of those who went to a vocational school ended up in a secondary vocational school three years later, while 1% studied on in grammar schools. Among those who started their studies in a secondary vocational school, three years later 4.1% studied in grammar schools, and 12.2% in vocational schools. 5.2% of grammar school students ended up in a secondary vocational school in subsequent years and 1.5% in a vocational school. It should be noted that there are learners in all three types of secondary programmes who switched to evening or correspondence courses (1.4%, 3.6% and 0.4% respectively). Mobility within IVET, i.e. switching from one vocational training programme to another was only possible within a certain trade group in the first half of the training. However, that was rather infrequent compared to transferring to a different type of secondary programme (see above), so much so that there is no data available. Training for a new (second) vocation usually takes place after obtaining the first vocational qualification, often still within the school system, but more typically in adult training. Between 2000 and 2005, obtaining a second qualification within the school system was free of charge; afterwards it was provided free only for learners from socially disadvantaged backgrounds or with special educational needs. The 2011 legislative amendments revoked these free opportunities. In 2008 the number of learners who acquired a second qualification in the school system was over 3,000, of whom 2,750 did so in full time education; in comparison, in the corresponding figure was between 1000 and At the same 4 Source: Ministry of Human Resources (Emberi Erőforrások Minisztériuma, EMMI)
12 10 time, large numbers of unemployed people obtain second or third qualifications in adult training, free of charge of course 5. Currently policy makers believe that there is more room than desirable for modifying decisions related to carrier choice, resulting in longer and more costly education paths (Koncepció, 2011). Therefore the goal has been set to strengthen career guidance activities in the 7th and 8th grades of primary school, particularly for disadvantaged students. The idea is to encourage decisions that need little correction later on. Further measures to this end include the cutting of the number of students to be admitted to grammar school on the one hand, and the raising of the number of vocational school students on the other in order to reduce dropping out rate. In the future there will be less possibility for mobility between programmes. Apprenticeship-type training In Hungary it is primarily the responsibility of the learner to find a training place. However, secured arrangement with an external training site is not a pre-condition to starting/continuing VET. Schools may also provide practical training if necessary. In the new system, the majority of students enter into apprenticeship training after the first year (at the age of 15). 6 Based on a 2012 law amendment, it is possible to conclude under certain conditions an apprenticeship contract in the first year of vocational training (from the age of 14). However, in this case training may only take place at the training workshop of an enterprise. VET schools help learners with finding a training site. According to a study carried out in 2010 among VET students in their final year (Kurucz, 2013), 26% found a training place on their own, another 24% found it with help from their families, relatives or acquaintances, and 45% found it through the school. Although very rarely, in 1.6% of the cases, the Hungarian Chamber of Commerce and Industry (Magyar Kereskedelmi és Iparkamara, MKIK), the organisation that handles the accreditation and registration of training sites, also stepped in to provide training place for learners. The challenges learners and schools face in their attempts to find training places vary by regions. Apart from the characteristics of the local economy, success depends on training concentration as well: for instance, if training for a specific trade is of greater volume in a small town, then it may be difficult for everyone to find an external training place. School-based practical training, gradually losing ground for over a decade now, is increasingly becoming a puffer; it is to guarantee practical training even if a learner has been unsuccessful in securing a place at an 5 Over the past 3 years the number of second vocational qualifications obtained in adult education was 29,000 (2010), 33,000 (2011) and 44,000 (2013). Source: National Labour Office, VET and Adult Education Directorate. 6 Prior to 2013 apprenticeship began typically at the age of 17, or on a few occasions at 16.
13 11 enterprise. The difficulty of ensuring a practical training place differs by trade as well. It is relatively easy for shop assistants, for example, while tailors usually depend on their schools assistance (Kurucz, 2013). Even the Chamber (MKIK) does not have information on which trades are more difficult or easier to find practical training place in. Financial incentives strongly influence the willingness of enterprises to engage in practical training. Per capita support has been provided for this purpose for the past two years now, the amount of which varies by trade. At present, three thirds of the training cost can be deducted by the enterprise (Tanulószerződéses...). Calculating with the per capita amount of 440,000 HUF a year, students on average cost 145,000 HUF/year (approx. 500 EUR) for the practical training provider. That, of course, may be made up for by the student's work. Thus whether the enterprise makes a profit or loss on apprenticeship training depends on the value the learner generates or the labour demand he/she fills in. It should be noted that the number of apprenticeship contracts continued to increase during the crisis. 7 This can be accounted for by the fact that available training places hardly reflect actual labour demand, as only 20% of VET graduates stay employed at the enterprise where they have done their practical training (as opposed to 60% in Germany). Moreover, the bigger share of training expenses is not borne by the training enterprise. In fact, 20% of training places are provided by enterprises that specialize in practical training provision, i.e. by companies that do not train workforce for themselves. In 2011/2012 as much as 85% of learners with an apprenticeship contract completed their training. 8 More detailed data differentiated by trade are not available. In the outgoing IVET system, however, students typically dropped out of vocational schools at the beginning of the programme, in general training years (i.e. prior to practical training). 2.2 Labour market and social policy issues The analysis of large longitudinal databases has revealed that in Hungary the wage returns of higher education qualifications are very high, while those of vocational qualifications are relatively low (Kézdi-Köllő-Varga, 2008). It means that the wages of people with vocational qualifications are not significantly higher than those of unskilled employees. The employment security of skilled workers, however, is much greater; their unemployment rates are significantly lower in each age group than those of their unskilled counterparts. Depending on their highest educational attainment, the differences among youth with respect to their chances of entering 7 Source: Hungarian Chamber of Commerce and Industry (MKIK) 8 Source: Hungarian Chamber of Commerce and Industry (MKIK)
14 12 the labour market are striking. In 2010, the unemployment rate of young people aged without completed primary school education was 51.5% as opposed to the 36.8% unemployment rate of those who did complete the 8 years of primary school or the 20.3% of skilled workers without a job. The unemployment rates of secondary school and higher education graduates were obviously much lower, 15% and 10% respectively (A fiatalok..., 2011). Unemployment rates have become higher in each group over the past few years, particularly so in the case of unskilled workers. Levels of minimum wage are also differentiated by educational attainment. In 2013 the minimum wage of skilled workers (guaranteed wage minimum) is 114,000 HUF (390 EUR), while the minimum wage of unskilled workers is only 98,000 HUF (335 EUR). Information is not available on the labour market returns of partial vocational qualifications. The majority of partial vocational qualifications is acquired by the unemployed who participate in labour market training courses. 9 Since their employment status must be monitored 180 days after the completion of the course, we can expect to see some data on their rates of success in securing employment. The government that took office in 2010 has significantly transformed the relative ratio between (minimum) wage, unemployment benefits and social benefits, in effort to motivate people living on social welfare to enter the labour market. This, however, is made difficult more than before by the scarcity of job vacancies for both young and old alike. For a great share of VET students from disadvantaged families, the monthly allowance that comes with the apprenticeship contract, or the stipend received for training for a shortage job as well as other forms of financial aid 10 represent a considerable contribution to family income. Such benefits may occasionally add up to the amount of the minimum wage; they are expected to motivate learners to successfully complete training programmes. However, as of yet there is no information on how these benefits work towards achieving that goal. 2.3 Individual reasons that may influence the decision to discontinue VET Sociological research has shed some light on the reasons behind dropping out (Fehérvári, 2008; Mártonfi, 2013). Such surveys, of course, are not capable of capturing the complexity of the situation in full; they can, however, give us an idea 9 Since their 2006 inclusion in the National Qualifications Register more than 100,000 partial vocational qualifications have been issued. 10 For example within the framework of the programme "Path to Vocation" (Út a szakmához) which provides mentoring in addition to a modest financial support for VET students training for a shortage job.
15 13 of which factors school directors believe to be the most crucial. They are as follows, in order of importance: 1. learners' low level of motivation to study; 2. school absenteeism; 3. learners' low level of competences; 4. learners' inadequate abilities; 5. learners' adverse social background; 6. behavioural problems; 7. teachers insufficient methodological knowledge and skills; 8. teachers' inadequate level of motivation 9. teachers inadequate training and professional competences. Qualitative studies emphasize that while the term 'dropping out' may seem to refer to a single event, it is better understood as a process. Even though dropping out narratives may be rendered into a typology, each individual case is unique and requires (would have required) special intervention. The factors listed above as well as a few other ones very often act together, putting young people at risk of dropping out of a training programme or leaving the school system altogether. There are, however, two very specific indicators that are easy to identify as warning signs of dropping out. Truancy is a well-known risk factor. Unexcused school absences should warn both the school and the appropriate experts that without some sort of intervention there is a high chance that the student will drop out. It should be stressed that truancy itself is but a symptom, with a host of possible causes. Year repetition in primary school is another early warning sign. Comparing the results of an earlier survey among first-year VET students and another one focussing on students in their final year in 2010 (Mártonfi, 2013) confirmed that those who had to repeat a year (or years) in primary school often ended up becoming VET dropouts. That is, upon completion of primary school they usually went on and enrolled in a vocational school as they were still under the compulsory school age. However, 70% of them did not obtain a vocational qualification.
16 14 3. MEASURES TO REDUCE DROP OUT FROM VET 3.1 Measures in place to prevent drop out from school-based VET and apprenticeship-type training Legislation and measures aimed at reducing VET learners chances for dropping out have always been part of VET policy. However, the issue has never been in the forefront of attention; the success of preventing or dealing with the problem has always been contingent on local stakeholders. The role of the state has increased in this respect as well, especially since the state took over the maintenance of VET schools from municipalities in Due to allowances paid for students in practical training and other stipends, significant financial benefits are linked to regular school attendance in vocational school training. In theory, parents are eligible for child benefit on condition that their child attends school. In practice, though, this restriction is hardly ever enforced. Authorities have also tried to financially penalize parents if their child of mandatory school attendance age does not go to school. This instrument has not really worked, either. Most often truancy concerns the poorest of the poor, and in their case financial sanctions and penalties are rather pointless (Mártonfi, 2011). The vocational school scholarship available to students training for shortage jobs is also linked to regular school attendance; its payment is suspended even after two days of unauthorized absence, while its amount depends on school performance as well. So far there has been no empirical evidence available on the effectiveness of this instrument, whether it in fact contributes to improving students performance and the overall quality of VET. Career orientation became part of curricula one and a half decade ago. However, career orientation services are available to young people on a random basis only, and their contribution to preventing drop out is probably so negligible that it cannot even be estimated. In the past decade several programmes have been launched (Hermándy-Berencz Szegedi Sziklainé, 2013; Köpeczi-Bócz, 2013), which aimed to reduce the high dropout rates in VET. The Vocational School Development Programme (Szakiskolai Fejlesztési Program, SZFP) in involved complex developments content development, teacher training, quality insurance, institutional development, the development and launch of a catching-up programme that in theory could contribute to reducing dropout rates in the participating 160 vocational schools. So far there has been no impact assessment that would provide information on the success of the programme in this respect (it is expected in ). The Integrated Pedagogical System (Integrált Pedagógiai Rendszer, IPR) has mainly assisted primary schools since 2003; to some extent, however, vocational
17 15 schools have also benefited from the programme. The objectives of IPR are related to social integration and the compensation of disadvantages. Although the amount of the integration per capita state contribution supporting the realization of these objectives has been cut to one-quarter of the original amount recently, the programme keeps going on in several schools. The Road to vocation (Út a szakmához) sub-programme of the Supply for the Journey (Útravaló) programme was launched in 2005, and is implemented through the joint application of students training in a shortage job and their mentor teachers. Participating disadvantaged students receive mentoring as well as modest financial support (HUF 4000, EUR 14 per month). Both IPR and the Supply for the journey programme are primarily preventive instruments. Some of the catching-up programmes aim to assist students who have not completed the eight years of primary school to enter VET; however, the Dobbantó programme implemented in in 15 schools also involved dropouts from VET, thus carrying out preventive as well as compensatory functions. Catching-up programmes reached only a small portion of their target group. These programmes have been discontinued, and will be succeed by the socalled Bridge programmes from 2013 in 86 designated vocational schools. These also aim to undertake preventive as well as compensatory tasks and are expected to reach a much larger segment of their target group than previous catching-up programmes. Bridge programmes will usually lead to VET, or in a few cases to upper secondary schools offering the secondary school leaving certificate; and by issuing partial vocational qualifications they may enable to enter the labour market. Albeit very slowly, teacher training is beginning to integrate modules that prepare future teachers to better handle the specific issues that come along with the education of disadvantaged students. However, in the in-service teacher training market such specialized courses are already on offer, and there is an increasing demand for them. 3.2 Remedial measures in place within VET / related to VET Students who have dropped out from secondary vocational school or grammar school typically continue their studies in a vocational school, or less frequently in evening or correspondence education in the same programme type. Reaching out to vocational school drop-outs and offering further reintegration programmes for them is not yet institutionalised. Most often they can get career orientation services and further adult learning opportunities or maybe a job opportunity as registered job seekers at the labour offices. In theory they can re-enter full time education until the age of 21, most typically, however, it is within the framework of adult education they get a second chance to obtain a vocation. Such programmes
18 16 can be launched at any time of the year. Legally speaking, qualifications obtained within the school system and in adult training are completely equivalent. Informally, however, some employers do not value these qualifications on the same level. Prior learning assessment preceding adult training gains ground very slowly. If it does happen to dropout students it is rather an exception than the rule.
19 17 4. CONCLUSIONS In the past decade, relatively little emphasis has been put at system level on preventing dropping out from VET and reducing the proportion of early school leaving through reintegration in VET. Rather, these areas have been dominated by local efforts implemented through municipal VET policy, institutional initiatives, or supported projects. A comprehensive development of vocational school training was carried out at state-level, by the initiative of the ministry, in While there are no data available on the effectiveness of the programme including its impact on dropping out, it is safe to say that it did not result in any breakthrough. The programme was supposed to run until 2011 but was discontinued earlier. The official explanation referred to financial reasons; many believe, however, that it was rather due to a change in VET policy, with preference given to structural transformation over system innovation. Looking back at trends over the past years, VET policy seems to have expected the reduction of dropping out from measures that, on the one hand, have increasingly transferred the practical training of vocational school students to economic organisations and, on the other hand, moved the start of VET down to an ever younger age. These trends and the policy thinking that informs them still prevail. As a result, an increasing share of young people at secondary level (currently nearly a third of them) is being trained in vocational schools where VET is provided to students aged 14-17, with a significantly reduced general education content and a greater proportion of practical VET that is dominantly provided outside the school. Decision makers hope that those groups of vocational school students for whom based on their previous school experience education is synonymous with failures and frustration, will benefit from these changes. That is, they are expected to obtain a secondary qualification in greater numbers than before. Since this new education and training structure is launched nationwide from school year 2013, it will take at least 2-3 years to see results. The objective of reducing early school leaving through catching-up training pathways leading to VET is served primarily by catching-up programmes. These aim to assist young people with or without completed primary school education but unprepared to start VET to enter a vocational programme. Catching-up programmes became an important part of the education system in the past decade, and even though they did not in the least provide complete coverage and accessibility for the target group, they did reach 1-2% of a generation. While there are no data available on their efficiency, it is safe to assume that they helped a great number of young people (more than half of those who enrolled in a catchingup programme) to start vocational training. Neither specific statistical data nor follow-up surveys are available on the dropout rates of students who entered VET
20 18 through a catching-up programme. Catching-up programmes were offered for the last time in 2012, but they will be replaced by the so-called Bridge programmes from 2013 (see above). State financing is still provided for national programmes such as the Arany János Vocational Boarding School Programme implemented at 7 locations, or the Road to a vocation scheme that provides modest financial and mentoring support for several thousands students. While these programmes certainly contribute to battling early school leaving, they are far from being realized to their full potential. Closer attention from VET policy makers and increased financial and professional support would certainly boost the effectiveness and success rate of these programmes.
21 19 REFERENCES: Babusik, Ferenc (2003): Késői kezdés, lemorzsolódás. Cigány fiatalok az általános iskolában, Council recommendation on Hungary s 2013 national reform programme and delivering a Council opinion on Hungary's convergence programme for Fehérvári Anikó (ed.) (2008): Szakképzés és lemorzsolódás, OFI, Budapest. A fiatalok (2011): A fiatalok munkaerő-piaci helyzete, KSH, Budapest. Györgyi, Zoltán (ed.) (2008): Az integráció érdekében, OFI, Budapest. Hermándy-Berencz Judit Szegedi Eszter Sziklainé Lengyel Zsófia (eds.) (2013): Esélyteremtés szakképzéssel, Budapest, Kerékgyártó, László André, Lászlóné (2010): A szakiskolai képzés, a szakképzést előkészítő és a felzárkóztató oktatás a monitorozás tükrében, NSZFI, Budapest, Kertesi, Gábor Kézdi, Gábor (2010): Iskolázatlan szülők gyermekei és roma fiatalok a középiskolákban. In Kolosi, Tamás Tóth, István György (eds.): Társadalmi Riport TÁRKI, Budapest. Kézdi, Gábor Köllő, János Varga, Júlia (2008): Az érettségit nem adó szakképzés válságtünetei. In Fazekas, Károly Köllő, János (eds.): Munkaerőpiaci tükör MTA KTI OFA, Budapest. Koncepció (2011): Koncepció a szakképzési rendszer átalakítására, a gazdasági igényekkel való összehangolására, NGM, Budapest. Köpeczi-Bócz, Tamás (2013): Befogadó iskola esélyteremtés szakképzéssel. In: Pedagógusképzés, 9 (38), 2011/3-4. pp Kurucz, Orsolya (2013): Gyakorlati képzés az iskolában és a gazdaságban. Új Pedagógia Szemle, No., 1-2. Liskó, Ilona (2008): Szakképzés és lemorzsolódás. In: Fazekas Köllő Varga (eds.): Zöld könyv a magyar közoktatás megújításáért, Ecostat, Budapest Liskó, Ilona (2006): A hátrányos helyzetű tanulók iskoláztatási esélyei In. Edutacio 2006/1. Mártonfi, György (ed.) (2008): Szakiskola és hátránykezelés, Kisebbségkutató Intézet, Budapest. Mártonfi, György (2004): Szakiskolai képzés. Egy felmérés és két tanulmányút tapasztalatai. Szakképzési Szemle, No.4., pp Mártonfi, György (ed.) (2011): A 18 éves korra emelt tankötelezettség teljesülése és (mellék)hatásai, Budapest, OFI Mártonfi, György (2013): A hiányszakmát tanuló végzős szakiskolások körében végzett felmérés néhány tanulsága, Új Pedagógiai Szemle, No PISA (2010): PISA 2009 Results: Overcoming Social Background. Equity in learning opportunities and outcomes, OECD, Paris. Szakmai (2011): Szakmai és nem szakmai képzések, Országos és regionális adatok , NSZFI, Budapest
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