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1 ANALELE UNIVERSITĂŢII BUCUREŞTI L I M B I Ş I L I T E R A T U R I S T R Ă I N E EXTRAS ANUL LX 2011, nr. 1

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3 LIMBI ŞI LITERATURI STRĂINE COLEGIUL DE REDACŢIE Redactor responsabil: Membri: Secretari de redacţie: Prof. dr. Andrei A. Avram Prof. dr. Mihaela Voicu Prof. dr. Alexandra Cornilescu Prof. dr. Constantin Geambaşu Prof. dr. George Guţu Prof. dr. Yves D Hulst (Universitatea din Osnabrück) Prof. dr. Sanda Reinheimer-Rîpeanu Prof. h.c. dr. Stefan Sienerth (Universitatea din München) Prof. dr. Radu Toma Lect. dr. Sabina Popârlan Lect. dr. Ruxandra Vişan EDITURA UNIVERSITĂŢII DIN BUCUREŞTI Redacţia ANALELE UNIVERSITĂŢII Redactor: Irina Hriţcu Tehnoredactor: Emeline-Daniela Avram Şos. Panduri, nr , Bucureşti Telefon: /131, Fax.: Internet:

4 ANALELE UNIVERSITĂŢII BUCUREŞTI L I M B I Ş I L I T E R A T U R I S T R Ă I N E Nr. 1 SUMAR SOMMAIRE CONTENTS LINGVISTICĂ / LINGUISTIQUE / LINGUISTICS IOANA COSTA, Ancient Grammarians on Accent... 3 IOANA COSTACHE, Side Effects: Marginalia in Romanian Manuscripts and Printed Books, 16 th C. to 19 th C DAN MUNTEANU COLÁN, Can the Romanian Spoken in Spain Become a New Linguistic Means? ADINA-IOANA VLADU, La normalización del gallego desafíos y perspectivas para el futuro DANIELA MURARU, The Commissive Speech Acts in the Mediator s Discourse VIORELA-VALENTINA DIMA, A Cognitive Pragmatic Approach to Nominal Temporal Interpretation SIMONA MAZILU, Dissociation in Pro-Choice Argumentation MIHAELA TĂNASE-DOGARU, On Numerical Nouns and Pseudo-Partitive Constructions.. 81 SABINA POPÂRLAN, Les verbes hindis ānā («venir») et jānā («partir») comme lexèmes autonomes et en tant que V 2 dans les structures [V 1 V 2 ] / [N V 2 ] DANIELA SOREA, ALEXANDRA STOICA, Linguistic Approaches to Verbal and Visual Puns CRISTINA BUŢURCĂ, Analyse du discours dans les interactions visant le métalangage en classe de FLE ALEKSANDRA KNAPIK, Jamaican Creole Proverbs as Exponents of Linguistic and Cultural Contacts A Guest of the University of Bucharest: Professor Jiři Felix JIŘI FELIX, Cehii şi limba română * Recenzii Comptes rendus Reviews

5 Les articles de Cristina Buţurcă, Ioana Costa, Ioana Costache, Viorela-Valentina Dima, Mihaela Tănase-Dogaru, Simona Mazilu, Daniela Muraru, Sabina Popârlan et Adina-Ioana Vladu représentent les versions écrites des communications présentées lors de la Session scientifique annuelle de la Faculté des Langues et Littératures Etrangères, Université de Bucarest, octobre 2009.

6 ANCIENT GRAMMARIANS ON ACCENT IOANA COSTA Martianus Capella s De nuptiis Philologiae et Mercurii et de septem artibus liberalibus libri novem includes a book on Grammar, Grammatica, the first among Artes Liberales (literally and symbolically), that preserves the general frame of the preceding grammars. Its distinctive attribute is the focus on phonetic traits: Capella presents a list of letters and their corresponding pronunciation that was unambiguously valued during centuries, being a direct testimony of the language of his time and/or the terminological approach of the Latin grammarians, heavily influenced by the Greek treatises. The accent is predominantly interpreted in Greek coordinates, both as articulation and graphics. Keywords: Martianus Capella, philology, terminology, grammarians, accent. The grammarians and the texts they create are highly conservative, both intentionally, trying to delay and control the exuberant evolving of language, and unwillingly, as a result of inheriting the existing models of linguistic description, even obviously outdated. The ancient knowledge was transferred to our times throughout a chain of written texts that do not always display the auctorial mark. The didactic treatises and the encyclopaedic works were abundantly impregnated with ideas and even words that belonged to their predecessors. The fate of ancient texts is determined by the success they had in various epochs, when the readers changed their literary taste and the manuscripts were variously copied and disseminated. 1. Grammatica Martiani and its sources Martianus Capella s encyclopedic work De nuptiis Philologiae et Mercurii et de septem artibus liberalibus libri novem is immensely indebted to previous writings, just as any encyclopaedic work appropriates pre-existing data, information, even texts in their original form. He re-enacted the principles and basis of the Roman academic itinerary and offered them to future generations; his writing, fundamental for the history of education, rhetoric and science of his University of Bucharest, Faculty of Foreign Languages and Literatures,

7 4 IOANA COSTA time, was one of the books that enjoyed maximum popularity and, implicitly, multiplication through copies, for more than one thousand years. Identifying the sources Martianus Capella used in the third book of his work, on Grammar (the first among Artes Liberales, personified as seven maids escorting the bride, Philologia), is a difficult approach, impossible to complete: based on contemporary and previous grammar treatises, it contrasts our knowledge built on Latin grammar text of the fourth century AD or even subsequent. There are some similarities between Martianus Capella s book on grammar and the work of Diomedes (by the end of the fourth century BC), Ars grammatica or De oratione et partibus orationis et uario genere metrorum libri tres. Diomedes treatise includes a chapter on the eight parts of speech, a chapter on elementary theories regarding grammar and style and a final chapter on poetry, phonetic quantities and metre. The similarities might be explained by assuming that both authors used a common source that, if existed, is unknown to us. Capella differs from Diomedes in defining the syllable, in distinguishing the three parts of the syllable, in detecting the four types of iunctura and in details regarding the accent, including the assertion that a word is able to include all three types of accent (e.g. Árgìlêtum): in these sections of the work, Capella prefers to state his own opinions. There were detected some traits that connect Capella and Charisius, Marius Victorinus and Servius, that can not be plausibly depicted as descending from a common source. In describing conjugations and declensions, as much as it exists in De nuptiis (id est, predominantly from a phonetic perspective), Martianus Capella directly follows Charisius; whenever he diverges, does it either to express his own opinion or to follow a different source, such as Pliny the Elder. The modality Capella explains the word ending in u is not retraceable in any other treatises that survived till nowadays 1. There are some similarities with Marius Victorinus and Servius in considering the commune and final syllables, the pronouns, adverbs, participles, conjunctions, prepositions and interjections (mostly at the litterae level), but is impossible to detect the lineage of sources. Although there are some common points with Probus, these are inferior to the other grammarians. It seems obvious that Capella and Priscianus used the same source in describing the letters, either Papirianus or a previous author, such as Probus or Pliny the Elder 2. 1 His description of the vowel in lac differs from all the other grammarians. 2 Dick, in his edition Martianus Capella, reckons some similarities between the third book of De nuptiis (Grammatica) and De arte metrica of BEDA VENERABILIS: this work, on Latin versification, intended as auxiliary of grammar teaching in the school, was based on Donatus De pedibus, and on Servius De finalibus; the examples he offered came from Christian poets, as much as from Vergil. Another textbook of Beda, De orthographia, aimed to help the medieval reader to comprehend the less common abbreviations and to understand some rare words of classical Latin; it plausibly worked as a reference work.

8 ANCIENT GRAMMARIANS ON ACCENT 5 The grammatical tradition is dominated by the work of Donatus: his grammar 3 (the part known as Ars maior) is pyramidal, planned from simple to complex, continuing the tradition of Diomedes and Varro: the basis of grammar is the alphabet, consisting of letters; letters coalesce into syllables, syllables into words, words in parts of speech; the parts of speech generate speech, that becomes perfect as stylish verbal communication; humans aim at stylish and elegant verbal communication in order to avoid mistakes 4. The idea probably originates in Dionysios Thrax, who initiated the study of grammar with the element (stoicei`on), the final unit of speech (being a[tomo~). The progressive, pyramidal structure of the chain [(uox), littera, syllaba, (dictio), partes orationis, oratio] is to be found in the third book of Martianus Capella s allegory. The treatise of Donatus includes six parts, one more than Tevcnh peri; fwnh`~ of Diogenes from Babylon, but with a significant discrepancy: Donatus does not include the chapters on dictio (levxi~) and oratio (lovgo~), so that the work as a whole can legitimately be labeled using the current terminology of language science as phonetics: De uoce (fwnhv); 2. De littera (stoicei`on); 3. De syllaba (sullavbh); 4. De pedibus; 5. De tonis; 6. De posituris. This discrepancy (adding a chapter on accent and a chapter on punctuation) is hardly an innovation, as it might have fitted in the Rhodian School; nevertheless, Tevcnh of Dionysios Thrax only briefly describes the accents, noting the three types of accent. The chapter Donatus dedicated to accent is composite, including, besides general rules of accentuation, some graphic marks that, as diastolé and hyphén, assumed the alexandrine tradition and didactic practice. This approach is retraceable in De nuptiis. 3 E.g., a Donatus book from the beginning of the XIX th century (Institutiones grammaticae, in usum scholarum grammaticarum M. Principatus Transsilvaniae, et partium adnexarum. Pars I. Claudiopoli, Typis Lycei Regii, 1810, 300 p.; another one, from the same year: Donatus, Latino-Germanicus oder Erste Unleitung zu der grammaticalischen Kenntniss der Deutschen und der letainischen Sprache, Zum Gebrauch der untersten Classen des Hermannstadter Evanghelischen Gymnasiums, Hermannstadt, 1810, 200 p.). Both of them preserve the ancient structure: sectio I De Orthoepia, sectio II De Orthographia etc. and the question/answer method: Quid est Grammatica Latina? Est ars bene latine legendi, scribendi, intelligendi, et loquendi. Quot Partibus constat? Quinque: Orthoepia, Orthographia, Etymologia, Syntaxi, et Prosodia. Quid est Orthoepia? Est, quae literas (sic), earum discrimen, scripturam, pronunciationem, et in syllabas coalitionem docet; seu ars bene legendi. Quid est Litera? Est minima pars vocis articulatae, quae scribi potest individua. Quot sunt literae (sic)? Quattuor et viginti: A, B, C, D, E, F, G, H, I, K, L, M, N, O, P, Q, R, S, T, U, V, X, Y, Z. e quibus Graeca sunt K, Y, Z. Quomodo dividuntur literae (sic)? In Vocales et Consonantes. [...] Quomodo sunt literae (sic) hae pronunciandae?... Quid est Orthographia? Est ars recte scribendi etc. 4 grammaticae initia ab elementa surgunt, elementa figurantur in litteras, litterae in syllabas coguntur, syllabis conprehenditur dictio, dictiones coguntur in partes orationis, partibus orationis consummatur oratio, oratione uirtus ornatur, uirtus ad euitanda uitia exercetur (VARRO, GRF, fg. 237).

9 6 IOANA COSTA 2. Text transmission Leaving aside the topic of Capella s sources, is appropriate a brief investigation of text transmission: complex, heavily marked by glosses and comments. The antique sources of Martianus Capella are constantly transplanted into the fifth century; the next millennium inherits them throughout the intermediate commentaries written by Iohannes Scottus Eriugena, Remigius Autissiodorensis and Bernardus Silvestris. The third book of De nuptiis hardly exists in these commentaries. A manuscript containing the commentary of Martin de Laon simply does not gloss the book on grammar. The text of Iohannes Scottus Eriugena briefly surveys the third book, focusing on allegoric introduction, and his comments on the technical elements are almost entirely devoted to explaining the unusual words and the proper names that appear in Martianus Capella s examples. Remigius approach is even more peculiar: although he used to abundantly comment the Capella s work, he states no observation on the technical material of the third book, being preoccupied exclusively by the allegoric display. Besides the manuscripts that enclose the entirety of the work, there are 23 manuscripts (listed by Leonardi, I Codici di Marziano Capella, Aevum, XXXIII, 1959, XXXIV, ) of the third chapter or parts of it: two of them are insignificant, one includes the commentaries of Remigius and modest fragments of Capella s text, one includes excerpts, two offer the third book in its entirety. The rest of the manuscripts (17) is to be separated in two series: 12 are focused on the chapter 261, on pronouncing every letter of the alphabet (11 manuscripts offer only the chapter 261, one manuscript includes the section ; 9 of them belong to the centuries IX th to XII th, 3 belong the centuries XV th -XVI th ). The remaining 5 manuscripts include the segments (on nouns ending in S to X and the verbal diathesis) and (conjugation) or fragments of them; 4 of them belong to the XV th century. Depicting the pronunciation was considered highly useful, being frequently quoted; the third book as a whole was nevertheless almost unused and the most plausible explanation is the fact that Donatus grammar, considered of better-quality, was largely studied. 3. Phonetics. Accent The third book of Capella s allegory is closely connected to the overall content of this work: the first maid that speaks in front of the celestial guests in the wedding, Grammatica is the predominant Ars liberalis; her physical, 5 Apud STAHL, I, p. 103.

10 ANCIENT GRAMMARIANS ON ACCENT 7 allegorical traits are subtly described in relationship to the other Artes, in a refined progress that ends with the musical domain, mastered by tonus and sonus. The perspective is limpidly phonetical: whatever the grammar treatises used to include is left aside in Martianus Capella s work. The alleged reason is the boredom of Jupiter and the celestial senat 6 ; the real reason seems to be the relevance, from Capella s literary standpoint, of discourse on language and the way language is used: only the sounds (litterae) worth being described. The way the sounds are articulated is an art in itself, while building the text is a different techne. The true wisdom of Grammar (sapientia uera) leaves aside the common content of learnig the language and, renouncing morphology and syntax, maintains phonetics. The simple litterae, the sounds, and their next level, the syllables (syllabae) are adequate topics for a celestial wedding. The series of speeches, initiated by Grammar, is concluded by Music (Harmony), in an elegant periplus that eulogises sounds, either as littera or as sonus. The apprenticeship in grammar was arranged not necessarily on a practical or efficient basis: elements id est, letters then syllables, words, expressions, sentences, complex sentences. Martianus Capella takes over this order, so that the speech of his character, Grammar, opens with an elaborate study on letters, on their joining and pronunciation; afterwards, describes syllables, their joining and pronunciation, focusing on final syllables, with maximum relevance in an inflected language like Latin. Unlike other grammar treatises, Capella s Grammatica includes a minute description of articulating letters 7 term that covers more than sounds, as the author, in consecutive paragraphs, withdraws the superfluous letters and describes their pronunciation (e.g. C, K, and Q) 8. The way he describes the letters is afflicted by the ambiguity sound/sign, as Capella admits (III, 261) that there are some redundant letters (K vs C, or the Greek letter Y) and, nevertheless, minutely depicts their distinctive phonetic traits (III, 253): C is created behind the teeth, with the dorsal part of the tongue, K is articulated with the soft palate elevated to the back of the throat, Q is a contraction of the soft palate, with rounded lips (III, 255). The syllable is defined as a combination of letters resulting in one single sound, taken as a unit (syllaba igitur dicta est, quod iunctis litteris sonitum simul accipientibus informetur, III, 264). The syllables are carefully described, from the standpoint of their vocalic and consonantic structure: Capella classifies 6 Vide the commentary of Remigius Autissiodorensis: serium fastidium (114, 17) quod superflua et minus utilia refugit, nam sapientia uera breuitate gaudet, refugit uagam garrulitatem. 7 III, 261: A sub hiatus oris congruo solo spiritu memoramus. [...] E spiritus facit lingua paululum pressiore. [...] I spiritus prope dentibus pressis. [...] O rotundi oris spiritu comparatur. [...] V ore constricto labrisque prominulis exhibetur. [...] Y appressis labris spirituque procedit. 8 Vide MARIUS VICTORINUS, Ars grammatica, VI 32, 17-34, 23; TERENTIANUS MAURUS, De litteris, de syllabis, de metris, , Keil (ed.), Grammatici latini, VI, p. 315 sqq.

11 8 IOANA COSTA the relative positions of vowels and consonants, which comes first and which comes second, how they modify accordingly to phonetic laws, becoming a different sound/letter 9. The syllable is defined in three precise coordinates: the connexion, the accentuation, the length (de iunctura, de fastigio aut de longitudinibus). The climax of the third book seems to be the part regarding the accent 10 : the character that embodies Grammar is perfectly determined to largely speak on this topic, although Pallas specifically requested a historical presentation, easier to follow by the celestial guests (III, 263). The accentuation (III, 268) is defined on the Greek basis, not only terminologically (e.g. the topic named in Greek language peri prosodion), but beyond the plausible realities of the Latin language. The syllable divisions are discussed in terms of grave, acute or circumflex, using the criterion of pitch; the acute is the tone that rises over the normal, grave is the normal tone, circumflex is the double tone, rising and falling back to normal in the span of one vocalic unit; just as there is no syllable without vocalic reality, there it can not be syllable without accent. Accent is, says Grammatica, the spirit of the sound, its soul, the cradle of music as any melody comes from accents and quantities of sounds; its very name defines it, accent from adcantus (et est accentus, ut quidam putauerunt, anima uocis et seminarium musices, quod omnis modulatio ex fastigiis uocum grauitateque componitur, ideoque accentus quasi adcantus dictus est) 11. Any Latin expression, either simple or complex, from Martianus Capella s perspective, includes a sound that is either acute or circumflex; no Latin word can include two acute sounds or two circumflex sounds; it is a common situation to find two grave sounds in one word. The monosyllabae display acute accent, as in far, ars; if the vowel is naturally long, the accent is circumflex, as in lux, mos. The disyllabae bear acute accent on the first syllable when both syllables are short, as in citus; the same, when both long not naturally, but positionally, as in sollers; the same, when the finale syllable is long as a result of its position, as in cohors. Whenever the first syllable is positionally long and the final syllable is short, the first syllable displays circumflex accent, as in luna; if the final syllable is positionally or naturally long, the first syllable has acute accent, as in codes, docte; in a dissyllabic word, the grave accent is never on the first syllable. In trisyllabae, if the medial syllable (which we use to name penultimate, quam paene ultimam dicimus) is short, it is always articulated with grave accent and the preceding syllable (the first one) is acute, as in Catulus; if the medial syllable is long, the accent depends on the length: if naturally long (media longa erit natura) and final 9 [in qua iuncturis] quid nectat littera utrisque, / quo admittat socium uel faciat latere, / quae quo transiliat conuersis legibus usu/ et transformatum nomen habere uelit, / quas oris sonitus uel quas modulatio linguae/ gignant et pulsu rupta labella suo (III, 262). 10 nunc iam compactis cursanda est syllaba formis, / ut fastigetur longa breuisque fiat (III, 262). 11 For the accent of disyllabic words, vide DIOMEDES, Ars grammatica, I 431, 19 sqq.

12 ANCIENT GRAMMARIANS ON ACCENT 9 syllable short, the medial bears circumflex accent (media flectetur), as in Cethegus, Mancinus; if the medial syllable is naturally long and the final is long, the medial syllable bears acute accent (media acuetur), as in Catoni, Ciceroni; if the medial syllable is positionally long (positione longa erit media), bears acute accent, no matter the length of the final syllable, as in Catullus, Catullo, Metellus, Metello. There are some observations regarding what we use to consider as samdhi phenomena, or syntactical phonetics: Capella notices (III, 272) that the genuine pronunciation of individual sounds change, from minor changes to vanishing, in the phonetic context. Some of his observations are connected to the accent, e.g. the words enlarged with the particles -que, -ue or -ne. The three distinct accents are described not only phonetically, but graphically: acutus accentus notatur uirgula a sinistra parte in dexteram ascendente; grauis autem a sinistra parte ad dexteram descendens; inflexi signum est sigma super ipsas litteras deuexum. BIBLIOGRAPHY HOLTZ, L. (1981), Donat et la tradition de l enseignement grammatical. Étude sur l Ars Donati et sa diffusion (IV e IX e siècle) et édition critique, Paris: CNRS. Ramelli, Ilaria (ed.) (2001), Nozze di Filologia e Mercurio. Milan: Bompiani. Ramelli, Ilaria (ed.) (2006). Scoto Eriugena, Remigio di Auxerre, Bernardo Silvestre e anonimi. Tutti i commenti a Marziano Capella. Milan: Bompiani. SHANZER, DANUTA (1986), A Philosophical and Literary Commentary on Martianus Capella s De Nuptiis Philologiae et Mercurii. Book I. Berkeley/Los Angeles: University of California Press. STAHL, W. H. (1971), The quadrivium of Martianus Capella. Latin traditions in the mathematical sciences, 50 B.C.-A.D. 1250, New York/London: Columbia University Press. STAHL, W. H. et al. (edd.) (1977), MARTIANUS CAPELLA, The Marriage of Philology and Mercury, translated by William Harris Stahl and R. Johnson, with E. L. Burge, New York: Columbia University Press.

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14 SIDE EFFECTS: MARGINALIA IN ROMANIAN MANUSCRIPTS AND PRINTED BOOKS, 16 TH C. TO 19 TH C. IOANA COSTACHE Examination of an extensive corpus of handwritten annotations on Romanian books and manuscripts (16 th C. to 19 th C.) has confirmed the two working assumptions of this paper: that marginalia can contribute significantly to the study of non-literary language (particularly of lexis and morphology), and that linguistic expertise is needed in the research and editing of handwritten annotations. Selected examples illustrate the persistence of etymological senses which had been viewed as extinct and the clarification that dialectology can bring to the editing and formal description of library holdings. Keywords: marginalia, manuscript, dialectology, historical semantics, non-literary language, old Romanian. One of the starting points of this paper is a remark on erroneously edited marginalia and on the usefulness of annotations, whose value as sources of linguistic information has been unfairly neglected compared to their acknowledged importance as historical sources (Mitu 2001: 133). Coming from different quarters, an argument in favour of studying original manuscripts rather than edited versions in order to assess linguistic variation (Grund 2006: 105) has led to some unexpected lexical findings, and to suggestions for the clarification of readings marked as uncertain in library catalogues. Marginalia constitute a bountiful source for research into history, the development of national consciousness (Nikolova-Houston 2009), reading practices (Jackson 2001, Colclough 2007), the history of medicine, climate change, astronomical and geophysical events, not to mention the production, circulation, and price of books (an excellent survey in Lupu 2009: ; see also Dudaş 1986:162-7, Stoide 2005). However, the linguistic usefulness of marginalia has been largely overlooked, particularly in Romanian philological inquiry, which tends to favour the study of literary language over informal annotations. Notable exceptions are Frâncu 2009, where occasional reference is made to private documents and annotations, and etymological work announcing the discovery of rare, unattested words (Mareş 2007, Mitu 2001). University of Bucharest, Faculty of Foreign Languages and Literatures,

15 12 IOANA COSTACHE The corpus consists primarily of edited marginalia which were meant to give a general idea of Romanian as it was used in informal contexts in the 17 th and 18 th centuries, as an indirect indicator of what non-literary Romanian might have looked like; no other philological or bibliographic purposes were envisaged, hence the side effects of the title. An initial survey of Caproşu & Chiaburu 2008, Dudaş 2007, Ştefan 2008 led to the restriction of the geographical area under investigation (focus on Bihor/Crişana, to the North-West of Romania), and to the study of authentic, unedited material, in order to obtain confirmation of the hypotheses generated by the edited corpus. They are the following: 1. Certain linguistic traits persist beyond the time limit traditionally acknowledged by linguists; 2. The linguist s input may help in clarifying uncertain or erroneous readings in edited corpora. Both will be illustrated with excerpts from edited and original marginalia, with English translation provided between square brackets. 1. Semantic Persistence There are two lexical items which occur frequently in book donation formulas: femeie family, household (< Latin familia) and brâncă hand (< Latin branca). Both have retained their etymological meaning till late into the 18 th century (presumably into the 19 th century as well). One might argue that they were preserved by default and not necessarily understood as such, due to the formulaic nature of the context. The donation formula usually includes the identification of the donor(s), the circumstances of acquisition of the book (where it took place, who the seller was, for what price the book was sold), the specification that the donor gives the book to the village/parish church or to the priest on condition that it would never be alienated and that a memorial service be read for the donor(s). It ends with a typical si quis clause, whereby the donor s descendants are forbidden to claim the book back and whoever steals or destroys the book is cursed to damnation. The texts were indeed formulaic, but they were nonetheless flexible; synonymy indicates that the speakers were fully aware of the respective meanings of brâncă and femeie, which were freely used in alternation with their synonyms mână and rod, rodenie, rudenie, neam, seminţie, sămânţă, viţă, nemzet (Dudaş 2007: 185, from Hungarian nemzet nation ). Nowhere in the corpus was femeie used in its current senses of woman and wife ; the latter was referred to by terms such as jupâneasă, muiere, soaţă, soţ in phrases of the type soţu-meu MASC [woman s name FEM ]. Dictionaries and language histories date the latest use of femeie family to the early 17 th century:

16 SIDE EFFECTS: MARGINALIA IN ROMANIAN MANUSCRIPTS AND PRINTED BOOKS, 16 TH C. TO 19 TH C. 13 femeie (fămeie, fomeie, fumeie) sf Frau <FAMILIA, -AM Im Ar. fumeal e u. Mgl. fămel ă, fumel ă hat das Wort noch den Sinn von Kinder, Familie [ ] Der Sinn von Familie hat noch das rum. Wort in alten Texten: să meargă [omul] la besěrecă cu toată foměia. Cuv. d. b. II, 47, 51. În ieşitul Izrailtěnilor den Eghypet şi făměia lui Jacov dintre oameni păgâni Psalt. Belgr. 1651, Cip. Anal (Puşcariu 1905: 51) Other attestations of femeie family date back to 1622 (Pietrari, Dâmboviţa county) and 1627 (Târgovişte, Dâmboviţa) (Rosetti 1986: 536); further occurrences (as fămeie or femeie, with the assimilation of /ə/ to /e/) are to be found in the Hurmuzaki Psalter (early 16 th C) and the Palaea (Palia de la Orăştie, 1582) (Rosetti 1986: 450). As the selected examples below indicate, the word was still in use in its etymological sense as late as the mid-18 th century: (1) şi dacă au murit Popa Găvrilă au venit feciorul lui Brăndaşu şi au dus cartea, iară de să va face cin(e)va din femeia lui să fie vrednic de ea să o poată lua înapoi. (Dudaş 2007: 245, early 18 th C) [after father Gavrilă s death, his son Brăndaşu (or Brăndaşu s son) took the book away, and if anyone in his family proves worthy of it, they should be allowed to take it back] (2) de să vor tâmpla din femeia lui Popa Ion din Dobricioneşti să nu fie preuţi să fie slobod rodenia lui Tălmaci Ion să o ia (Dudaş 2007: 358, mid-18 th C) [if it so happens that there are no priests in the family of father Ion of Dobricioneşti, Tălmaci Ion s descendants should be free to take it (the book)] (3) [ ] Bud Mihoc şi cu a sa muere, Todişca Gafie [ ] Decĭ eĭ, fi[in]d omin[ĭ] bătrîn[ĭ], ca de 70 de aiĭ, aŭ maĭ bine, cînd aŭ fost anul 1742, aŭ fost un omor de čumă şi avè 5 fečorĭ, toţi holteĭ, şi o fată măritată la fečorul lui Baioş Gabor, la Vasalie, şi čuma i- aŭ luat pre toţĭ, şi aŭ murit, şi aŭ rămas numaĭ bătrîni amîndoĭ sîngurĭ fără de fičor[ĭ]. [ ] Decĭ eu, popa Ionăşel, find păcurar şi păstor turmeĭ luĭ H[risto]s pe acea vreme, şi văzîndu-le bunătăţile lor, l am zis: nu vă obiduiret, dragiĭ meĭ, pentru ce v aŭ luat Dumnezău fămea şi coconiĭ, că Dumnezău aŭ vrut aşè. [Bîrlea 1909: 63-4] [Bud Mihoc and his wife, Todişca Gafie [ ] They were in their seventies, perhaps even older, when in 1742 there was an outbreak of plague; they had five sons, not yet married, and a daughter who was married to Baioş Gabor s son Vasalie; the plague took them all, and they died, and so the old ones were left all alone, with no children at all. [The couple find solace in church, showing great devotion, and the priest tries to comfort them] I, father Ionăşel, was the shepherd in charge of Christ s flock at that time, and seeing how good they were, I told them: grieve not, my beloved, because God has taken your family and your children away from you, for it was God s will.] The quantifier tătă (toată, feminine of tot all (of), the whole, the entire ) confirms the collective meaning of femee in the following note made on a hymnal found in the village of Călineşti, Bihor county: Romanian ms BAR, f. 56v, f. 60. Reproduced by permission of the Romanian Academy Library

17 14 IOANA COSTACHE (4) Se se ştie cine au cumpărat aceasta carte. Au cumpăratu Stînigă Văsîiu pentru păcatele sale şi cu tătă femee lui. (Romanian ms. 3176: f. 59v, f. 60) [Let it be known who this book was bought by. Stînigă Văsîiu bought it for his sins, with all his family.] It should be stressed that this paper does not aim to establish a terminus ad quem (on the risk of erroneous temporal attribution, see Mareş 2005: ), but merely to record further instances of use of lexical items. The use of brâncă hand is typical of Crişana (NW Transylvania) (Caragiu-Marioţeanu 1977:158, Puşcariu 1905: 18, Puşcariu 1997: 134, Tiktin 1903: 220); what is worth noting is its relative frequency in the sampled corpus: (5) am cumpărat şi am dat în brânca frate(lui) nostru (Dudaş 2007: 395) [bought and handed it to our brother] (6) în brânca lui Popa Ştefan şi a feciorilor lui (Dudaş 2007: 293, 18 th C, first half) [in the hand of father Ştefan and his sons] (7) în brânca feciorilor mei (Dudaş 2007: 76, 18 th C) [in my sons hand] (8) [grindina] rumpe crenjile totu ca brănca (Dudaş 2997: 178, 1812) [hailstone broke the branches like hands] (9) În brăncă străină să nu să poată da până vor fi popi din viţa lui Ştef Toader. (Dudaş 2007: 321, mid-18 th C) [it should not be given into strange hands as long as there are priests among Ştef Toader s descendants] (10) Aceasta carte au dat pă(n)tru sufletul lui Piarte Mihaiu ş-a lui Ianăş şi o [au] datu în brănca l(u)i Popa Ion din Feneriş, pă viţe, pă sămănţe, să fie în brânca loru (Dudaş 2007: 214, 18 th C) [This book was given for the souls of Piarte Mihaiu and Ianăş and it was given into the hand of father Ion of Feneriş, for his offspring to hold in hand] 2. Reading Confidence Sometimes the skill and bibliographical expertise of cataloguers is not enough to accurately describe a book, particularly as century-old notes may be written in unfamiliar scripts, by unsteady hands, and in barely legible ink. The two examples below illustrate the contribution that dialectology can make to the correct and confident decipherment of unclear phrases.

18 SIDE EFFECTS: MARGINALIA IN ROMANIAN MANUSCRIPTS AND PRINTED BOOKS, 16 TH C. TO 19 TH C Pe urdin One Radu Marinescu of Oreviţa wrote on December 24, 1857: (11) am fost cântăreţ la biserica satului Oreviţa cu cumnatu meu Gh[eor]g[he] Farfara cinci ani pă urdii [?] (Ştefan 2008: 16) [I was a choir singer in the church of Oreviţa with my brother-in-law Gh[eor]g[he] Farfara for five years on end] The place (in Mehedinţi, Oltenia) and the cataloguer s specification that the note is written in the so-called transition alphabet (a mixture of Cyrillic and Latin script) shed some light on the allegedly unclear phrase: it must be pă urdin, as <n> can easily be mistaken for <i>, thus leading to the wrong reading urdii. Incidentally, urdii is the plural of urdie (horde, Turkish or Tartar military camp (Şăineanu 1900: 352 and 373)), but the context rules it out unequivocally. Pe urdin (< Lat. ordo) means in order, in sequence : urdin I vb <ORDINO, -ARE [ ] Tradition direkt: ugl. urdin I vb. befehlen, ordnen (urdină-li oil i = mînă oile în şir) [ ] (ar. urdin la skuliă besuche die Schule ). Dieser Sinn kommt auch im D.-rum. dialektisch (Jb. IV, 332) und in alten Texten (Cod. Vor. 98/8, Dosoft. Viaţa sf. 71/35, 97b/7 etc). (Puşcariu 1905: 170) The phrase is typical of the region where the annotator and his brother-inlaw worked together for five consecutive years (Teaha 2005: 297-8) and is used in other areas of Oltenia, as well: (12) împart lumânări, de sufletul mortului, - trei ani în şir («pe urdin») în Vâlcea şi, poate, şi pe aiurea. (Academia Română 1914: 125) [they give away candles for the souls of the deceased, for three consecutive years in Vâlcea and perhaps in other areas, too] All of the above should constitute enough evidence that the uncertain *pă urdii is actually the well-documented pe urdin Cioci Another lexical item marked as problematic in an edited note is a regional term designating corn cobs or corn stalks. It occurs in a religious miscellany dating from 1741, on which a village priest from Bihor wrote about the horrors of famine:

19 16 IOANA COSTACHE Romanian ms BAR, f. 334, f. 334v. Reproduced by permission of the Romanian Academy Library The library catalogue indicates that cioci is an uncertain reading of xoxі, the uncertainty probably stemming from the strictly regional circulation of the word and the low legibility of the text: (13) Anu 1817 au fost cîbelu de bucate cu o sută de zloţi. Şi mânca oamenii cioci <lectură incertă> de mălaiu, dară nu ave, ce au murit de foame mai mult de o sută de oameni din Hotară atunci. Şi am îngropat cite patru şi cinci în una groapă, eu popa Ioan Sumuţă parohu în Hotară. (Ştrempel 1992: 47) [In 1817, three bushel 1 of grain cost one hundred zloty. And people would eat corn cobs/stalks, but there were none to be found, so more than a hundred people starved to death in Hotară then. And I would bury four or five people in the same grave, I, Ioan Sumuţă, the parish priest of Hotară.] Dialectological data will confirm that the reading is indeed correct: cio c sm. TR. Art langer Strumpf aus weissem Tuch, den die Bäuerinnen unter den Bundschuhen Tragen FRÎNCU MOŢII 23; B. Nur der pl. cio ci ist belegt. Et. Wohl mittelb. aus lat. soccus (Tiktin 1903: 354) 1 In 18 th C Transylvania, one cîbel (cîblă, German Kübel, Hungarian köböl) weighed l and was the basic unit of measure for grain (Stoicescu 1971: 192).

20 SIDE EFFECTS: MARGINALIA IN ROMANIAN MANUSCRIPTS AND PRINTED BOOKS, 16 TH C. TO 19 TH C. 17 Teaha (1961: 120) glosses cioc as 1. the wooden part of the corn cob, 2. corn stalks left in the field, indicating ciociu as a synonym or variant (Teaha 1961: 211). This is corroborated by a note found in a book from the same area: (14) [în] Anul(l) 1812 au fost foame mare, cât au perit jumătate de oameni de foame şi mânca cioci de tentiu şi rădăcină de buruiene şi scoarţă de fagu de le măcina laolaltă (Dudaş 2007: 178) [In 1812 there was so great a famine that half of the people starved to death, and people would eat maize cobs/stalks and weed roots and beech bark, all ground into a meal.] Mareş 2007: amends erroneous readings in Documenta Romaniae Historica by confronting the words/phrases marked as doubtful with the handwritten original. As the example above indicates, the linguist s input need not necessarily be corrective; it can also come as a confirmation of the editor s cautious reading. Conclusion It appears that an examination of (literally and figuratively) marginal written records may lead to a re-assessment of Old Romanian. Informal usage should be taken into account and given the same consideration as formal, printed matter, and recourse to original material should be preferred over edited texts. REFERENCES Academia Română, 1914, Din vieaţa poporului român. Culegeri şi studii, vol. 21. BÎRLEA, IOAN (1909), Însemnări din bisericele Maramureşului, Bucureşti, Atelierele Grafice Socec & Comp. Caproşu, I., Chiaburu, E. (eds) (2008), Însemnări de pe manuscrise şi cărţi vechi din Ţara Moldovei. Volumul I ( ), Iaşi, Casa Editorială Demiurg. CARAGIU-MARIOŢEANU, MATILDA et al. (1977). Dialectologie română. Bucharest, Editura Didactică şi Pedagogică. COLCLOUGH, STEPHEN (2007), Readers: Books and Biography, Eliot, Simon & Rose, Jonathan (eds) (2007), A Companion to the History of the Book, Oxford, Blackwell Publishing, DUDAŞ, FLORIAN (1986), Manuscrisele româneşti medievale din Crişana, Timişoara, Editura Facla. DUDAŞ, FLORIAN (2007), Vechile tipărituri româneşti din ţara Bihorului, Volumul I ( ), Timişoara, Editura de Vest. FRÂNCU, CONSTANTIN (2009), Gramatica limbii române vechi ( ), Iaşi, Casa Editorială Demiurg. GHEŢIE, ION, et al. (1997), Istoria limbii române literare. Epoca veche ( ), Bucharest, Editura Academiei Române. GHEŢIE, ION, GHEORGHE et al. (2000), Contribuţii la istoria limbii române literare. Secolul al XVIII-lea ( ), Cluj-Napoca, Editura Clusium.

21 18 IOANA COSTACHE GRUND, PETER, 2006, Manuscripts as Sources for Linguistic Research: A Methodological Case Study Based On the Mirror of Lights, Journal of English Linguistics 34/2, , (consulted ). IVĂNESCU, G. (2000), Istoria limbii române, Iaşi, Editura Junimea. JACKSON, H. J. (2001), Marginalia. Readers Writing In Books, New Haven and London, Yale University Press. LUPU, DANIELA LUMINIŢA (2009), Tiparul şi cartea în ţara Românească între 1716 şi 1821, Iaşi, Casa Editorială Demiurg. MAREŞ, ALEXANDRU (2005), Scriere şi cultură românească veche, Bucharest, Editura Academiei Române. MAREŞ, ALEXANDRU (2007), Din vechile documente româneşti, Limba română, LVI.4, Bucharest, Editura Academiei Române, MITU, MIHAI (2001), Studii de etimologie româno-slavă, Seria Etymologica, vol. 10, Bucharest, Editura Univers Enciclopedic. NIKOLOVA-HOUSTON, TATIANA (2009), Marginalia and Colophons in Bulgarian Manuscripts and Early Printed Books, Journal of Religious & Theological Information, 8.1/2, PUŞCARIU, SEXTIL (1905), Etymologisches Wörterbuch der rumänischen Sprache. I Lateinisches Element, Heidelberg, Carl Winter s Universitätsbuchhandlung. PUŞCARIU, SEXTIL (1997), Die rumänische Sprache, Bucharest, Editura Grai şi Suflet-Cultura Naţională. *** Romanian ms (1700), Ochtoich (hymnal), Bucharest, Biblioteca Academiei Române. *** Romanian ms (1741), Religious Miscellany, Bucharest, Biblioteca Academiei Române. STOICESCU, NICOLAE (1971), Cum măsurau strămoşii. Metrologia medievală pe teritoriul României, Bucharest, Editura Ştiinţifică STOIDE, CONSTANTIN A. (2005), Comerţul cu cărţi dintre Transilvania, Moldova şi Ţara Românească între 1730 şi 1830, Iaşi, Casa Editorială Demiurg. ŞĂINEANU, LAZĂR (1900), Influenţa orientală asupra limbei şi culturei române, Bucuresci, Editura librăriei Socec & Comp. ŞTEFAN, ŞTEFANIA (2008), Catalogul cărţii româneşti vechi şi rare din colecţia Muzeului Municipiului Bucureşti, Bucharest, CIMEC, (consulted ). ŞTREMPEL, GABRIEL (1992), Catalogul manuscriselor româneşti BAR , Bucharest, Editura Ştiinţifică. TEAHA, TEOFIL (1961), Graiul din Valea Crişului Negru, Bucharest, Editura Academiei Republicii Populare Romîne. TEAHA, TEOFIL (2005), Cuvinte latineşti moştenite în graiurile româneşti actuale, Seria Etymologica, vol. 16, Bucharest, Editura Academiei Române. TIKTIN, HARITON (1903), Dicţionar român-german / Rumänisch-Deutsches Wörterbuch, Vol I A-C, Bucureşti, Imprimeria Statului.

22 CAN THE ROMANIAN SPOKEN IN SPAIN BECOME A NEW LINGUISTIC MEANS? DAN MUNTEANU COLÁN Bunǎ ziua! Cum sunteţi? Bunǎ ziua! Bine, mulţumesc. Mǎ duc la un notar sǎ-i dau o putere lu frate-meu la Timişoara. M-a hodit şefu. Mi-a zis cǎ sǎ-i aduc diploma. Şi vreau sǎ-mi echiparez titlul. Eu m-am schimbat de servici de-o sǎptǎmânǎ şi-acum lucrez în turnul de noapte. Acum sunt liber. N-aveţi timp sǎ mergem sǎ bem o copǎ şi sǎ picǎm ceva? Caminǎm un pic şi mai stǎm de vorbǎ. Ba da. Cu mult gust! [Excerpt from a conversation between two Romanians living in Spain] The present article centres on the variety of Romanian spoken by the communities of Romanians in Spain. The observations in this article are based on a general survey of everyday conversations and Romanian texts published in Spain. The article seeks to underline a series of generalizations regarding the Romanian spoken in Spain, concerning the levels of lexis and morphosyntax. The article attempts to show that the aspects viewed here can be taken as early signs of a restructuring process within some systems of the Romanian variety spoken in Spain. Keywords: Romanian spoken in Spain, loan adaptation, code change, calque, variety. In 1996 I published a first study about the interference of the Spanish language with the language of Romanians from Spain (Munteanu 1996), a topic that had never been approached before. It was partly because in the 70s- 80s of the past century the number of Romanians in Spain was rather low: people who had generally settled in the Iberic Peninsula in the 40s, especially in Madrid, forming a small but rather close knit community who spoke Romanian among them. After 1990, the number of Romanians settling in Spain has considerably increased, reaching a few thousand, so that after 2007 it reached, according to official data, the number of about , and, according to officious data, approximately one million. At present, Italy and Spain are the countries with the largest Romanian colonies in Europe. During the last decade of the past century, Universidad de Las Palmas de Gran Canaria, Spania,

23 20 DAN MUNTEANU COLÁN Romanians were scattered all across the Spanish territory, insular and peninsular (the Canaries and the Balearics), but, they were generally single or married to Romanians or Spaniards and, with the exception of the Madrid colony, they did not have permanent and continuous contacts among them. Most of them spoke Romanian only sporadically; they did not have ties to their country of origin and no Romanian books or press was available to them. I have met people who basically no longer spoke Romanian or had difficulties in expressing themselves in Romanian in a simple conversation. These aspects have drawn our attention and we have embarked upon researching the way of talking of these Romanians. The 1996 research is based on free non-lead conversations, with Romanians who had settled in various areas of the Spanish territory approximately between I have not performed a sociolinguistic study strictu sensu, but I have tried, to the best of my abilities, to carry out personal enquiries with people of both genders, from different generations and different socio-cultural backgrounds. I shall come back to the results of that research later on. In 2007, on the occasion of an international conference in Vienna, I presented the results of a new research on the influence of Spanish on the Romanian spoken in Spain (Munteanu Colán 2008). This time, we did not analyse only conversations, but we also looked into those Romanian texts published in Spain. For instance, we analysed the ads in newspapers, which were very faithful in rendering the special cant of expat Romanians. This second research seemed necessary to us since the extralinguistic and linguistic data regarding the Romanian speech community in Spain had undergone a significant change. As I was saying, the emigration towards Spain has been massive lately. Only in 2006 there were Romanians that settled in Spain, according to the official data offered by the census. At present, there are important communities with thousands or tens of thousands members in wide range of areas, such as Madrid, Alcalá de Henares, Castellón de la Plana, Alicante, Quintanar de la Oreja, The Canary Islands, etc. There are Romanian shops with the most varied kinds of merchandise, from pastry to meat, salamis and pickles, even CD-s or DVD-s with Romanian music and movies. There are even small factories that produce foodstuffs, there are restaurants, discos, cultural centres, libraries and orthodox churches, all Romanian. According to the data offered by the Romanian Embassy in Madrid, there are five Romanian periodicals in Spain, some of which include Spanish texts. This, to our mind, demonstrates the fact that these communities are well-established and well organized. As a result of an agreement between Spain and Romania, some schools have placed Romanian as a subject matter in their curriculum, especially in the areas where there is a great number of Romanian children. It goes without saying that the life of these communities has its own characteristics, due to the specific culture, civilization, tradition and language,

24 CAN THE ROMANIAN SPOKEN IN SPAIN BECOME A NEW LINGUISTIC MEANS? 21 but what is most obvious is the Romanians tendency to blend in. In our opinion, this attitude which is open to the Spanish way of life, to the Spanish customs and tradition, is reinforced by the fact that Spanish, as a language with a superior status (LSS), because of its position as the official language of a majority, will exert constant influence on Romanian, a language with inferior status, because it is an unofficial language, of a minority. It must not be forgotten, though, that there are structural similarities between Spanish and Romanian, as Romance languages that were in peripheral areas of the Roman world, as underlined by Iordan, Manoliu (1989: 1, 82): las influencias lingüísticas se ejercen más fácil y profundamente cuando se trata de idiomas pertenecientes al mismo grupo o a la misma familia 1. It is common knowledge that one of the most easily identifiable cases of linguistic transfer, which is obvious even to laymen, is represented by lexical loans. This constitutes a complex issue, the discussion of which does not make the object of this paper. Suffice it to say that a lexical loan can be defined as a process of regular adaptation within a language contact, especially when the donor language has the status of LSS (Azevedo 1992). Experts distinguish between loans adapted to the receptor language and loans that have not been adapted to it (Lope Blanch 1990). Another important distinction, relevant to our research, is that between in praesentia loans, where the borrowed lexemes do not cover a lexical gap but replace elements that already exist in the receptor language, and between in absentia loans, where the borrowed lexemes satisfy the need of the speakers to name new realities, that is innovativos, to use Cerdà s term (1984: ). In the last place, we need to mention the distinction between individual loans (speech borrowing) and community loans (language borrowing), at a linguistic level (Grosjean 1982). Our research exclusively deals with community loans, recorded at a linguistic level. Loan translations are another category of lexical-semantic transfer, very frequent within a language contact. Bartens (2000) considers that loan translations and lexical loans are some of the first results of language contact. The Romanian spoken in Spain exhibits both lexical-semantic calques and structural calques. As for the first category, we made an inventory of calques that sprang from a meaning common to both languages (Spanish and Romanian) and of calques that arose as a result of a change in the semantic structure of the word, due to the formal resemblance between the two languages (Sala 1988: 171). In most cases, the calques we identified are due both to the existence of a common meaning and to formal resemblance, a natural phenomenon if we are to remember that Romanian and Spanish are Romance languages that have a large number of similarities. As for the second category of calques, we identified as 1 Linguistic influence takes place much more easily when the two languages are part of he same group or family.

25 22 DAN MUNTEANU COLÁN structural calques those cases when Romanian copies a syntactic structure from Spanish. Owing to this situation, Romanian words may appear in new combinations, not to be found in standard Romanian, which can in itself be considered to be a special kind of change of distribution. During the aforementioned meeting in Vienna, Marius Sala expressed his interest in a comparison betwen the inventories of loans and those of calques from Spanish into spoken Romanian that we presented in our research. The aim of such a comparison was to see whether the elements in the 1996 inventory were preserved and resurfaced in the 2007 inventory. According to Sala s opinion, with which we unreservedly agree, those calques that were preserved until 2007 could be considered to have entered the vocabulary of Romanian as well-established elements. We will consequently present the 1996 inventory, mentioning those loans and calques that no longer resurface in the 2007 inventory. Adapted loans: a actua (sp. actuar) to act ; to play a part : daca nu actuǎm repede...; a actuat foarte bine. alcalde (sp. alcalde) mayor : l-am vǎzut la televizor pe alcaldele din Barcelona. cafeterie (sp. cafetería) coffee-shop : ne vedem la cafeterie. a descolga (sp. descolgar) to pick up the phone : am descolgat, da n-a rǎspuns nimeni. a se diverti (sp. divertirse) to have fun : sǎ vǎ divertiţi bine! It is possible that the Romanian lexeme divertisment (entertainment) contributed to this loan. a enciufa, a înciufa (sp. enchufar), to plug in : n-am înciufat fierul. a (se) engorda, a (se) îngorda (sp. engordar), to put on weight : dacǎ mǎnânc aşa o sǎptǎmânǎ, o sǎ mǎ engordesc douǎ kile. a envasa (sp. envasar) to pack up : pentru mâine trebuie sǎ envasǎm 30 de lǎzi. a evoluţiona (sp. evolucionar), to evolve : a evoluţionat favorabil dupǎ operaţie. This loan was made possible by the fact that standard Romanian has words from the same etymological family, older loans from French, such as evoluţie (evolution), evoluţionism (evolutionism), evoluţionist (evolutionist), cfr. A avut o evoluţie favorabilǎ dupǎ operaţie; şi o tendinţǎ spre regularizare fincǎ (sp. finca) farm, mansion : are o fincǎ foarte frumoasǎ la munte. guagua (sp. guagua, only in the Canary Islands),bus : poţi sǎ iei o guaguǎ pânǎ în port. hamburghesǎ (sp. hamburguesa) hamburger : te invit la o hamburghesǎ. novio / a (sp. novio / a) boyfriend, girlfriend, fiancee : am o novie spaniolǎ. ordenador (sp. ordenador) computer : mi s-a stricat ordenadorul. a presiona (sp. presionar) to exert pressure on : americanii i-au presionat serios pe sârbi. tarhetǎ (sp. tarjeta) credit card : putem scoate nişte bani pe tarhetǎ. In our opinion, some of these loans were easily absorbed by the receptor language, because they are derived by a parasynthetic process, identical with the Spanish one. See, for instance the verb învasa < în + vas + a (prefix + theme + verbal suffix), or engorda. This statement is supported by an individual creation of a Romanian speaker: embarrigarse to put on weight < sp. en + barriga belly + ar + se. The adoption of other such loans, as for instance, a descolga, a enciufa / a înciufa, a presiona, could have been facilitated also by a natural tendency of speakers towards simplicity and economy.

26 CAN THE ROMANIAN SPOKEN IN SPAIN BECOME A NEW LINGUISTIC MEANS? 23 Unadapted loans: ayuntamiento townhall, bombona gas tank, caha cashier s desk ; bank ; box, cahero cash point, cartero postman, duenio landlord ; boss, juego set, pinciaso flat tyre, piso three-room flat, seguridad sosial social security, seguro insurance, supermercado supermarket, sumo juice, soft drink. Very few of the loans presented in this inventory are no longer used today. With the exception of the lexemes a actua, a se diverti, a enciufa / a înciufa, a envasa, the others continue to be used, which means that they should be added to the 2007 inventory, although some of them are less frequent, especially in the better organized Romanian communities, where Romanian is the spoken language and has a certain prestige. As one can notice, the words that were borrowed in order to name new realities, so far unknown to the receptor langugage, are fewer in number: cahero, hamburghesǎ and tarhetǎ, which name realities still non-existent in Romania at the beginning of the 90 s; and piso, since Romanian did not distinguish between apartament (two-room flat) şi piso (flat with at least three rooms). This situation disproves the opinion expressed by Grosjean (1982: 311), according to which emigrants will more frequently resort to LSS, when LSI can no longer name those realities they are confronted with. Lexical-semantic calques: a) created through the existence of a common meaning in both languages and/or formal resemblance a comenta to tell (sp. comentar): ieri mi-a comentat povestea cu postul. compromis commitment, meeting, appointment (sp. compromiso): nu uita cǎ mâine ai un compromis cu Toni. a se compromite to commit yourself (sp. comprometerse): ne-am compromis cu Loli şi Tomás pentru sfârşitul sǎptǎmânii. examen exam paper (sp. examen): are de corectat o grǎmadǎ de examene. gust pleasure (sp. gusto): cu mult gust. a implanta to establish, introduce (sp. implantar): la anul se implanteazǎ noul plan de învǎţǎmânt. a înregistra to search closely (sp. registrar): m-au înregistrat la vamǎ. a picta to paint, redecorate (sp. pintar): am avut o inundaţie şi a trebuit sǎ pictez tot apartamentul. pictor painter (sp. pintor): am chemat pictorul. rar odd (sp. raro): mi s-a pǎrut cam rar. salon living-room (sp. salón): s-a mutat într-un piso cu un salon mare şi trei dormitoare. a) due to formal resemblance institut highschool (sp. instituto): e profesoarǎ la un institut. We consider this to be a calque from Spanish, although the word was used in the 19th century with the meaning of private school for secondary graders, boarding school. (DEX s.v.) joc set (sp. juego): şi-a cumpǎrǎt un joc de pahare de cristal. larg long (sp. largo): costumul ǎsta mi se pare cam larg. peliculǎ film (sp. película): ai vǎzut pelicula asta? a pica nibble (sp. picar): mai bine mergem sǎ picǎm ceva.

27 24 DAN MUNTEANU COLÁN We also mention here, as a curious formation, the following individual calque based on the formal resemblance between the Romanian verb a se aburi to get steamy and the Spanish one aburrirse to feel bored : ce mǎ aburesc! b) exclusively due to the existence of a common meaning a rǎmâne to be in agreement (sp. quedar): atunci rǎmânem pentru mâine la (ora) opt. Although we consider that the influence of the Spanish model is clear, we cannot overlook the fact that Romanian contains such constructions with the verb a rǎmâne which are very similar both in meaning and structure: a rǎmas stabilit / înţeles! ( so it s settled ) We also notice that the number of calques created through formal resemblance is relatively in direct proportion to the first category of calques (relying on the existence of a common sense), which does not support, at least in this first stage of research, an important topic of the literature, according to which those calques based on formal resemblance are less frequent than others (Sala 1988: 171). Structural calques a da clase to teach classes (sp. dar clases): dǎ clase la Medicinǎ. a da o conferinţǎ to deliver a speech (sp. dar una conferencia): mâine trebuie sǎ dea o conferinţǎ. a face joc / huego (cu) to match (sp. hacer juego): bluza nu face joc / huego cu pantalonii. a fi în casǎ to be at home (sp. estar en casa): suntem în casǎ. a-şi grada vederea to check your eyesight (sp. graduar la vista): ai fost sǎ-ţi gradezi vederea? a pune o injecţie to give a shot (sp. poner una inyección): i-a pus o injecţie cu buscapinǎ. a se pune energic to behave energetically (sp. ponerse enérgico): pun-te energic, nu te lǎsa! a se pune frumoasǎ to put on nice clothes and make-up (sp. ponerse guapa): ce frumoasǎ te-i pus! a se pune nervos to get mad (sp. ponerse nervioso): nu te pune nervos. a se vedea to keep in touch (sp. verse): ne vedem. All these calques are used by Romanians in Spain, consequently they should be added to the 2007 inventory. We will now list the inventory of loans and calques that we recorded in 2007, updated by the data we collected this year. We have eliminated from the list those lexemes that were already present on the 1996 list. Adapted loans: a) spoken register a agobia to overwhelm (sp. agobiar): sunt agobiat de treburi. a anima to encourage (sp. animar): o animează tot timpul. calios tripe (sp. callos): aş mânca nişte calios cu garbanzos. a se cambia to move, change (sp. cambiar de): m-am cambiat de serviciu. a camina to stroll (sp. caminar): hai să caminăm un pic. cilantru coriander (sp. cilantro): nu-mi place mohoul cu cilantru. a colega to associate with (sp. coligar): dacă se lucrează într-un sistem colegat. a coloca to place, sit (sp. colocar): o colochează prost. competenţă competition (sp. competencia): competenţa e dură. a comproba to check (sp. comprobar): am comprobat toate datele. a compulsa to authenticate (sp. compulsar): compulsăm acte.

28 CAN THE ROMANIAN SPOKEN IN SPAIN BECOME A NEW LINGUISTIC MEANS? 25 copă glass (sp. copa): mergem sa bem o copă. a echipara to equate (sp. equiparar): trebuie sǎ-mi echiparez studiile. escaiola plaster work (sp. ecayola): nu e bine, cǎ totul se sprijină pe escaiolă. fianţă bail (sp. fianza): îmi dă drumul pe fianţă? Fiestǎ party (sp. fiesta): am fost la o fiestǎ; la Valencia e fiestǎ azi. fontaner plumber (sp. fontanero): da fonanerul nu poate să facă ce fac eu. gambe / gambas shrimp (sp. gambas): nu vrei nişte gambe? In alternation with the unadapted loan gambas. a hodi to nag, pester (sp. joder): m-a hodit cu chestia aia. impactant shocking (sp. impactante): a fost foarte impactant ce-au dat la televizor. a se mehora to improve : se mehorează treaba. a se mentaliza to get used to an idea, to come to understand (sp. mentalizarse): trebuie să te mentalizezi că lucrurile nu se mai pot schimba. moho a spicy sauce from the Canary Islands (sp. mojo): nu-mi place mohoul ǎsta. montador handyman (sp. montador): caut montadores de pladur (persoane care să monteze pladur). obră building site (sp. obra): m-am angajat la o obră. perfil profile (sp. perfil): aşa că am tăiat eu perfilul ăsta. pintură paint (sp. pintura): i-am dat o mână de pintură. pion, peon worker, navy (sp. peón): caut de lucru ca pion. In alternance with the unadapted loan peon. poder power of attorney (sp. poder): mǎ duc sǎ fac un poder. presupost estimate (sp. presupuesto): mi-a făcut presupostul. rebahas sales (sp. rebajas): mâine încep rebahasurile. With a redundant Romanian plural associated with the already existing Spanish plural. şalet, cialet villa (sp. chalet): sunt paznic la un şalet. tip de interes interest (sp. tipo de interés): a crescut tipul de interes. b) the written language albanil mason (sp. albañil): angajăm albanili şi serajori. montador handyman (sp. montador): se caută montadores de pladur (persoane care să monteze pladur). obră building site (sp. obra): angajăm oficiali pentru obre. oficial foreman (sp. oficial): căutăm tinichigiu (oficial de 1ª); căutăm mecanic (oficial de 2ª); se angajează 15 muncitori (oficiali 1ª, 2ª y 3ª, peones) pentru montaje de instalaţii electrice. pion worker, navy (sp. peón): angajăm zidari, pioni etc. cu acte în regulă. In competion with the unadapted loan peon. serajor locksmith (sp. cerrajero): angajăm albanili şi serajori. Interestingly enough, the loans in the written register (the ads in Romanian publications, to be more precise) have been strongly reduced and replaced by the correct Romanian terms, as a result of the criticism that Romanian readers passed on the editors in the last two years. The readers drew the editors attention on the fact that literary Romanian has been deteriorating due to the use of such appropriated terms. The editors have consequently started to correct the ads, trying to preserve an uncontaminated version of Romanian, at least at the written level. Of course, from our, more selfish, point of view, we have been deprived by an extremely rich source of data.

29 26 DAN MUNTEANU COLÁN Unadapted loans: a) in the spoken language: aguacate / aguacată avocado, asadero grill ; barbecue, ático condo, baifo (in the Canary Islands) kid, barbacoa barbecue, calamares squid, carahacas (in the Canary Islands) liver, cerne a type of oceanic fish, drago a species of tree, fabada / fabadă bean stew, garbansada / garbansadă chick pea stew, garbanzos chick peas, gofio (in the Canary Islands) fried corn flour, guardia (de seguridad) warden, policeman, hamon ham, lubina / lubină a species of fish, oregano oregano, oposiciones contest, paelia paella, pata foot, perca sea-lion, plancia (in the phrase carne a la plancia) grilled meat, potahe a kind of soup, pulpo squid, salsa salsa, sama a species of oceanic fish, sancocio traditional dish with cod fish and vegetables, senderismo trek, solomilio beef, tortilia traditional onion and potato omelette, tranchilo quiet (especially in the phrase, tranchilo calm down, tuno a type of fruit. Some of these unadapted lonas, especially the ones that name specific Spanish realities, are also attested in the 1996 research: aguacate / aguacatǎ, calios, drago, fabada / fabadǎ, garbansada / garbansadǎ, gofio, lubina /lubinǎ, paelia, sancocio. Some of them are on the verge of being adapted and used with certain determiners, modifiers, pronominal adjectives, etc: un asadero, e bun hamonul ǎsta, nişte calamares. b) the written language banco,bank (sp. banco): vino la oricare din punctele de trimitere ale Banco Santander. extranjeria police station for foreigners (sp. extranjería): juridic / extranjeria contabilitate în general. Cu grafíe spaniolǎ. hipotecă mortgage (sp. hipoteca): noi te ajutăm: hipotecă 100%, cheltuieli incluse. limpiadora charwoman (sp. limpiadora): se caută limpiadoras (persoane care să facă curat). limpieza cleaning lady (sp. limpieza): se caută limpiezas (persoane care să facă curat). Special attention should be paid to the word hipotecǎ, with Spanish spelling, yet adapted to the structure of Romanian and functioning in alternance with the Romanian term ipotecǎ: ipotecǎ: 100% + cheltuieli. peon worker, navy (sp. peón): se angajează 15 muncitori (oficiali 1ª, 2ª y 3ª, peones) pentru montaje de instalaţii electrice. a traspasa to transfer (sp. traspasar): vând (traspaso) restaurant în Madrid. In a previous paragraph we stated that loans are one of the easily identifiable cases of linguistic transfer. In our opinion, there are however a lot of loans from Spanish to Romanian that are quite difficult to detect at first sight, really tricky ones. It is the case of those lexemes and collocations that come from Spanish and are very similar to Romanian, which makes them easily mistaken for genuine Romanian terms. We list those below:

30 CAN THE ROMANIAN SPOKEN IN SPAIN BECOME A NEW LINGUISTIC MEANS? 27 despectiv disdainful (sp. despectivo) imortalitate immortality (sp. inmortalidad) a impulsa to stimulate, encourage (sp. impulsar) indignant revolting, outrageous (sp. indignante) indiscutibil undisputable (sp. indiscutible) a origina to give birth, create (sp. originar) perdón pardon me (sp. perdón) a sclaviza to enslave, subjugate (sp. esclavizar) Lexical-semantic calques that are based on formal resemblance a) the spoken language comunitate county, district (sp. comunidad): comunitatea (de) Madrid. dudă doubt (sp. duda): am o mare dudă. internă maid living permanently with the family (sp. interna): caut de lucru ca internă; caut de lucru în orice condiţii, mai puţin internă. a se încărca to occupy yourself with (sp. encargarse): cu asta se încarcă politicii. a localiza to locate (sp. localizar): cum te pot localiza? mobil cell phone (sp. móvil): sunǎ-mǎ la mobil. piele furcoat (sp. piel): şi-a luat o haină de piele. politic politician (sp. político): se încarcă politicii. post market stand (sp. puesto): la două posturi din piaţă se găseşte ţelină. a proba to try on (sp. probar): trebuie sa probezi friptura asta; o sǎ probăm, să vedem ce iese. profesional professional (sp. profesional): e un profesional, nu e un amator. putere power of attorney (sp. poder): i-am dat o putere. reuniune meeting (sp. reunión): mâine are o reuniune la serviciu. rezidenţă old people s home (sp. residencia): s-a dus să stea la o rezidenţă. sită appointment (sp. cita): am o sită astă seară; am cerut o sitǎ la dermatolog. titlu degree (sp. título): încǎ nu mi-au recunoscut titlul. tribunal court (sp. tribunal): m-au numit într-un tribunal de oposisiones. turn turn (sp. turno): lucrez în turnul de dupǎ-masǎ. It is very possible that the lexemes dudǎ and sitǎ might have been jocularly used in the early stages of linguistic contact; however, these lexemes are now used without the slightest shade of humour or irony. b) the written language comunitate, interna. This most recent research did not record any new lexical-semantic calques based on an existing common meaning. Structural calques a) the spoken language a câştiga bani extra cu minim efort to make more money with minimum effort (sp. ganar dinero extra con mínimo esfuerzo) a se baza în to rely on (sp. basarse en): bazat în fapte reale; bazat în asemǎnarea formalǎ. comunitatea de Madrid the Madrid area (sp. comunidad de Madrid) cum sunteţi? how are you? (sp. cómo está /án?) a face jucǎrii cu hârtie make paper toys (sp. hacer juguetes con papel)

31 28 DAN MUNTEANU COLÁN a locui în Madrid live in Madrid (sp. vivir en Madrid) a înmormânta în Constanţa bury somebody in Constanta (sp. enterrar en Constanza) între ghilimele between quotes (sp. entre comillas) la fiecare întâi de noiembrie on every 1st of November (sp. cada primero de noviembre). This is a frequently employed structure, with any date of the year. a lucra în paladur to work with paladur (sp. trabajar en paladur) Ministerul de Informaţii şi Turism The Ministry of Information and Tourism (sp. Ministerio de Información y Turismo) motor de explozie propulsion engine (sp. motor de explosión) orice act notarial la urgenţă any urgent notary s paper (sp. cualquier documento notarial urgente) a pleca din hotel to leave the hotel (sp. salir del hotel) a se pune în contact cu to contact (sp. ponerse en contacto con, contactar con) a se pune bolnav to get sick (sp. ponerse enfermo) This last example is a very frequent syntactic structure in Spanish, well used by Romanian, as I previously showed: a se pune energic, a se pune frumoasă, a se pune nervos (Munteanu 1996: 145). a se schimba de serviciu to change your job (sp. cambiarse de trabajo). specialist în coloană backbone specialist (sp. especialista en columna) statuie din piatră (din lemn, din bronz) stone statue (wooden statue, bronze statue (sp. estatua de piedra (madera, bronce) a se trata de to be about (sp. tratarse de): se tratează de un spectacol ce va fi organizat. b) the written language a câştiga bani extra cu minim efort comunitatea de Madrid orice act notarial la urgenţă. As one can notice from the lists offered above, most loans from Spanish denote realities and distinctions that already exist in Romanian. Most of them are in praesentia, partial loans: the lexical units are not adopted in a language to fill a lexical gap, rather they replace a local element. In very few cases is there semantic complementarity (Cerdà 1984: ). Consequently, they are not useful loans, contributing to the enrichment of the Romanian vocabulary. With very few exceptions, (Vid. piso), they do not even introduce more subtle oppositions or develop extraordinary productive mechanisms (Cerdà 1984: 277). It is more the case that they are unjustified replacements, as Cerdà notices, and they can be seen as a first step towards a tortuous process of hispanization of the Romanian lexis in speech communities of Romanian expats. [...] a mayor inutilidad de los préstamos más poderosa resultará ser la influencia avasalladora de la lengua dominante y más pernicioso, estéril y empobrecedor el contacto lingüístico resultante. 2 2 The more futile these loans are, the stronger the influence of the dominant language, and the more harmful, sterile and scarce the language contact.

32 CAN THE ROMANIAN SPOKEN IN SPAIN BECOME A NEW LINGUISTIC MEANS? 29 In the study from 1996, we pointed out that the best represented examples of adapted loans are nouns and verbs. The former were mostly used as singular forms; the latter only had a few forms, which supported our statement that they were not completely adapted to the structure of Romanian. As we can notice in the 2007 inventories, this situation underwent a significant change. The nouns are in the plural, combined with determiners, including clitic ones, following the pattern of Romanian. Sometimes, there are Spanish nouns with their own plural -s forms, such as gambas, garbanzos, limpiadoras; on other occasions, Spanish nouns are coupled with Romanian vocalic plurals, gambe, obre, perfiluri; and, in certain, few, cases, redundant plural forms, with the Romanian plural inflection associated with the Spanish one, even with clitic determiners (when the Spanish plural is not so clear for the speaker): rebahasuri /rebahasurile. The borrowed verbs were gradually adapted to Romanian paradigms, especially to more regular conjugations, or to those conjugations that sound more regular to speakers, i.e. the first and the fourth ones. Despite all this, the limitations inherent to our conversations with our respondents, since they were more like informal chats, prevented us from being able to check whether the borrowed verbs were used with all tenses and moods. On the one hand, it is common knowledge that speakers especially those that make use of colloquial language will never use the whole range of verbal forms in everyday speech and will prefer to make use of the most frequently employed ones: the Present tense of the Indicative mood, and the Present Conjunctive. As for the calques we listed, it is noticeable that structural calques are due to the distinct prepositional system of the two languages involved. Without going into detail with respect to the mechanism of prepositions in Romance languages, we believe that the appearance of Romanian prepositions in positions that are not characteristic for this type of language is explainable first through the resemblance between Romanian and Spanish prepositions ( de, în /en, la / a) and, second, through the very structure of Romanian, which is a crucial aspect. In many contexts, prepositions such as în (> Lat. in) and a (> Lat. ad), but especially la (> Lat. illac, DER, DEX, s.v.), which replaced a almost completely may appear in the same context and with the same meaning with motion verbs: stau acasǎ = stau în casǎ; sunt la baie = sunt în baie; pleacǎ la capitalǎ = pleacǎ în capitalǎ (Avram 1986: 217), sunt la bucǎtǎrie = sunt la bucǎtǎrie; mǎ duc la piaţǎ = mǎ duc în piaţǎ; mergem la târg = mergem în târg. It is a frequent phenomenon in the process of linguistic contact: a possibility that exists available for Romanian (LSI) is reinforced by the situation existing in Spanish (LSS), which is parallel to and compatible with the structure of Romanian (Silva Corvalán 1996). This is by no means an isolated case. There are other such situations in Romanian, in which more prepositions may be used in a similar construction: specializat în informaticǎ = specializat pe informaticǎ; specialist în coloanǎ = specialist

33 30 DAN MUNTEANU COLÁN de coloanǎ, zid de piatrǎ = zid din piatrǎ. This last case is the most interesting, since Romanian speakers from Spain prefer to use the preposition din instead of de, which would be the standard variant, as it normally is both in Spanish and in other Romance languages, Latin fashion. This din construction that introduces an attribute that denotes the stuff the noun is made of is also used by Romanian speakers from Italy. The only possible explanation for it is, to our mind, a phenomenon of hypercorrection. As pointed out in a previous study (Munteanu 1996: 144), structural calques create changes in the distribution of Romanian lexemes, which appear in novel combinations, that do not exist in standard Romanian, such as constructions with the verb a pune (to place), or with various prepositions. On the other hand, due to lexical-semantic calques, some Romanian lexemes change their frequency of use: comunitate, internǎ, a localiza, profesionist. We have dealt so far only with changes in the inventory related to expression and content (lexical loans), content (lexical-semantic calques). However, we feel compelled to mention the existence of some polysemous Romanian words, which are also similar in form and meaning with their Spanish counterparts and which come to be employed more frequently with a meaning that is least used in standard Romanian. This is the result of the Spanish influence. We will list below the cases we recorded in both research papers (1996 and 2007). lecturǎ reading : mǎ dedic lecturii ziarului citesc ziarul. a se dedica to dedicate yourself (Vid. previous example) model model : e manechin, am vǎzut-o la televizor la Pasarela Cibeles. a se preocupa to be concerned : mǎ preocupǎ situaţia lui; eu nu m-aş preocupa pentru asta. a substitui to replace : mǎ substituie o colegǎ. substitut substitute : trebuie sǎ angajǎm un substitut. a valora to evaluate : la cât îl valorezi? A special case is the word pilǎ. Romanian has two homonyms: pilǎ 1 (< Sl. pila) pilǎ (tool) and pila 2 (< Fr. pile) with more meanings: electric battery, foot of a bridge, bulwark, connection (illegal) (DEX, s.v.). Very few speakers are aware of this homonymy, since the first homonym is much more frequent anyway. However, under the influence of the Spanish term pila electric battery, pila 2 with this meaning of electric battery has come to replace the word baterie (battery), which is the preferred variant in standard Romanian. Some experts in the field believe that unadapted loans can be listed as a particular case of alternance between codes (Dumitrescu 1993: 141). We however do not share this point of view and consider that an alternance between codes is related to simple or compound sentences, not to lexemes and collocations. In the Romanian used in Spain we found very few such cases of code alternance (whether it was spoken or written Romanian): o sǎ fac un partid

34 CAN THE ROMANIAN SPOKEN IN SPAIN BECOME A NEW LINGUISTIC MEANS? 31 al românilor şi mǎ prezint la alegeri pentru alcalde. Ya lo verán you ll see ; vino la Carrefour şi te vei simţi ca acasǎ. 2 unidades a mitad de precio two units for half price ; cǎutǎm tinichigiu (oficial de 1ª). Somos o echipǎ hispanorumana we are a Hispanic-Romanian team. The data we have presented so far are clear cases where the Romanian vocabulary has been influenced by Spanish. Although we consider this influence to be very strong, if we look at the loans, calques and changes in frequency and distribution, we believe that the aspects we have pointed out are not sufficient to justify the question in the title of the present paper. However, we have recorded some phenomena at the level of morphosyntax which can only be interpreted as the first symptoms of some phenomenon that might create an important rift between standard Romanian and the variety of Romanian spoken in Spain. We thus draw your attention to: a) the exclusion of the genitival determiner in the case of a suite of genitive nouns: un frate de-al mamei şi Ø mǎtuşii tale; casa e ascunsǎ de verdele închis al tufişurilor şi Ø palmierilor; b) the exclusion of the adverb mai, for a sequence of more comparative adjectives: e mai uşor şi Ø profund; s-a terminat mai repede şi bine; c) the exclusion of prepositions in enumerations, in the Spanish manner, which would reinforce a possibility existing in Romanian: stǎtea cu halatul alb, Ø pǎrul cǎrunt, Ø mâinile şi faţǎ luminate de lampǎ [...]; seamǎnǎ cu maicǎ-sa la gurǎ, Ø bǎrbie, Ø ochi şi Ø mâini; un amestec de plǎcere şi Ø regret; imbold de evadare şi Ø stabilire în altǎ parte; d) the exclusion of the conjunction ca, in a succession of subordinate clauses: e prea departe ca sǎ-l vǎd bine, Ø sǎ disting ce are în mânǎ; am fǎcut tot posibilul Ø sǎ remediez; s-a organizat un complot Ø sǎ-l asasineze pe Stalin; trebuie sǎ-i trimit eu nişte bani de-aici Ø sǎ-i ajungǎ pânǎ la sfârşitul lumii; miam cumpǎrat un covor Ø sǎ nu-mi fie frig; am închis uşa încet Ø sǎ nu-i trezesc; e) the exclusion of the auxiliary a avea in a sequence of verbs in the Complex Past: a mirosit şi Ø gustat mâncarea; a cântat şi Ø dansat toatǎ noaptea. f) the use of the Romanian verbal form ai with the impersonal and existential value of the Spanish form hay. This, to our mind, is the most important phenomenon generated by the influence of Spanish. It is well-known that the Latin verb habere could have an existential meaning in Classical Latin: Terentia se graviter habet (Cicero) Terentia is gravely ill ; Tullia nostra recte valet, Terentia minus belle habet Our Tullia is well, Terentia is less so. The verb could also be employed as an impersonal verb with an existential value: Bene habet, inquit Sextius (Livius) Well, said Sextius. In late Latin, the verb was employed as an impersonal construction with a direct object: [...] habet in bibliotheca Ulpia [...] librum elephantiarum [...] in the Ulpia library [...] there is an ivory book [...].

35 32 DAN MUNTEANU COLÁN Some Romance languages, such as Spanish and French, have inherited this existential value of the Latin verb habere together with its impersonal use. Spanish continues the situation existing in late Latin and employs the verb habere with an impersonal value + direct object: Hay un restaurante muy bueno en el cruce con Alcalá There is an excellent restaurant round the corner, near Alcalá, Hay muchos vestigios griegos en Sicilia There are many such Greek vestiges in Sicily 3. Romanian, on the other hand, makes use of the verb a fi (< Lat. fieri, which replaces esse, sum, fui DER, s.v.) to express this existential value: E multǎ alergǎturǎ, Nu-i pǎdure fǎrǎ uscǎturi, Sunt multe lucruri frumoase în viaţǎ; this is done by means of number agreement between the Nominative subject and the third-person predicate, just like in Italian and other non- Romance languages (Clark 1978: 109). The Romanian verb a avea (to have) can also have an existential value but the contexts are very limited, and restricted by the condition that it should be always followed by another conjunctive (or sometimes infinitive or supine) verb: a) as an impersonal construction, with the meaning to be, exist (DEX, s.v.): Are cine sǎ-l îngrijeascǎ = E cine sǎ-l îngrijeascǎ; N-are cine sǎ-l mângâie = Nu e nimeni sǎ-l mângâie; b) negative form, with the meaning there is enough (DEX, s.v.): N-are decât sǎ cearǎ şi i se va da; c) negative form with the meaning to be within his right (DEX, s.v.): N-ai decât! (elliptic construction); d) followed by a Supine verb it can express the idea of necessity or obligation: Am /Ai / Are / Avem (etc.) de fǎcut cumpǎrǎturi. This idea can be expressed by an impersonal form, by employing the verb a fi in a third-person plural form: E multǎ treabǎ de fǎcut aici; Sunt de fǎcut cumpǎrǎturi. Deci, putem spune: Sunt multe de fǎcut într-o casǎ nouǎ = Ai multe de fǎcut într-o casǎ nouǎ. As is well-known, unipersonal verbs from Romanian (so dubbed because of their limited formal possibilities to express person) and impersonal verbs (which, from a semantic point of view, cannot have an agent) are always in a third-person singular (rarely plural) form. In general, the grammatical category of person (expressed through the personal form of the verb and its subject) coincides with the real person. There are some exceptions accepted by the norm, among which the use of second-person singular with an impersonal value (Avram 1986: 189), which possibility is also available in Spanish: 3 Pentru detalii privind valoarea impersonalǎ a verbului sp. haber, vid. PAOLA BENTIVOGLIO, MERCEDES SEDANO, Haber un verbo impersonal? Un estudio sobre el español de Caracas, în Estudios sobre el español de América y lingüística afroamericana. Ponencias presentadas en el 45 Congreso Internacional de Americanistas (Bogotá, Julio de 1985), Bogotá, Instituto Caro y Cuervo, 1989:

36 CAN THE ROMANIAN SPOKEN IN SPAIN BECOME A NEW LINGUISTIC MEANS? 33 Ai carte, ai parte Quien tiene arte va por toda parte ; Ai bani, ai prieteni; n-ai bani, n- ai prieteni Tienes dinero, tienes amigos; no tienes dinero, no tienes amigos / Quien tiene dinero tiene amigos; quien no tiene dinero, no tiene amigos ; Dacă vrei să faci o călătorie în America, singura soluţie e să iei avionul Si quieres hacer un viaje a América, / Si uno quiere hacer un viaje a América, / Si se quiere hacer un viaje a América, la única solución es coger el avión ; De treci codrii de aramă, de departe vezi albind / ş-auzi mândra glăsuire a pădurii de argint Si cruzas bosques de cobre, de lejos lo ves brillar / Y oyes la bella voz del plateado encinar. As one can easily notice, the second-person singular form of the verb a avea (to have) is formally identical with the impersonal form of its Spanish counterpart, haber, hay [(you) have], which, to our mind, facilitates the interferences existing between the two languages. Thus, under the influence of the Spanish constructions with existential and impersonal hay, the use of the verb a avea with an existential impersonal value is distributed in more and more contexts even without the necessary Conjunctive, Infinitive or Supine verb form to follow: Ai multe vile frumoase în zona asta = Sunt multe vile frumoase în zona asta; Ai un singur pachet = E un singur pachet; Ai o grǎmadǎ de efecte speciale în filmul ǎsta = Sunt o grǎmadǎ de efecte speciale în filmul ǎsta. These constructions with the ai form, unacceptable in standard Romanian, are strengthened by the existence of formally identical structures in both languages: Ai bere în frigider (with a sense of possession); şi Hay cerveza en la nevera (with an existential impersonal sense) E bere în frigider ; Ai ceva de mâncare? (with a sense of possession) şi Hay algo de comer? (with an existential impersonal sense) E ceva de mâncare? Those constructions with ai with an existential impersonal value eliminate the obligatory number agreement between subject and predicate, because the subject of the constructions with a fi becomes a direct object in the constructions with a avea. Consequently, as a result of the contact with Spanish as LSS, the Romanian spoken in Spain neutralizes a very important opposition, between singular and plural. But one must not overlook the following important aspect: the Romanian spoken currently in Romania by persons with elementary or even average education, exhibits a similar neutralization of the third-person plural form of the verb a fi, an incorrect phenomenon, but wide-spreading nonetheless: E mulţi studenţi în clasǎ (Munteanu 1996: ). This case confirms the older observation made by Jakobson (1938), Weinreich (1974), but mostly by Silva-Corvalán (1992; 1996), among others, according to whom a language is receptive to the influences of another language at the morphosyntactic level, when these two languages involved are not completely apart and their morphosyntax is similar to a certain extent and when the change produced

37 34 DAN MUNTEANU COLÁN by their contact is compatible with the structure of the receptor language, or when the receptor language goes along its innate lines and tendencies of development. Our observations regarding the Romanian spoken in Spain by no means claim to be exhaustive. It is very likely that a sounder research, done by a team of researchers along the whole territory of Spain, might produce more data, even more interesting. The data presented here do however underline a whole series of important points: a) the most frequent types of transfer from Spanish are at the level of the vocabulary; b) most of them are not needed because they are not innovating loans, nor do they enrich the vocabulary with oppositions that are at least new or more subtle, and in fact they reduce the lexical availability range of speakers; c) the process of loan adaptation is in full development: a lot of the unadapted loans from ten years ago have been already integrated in the structure of Romanian; d) code changes take place, sometimes within the same sentence; e) there are vacillations and alternances in the use of a Romanian term or its Spanish counterpart; e) structural calques are quite frequent, especially those that are due to the distinct prepositional system of the two involved languages, a consequence of which is the change in the lexical distribution of the lexemes; f) lexical-semantic calques, very numerous, create frequency changes in Romanian terms; and g) there are changes at the level of morphosyntax, among which the most important is the neutralization of the opposition singular/plural for certain constructions with the verb a avea with an impersonal existential value. These aspects can be interpreted as some early signs of a restructuring process within some subsystems of the Romanian variety spoken in Spain. They are early signs, but very likely to continue to the extent that radical changes might take place in this variety, that can go as far as becoming another type of pidgin, the so called rumañol, as it is jocularly and fondly referred to, distinct from the variety spoken in Romania, but very similar in some ways with the one spoken in the United States of America (Dumitrescu 2004). REFERENCES AVRAM, MIOARA, 1986, Gramatica pentru toţi, Bucureşti, Editura Academiei Republicii Socialiste România. AZEVEDO, MILTON M., 1992, Introducción a la lingüística española, Englewood Cliffs, New Jersey. BARTENS, ANGELA, 2000, Vers une typologie socio- et psycolinguistique des produits du contact lingüistique: exemples romans, în Annick Englebert / Michel Pierrard / Laurence Rosier / Dan Van Raemdonk (eds), Actes du XXII e Congrès International de Linguistique et Philologie romanes, Bruxelles, juillet 1998, 9 tomos, Tübingen, Max Niemeyer Verlag, 9, CERDÀ, RAMÓN, 1984, Comentarios en torno a la influencia léxica del castellano sobre el catalán actual, Beiträge zur romanische Philologie, 23, 2,

38 CAN THE ROMANIAN SPOKEN IN SPAIN BECOME A NEW LINGUISTIC MEANS? 35 CLARK, EVE V., 1978, Locationals: Existential, Locative and Possessive Constructions, in Joseph H. Greenberg (ed.), Universal of human language, vol. IV Syntax, DUMITRESCU, DOMNIŢA, 1993, El español en los Estados Unidos: Fenómenos de contacto lingüístico y problemas de política educativa, în Estados Unidos y América Latina: Relaciones interculturales. Problemas de la contemporaneidad. El pasado visto desde lo contemporáneo. XXVI Jornadas de la Facultad de Filosofía y Letras, Universidad de Buenos Aires, noviembre, Buenos Aires DUMITRESCU, DOMNIŢA, 2004, Romanian in Contact with English in the United States: in the Footsteps of Cuban-American, in Elaine S. Brooks, Eliza Miruna Ghil, S. George Wolf (eds), Romance Studies in Honour of Beatriz Varela, Newark, Juan de la Cuesta, GROSJEAN, FRANÇOIS, 1982, Life with Two Languages: An Introduction to Bilingualism, Cambridge, Harvard University Press. IORDAN, IORGU, MARIA MANOLIU, 1989, Manual de lingüística románica, revisión, reelaboración parcial y notas de Manuel Alvar, 2 vols, Madrid, Gredos. JAKOBSON, ROMAN, 1938, Sur la théorie des affinités phonologiques des langues, in Actes du Quatrième Congrès International des Linguistes tenu à Copenhague du 27 août au 1 er septembre, 1936, Copenhague, LOPE BLANCH, JUAN M., 1990, El español hablado en el suroeste de los Estados Unidos: Materiales para su estudio, México, UNAM. MUNTEANU, DAN, 1996, Casos de interferencias españolas en el habla de los rumanos residentes en España, Lingüística Española Actual, 18, Munteanu Colán, Dan, 2008, El rumañol: hacia una nueva modalidad lingüística?, Presented at Romanistentag, Viena, septembrie 2007 (in print). SALA, MARIUS, 1988, El problema de las lenguas en contacto, México, UNAM. SILVA-CORVALÁN, CARMEN, 1992, El español actual en Estados Unidos, in César Hernández Alonso (ed.), Historia y presente del español de América, Junta de Castilla y León, SILVA-CORVALÁN, CARMEN, 1996, Cambios sintácticos en situaciones de contacto lingüístico, in Actas del X Congreso Internacional de la Asociación de Lingüística y Filología de la América Latina, Veracruz, del de abril de 1993, México, WEINREICH, U., 1968, Languages in contact. Findings and problems, The Hague-Paris, Mouton. Abbreviations DER Ciorǎnescu, Alejandro Diccionario etimológico rumano. Universidad de La Laguna. DEX Academia Republicii Socialista România. Institutul de Lingvisitcǎ Dicţionarul explicativ al limbii române. Bucureşti: Editura Academiei Republicii Socialiste România.

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40 LA NORMALIZACIÓN DEL GALLEGO DESAFÍOS Y PERSPECTIVAS PARA EL FUTURO ADINA-IOANA VLADU 1. El gallego: florecimiento y declive La situación del gallego durante la Edad Media fue una privilegiada en la Península. Era lengua de la Escuela trovadoresca gallego-portuguesa y alcanzó el nivel máximo de normativización posible en este período, convirtiéndose en lengua oficial de Galicia, es decir, lengua en que se escribían los documentos de las cancillerías. El gallego será la lengua notarial de Galicia hasta principios del siglo XVI. La crisis del gallego se desencadena a partir del siglo XV, cuando empieza a asentarse en Galicia una nobleza castellana, que trae consigo y logra imponer su lengua y sus costumbres. El castellano se convierte en la lengua del poder, de las clases más privilegiadas de la sociedad (y por tanto en lengua culta), mientras el gallego queda relegado a una condición dialectal, de habla coloquial. Se crea de este modo una situación diglósica y el gallego se convierte en marcador social negativo. Los últimos textos en gallego datan del 1532 (texto notarial) y del 1465 respectivamente (texto literario), pero es un gallego fuertemente deteriorado por el contacto con el castellano, o si se quiere, son más bien textos escritos en castellano con influencias gallegas. Lo que siguen son Os séculos escuros (s. XVI-s. XIX), cuando la literatura culta desaparece por completo y la lengua queda excluída de las actas oficiales, al restringirse su uso a la conversación familiar de las clases sociales menos favorecidas. En estas condiciones adversas, el gallego se ruraliza y se empobrece, al mismo tiempo que se radicalizan las diferencias entre el gallego y el portugués. Así, a finales del siglo XVIII, la estructura bilingüe de la población se presentaba de este modo: el castellano, lengua minoritaria dominante, era lengua de las elites urbanas y del progreso, mientras que el gallego era la lengua rural y del atraso. Esta ruptura se agravó durante la dictadura franquista, cuando el gallego se vio excluído de todos los aspectos de la sociedad. Universidad de Bucarest, Departamento de Lingüística Románica, Lenguas y Literaturas Iberorrománicas,

41 38 ADINA-IOANA VLADU En la actualidad, el gallego es lengua cooficial del estado español. Una vez establecido el marco político, el gallego llegó a incorporarse progresivamente al sistema escolar y surgió la necesidad de establecer una variante estándar que confirmara su tradición culta e intentara recoger las diversas tradiciones y corrientes de opinión. En 1982, la Real Academia Galega (constituida en 1906) y el Instituto da Lingua Galega (creado a principios de los 70) redactaron las Normas ortográficas e morfolóxicas do idioma galego, que meses después fueron reconocidas como normativa oficial mediante decreto de la Xunta de Galicia. Un año más tarde, la Lei de normalización lingüística desarrolló los principios establecidos en el Estatuto de Autonomía (1936), subrayando la necesidad de reconocer y promover el valor simbólico de la lengua. De la misma manera, se elaboró y se puso en marcha un Plan xeral de normalización lingüística. 2. La estandarización características y desafíos 2.1. Codificación y diglosia El proceso más importante que da forma a la lengua de una comunidad es la estandarización, es decir, su transformación paulatina de variedad dialectal en medio de comunicación. Una sociedad afirma su identidad lingüística a través de la diferenciación clara del idioma que habla frente a los demás. Miguel Metzeltin afirma que la estandarización de las lenguas romances implica una serie de momentos: la concienciación por parte de los hablantes de la individualidad o alteridad de una lengua, fase en que aparecen traducciones, glosarios y una denominación propia; la textualización, en la que se sientan las bases de la tradición textual; la codificación, en la que se sistematiza la lengua a través de ortografías, gramáticas, diccionarios, etc.; la normativización, fase que se caracteriza por la aparición de instituciones reconocidas, como las academias, que unifican y regulan la lengua; la oficialización, dentro de la cual se elabora una legislación que reglamente el uso de la lengua en todos los ámbitos de sociedad; la medialización, cuando la lengua, ya normativizada y oficializada, se impone en los medios de comunicación y en la enseñanza; y, finalmente, la internacionalización, fase en la cual las autoridades estatales tratan de imponer la lengua como medio de comunicación con otras naciones. (Metzeltin 2007: ). En cuanto a las lenguas regionales o minorizadas, como el gallego, la particularidad del proceso de normalización la constituye la coexistencia con la lengua nacional, y por lo tanto la presión que esta última ejerce. En estos casos, la lengua regional se convierte en la expresión simbólica de los esfuerzos hacia la autonomía y, además de las fases típicas que atraviesan las lenguas nacionales en su proceso de estandarización, necesita medidas especiales de apoyo y defensa.

42 LA NORMALIZACIÓN DEL GALLEGO DESAFÍOS Y PERSPECTIVAS PARA EL FUTURO 39 Por ende, la comunidad que se expresa mediante una lengua regional insiste en la labor de revitalizar o de crear una cultura a base de textos escritos en la lengua materna, lo que contribuye al empeño en autonomizarse culturalmente. A este objetivo se añade la actividad de las instituciones de cultura y de las sociedades para el cultivo y la promoción de dicha lengua. Al mismo tiempo, mediante reglas ortográficas, gramaticales y léxicas, se codifica una variedad escrita que luego viene promovida e implementada en todos los sectores de la sociedad. Por último, se nota un empeño en establecer un uso paralelo de la lengua materna (regional) normada y de la lengua nacional, con la finalidad de obtener por lo menos una situación de bilingüismo. Es posible notar que el proceso de estandarización se compone de dos partes, una de naturaleza social y política (los objetivos de la normalización, la difusión y la implementación de la variedad propuesta) y otra de naturaleza lingüística, es decir, la normativización de la ortografía, del vocabulario y de la gramática. Según el mismo autor, la codificación o normativización también le otorga a una lengua cierto poder simbólico. De esta manera, en la codificación de los idiomas se intenta a menudo acentuar elementos que diferencien una variedad de otras consideradas en cierto grado semejantes, mediante procesos como el uso de un alfabeto especial, de grafemas no usuales en el alfabeto de la lengua de la cual se busca distancia o de letras existentes en el alfabeto del otro idioma, pero con valor diferente. Según Ramón d Andrés Díaz, la normativización o codificación de un idioma es un factor fundamental para la normalización social de dicho idioma, para que este pueda pasar del uso preferente en registros orales informales a registros formales. La normalización de un idioma supone la recuperación de su estatuto de lengua normal, es decir, de lengua cuyo uso oral y escrito sea natural y espontáneo en cualquiera de las situaciones que se puedan producir en la vida pública y personal de sus hablantes. Se trata, pues, del proceso mediante el cual se regulariza el uso de la lengua en todos los ámbitos a base de una normativa. Uno de los desafíos más importantes que aparecen en ambos procesos, tanto en el de la normativización como en el de la normalización, representa la necesidad de enfrentarse a los problemas que surgen del contacto permanente entre dos idiomas, contacto que, como señala Henri Boyer, representa más bien un conflicto. Seguimos aquí la teoría de la diglosia expuesta por Ferguson, es decir, la coexistencia problemática de dos lenguas dentro de la misma sociedad. De los rasgos principales del fenómeno, recordaremos a continuación solamente aquellas que se aplican al caso del gallego. La primera característica es la función de cada variedad: si la variedad A se utiliza en situaciones formales, es lengua de las autoridades estatales, de la enseñanza, de la cultura etc., la variedad B se limita a ser medio de comunicación

43 40 ADINA-IOANA VLADU en las situaciones informales, familiares etc. Este rasgo caracterizó por largo tiempo la situación del gallego como lengua de uso reducido al ámbito familiar, por lo menos hasta el final de la dictadura franquista en Otra marca del fenómeno, estrechamente vinculada a la mencionada anteriormente, es el prestigio que una de las lenguas tiene sobre la otra. En este caso, los hablantes consideran que la lengua A es una lengua de prestigio, relacionada con las capas altas de la sociedad, y por lo tanto una lengua más hermosa y con una mayor capacidad de expresar sentimientos complejos. Por lo contrario, los hablantes perciben la lengua B como un idioma careciente de prestigio, relacionado con la zona rural, lo que conlleva incluso el rechazo total de dicha lengua. En la sociedad gallega, estos prejuicios y representaciones mentales negativos todavía están patentes, especialmente en las conversaciones intergeneracionales o en el contacto con los extranjeros, donde se prefiere el castellano. El tercer rasgo que se debe destacar es el nivel de estandarización: la lengua A dispone de una norma fijada mediante gramáticas y diccionarios, mientras que la lengua B no tiene una norma culta y, si existen gramáticas, son descriptivas y no prescriptivas. Al final de la dictadura de Franco, esta era la situación del gallego, que se encontraba en un estado de precariedad, caracterizado por la gran variación dialectal y la ausencia de una norma oficial La normativización del gallego La formación de la norma gallega, tal como se ha recogido esta en las Normas ortográficas e morfolóxicas do idioma galego del 1982, había de atenerse tanto a condiciones sociales y políticas, como a factores relacionados con la tradición del gallego-portugués y con las demás lenguas romances. Las Normas subrayan la necesidad por una lengua integradora, por una variante normativa estándar, que actúe no sólo como vehículo de comunicación, sino también como símbolo de unificación social y política. El gallego estándar debe ser una variedad supradialectal, para lograr que el mayor número de hablantes se identifiquen con las soluciones propuestas. Según Xulio Sousa Fernández, la variedad supradialectal, si bien artificial, conlleva ciertas ventajas. Por integrar componentes de todos los dialectos de Galicia, la variedad estándar aspira a atraer a los hablantes de todas las variedades geográficas, y a la vez borra los prejuicios típicamente asociados a los dialectos. Por lo tanto, la variedad estándar es un producto cultural, bastante artificial, ya que no aparece de manera natural, como los dialectos, sino es el resultado de un proceso consciente y sistemático, con la finalidad de establecer una variedad común para todos los hablantes, variedad que al mismo tiempo ha de ser regulada desde el punto de vista gramatical, ortográfico y léxico.

44 LA NORMALIZACIÓN DEL GALLEGO DESAFÍOS Y PERSPECTIVAS PARA EL FUTURO 41 De la misma manera, otros factores importantes en la formación de la norma gallega fueron la tradición de la lengua escrita y la armonía con otras lenguas romances, especialmente con el portugués. Es decir, las variantes dialectales seleccionadas para formar la norma debían respetar las particularidades estructurales (fonéticas, morfológicas, ortográficas y léxicas) de las demás lenguas romances Formación de la norma: NOMIG-82,03 Las primeras normas oficiales del gallego, Normas ortográficas e morfolóxicas do idioma galego (1982), establecen unha lingua común asentada na fala, mais depurada de castelanismos, supradialectal, enraizada na tradición, coherente e harmónica coas demais linguas de cultura (RAG, ILG, 2003: 6). El gallego estándar evita el diferencialismo radical frente al castellano, la preferencia por las formas medievales, que no deben sustituir soluciones vivas, tanto como el lusismo. El gallego presenta una serie de rasgos que lo diferencian del castellano. Aunque el sistema ortográfico es muy cercano al español, se dan algunas diferencias macantes, rasgos que incluso pueden llegar a convertirse en símbolos de identidad nacional. La ortografía gallega se diferencia de la castellana por medio de la falta de empleo de letras j e y en palabras patrimoniales y por el uso del dígrafo nh y de la letra x, que además representan fonemas inexistentes en castellano. La grafía también distancia el gallego del portugués. El dígrafo ch existe en ambas lenguas, pero representa fonemas distintos: /ĉ/ en gallego y / / en portugués. También el dígrafo nh representa sonidos diferentes: /ŋ/ en gallego y /n/ en portugués. La grafía z representa el fonema /θ/ en gallego y /z/ en portugués. Al nivel fonológico, es notable la presencia de dos fonemas no representados en castellano: la nasal velar /ŋ/ y la prepalatal fricativa sorda / /. 3. Posiciones con respecto a la norma La normativa oficial fue aceptada generalmente sin grandes problemas por los hablantes, con una excepción notable: el grupo reintegracionista, que milita por un mayor acercamiento al portugués, sobre todo desde el punto de vista ortográfico. Este movimiento, muy minoritario y prácticamente sin gozar de apoyo popular, cuenta con normas propias, muy alejadas de las oficiales y, al mismo tiempo, del gallego hablado. La codificación del gallego resultó ser un proceso flexible, que se puede caracterizar, según Henrique Monteagudo, como a esixencia de estabilidade flexible dos idiomas escritos, e que corresponde ao estado de equilibrio dinámico

45 42 ADINA-IOANA VLADU característico das linguas vivas (Monteagudo, Bouzada coord., 2003:110). En 2003 la Real Academia Galega aprobó unas nuevas Normas... (NOMIG-03), que tomaban en cuenta la posición de otro grupo ideológico, la corriente reintegracionista de medios, y aceptaban soluciones más próximas al portugués, o, en algunos casos aceptaban más de una variante. Con todo esto, la normalización del gallego tuvo que enfrentarse a la oposición del grupo reintegracionista, que consideraba que los esfuerzos de construir una lengua gallega culta autónoma habían resultado en un fracaso porque la lengua gallega de cultura ya estaba construida el portugués, y solamente había que reconocerla. La corriente reintegracionista basa su discurso en la convicción de que las dos lenguas no son autónomas una con respecto a la otra. Los argumentos en que se apoya esta conclusión son que el gallego y el portugués tienen orígenes comunes, carecen de diferencias radicales en su estructura interna y entre los hablantes de los dos idiomas hay inteligibilidad mútua sin necesitarse un aprendizaje previo. La orientación autonomista mayoritaria, por su lado, pone énfasis en la necesidad de un idioma gallego diferenciado tanto del castellano, como del portugués. Solamente de esta forma es posible recuperar la identidad de pueblo diferenciado, autónomo. 4. Reacciones a la norma. El futuro del gallego A más de 20 años de la redacción de la primera normativa oficial del gallego, el conflicto diglósico sigue presente en Galicia. Las políticas lingüísticas, aunque han logrado dar más visibilidad social a la lengua, también han llevado a una serie de actitudes politizadas, donde se destaca la lengua, pero se hace caso omiso del hablante. De tal forma, perviven en la sociedad gallega reacciones negativas, ya que, a veces, la normalización viene interpretada como imposición e intento de reemplazar el castellano a toda costa. Hoy en día, el gallego es un idioma normativizado, con un gran número de hablantes. Las estadísticas muestran un aumento de los hablantes jóvenes y un significativo incremento de las personas que declaran poder escribir y leer en gallego, resultados de las políticas lingüísticas implementadas en la enseñanza. Además, es notable la toma de conciencia de la lengua como elemento identitario. Gran parte de los que hablan gallego en la actualidad lo hacen de una manera consciente, poseen estudios universitarios y normalmente manejan dos o más idiomas. Sin embargo, Victor Freixanes observa que, a pesar de los avances que se han producido en los últimos años, la lengua sigue siendo identificada con el mundo rural o con la ideologización. (Freixanes, 2006:122)

46 LA NORMALIZACIÓN DEL GALLEGO DESAFÍOS Y PERSPECTIVAS PARA EL FUTURO 43 En cuanto al futuro del gallego, el mismo autor propone como solución el multilingüismo operativo. El hecho de que los gallego hablantes dispongan de dos vehículos de comunicación de enorme riqueza (el gallego y el castellano) y la proximidad de un tercero (el portugués) les permitirá el acceso al lenguaje de las nuevas tecnologías y abrirá nuevos horizontes para el comercio, la economía, las relaciones sociales y la creación cultural. Conclusiones El balance del proceso de normativización y normalización lingüística en Galicia no es una tarea fácil. El estatuto del gallego, como generalmente el de las lenguas autonómicas en España, sigue siendo un proceso en vías de consolidación. Aunque se ha traspasado la situación de precariedad e incluso de prohibición que caracterizó épocas históricas pasadas, no es posible hablar de un proceso ya acabado, dado que el grado de conflictividad en la sociedad gallega con respecto a este proceso es bastante alto. A pesar de los conflictos y las dificultades, se pueden notar los progresos alcanzados gracias a las políticas lingüísticas desarrolladas: mejores representaciones colectivas del gallego, más prestigio para la lengua y un grado más alto de conocimiento de la lengua entre los habitantes de Galicia. THE NORMALIZATION OF GALICIAN CHALLENGES AND PROSPECTS FOR THE FUTURE Summary This study sets out to offer a brief presentation of the trajectory of the language standardization and normalization policies undertaken in the Autonomous Community of Galicia, as well as reflections on the present-day situation of the Galician language. As a language in which the normativization and normalization occurred rather late compared to other Romance languages, the case of Galician lends itself to an analysis of the creation of a standard language, questioning its natural or artificial character as well as the success that can be achieved by the normalization processes in a society characterized by the permanent contact between the two languages, Galician and Spanish. This overview opens with a historical perspective over Galician, outlines the principles of the normativization and of the linguistic policies that stand at the base of normalization and deals more in depth with the internal conflicts that underlie these processes, before finishing with a series of observations on the present-day situation and the future possibilities of the Galician language. Keywords: language standardization, codification, normativization, normalization, diglosia.

47 44 ADINA-IOANA VLADU BIBLIOGRAFÍA D ANDRÉS DÍAZ RAMÓN (2006), Los procesos de normalización social de las lenguas, en J. M. Pérez Férnández (coord.), Estudios sobre el estatuto jurídico de las lenguas en España, Atelier. BOYER, HENRI (2002), O proceso de normalización lingüística visto dende o exterior, en Actas dos IV Encontros para a normalización lingüística (9-10 de novembro de 2000), Santiago de Compostela, Consello da Cultura Galega. FERGUSON, CHARLES (1959), Diglosia, en Liliana Ionescu-Ruxăndoiu, Dumitru Chiţoran, Sociolingvistica, Bucureşti, Ed. Didactică şi Pedagogică, FREIXANES, VICTOR F. (2006), La lengua gallega. Una aproximación al tiempo presente, en Las lenguas españolas: Un enfoque filológico, Ed. Secretaría General Técnica. GRAÑA MARTÍNEZ, VENANCIO (2001), Lexislación da lingua, Santiago de Compostela, Xunta de Galicia, LAMUELA, X. / H. MONTEAGUDO (1996), Planificación lingüística, en M. Fernández Pérez (coord.), Avances en lingüística aplicada. Santiago de Compostela, Universidade. LORENZO SUAREZ, ANXO M. (2008), A sociolingüística de Galicia, Santiago de Compostela, Consello da Cultura Galega. LLEAL, COLOMA (1996), La formación de las lenguas romances peninsulares, Barcelona, Barcanova. METZELTIN, MIGUEL (2007), Del Renacimiento a la actualidad (I). Procesos de codificación de las lenguas románicas, en J. E. Gargallo Gil, M. R. Bastardas (coords.), Manual de lingüística románica, Ariel, Barcelona. De Miguel, Elena (ed., 2006), Las lenguas españolas: un enfoque filológico, Ministerio de Educación y Ciencia, Instituto Superior de Formación de Profesorado. MONTEAGUDO, HENRIQUE (2003), A demanda da norma. Avances, problemas e perspectivas no proceso de estandarización do idioma galego, en Henrique Monteagudo, Xan M. Bouzada Fernández (coord.), O proceso de normalización do idioma galego ( ). Volume III. Elaboración e difusión da lingua, Santiago de Compostela, Consello da Cultura Galega, Sección de Lingua. Henrique Monteagudo, Xan M. Bouzada Fernández (coord.), O proceso de normalización do idioma galego ( ). Volume I. Política lingüística: análise e perspectivas, Santiago de Compostela, Consello da Cultura Galega, Sección de Lingua. Sánchez Puga, Xosé (coord., 2002), Un futuro para a lingua, Santiago de Compostela, Dirección Xeral de Política Lingüística. SÁNCHEZ VIDAL, PAULO (2005), Unha achega ó estudo do proceso de codificación ortográfica e gramaticas la lingua galega ( ), en Rosario Álvarez, Henrique Monteagudo ed., Norma lingüística e variación. Unha perspectiva desde o idioma galego, Santiago de Compostela, Consello da Cultura Galega, Sección de Lingua. RAG/ ILG 1982, 2003, Normas ortográficas e morfolóxicas do idioma galego.

48 THE COMMISSIVE SPEECH ACTS IN THE MEDIATOR S DISCOURSE DANIELA MURARU The paper is an attempt to illustrate a theoretical conception of the use of language in mediation, in order to identify the main problems that are likely to appear in resolving a mediation dispute, and how this is reflected in the case of Jimmy Carter mediating between Egypt and Israel. The claim is that, in this particular type of conflict, commissives are part of Carter s strategic manoeuvring (van Eemeren and Houtlosser 2002a, 2002b), being thus employed with the purpose of convincing the two opposing parties of the necessity of reaching an agreement, by appealing to both the rational and emotional sides. The theory of speech acts is the conceptual basis to start from in this analysis, as the speech acts establish what result the discussion has had. Therefore, the aim of this paper is to clarify what sort of speech act is being performed in the confrontation and opening stages, with particular emphasis on commissives. The focus is on the mediator s linguistic behaviour, studying the way in which agreement is maintained and how the further stages of negotiation take place by joint approval. Keywords: mediation, commitment, strategic manoeuvring, role, speech act, compromise. 1. Mediator s Roles and Strategic Manoeuvring In approaching mediation, three main roles have been attributed to the mediator: communicator, formulator and manipulator (cf. Muraru forthcoming). These are closely connected with the mediator/ negotiator distinction, in the sense that the mediator is viewed in a two-fold way: (1) the Mediator as a facilitator of decision-making engaged in pure mediation, who is attributed the roles of communicator and formulator, and who typically displays neutrality and transparency, and (2) the Mediator as a manipulator (the sense of the word being deprived of its negative connotation) engaged in negotiation, making use of leverage, eliciting concessions or compromise (cf. Touval and Zartman, 1985). Mention has to be made regarding these three roles, in the sense that they are not clearly marked and separated in actual practice. There is not a delineation line to enable a clear distinction regarding the switch of roles, which means that, in most cases, they intermingle. Therefore, the first two roles have been mostly discussed together, as they are both facilitator s roles, linked to Universitatea din Bucureşti, Universitatea Dunărea-de-Jos din Galaţi,

49 46 DANIELA MURARU Carter s behaviour as a pure mediator. The third role, that of manipulator is associated with Carter s position as a negotiator of meanings, which entails finding the most appropriate combination of words or sentences that best serve his persuasive aim of determining the parties to reach an acceptable agreement. In the pragma-dialectical theory of argumentation, the concept of strategic manoeuvring is defined as the management of the discourse aimed at making the strongest possible case while at the same time avoiding any moves that are clearly unreasonable (van Eemeren and Houtlosser, 2002b: 16). In a critical discussion, there has to be a balance between the dialectical objective to argue reasonably, and the rhetorical objective to persuade, strategic maneuvering being directed at diminishing the potential tension between pursuing, at the same time, a dialectical as well as a rhetorical aim (2002a: 135). Strategic manoeuvring in a dispute refers to the analysis of three techniques: the topical potential associated with a particular discussion stage, the audience orientation and the presentational devices, or the stylistic means used by the speaker (van Eemeren and Houtlosser, 2002a: 139). The particular case under investigation is an illustration of the way in which the concept of strategic manoeuvring bridges the gap between the dialectical aim (associated with the role of Carter as pure mediator) and the rhetorical aim (illustrated by Carter s position of negotiator and manipulator). These roles are materialized, or externalized, by means of both linguistic and non-linguistic strategies and tactics. At the linguistic level, formulations and rephrasing are the strategic moves that enable the mediator to establish the common ground of the parties. Carter s personal involvement as an active negotiator ensures the successfulness of his mediation, illustrated by the way he manages the relationship between the disputants. Thus, his committedness plays a major part in the resolution of the dispute. 2. Commissives in Jimmy Carter s Mediation Commissives are the type of speech acts that play an essential role in mediation since their use signals the fact that the participants in the dispute accept the standpoint or the challenge to defend the standpoint, but, most importantly, they agree to begin a (new) discussion (cf. van Eemeren et al., 1993: 29). Their joint decision to start communicating indicates their intention of attempting to resolve the dispute in joint consultation and in accordance with common rules of discussion (van Eemeren and Grootendorst, 1984: 103). This significantly leads to the resolution of the dispute, being strategically used both by the facilitator and by the manipulator. They have the power of argument with Carter, being a component of the strategy of convincing, in the sense that by assuming the role of a mediator, and implicitly the part of a facilitator and helper, he succeeds in

50 THE COMMISSIVE SPEECH ACTS IN THE MEDIATOR S DISCOURSE 47 winning the parties trust. At the same time, by means of commissive speech acts, the parties concessions are called forth, suggestive of their willingness to compromise. Therefore, the recurrent use of commissives is a persuasive technique in itself, as part of Carter s strategic manoeuvring. From a game-theoretical perspective, commitments designate standpoints, decisions, and even actions which either completely or partially bind the initiator to immediate or future negative or positive positions with respect to a certain issue (Stenelo, 1972: 25). At the same time, dialogue-theory views commitment as a practical idea that involves imperatives directing an agent to a course of action in a particular situation (Walton and Krabbe, 1995: 7). In the context of the present approach, we are talking about two separate sets of commitment-stores (Hamblin, 1970: 257) 1. One refers to the commitments expressed by the mediator in his interaction with the parties; the other includes the commitments of the disputants, in the sense of their externalized concessions, which are triggered by the mediator s repeatedly emphasized set of commitments. Therefore, the former becomes a mechanism of eliciting the latter, functioning thus as an argumentative move. The strategy of Carter s mediation is briefly outlined in the following text, in which he himself defines the role that America will play and the tactics they will use in order to make the parties communicate. Thus private consultations with both parties are essential for establishing communication, and determining the points of agreement and disagreement. All the three roles are mentioned by the American President, being aware that he can exert influence on the two parties, thus playing the manipulator role, but the roles of communicator and formulator prevail, in the sense of maintaining a neutral and fair position towards both parties. It is hard to anticipate what is going to happen in the Middle East. What we are trying to do is to consult extensively and privately with the leaders of the nations involved directly. By the end of May, I will have had long and extended conversations with every one of those nations' leaders. [ ] I would not hesitate if I saw clearly a fair and equitable solution to use the full strength of our own country and its persuasive powers to bring those nations to agreement. I recognize, though, that we cannot impose our will on others, and unless the countries involved agree, there is no way for us to make progress. So, we are in effect in the position of a communicator between the parties involved or among them, and also we are in the position of one who can influence countries to modify their positions slightly to accommodate other nations' interests. I think it's a very important position in which I find myself. I take the responsibility very, very heavily. (May 2 nd, 1977: 769) 1 The commitment-store is defined as a store of statements which represent a speaker s previous commitments, which enable him to keep consistency and add new statements to this store (HAMBLIN, 1970: 257).

51 48 DANIELA MURARU An important component of a successful mediation is the trusting and empathic relationship between the mediator and each disputant (Welton et al., 1988: 182). This position is defined by the mediator himself, bringing forward as arguments the high degree of involvement and commitment on the American part, and on his part, personally, and the distinction between America and the other countries: Our own country will offer its good offices when called upon to do so, to share with nations located there to find this peaceful resolution. (April 4, 1977: 562) we offer our good offices (March 16, 1977) of all the nations in the world, we are the one that's most trusted, not completely, but most trusted by the Arab countries and also Israel. I guess both sides have some doubt about us. But we'll have to act kind of as a catalyst to bring about their ability to negotiate successfully with one another. (March 16, 1977) I will be devoting a major part of my time on foreign policy between now and next fall trying to provide for a forum. (March 16, 1977) We understand the common ground on which that peace might be brought. And I personally am willing to devote a great deal of my own time and the time of the American Government to cooperation (April 4, 1977: 562) We in the US accept this responsibility in the fullest and most constructive sense. Ours is a commitment, and not just a political posture we are determined to deal with our deficiencies quickly and openly. (March 17, 1977) As the fragments have illustrated, Carter s commitment and determination are suggested by the use of modal will, which emphasises the mediator s solidarity with the cause sustained by the parties: we will stay involved, We will stand by our friends, We will work not only to attain peace, but to maintain peace, we will rededicate ourselves, we will always recognize, appreciate and honor Thus, the president strategically defines America s position and role in the mediating process, stressing its uniqueness, and actually pleading the case of America as the only nation capable of performing a genuine role of mediation. Carter uses as arguments to convince the parties an opposition of terms most trusted / not completely / but stressing exactly the mediator s roles and the idea of a successful outcome America is to mediate. The use of must as a strong performative suggests Carter s sense of obligation and his commitment and determination that the parties have to come to an agreement and establish peace by signing the treaty: We must not lose this moment. We must pray, and we must act as everything depends on ourselves., we must make this beginning, We must seize this precious opportunity ; We must persevere ; We must proceed.

52 THE COMMISSIVE SPEECH ACTS IN THE MEDIATOR S DISCOURSE 49 Carter s attitude of dedication and committedness is highlighted, on the one hand by the use of commissive speech acts-proper, as well as by assertives reinterpreted as commissives, and, on the other hand, by resorting to elements of vocabulary that characterize this type of behaviour (nouns, adjectives or adverbs). I pledge to you today that I also remain personally committed to move on to negotiations concerning the West Bank and the Gaza Strip and other issues of concern to the Palestinians and also to future negotiations between Israel and all their neighbours. I feel a personal obligation in this regard. [ ] My government, for its part, the full power and influence of the United States of America, is ready to share that burden of commitment with you. (Cairo, Egypt, Carter s Address Before the People s Assembly, March 10, 1979: 413) The fragment above is illustrative of the way in which the mediator makes use of a range of commissives, from repeatedly employing the prototype verb to commit, to the use of pledge, whose illocutionary force is obtained by increasing the degree of strength of Carter s commitment, having the support of the American government who shares that burden of commitment. As can be seen, commitments are among the mediator s presentational means adapted to the parties expectations and needs in such a way as to elicit concessions. Carter s own commitments function as an argumentative move in itself, as part of his strategic manoeuvring. Consequently, all his interventions abound in the use of commissive speech acts, among which we signal the recurrence of the majority of verbs that make up the commissive class 2, such as, commit, pledge, undertake, engage ( we are fully engaged in this peace process ), promise, guarantee ( we are ready to guarantee that supply. ), assure ( I can assure you that the US intends to use that power ), certify, accept ( We in the US accept this responsibility ), offer ( Our country will offer its good offices ), dedicate ( We will rededicate ourselves to the ideals that our people share ). Sometimes the assertives can be reconstructed as commissives: We are determined to do our share (July 19, 1977: 1288), I take the responsibility very, very heavily (May 2, 1977: 769), The United States will work with any and all parties who are committed to these principles of genuine peace and security (March 8, 1979: 406), we will do our best to help them (March 7, 1979: 395). All these speech acts, besides commissives, take the form of what Walton and Krabbe (1995) call propositional commitments 3, since they are a special case of commitment to action (p. 14). Therefore, Carter s discourse shows the 2 See VANDERVEKEN (1990) for a list and discussion of the English commissives (pp ). 3 WALTON and KRABBE (1995), define a propositional commitment as (1) a kind of action commitment whose (2) partial strategies assign dialogical actions that (3) center on one proposition (or a formulation thereof) (p. 23).

53 50 DANIELA MURARU high degree of his committedness to the course of reaching peace, meant to enhance the parties trust and, at the same time, to convince the parties to move towards resolution, by means of a compromise. The particular instance of mediation submitted to analysis is characterized by the use of both formal and provisional commitments (cf. Stenelo, 1972: 25). Formal commitments are explicit obligations which bind the speaker by the signing of diplomatic documents. In the case submitted to analysis, the conflicting parties formally commit themselves to the course of pursuing peace by first signing two agreements at Camp David, and then by concluding the Peace Treaty. The provisional commitments are all those informal commitments, performed both explicitly and implicitly. We may view the implicit ones as corresponding to the dark-side commitments suggested by Walton and Krabbe (1995), which are not externalized in the course of the dispute since they regard the deeper or more fundamental commitments (p. 11) that the participants bring to the conflict 4. Therefore, the parties hidden intentions to solve the dispute as much as possible in their favor are such commitments to their own nations as the embodiment of cultural values and beliefs. In compliance with the respective cultural and social backgrounds, the disputants bring at the negotiation table their own commitment stores, which also contain the concessions they are willing to make. In this diplomatic context, finding an area of agreement or a common ground presupposes compromise, defined as a mechanism for accomplishing consensus which closes off conflict (Vuchinich, 1990: 126). A compromise terminal exchange is made up of two components: concession offering and assent, which means accepting the offering. After intense and repeated negotiations in which the mediator has operated as a mechanism of both proposing and rejecting concessions, on behalf of each of the parties, a compromise position has been reached between the two opposing positions. Both parties have made mutual concessions, in the sense that, due to the intervention of the third party, they have revised their own positions with respect to the divergent issues, and they have operated various changes at the conceptual level, thus establishing a middle ground for agreement. Therefore, the mediator has succeeded in synchronizing the parties negotiatory standpoints and positions to a degree which has insured the actual achievement of an agreement (cf. Stenelo, 1972: 32). 3. Conclusion As the analysis performed on several texts in this paper has shown, mediation encompasses a spectrum of behaviour ranging from the very passive 4 Dark-side commitments, together with assertions and concessions are considered by WALTON and KRABBE (1995) the three key types of commitments that can be used in a persuasion dialogue.

54 THE COMMISSIVE SPEECH ACTS IN THE MEDIATOR S DISCOURSE 51 (providing good offices) which is characteristic of the communicator role, passing through a more active attitude of involvement as a formulator, to the highly active (putting pressure on the disputants) in the position of manipulator. The two argumentative dimensions of the mediator facilitative and manipulative who in the process of argumentation uses both rationality and emotions are reconciled in practice by the concept of strategic manoeuvring, adding the ethical component in order to generate a successful outcome. Both argumentative profiles of the mediator are characterized by the presence of the commissive speech acts, reason for which they acquire the status of a technique of strategic manoeuvring. Despite the parties initial positions, neither of the two being receptive to compromise solutions, and despite the fact that the mediator s intervention has brought about a change in the parties original views, the disputants have tried to maintain and partially fulfil their commitments (some of the provisos of the treaty have been implemented, such as settlement withdrawal, some have failed to become a reality, as it happened with the situation of the Palestinians). Being consistent with what they have asserted since the beginning of the negotiation sessions, it can be largely stated that both Egypt and Israel have lived up (cf. Walton and Krabbe, 1995: 18) to their fundamental commitments, considering the circumstances that they have reached a compromise. With regard to the mediator, it can be asserted that he has fulfilled his commitments, as he has determined the parties to conclude a peace agreement, being consistent with the statements he had previously made. In this sense, we have seen in the examples discussed above how Carter s degree of committedness increases, by strengthening his commitments with the help of lexical elements, such as the verb or its corresponding noun pledge. These commitments influence the parties decisions by altering their expectations about how the mediator is supposed to behave in the future (cf. Stenelo, 1972: 25). Therefore, commitments enable the mediator to favorably dispose the disputants towards embarking on a search for a solution of agreement, also eliciting commitments on their part. REFERENCES Public Papers of the Presidents: Jimmy Carter, (1977) vol. I and II, (1978) vol. I and II, (1979) vol. I, Washington D.C., Government Printing Office. EEMEREN, FRANS H. VAN and GROOTENDORST, ROB (1984), Speech Acts in Argumentative Discussions, Dordrecht-Holland / Cinnaminson-USA, Foris Publications. EEMEREN, FRANS H. VAN and Houtlosser, Peter (2002a), Strategic Maneuvering. Maintaining a Delicate Balance, in Frans H. van Eemeren and P. Houtlosser (eds), Dialectic and Rhetoric. The Warp and Woof of Argumentation Analysis, , Dordrecht, Kluwer Academic Publishers.

55 52 DANIELA MURARU EEMEREN, FRANS H. VAN and PETER HOUTLOSSER (2002b), Strategic Maneuvering with the Burden of Proof, in F. H. Eemeren van (ed.), Advances in Pragma-Dialectics, 13-28, Amsterdam, Sic Sat. EEMEREN, FRANS H. VAN, GROOTENDORST, ROB, JACKSON, SALLY and JACOBS, SCOTT (1993), Reconstructing Argumentative Discourse, Tuscaloosa and London, The University of Alabama Press. HAMBLIN, CHARLES L. (2004), Fallacies, Virginia, Vale Press, Newport News. MURARU, DANIELA (forthcoming), The Mediator as a Multiple Role-Player, to appear in Proceedings of the Fourth International Conference Language, Culture and Civilization. The Dialogue of Ideas, Bucharest, June 2010, the Faculty of Engineering in Foreign Languages, the Polytechnic University of Bucharest. STENELO, LARS-GORAN (1972), Mediation in International Negotiations, Lund, Studentlitteratur. TOUVAL, SAADIA and I. WILLIAM ZARTMAN (1985). International Mediation in Theory and Practice, Boulder, CO, Westview Press. VANDERVEKEN, DANIEL (1990), Meaning and Speech Acts, vol. 1, Principles of Language use, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press. VUCHINICH, SAMUEL (1990), The Sequential Organization of Closing in Verbal Family Conflict, in Allen D. Grimshaw (ed.), Conflict Talk: Sociolinguistic Investigations of Arguments in Conversation, , Cambridge, Cambridge University Press. WALTON, DOUGLAS and KRABBE, ERIK C. W. (1995), Commitment in Dialogue, Albany, State University of New York Press. WELTON, GARY L., PRUITT, DEAN G. and MCGILLICUDDY, NEIL B. (1988), The Role of Caucusing in Community Mediation, in Journal of Conflict Resolution, 32 (1),

56 A COGNITIVE PRAGMATIC APPROACH TO NOMINAL TEMPORAL INTERPRETATION VIORELA-VALENTINA DIMA The last decades have witnessed an increase in the publications concerned with the temporal interpretation of nominals in various languages of the world. The aim of the current article is to briefly review the theories put forth in the literature as regards the temporal interpretation of English nominals (i.e the theories of Enç 1981, Musan 1995 and Ogihara 2003). Apart from identifying the strengths and weaknesses of the respective theories, we also propose a new theory, based on Sperber and Wilson s (1986) Cognitive Pragmatics. Our theory will be shown to acknowledge the importance of both linguistic and extra-linguistic factors influencing the temporal interpretation of English and Romanian nominals. Keywords: nominal temporal interpretation, temporal variables, quantifier theory of tense, scope theory of tense, lexcial conceptual structure, implicature, explicature. 1. Current State of Research Cross-linguistically, nominals are temporally interpreted in a uniform fashion, in that there are three possible times associated with a given nominal: i) the time of the nominal predicate (defined by Musan 1995:12ff as the time interval during which the predicate is asserted to hold of an individual ), ii) the time of the possessive relation (the time interval during which the entity denoted by the given nominal enters a possessive relation with another entity, Sadler and Nordlinger 2001, Nordlinger and Sadler 2003a., Lecarme 2005) and iii) the time of existence of the entity denoted by the nominal (i.e. the time at which the individual exists, Musan: idem). The three nominal times may be encoded by so-called nominal temporal affixes in Halkomelem and languages which possess such affixes, as in (1) below 1. In Romanian, English and similar languages which do not possess such affixes, Academia de Studii Economice Bucureşti, Universitatea Bucureşti, Şcoala Doctorală Limbi şi Identităţi Culturale, 1 For a detailed presentation of languages with so-called nominal temporal affixes, see DIMA (2007/2008).

57 54 VIORELA-VALENTINA DIMA the three nominal times are incoded inter alia by means of temporal adjectives, as illustrated in (2)-(3) below: (1) a. tel xeltel-elh (Halkomelem, Sadler and Nordlinger 2001: ex. 16) my pencil-past my former pencil, the pencil which used to be mine, my destroyed pencil b. tel pukw-elh (Halkomelem, idem: ex. 17) my book-past my former book, the book which used to be mine, my destroyed book (2) a. Profesorul stătea într-o odaie din fosta lui casă de pe strada Manutanţei [...] Jumătate din casă este întreagă şi astăzi. 2 The Professor used to live in a room from his former house from Manutanţei Street. Half of the house is whole even today. b. [ ] în calitate de chiriaş-locatar în fosta lui casă [ ]. 3 as tenant-inhabitant in his former house c. Semeni cu ex pisoiul meu, era la fel de frumos şi obraznic [ ].4 You look like my ex cat, it was equally handsome and naughty. (3) a. That is John s former house. (Larson and Cho 2003: ex. 4) b. I bought new sofas and looking to get rid of former sofa. 5 In detail, the temporal adjective fosta / in (2a.) locates in the past the time of the nominal predicate casă since half of the former house has been destroyed one cannot talk about a house anymore. In (2b.) fosta designates a past time of the possessive relation holding between the house and its former owner now tenant. Lastly, in (2c.) ex locates in the past the time of existence of the entity denoted by the nominal pisoi (cat). Interestingly, a past time of existence for the later is obtained by combining the individual-level nominal pisoi with the past temporal adjective ex. 6 The literature on the temporal interpretation of English nominals discusses mainly the time of the nominal predicate with sporadic references to the time of existence of the entity denoted by a given nominal. In what follows, we review the theories proposed by Enç (1981 etc.), Musan (1995, 1997) and Ogihara (2003) Enç (1981 etc.) claims that nominals are temporally independent from the co-occurring verbs. For instance, the nominal fugitive in (4a.) has a past temporal reading whereas the co-occurring verb is has a present temporal For the classification of nominals into kind-level, individual-level and stage-level predicates, see KRATZER (1988).

58 A COGNITIVE PRAGMATIC APPROACH TO NOMINAL TEMPORAL INTERPRETATION 55 reading. In fact, the sentence is about a former fugitive, as explicitly rendered in (4b.), since a current fugitive can only be outside jail: (4) a. Every fugitive is now in jail. b. Every former fugitive is now in jail. (Enç 1981, apud Musan 1995: 14, ex. 7a., b.) Moreover, Enç (1981) identifies a series of contexts in which the temporal interpretation of English noinals differs from that of the co-occurring verbs: (i) noun phrases may have to be interpreted relative to more than one tense slot simultaneously (ii) constructions with two quantificational noun phrases in a clause give rise to scope paradoxes (iii) the existential quantifier analysis is too weak to account for all the readings where simultaneity and tense interpretations are varied independently of each other. Apud Musan (1995: 15-17) Firstly, (5a.) and (5c.) below points to the fact that nominals may have to be interpreted relative to more than one tense slot simultaneously, depending on the scope of the universal quantifiers all or every. Thus, In (5a.) rich men may refer both to past predication times (as the verbal morpheme were does) and to present predication times as highlighted in (5b.). Similarly, in (5c.) member of our investment club may refer both to future predication times (as the modal will does) and to present predication times as highlighted by (5d.): (5) a. All rich men were obnoxious children. (Enç 1981: 58, ex. 1) b. All present and past rich men were obnoxious children c. Every member of our investment club will buy a house. (idem, p. 60, ex. 4) d. All present and future members of our investment club will buy a house. The two temporal readings of the nominals under discussion could be explained if we consider the scope relations between the universal quantifier all and the tense of the verb. On the one hand, the universal quantifier may be interpreted as within the scope of the future morpheme (as in (6a.)), which gives rise to the dependent temporal reading of the nominal modified by the quantifier. On the other hand, the universal quantifier may be interpreted as outside the scope of the future morpheme (as in (6b.)), which gives rise to the independent temporal reading of the nominal in question: (6) a. FUTURE [ (x) member of investment club(x) buy a house(x)] b. (x) [member of investment club(x) FUTURE [buy a house(x)]] Secondly, (7a.) below presents a situation in which two quantificational noun phrases in a clause give rise to scope paradoxes. As explicitly rendered in (7b.), president may refer to individuals who were presidents at a past time with respect to the time of remembering (i.e. with president in the scope of every

59 56 VIORELA-VALENTINA DIMA congressman ), but not at a future time with respect to the time of remembering (i.e. with president outside the sope of every congressman ): (7) a. Every congressman who remembers a president will be at the party. (idem, p. 65, ex. 17) b. Every future congressman who remembers a past or present (but not future) president will be at the party. c. (x) [congressman (x) (y) president (y) (remember (x,y)] At a closer inspection of example (7b.) above, we notice that the lack of a future reading for the nominal predication time of president is due to the lexical meaning of the verb remember. More explicitly, one can only remember a past/ present situation and not a future one. Thirdly, in (8a.) below the existential quantifier analysis of will die is too weak to account for all the readings available. In other words, interpreting will die as there exists a future time when all lizards die does not capture the variations in simultaneity as (8b.-d.) show that lizards may die at the same future time or not: (8) a. All lizards will die. (idem, p. 68, ex 19) b. All lizards will die at the same time in the future. (simultaneous reading) b. (t) future time (t) [ (x) lizzard (x) die (x) at t] c. All lizards will die at a certain time in the future, not necessarily at the same time (non-simultaneous or, accidentally simultaneous reading) d. All lizards will die at different times in the future. (non-simultaneous reading) d. (x) [lizzard (x) (t) future time (t) [ die (x) at t]] As explicitly stated in (8b.) and (8d. ), the existential quantifier analysis of will die can only account for the simultaneous reading and the non-simultaneous reading, respectively. The accidentally simultaneous reading in (8c.) cannot be accounted for within a quantificational account, as logical representations deal with necessity and cannot directly encode accidentality. The latter is contextually-derived, hence a pragmatic account of it is required (see section 3.2. below). To sum up, Enç (1981) argues that a quantificational analysis of tense cannot be used to explain the facts under discussion. Hence, she proposes an indexical analysis according to which: i) the temporal interpretation of nominals is independent of the temporal interpretation of verbs, and ii) the context of utterance provides the information for the adequate temporal interpretation of nouns. In other words, nominals get temporally intepreted in relation to the discourse they appear in Musan (1995 etc.) by and large agrees with the second component of Enç s (1981) proposal; however, the former argues that the latter s results may be an overgeneralization made on the basis of some cases of temporally independent noun interpretations (Musan 1995: 17). In fact, Musan argues that

60 A COGNITIVE PRAGMATIC APPROACH TO NOMINAL TEMPORAL INTERPRETATION 57 certain kinds of noun phrases are systematically temporally dependent on the interpretation of their clause (idem: 19). Moreover, Musan s proposal is that the default [interpretation] is in fact that the temporal location of predication times of nouns depends highly on the temporal interpretation of the rest of the clause. Whenever temporally independent noun phrases are available, this is a consequence of additional mechanisms that affect the interpretation of noun phrases. Specifically, [ ] the occurrence of temporally dependent noun phrase interpretations is not a direct effect of tense but rather a consequence of quantification of stages of individuals (instead of quantification over individuals in their whole temporal extendedness) in combination with independently motivated mechanisms for quantifier restriction. (idem: 19ff) In other words, with respect to the temporal (in)dependence of nouns from verbs, the two linguists have opposite views. On the one hand, Enç argues in favour of nominal temporal independence; on the other hand, Musan argues in favour of nominal temporal dependence after examining a wide range of nominals. She shows that a nominal s temporal reading may be influenced, among other factors, by: i) the type of determiner modifying the noun, and ii) the semantics of the co-occurring verbal/ adjectival predicate (i.e. individuallevel, stage-level or existence independent predicate). In what follows, we briefly illustrate Musan s analysis of the two aforementioned factors. Firstly, as regards the type of determiner modifying the noun, Musan demonstrates that presuppositional NPs obtain independent temporal interpretations, whereas cardinal NPs are temporally dependent on the co-occurring verbal predicate (cf. also Milsark 1974, Diesing 1992). This is illustrated in (9)-(10) below: (9) Presuppositional NPs temporally independent a. Most professors were happy in the sixties. (strong determiners) b. Some professors were happy in the sixties. (weak determiners outside VP) c. Some of the professors were happy in the sixties. (partitive expression) d. Professors [in general] were indeed happy in the sixties. (generic) (Musan 1995:79, ex. 5a., b.,d.,f.) (10) Cardinal NPs temporally dependent a. In the sixties some professors were indeed happy. (weak determiners inside VP) b. There were many homeless people at the rally. (there construction) c. Anne is a student of French literature. (predicative nominal) (idem, ex. 5e., 8a., 9) Examining examples such as (9)-(10) above, Musan shows that presuppositional NPs may obtain an independent reading, whereas cardinal NPs may not. For instance, most professors in (9a.) above may be interpreted as most past professors (i.e. a dependent reading), and as most present professors (i.e. an independent reading), whereas homeless people in (10b.) may only be interpreted as people homeless at the same past time as the rally (i.e. a dependent reading).

61 58 VIORELA-VALENTINA DIMA Secondly, Musan (1995) highlights the importance of the semantics of the verbal/ adjectival predicate that co-occurs with a certain nominal for the latter s temporal interpretation. Consider (11) below: (11) a. Gregory was happy. (stage-level predicate) b. Gregory was from America. (individual-level predicate) (Musan 1995, ex. 19, 20, p. 36) c. Boris Becker s baby was famous. (existence-independent predicate) (idem, ex. 25, p. 38) From the three types of verbal predicates above, only the individual-level ones give rise to life-time effects, since individual-level predicates cover at least a relatively large part of the individual s time of existence [ if not] all of the time of the individual in question (Musan 1995: 26). In other words, a past morpheme attached to an individual-level predicate carries the presupposition that the individual denoted by the predicate has a past time of existence. More explicitly, out of (11a., b.) only (11b.) which contains an individual-level predicate presupposes that Gregory is no longer alive. As also shown in (12) below, pragmatic aspects restrict the acceptability of the combination between an individual-level predicate and a past morpheme: (12) a. * Utterance: Gregory was from America - Situation: Gregory is still alive. b. Utterance: Gregory was from America - Situation: Gregory is dead. c. Utterance: Gregory is from America - Situation: Gregory is still alive. (idem: 29, ex. (11a.-c.)) In other words, Musan argues that the inappropriateness of (12a.) is given by the fact that, if Gregory is still alive, the utterance Gregory was from America is less informative than the utterance Gregory is from America. More specifically, Musan argues that (12c.) refers to a larger maximal time interval than (12a.). Thus, (12a.) points to a set of times that start at or after Gregory s birth and end before now, whereas (12c.) points to a set of times that start at or after Gregory s birth and include now, ending at some time after now, at the time of his death (since be from a place is an individual-level predicate). Put differently, (12a.) violates Grice s (1975) Cooperative Principle, more precisely the Maxim of Quantity (i.e. Make your contribution as informative as is required for the current purposes of the exchange; Do not make your contribution more informative than is required.). Based on the arguments briefly presented so far, Musan concludes: The temporal location of individuals is in no case directly determined by tense. Rather, effects of temporal location of individuals are directly caused by lexical properties of the [nominal] predicates that are involved. This holds for subjects as well as objects and for internal arguments as well as external arguments. Given this mechanism, tense is predicted to play an indirect role by virtue of its determining the temporal interpretation of the main predicate of the clause. (Musan 1995: 71)

62 A COGNITIVE PRAGMATIC APPROACH TO NOMINAL TEMPORAL INTERPRETATION Ogihara (2003) starts from Musan s (1995:12ff) distinction between: i) the nominal s predication time and ii) the time of existence of the individual denoted by the respective nominal, and further addresses the issue of how nominal predication times get temporally located. This issue is treated within the framework of his so-called scope theory of tense, i.e. a refined quantificational theory of tense or, as he puts it, any proposal according to which the temporal variables associated with all time sensitive expressions (or all time-sensitive nominal expressions a weaker version) in the same minimal clause are co-bound by higher scope bearing expressions, such as existential quantifier, universal quantifier, or lambda abstractor. (Ogihara 2003: 3). In other words, Ogihara supports the idea that all time-sensitive expressions (including NPs) receive a dependent temporal interpretation, i.e. one triggered by the binding of a relevant quantifier. The novelty of Ogihara s work is that it discusses a wide range of adnominal modifiers, including: a) present participial relatives, b) past participial relatives, c) infinitival modifiers, d) prepositional phrases, exemplified in (13)-(16) below. (13) Present participle a.?? Every fugitive crying for joy is now in jail. b. # The professor crying at home waiting for her parents has three children now. c. # The man singing on the stage is now drinking beer in the bar. (Ogihara 2003, ex. 12a.-c.) (14) Past participle a.?? Every fugitive protected at home is now in jail. b. # The professor overly protected by her mother is now a great scholar. (idem, ex. 13a.-b.) (15) Infinitives a. John found a shop to be closed in five days. b. Last month Professor Jones assigned a research project to be completed in a week. (idem, ex. 16a.,b.) (16) Prepositional phrases Yesterday, I went to the police station and talked to the officer on duty. (idem, ex. 16e.) In detail, (13a.) cannot mean that every fugitive was crying for joy at a past time (say, when he/ she was a fugitive), while (14a.) cannot mean that every fugitive was protected at home at a past time. Similarly, (15a., b.) below seem to favour the dependent interpretation of the infinitival modifiers to be closed in five days and to be completed in a week. More precisely, Ogihara argues that the temporal adverbials are to be understood as relating to the main

63 60 VIORELA-VALENTINA DIMA clause tense (i.e. in five days after John found the shop, and in a week after Professor Jones assigned the project ), and not as relating to the utterance time (i.e. in five days from now, and in a week from now ). Last but not least, on duty in (16) is located at a past RT, similarly to the MC tense (i.e. I talked to the officer who was on duty at the time I talked to him ). Starting from the examples in (13)-(16) above, Ogihara speculates about the possibilities one has to derive the observed temporal dependence of NPs. On the one hand, he argues that whether or not someone is in the extension of a common noun at some time t is dependent upon whether some type of event took place before t (Ogihara 2003: 9). Along this line, murderer may be seen as denoting any individual that murdered someone at a time prior to being called a murderer, or hostage may be seen as denoting any individual that is held hostage at the time at which he/ she is called a hostage or at a time prior to being called a hostage. On the other hand, Ogihara considers the possibility of translating a common noun as having its own tense. For example, when the word hostage is used, it is used to mean someone who used to be a hostage (idem). Irrespective of which option one adopts, Ogihara observes that both of these approaches to tense require the predication time of the main verb in order to determine the time of the predication time of the noun (ibidem). However, we have to object against both of these approaches proposed by Ogihara (2003), due to their unnecessary complexity. On the one hand, we consider that relating a nominal with an event need not require the predication time of the main verb instead, we will adopt Pustejovsky s (1991, 2000) proposal that nominals be treated as event descriptions in that nominal predicates are relations between an individual and the state holding of that individual. On the other hand, Dima (2007/ 2008) and references cited therein showed that positing a DP-internal tense phrase is questionable. In sum, this section has briefly reviewed the theoretical proposals made by Enç (1981 etc.), Musan (1995, etc.) and Ogihara (2003). We have seen that Enç (1981) proposes an indexical view of nominals, arguing that the latter s predication times are independent of the temporal interpretation of the main (verbal) predicate of the clause, with the context of utterance providing the information for the adequate temporal interpretation of nominals. Musan (1995) agrees with Enç as far as the importance of contextual information is concerned, but argues that nominal predication times are by default interpreted as temporally dependent on the main clause predicate. Ogihara (2003) brings further arguments in favour of the temporal dependence of nominals, but speculates about two syntactic approaches meant to derive the temporal interpretations of nouns, as opposed to Musan s pragmatic approach.

64 A COGNITIVE PRAGMATIC APPROACH TO NOMINAL TEMPORAL INTERPRETATION 61 As will be seen below, we consider that nominal phrases are temporally dependent on the co-occurring verbal/ adjectival predicates, with contextual implicatures also playing a major role on the temporal readings nominals may obtain. We therefore agree with Musan s (1995) theory; however, as will be shown immediately, we believe that Musan s theory must be extended so as to account for the contribution of explicatures to nominal temporal interpretation, along the lines of Sperber and Wilson s (1986) Cognitive Pragmatics. 2. Proposal: A Mixed Syntactic and Pragmatic Approach to Nominal Temporal Interpretation 2.1. The examples in (1)-(3) above have shown that nominals are temporally interpreted with reference to one of the following times: i) the time of the nominal predicate, ii) the time of the possessive relation and iii) the time of existence of the entity denoted by the nominal. As such, nominals must be associated with (at least) one temporal variable. A question then arises: Where are nominal temporal variables encoded? According to Pustejovsky (1991, 1995, 1998 etc.), the temporal variable of nominals is located at the level of their Lexical Conceptual Structure (LCS). To demonstrate how the latter works, Pustejovsky starts from examples such as (17) below: the nominal prisoner is more strongly associated with the event of escaping in (17a.) than to the event of eating in (17b.) below. On the one hand, the LCS of prisoner contains the concept of confining a person to a certain location, as rendered in (17c.). On the other hand, the lexical semantics of the verb escape rendered in (17d.) also makes reference to the concept of confinement, whereas the lexical semantics of the verb eat does not as obvious from (17e.): (17) a. The prisoner escaped last night. b. The prisoner ate dinner last night. (Pustejovsky 1991, ex. 58a., b.) c. The qualia structure for prisoner (x): human (x) & [confine (y, x) & location (x, prison)] (idem, ex. 60) d. λxλe transition e process, e state [escape(e transition ) & act(e process ) & confined(e process ) & agent(e process, x) & confined(e state ) & object(e state, x)] (idem, ex. 61) e. λxλe transition e process, e state [eat (e transition, x, y) & act(e process, x) & agent(e process, x) & object(e state, y)] Furthermore, Pustejovsky (2000) analyzes the interaction between nominals and modifying adjectives, showing that the LCS of the adjective must correspond to the LCS of the modified nominal. Consider (18) below:

65 62 VIORELA-VALENTINA DIMA (18) a. a large carved wooden useful arrow (Pustejovsky 2000, ex. 47a., 48) Extending Pustejovsky s analysis, we consider that the compatibility of the temporal adjectives of the type former / fost, future / viitor with the modified nominals is also dictated by the LCSs of both adjectives and nominals. The LCS of temporal adjectives contains the formal features orientation or position (cf. Pustejovsky 2000), as follows: i) former / fost and future / viitor contain the formal feature orientation towards the past or the future, ii) current / actual and their synonyms contain the formal feature position. Pustejovsky (2000) also proposes the concept of Event Persistence Structure, defined as the minimally richest event-based model needed for arriving at a coherent event description of a sentence (idem: 466) or the maximally coherent event description associated with a sentence (idem: 477). Thus, a sentence is interpreted based on all the elements present in that given sentence. Consider (19) below: (19) a. The prisoner escaped from the prison. (Pustejovsky 2000: 74a.) b. The former prisoner escaped from the prison. c. The qualia structure for prisoner (x): human (e1, x) & e2 [captive(e2, x)] d. The event descriptions for the sentence: (idem: 77) {human (e1,x), captive (e2, x)}, escape act (e3, x), captive (e4, x), captive (e5, x)} Thus, (19a.) above refers to an entity which is no longer a prisoner, i.e. the predication time of the nominal prisoner is located in the past. This is explicitly rendered by (19b.) in which the adjective former modifies the nominal prisoner. Why can the nominal prisoner co-occur with the verb escaped (i.e. with a verb denoting the end of the property denoted by

66 A COGNITIVE PRAGMATIC APPROACH TO NOMINAL TEMPORAL INTERPRETATION 63 prisoner )? On the one hand, Pustejovsky (2000) proposes that the semantics of the verb escape, which is an intransitive change-of-state predicate, introduces a binary opposition over its argument, as shown in (19d.). On the other hand, the qualia structure of the nominal prisoner contains both a formal role human which persists globally, and an Agentive role captive which refers to the state of being captive (see (19c.) above). The human role takes propertywide scope, whereas the captive role takes property-narrow scope (Pustejovsky 2000: 474); hence the (time of the) individual denoted by prisoner is in no way affected by the semantics of the verbal predicate, whereas the (time of the) nominal predicate is. Furthermore, the occurrence of former in (19b.) is felicitous since it denotes the end of a state predicated of the individual (x) denoted by the nominal prisoner (as in (19e.) below). On the contrary, the occurrence of future in (20a.) is not felicitous since it denotes the beginning of a state predicated of the individual (x) denoted by the nominal prisoner (as in (20b.) below). In other words, future introduces into the computation a reading in which the entity denoted by the nominal is captive (i.e. a property-narrow scope, which leads to contradiction with the wide scope of prisoner ): (19) b. The former prisoner escaped from the prison. c. The qualia structure for prisoner (x): human (e1, x) & e2 [captive(e2, x)] e. The qualia structure for former : (e6, x, state) & e7 [(e7, x, state) & e9 < e7] f. The event descriptions for the sentence: {{human (e1, x), captive (e2, x)}, escape act (e3, x), captive (e4, x), captive (e5, x), (e6, x, state) & e7 [(e7, x, state) & e9 < e7]} (20) a.??the future prisoner escaped from prison. b. The qualia structure for future : (e6, x, state) & e7 [(e7, x, state) & e6 > e7] c. The event descriptions for the sentence: {human(e1, x), captive(e2, x)}, escape act(e3, x), captive(e4, x), captive (e5, x), (e6, x, state) & e7 [(e7, x, state) & e9 > e7]} 2.2. The data presented in section 2.1 above have pointed to the conclusion that the temporal interpretation of nominals is dependent on that of the entire sentence they occur in, including the temporal interpretation of the cooccurring verbs and adjectives. We therefore propose a mixed syntactic and pragmatic approach along the lines of Sperber and Wilson (1986), a proposal that could make explicit the temporal interpretation of nominals, starting from their LF, on the basis of the Lexical Conceptual Structure (LCS) of the lexical item contained and resorting to discourse factors when needed. In a nutshell, we propose that nominal temporal interpretation is computed from the following

67 64 VIORELA-VALENTINA DIMA three factors: i) the literal meaning of the sentence (the LCS of the respective nominals, together with co-occurring elements such as the verbal predicate, adjectival and adverbial modifiers) 7, ii) conversational implicatures (cf. Grice 1975, consider again example (12) above), and iii) explicatures. The latter is a concept introduced by Sperber and Wilson (1986) within the framework of Relevance Theory. We will show below that the concept of explicature is the necessary missing link between the lexicon and the interpretation of sentences, allowing us to take over certain aspect of the LCS into the interpretation of the latter. In other words, the literal meaning of a sentence is but one of the factors that comprehension is based on. There are (at least) two more: conversational implicatures and explicatures. The two types of communicated assumptions are defined as follows: An explicature is a propositional form communicated by an utterance which is pragmatically constructed on the basis of the propositional schema or template (logical form) that the utterance encodes; its content is an amalgam of linguistically decoded material and pragmatically inferred material [emphasis mine, VD]. An implicature is any other propositional form communicated by an utterance; its content consists of wholly pragmatically inferred matter. (Sperber & Wilson 1986: 182, apud Carston 2004: 9, cf also Carston (1999: 26ff).) Consider again example (8) above, which could not be accounted for by the theories reviewed in section 1 above: (8) a. All lizards will die. (idem, p. 68, ex 19) b. All lizards will die at the same time in the future. (simultaneous reading) b. (t) future time (t) [ (x) lizzard (x) die (x) at t] c. All lizards will die at a certain time in the future, not necessarily at the same time (non-simultaneous or, accidentally simultaneous reading) d. All lizards will die at different times in the future. (non-simultaneous reading) d. (x) [lizzard (x) (t) future time (t) [ die (x) at t]] The interpretation of example (8a.) may be said to include the component at a certain time. The fact that lizards die at a certain time is as trivial a truth as Sally s having a brain. So why would the hearer of (8a.) make the effort to comprehend it? Along the lines of Sperber and Wilson (1986) and Carston (1997 and subsequent work), we propose that the utterance in (8a.) comes with a guarantee of relevance. But what is the relevance of a speaker uttering (8a.)? We believe that the speaker intends to make salient a certain time of the lizards dying. Depending on further contextual clues, the (non-)simultaneous readings will be arrived at. For instance, the accidentally simultaneous reading highlighted in (8c.) which logical scope cannot account for might arise from 7 For the contribution of temporal adverbials to the temporal interpretation of modified nominals, see DIMA (2008/2009).

68 A COGNITIVE PRAGMATIC APPROACH TO NOMINAL TEMPORAL INTERPRETATION 65 a context in which the survival chances of endangered species are debated. The speaker of (8a.) might want to imply that the death of the members of such endangered species (e.g. Saint Croix Ground Lizard, the Spineless Forest Lizard or the Leaf-nosed Lizard) is a sure thing, given the current habitat conditions. Once arriving at this implication, the hearer of (8a.) will stop the decoding process. In other words, for the latter to continue so as to derive (8b.) or (8d.), further contextual clues are needed hence, more effort is needed. This effort would be worth making only if the expected level of relevance is not achieved from (8c.), i.e. only if let s say the context of utterance further provides information regarding the actual time of death for each member of the endangered species under debate. 3. Final Remarks This article has tackled the issue of the temporal interpretation of (English) nominals, pointing to the fact that the latter may be associated with one of the three nominal times: i) the time of the nominal predicate, ii) the time of the possessive relation or iii) the time of existence of the entity denoted by the respective nominal. We have adopted Pustejovsky s proposal that the Lexical Conceptual Structure of nominals contains (at least) one temporal variable associated with an event; this variable is responsible for the temporal readings a nominal may obtain. Generally, nominals are temporally dependent on the temporal interpretation of co-occurring adjectives and adverbs. Moreover, the LCS of nominals is important in that certain semantic properties of a given nominal may determine exceptional temporally independent readings. The latter may arise with individual-level nominals in certain contexts. Last but not least, we have proposed a mixed morpho-syntactic and pragmatic approach to the temporal interpretation of nominals, along the lines of Sperber and Wilson (1986). Such a theory acknowledges the importance of both linguistic factors (lexical and morpho-syntactic) and extra-linguistic factors (conversational implicatures and explicatures). REFERENCES CARSTON, ROBYN, 1997, Enrichment and Loosening: Complementary Processes in Deriving the Proposition Expressed?, in Linguistische Berichte 8, Special Issue on Pragmatics, pp CARSTON, ROBYN, 1999, The Semantics/Pragmatics Distinction: A View from Relevance Theory, in K. Turner (ed.), The Semantics/Pragmatics Interface from Different Points of View (CRiSPI 1), Elsevier Science. CARSTON, ROBYN, 2000, The Relationship Between Generative Grammar and (Relevance-Theoretic) Pragmatics, Language & Communication 20, pp

69 66 VIORELA-VALENTINA DIMA CARSTON, Robyn, 2002, Linguistics Meaning, Communicated Meaning and Cognitive Pragmatics, in Mind and Language, Special Issue on Pragmatics & Cognitive Science, 17 (1/2), pp CARSTON, ROBYN, 2004, Explicature and Semantics, in S. Davis and B. Gillon (eds), Semantics: A Reader, Oxford, Oxford University Press. DIESING, MOLLY, 1992, Indefinites, The MIT Press (Linguistic Inquiry Monograph 20). DIMA, V. V., 2007/2008, On the Lack of Cross-Linguistic Nominal Tense, Annual Conference of the Faculty of Foreign Languages and Literatures, University of Bucharest, October 2007, published in Analele Universităţii Bucureşti. Seria Limbi şi Literaturi Străine, LVII, 2008, pp DIMA, V. V., 2008, On the Aspect-Based Temporal Interpretation of Nominals, Annual Conference of the Faculty of Foreign Languages and Literatures, University of Bucharest, 7-8 November DIMA, V. V., 2008/2009, Contribuţia adverbelor la interpretarea temporală a grupurilor nominale în limba română, Al 8-lea Colocviu al Catedrei de limba română, cu tema "Limba română: teme actuale", Universitatea din Bucureşti, Facultatea de Litere, 4-6 decembrie 2008, lucrare publicată în Rodica Zafiu, Gabriela Stoica, Mihaela N. Constantinescu (eds), Limba română. Teme actuale. Actele celui de al 8-lea Colocviu al Catedrei de limba română (Bucureşti, 5-6 decembrie 2008), Bucureşti, Editura Universităţii din Bucureşti, 2009, pp ENÇ, M., 1981, Tense without Scope: An Analysis of Nouns as Indexicals, PhD. Dissertation, University of Wisconsin-Madison. ENÇ, M., 1986, Towards a Referential Analysis of Temporal Expressions, Linguistics and Philosophy 9, pp ENÇ, M., 1987, Anchoring Conditions for Tense, in Linguistic Inquiry 18(4), pp ENÇ, M., 1996, Tense and Modality, in Shalom Lappin (ed.), The Handbook of Contemporary Semantic Theory, Blackwell, Oxford, pp GRICE, H. P., 1975, Logic and Conversation, in p. Cole, J. L. Morgan (eds), Syntax and Semantics 3: Speech Acts, New York, Academic Press, pp KRATZER, A., 1988, Stage-Level and Individual-Level Predicates, in E. Bach, A Kratzer and B. Partee (eds), Papers on Quantification, University of Massachusetts, Amherst, pp LARSON, R. K. and CHO, S., 2003, Temporal Adjectives and the Structure of Possessive DPs, Natural Language Semantics, 11(3), pp LECARME, J., 1999, Nominal Tense and Tense Theory, in F. Corblin, Sorin C. Dobrovie and J.-M. Marandin (eds), Empirical Issues in Syntax and Semantics 2. Papers from CSSP 1997, Thesus, The Hague, pp LECARME, J., 2005, Tense and Modality in Nominals, Talk Handout, presented at Time and Modality, Université Paris 3 & Paris 7, December 8-10, MILSARK, G., 1974, Existential Sentences in English, PhD Dissertation, MIT. MILSARK, G., 1977, Toward an Explanation of Certain Peculiarities of the Existential Construction in English, Linguistic Analysis, 3, pp MUSAN, R., 1995, On the Temporal Interpretation of Noun Phrases, PhD. Thesis, MIT. MUSAN, R., 1997, Tense, Predicates and Lifetime Effects, Natural Language Semantics, 5 (3), pp MUSAN, R., 1999, Temporal Interpretation and Information-Status of NOUN PHRASES, Linguistics and Philosophy, 22, pp NORDLINGER, R., SADLER, L., 2003a, Finite Noun Phrases, available online at NORDLINGER, R., SADLER, L., 2003b, The Syntax and Semantics of Tensed Nominals, in M. Butt, and T. Holloway King (eds), Proceedings of LFG03 Conference, State University of New York at Albany, CSLI Publications, pp

70 A COGNITIVE PRAGMATIC APPROACH TO NOMINAL TEMPORAL INTERPRETATION 67 OGIHARA, T., 2003, A Scope Theory of Tense and Adnominal Modifiers, in S. Chiba et. al. (eds), Empirical and Theoretical Investigations Into Language, Kaitakusha, Tokyo, Japan, ms available online at ogihara/papers/ogihara_modifier.pdf PUSTEJOVSKY, JAMES, 1991, The Generative Lexicon, in Computational Linguistics, 17(4), pp PUSTEJOVSKY, JAMES, 1995, The Generative Lexicon, MIT Press. PUSTEJOVSKY, JAMES, 1998, The Semantics of Lexical Underspecification, in Folia Linguistica XXXII (3-4), pp , Mouton de Gruyter, Berlin. PUSTEJOVSKY, JAMES, 2000, Events and the Semantics of Opposition, in C. Tenny and J. Pustejovsky (eds), Events as Grammatical Objects, CSLI Publications, pp PUSTEJOVSKY, JAMES, 2001, "Type Construction and the Logic of Concepts", in P. Bouillon and F. Busa (eds), The Syntax of Word Meaning, Cambridge University Press. SADLER, L., NORDLINGER, R., 2001, Nominal Tense with Nominal Scope: A Preliminary Sketch, in Lexical Functional Grammar (LFG), 2001, Stanford, CA, CSLI Online Publications. SPERBER, DAN, WILSON, DEIRDRE, 1986, Relevance. Communication and Cognition, Harvard University Press, Cambridge, Massachusetts.

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72 DISSOCIATION IN PRO-CHOICE ARGUMENTATION SIMONA MAZILU In the abortion discourse, arguers use dissociation as a strategic move to change the starting points of the discussion. I intend to deal with the dialectical and rhetorical effects of the use of this dialogue technique in pro-choice argumentation. Van Rees (2002, 2003, 2005a, 2005b, 2006) defines dissociation as an argumentative technique by means of which the speaker splits up a unitary concept into two new concepts in order to solve the contradictions the original concept gives rise to. In the abortion dispute abortion and fetus are the two controversial notions that can be dissociated and redefined so as to serve a pro-life or a pro-choice interest. If pro-lifers dissociate between the real and the false significance of abortion, their pro-choice opponents distinguish between the fetus as a real human being and the fetus as a potential human being. I will show that, despite their clarifying potential, these dissociations do not contribute to the resolution of the dispute in case, but function as rhetorical tactics to influence the audience. Keywords: pro-choice argumentation, abortion, fetus, dissociation, strategic maneuvering, audience, argumentation stage, dialectical (un)soundness. Introduction The paper deals with the dialectical and rhetorical consequences of the use of dissociation as a strategic move for the resolution of an ethical dispute over abortion. I start from the premise that an ethical debate on abortion can be reconstructed as an argumentative exchange between protagonist and antagonist over the standpoint Abortion is / is not a crime. The parties in the dispute over abortion are involved in a process of strategic maneuvering so as to keep a balance between two objectives they simultaneously pursue: to resolve the difference of opinion (dialectical goal) and to win the argument in their favor (rhetorical goal). Within this process, dissociation is a strategic move used by the disputants to lead the discussion in a direction favorable to their standpoint. The paper is structured in two parts. The first part deals with the pragmadialectical approach to dissociation and its dialectical and rhetorical potential for strategic maneuvering. The second part is concerned with how dissociation works in pro-choice argumentation on abortion 1. For this aim, I have chosen an Politehnica University of Bucharest, Dunărea de Jos University of Galaţi, 1 For a similar analysis of the use of dissociation in pro-life argumentation, see MAZILU (2008a).

73 70 SIMONA MAZILU excerpt from Joyce Arthur s The Fetus Focus Fallacy (2005) in which abortion is viewed as a woman s right and not as a crime as argued by pro-lifers. Using the pragma-dialectical model of a critical discussion (van Eemeren and Grootendorst 1984, 1992, 2004), I will reconstruct the dispute in the text as an argumentative exchange in which the disputants maneuver strategically with dissociation. I will focus upon the dialectical and rhetorical effects of dissociation in the argumentation stage of the reconstructed critical discussion, at the same time evaluating the use of this technique in terms of dialectical soundness. 1. Theoretical Background According to Perelman and Olbrechts-Tyteca (1969), through dissociation our conception of reality is remodeled because an original term is split up into two new terms, term I which corresponds to appearance and term II which corresponds to reality. The appearance-reality pair is the prototypical example of conceptual dissociation that the authors provide (1969: 416). Unlike Perelman and Olbrechts-Tyteca who conceive of dissociation as an argumentative scheme, van Rees views it as an argumentative technique whose argumentative potential is based on the fact that the two concepts resulting from the separation of the original notion are portrayed as nonequivalent: the one is represented as more important or more essential than the other (2005a: 383). Among other aspects of dissociation, van Rees has shown interest in its dialectical and rhetorical potential for strategic maneuvering in a critical discussion aimed at solving a difference of opinion. The pragma-dialectical concept of strategic maneuvering has been introduced to reconcile rhetoric with dialectics by integrating rhetorical insights into a dialectical framework of analysis (van Eemeren and Houtlosser 2002). When engaged in argumentative discourse, people simultaneously pursue two goals: on the one hand, to solve the difference of opinion in a reasonable way and, on the other hand, to have things their way or to win the discussion in their favor. In this attempt at maintaining a delicate balance between the dialectical and the rhetorical aims pursued in every stage of the resolution process, arguers make use of strategic maneuvering (van Eemeren and Houtlosser 2002: 135) 2. 2 Strategic maneuvering has three aspects selection from the topical potential, adaptation to audience demand and choice of the best presentational devices which combined, lead to a party s dialectical and rhetorical success in a difference of opinion. The topical potential represents the possible alternatives available to an arguer in a particular stage of the critical discussion. Adaptation to audience demand in each stage refers to relating to the audience by complying with their values and preferences. Presentational devices such as rhetorical figures are meant to effectively convey the rhetorical moves made by disputants in each dialectical stage of the resolution process.

74 DISSOCIATION IN PRO-CHOICE ARGUMENTATION 71 As mentioned before, van Rees (2002, 2005b) has drawn on the potential of dissociation as a dialogue technique used in resolving differences of opinion. According to the author, both the protagonist and the antagonist can make use of dissociation in various stages of a critical discussion with dialectical and rhetorical effects for the resolution of the conflict. Dissociation is defined as a move which brings the discussion back to the opening stage, since [it] brings about a change in the starting points of the discussion. This is because through dissociation an existing and accepted conceptual unity which in some way or another serves as a point of departure for the discussion, is broken up (2005b: 37). Two main speech acts are performed in dissociation distinction and definition both of them belonging to the category of usage declaratives (van Eemeren and Grootendorst 1984) whose function is to clarify linguistic usage. Through these speech acts, dissociation is a powerful instrument to clarify discussions and to structure our conception of reality (van Rees 2005a: 391). Its potential for strategic maneuvering between dialectical reasonableness and rhetorical effectiveness in all the stages of a critical discussion derives from this very function: to clarify concepts and resolve contradictions. Dialectically, dissociation may enhance reasonableness by means of the two usage declaratives inherent in it which ensure optimal clarity and precision (van Rees 2006: 474). Rhetorically, by dissociation arguers can choose those standpoints or starting points that best serve their interests in the dispute. Van Rees (2005a) has formulated two types of requirements that have to be met by a dialectically sound dissociation: procedural requirements and material requirements. Procedural requirements are met when the protagonist puts the change in starting points up for discussion in a side-discussion to get the antagonist s acceptance. Material requirements are met when the change in starting points introduced by the protagonist is accepted by the antagonist. If both types of requirements are met, a dissociation is judged as dialectically sound. If one of the two types of requirements is not met, a dissociation is considered dialectically unsound. 2. Dissociation in Pro-Choice Argumentation This part of my paper is concerned with the use of dissociation as a way of strategic maneuvering in an excerpt from Joyce Arthur s article The Fetus Focus Fallacy (2005) in which abortion is considered a woman s right to choose to end an unwanted pregnancy. Using the pragma-dialectical model of a critical discussion, I reconstruct the text as an argumentative exchange between the actual protagonist (Joyce Arthur) and a virtual antagonist (pro-lifers) before a virtual audience. I discuss the dialectical and rhetorical effects of dissociation in the argumentation stage,

75 72 SIMONA MAZILU showing how the protagonist strategically employs the topical potential, how she strategically adapts her argumentation to the expectations of the other party/audience and how she strategically makes use of the most appropriate presentational devices. Moreover, on the basis of how the two speech acts inherent in dissociation distinction and definition are performed and of whether the procedural and the material requirements are met, I will show whether the use of this argumentative technique can be considered dialectically sound or not. If the pro-life discourse focuses on the fetus right to life, the pro-choice discourse is primarily concerned with the mother s right to choose. Joyce Arthur, the pro-choice protagonist in the present case, implicitly advances the standpoint that abortion is not murder because the fetus does not have the characteristics that make one a person in the real sense of the word. In her view, the issue of abortion should be discussed in terms of rights, the woman s rights to freedom of choice and sexual autonomy and not in terms of the status of the fetus. Moreover, her discourse is not directed at the virtual antagonist, pro-lifers, but at a third party, the audience whom she tries to influence 3. The women that have had or are seeking an abortion for various reasons are part of the audience the protagonist is mainly addressing. What she intends to do by her argumentation is to reinforce the fact that abortion is a private matter and at the same time a right that these women should exercise freely. It seems doubtful that Arthur s argumentation has a chance to change the committed pro-lifers perspective on abortion. Therefore, like in the case of the pro-life discourse, the pro-choice arguments advanced by the protagonist appeal to those already committed to this position and not to the pro-life supporters. The clashing standpoints of the parties rise from two contradictory perspectives on the meaning of abortion and of human life, a fact which explains the use of dissociation and persuasive definitions meant to clarify the notions abortion and fetus. As a fervent pro-choicer, the protagonist will try to cast doubt on the virtual antagonist s position by dissociating between the fetus as a potential human being and the fetus as a real human being, a strategic move which enables her to defend her standpoint more easily. Historically, a fetus has never (or very rarely) been considered a person or human being, at least not before "quickening", an old-fashioned term indicating noticeable movement of the fetus. The Catholic Church generally disliked abortion because it represented illicit sex, not because it killed a fetus. The church did not make abortion an excommunicable crime until Further, the wide variety of laws throughout the world were written specifically to protect born human beings and their property. There is virtually no legal precedent for applying such laws to fetuses. Even when abortion was illegal, it had a lesser punishment than for murder, and was often just a misdemeanor. The 3 In MAZILU (2009), I showed that both pro-lifers and pro-choicers argumentation is mainly addressed to the audience that plays the role of a third party in the abortion dispute.

76 DISSOCIATION IN PRO-CHOICE ARGUMENTATION 73 anti-choice view of fetuses as persons is therefore a novel and peculiar one, with little historical or legal precedent to back it up. Another major fallacy perpetrated by the anti-choice is their interchangeable use of the word "person" with the terms "human", "humanity" or "human being". These terms are not synonymous. For example, anti-choicers often confuse the adjective "human" and the noun "human being," giving them the same meaning. ( ) Now, a flake of dandruff from my head is human, but it is not a human being, and in this sense, neither is a fertilized egg. Anti-choicers will respond that a fertilized egg is not like dandruff, because the egg consists of a unique set of chromosomes that makes it a distinct human being. But with cloning, a cell from my dandruff is enough to create a new human being. Although it would have my identical genetic make-up, it would still be a unique individual, because human beings are much more than our genes. Also, both a fertilized egg and a cloned cell represent a potential, not an actual human being. It's a worn cliché, but it bears repeating - an acorn isn't an oak tree and the egg you had for breakfast isn't a chicken. So the only objective scientific fact we have is that fertilized eggs are human (the adjective) - not that they are human beings (the noun). Fetuses are uniquely different from born human beings in major ways. The most fundamental difference is that a fetus is totally dependent on a woman's body to survive. Another key difference is that a fetus doesn't just depend on a woman's body for survival, it actually resides inside her body. Persons, by definition, must be separate individuals who operate independently of others. They do not gain the status of persons by virtue of living inside the body of another person - the very thought is inherently ridiculous, even offensive. The normal meaning of human being implies a physical body of a certain size and shape with common attributes (excepting disabilities). ( ) Finally, the fetal brain is not yet capable of conscious thought and memory (which aren't fully actualized until two or three years after birth) ( ) Anti-choicers also use the phrase "humanity of the fetus," by which they may mean its biological human qualities, but it's ambiguous, and purposely so. The word "humanity" implies compassionate human emotions and virtues, such as pathos, love, or kindness. The term is cleverly designed to elicit sympathy for a fetus, and assign it human-like qualities it simply does not have. The ability to feel joy, sadness, anger, and hatred are an integral part of our personhood, and we do not learn to develop such sophisticated emotions until we start socially interacting with others. Besides the capacity to experience emotions, we generally think of personhood as possessing the qualities of intelligence, self-awareness, and moral responsibility. Fetuses do not share these characteristics. On a more practical level however, the term "person" is really a legal and social construction. Persons enjoy legal rights and constitutional freedoms, such as the right to assemble, travel, protest, speak, and believe as they wish. Persons have birth certificates and social security numbers. Persons earn income, pay taxes, and vote, or they are registered dependents of those that do. Under this definition, it is an indisputable fact that fetuses are not persons. They are literally incapable of exercising legal personhood in any meaningful way. ( ) So even though a fetus is biologically human, it's definitely not a person (legally and socially), and it's questionable whether it's a human being (physically). (http: // In the argumentation stage of a critical discussion, the protagonist connects the starting points established in the opening stage to the standpoint by means of applying an argument scheme. The antagonist can attack the relationship between standpoint and argument by asking critical questions.

77 74 SIMONA MAZILU Interestingly, in the present ethical debate the protagonist s argumentation starts with arguments related to the virtual antagonist s starting point that the status of the fetus is the key question in the abortion controversy. Although she proposed the woman s rights as the real key issue in the abortion debate thus deeming the status of the fetus as irrelevant, the protagonist starts her argumentation from the virtual antagonist s starting point instead of her own starting point. This is a strategic move made by the protagonist in order to undermine the virtual antagonist s position by demonstrating that the latter s starting point is not tenable and at the same time to consolidate her own position before the audience by advancing the arguments related to her own starting point after putting the adversary in an unfavorable light. At the beginning of her argumentation, Arthur tries to prove that the antichoicers view of abortion is wrong because the fetus cannot be considered a person for various reasons. Therefore she connects the standpoint that abortion is not murder to the starting point that the fetus status as a person is questionable by applying an argument scheme based on a causal relationship. As expected, the virtual antagonist may criticize this connection by upholding that the fetus is a person from the moment of conception and so abortion is murder. The text clearly shows that the pro-choice protagonist acknowledges the existence of this criticism from the part of the virtual antagonist to which she answers by a series of arguments meant to demonstrate that the fetus lacks the major characteristics of a person. The first argument Arthur levels against the pro-life view of the fetus as a person is a historical one. This argument contains a dissociation between two stages in the fetus life, one before quickening when the fetus is not considered a human being and the other one after quickening when the fetus may be viewed as a human being. So, the moment of quickening is seen as a possible dividing line according to which the fetus can be attributed the status of a human being or a person. The dissociation between the two stages of fetal life is signaled by the indicator at least not marking a separation and a negation at the same time that is the fetus before quickening is denied personhood while the fetus after this moment can be given this status 4. Appealing to the authority of the church usually invoked by pro-lifers to back up their anti-abortion position more convincingly is another strategy employed by the protagonist to show the audience that even the church was not so harsh on abortion in the past because of the uncertain status of the fetus. The second argument brought against the pro-life view of the fetus as a human being is a legal one. Arthur strategically places a dissociation in the legal argument this time between born and unborn human beings in order to point out 4 For more on the lexical indicators of dissociation in ethical argumentation on abortion, see MAZILU (2008b).

78 DISSOCIATION IN PRO-CHOICE ARGUMENTATION 75 that laws do not apply to the unborn since they are not considered persons before the law. Moreover, as she claims, committing an illegal abortion was not considered murder but a minor wrongdoing which was followed by a milder punishment. As, generally, people trust law as one of the most reliable authorities that regulates right and wrong, the protagonist invokes the legal authority as a persuasive back up to her arguments. On the basis of these two arguments, Arthur concludes that neither history nor law supports the personhood of the fetus. By means of the two dissociations we identified, the protagonist attacks the pro-life claim that the development of the human being in the womb is a continuous process from conception to birth with no line dividing a non-person from a person. In other words, the virtual antagonist s standpoint that abortion is murder because the fetus is a human being, a person from the moment of conception, is cast doubt on before the audience. Dialectically, by the use of the two dissociations, the protagonist attacks the second term of the causal argumentative scheme employed by the virtual antagonist to connect the standpoint that abortion is murder to the argument that the fetus is a human being from the moment of conception. The dialectical effect of attacking the second term of the argument scheme by means of dissociation is that a possible alternative interpretation of the second term of the relationship is provided. In the present case, a possible alternative interpretation of the second term of the relationship would be that, contrary to what the virtual antagonist claims, the fetus might indeed not be a person with legal rights at least up to a certain moment of the pregnancy period, be it quickening, viability or birth. Rhetorically, an attack on the second term of the relationship through dissociation is very powerful in the sense that it can change the audience s perspective on the validity of the argument scheme employed by the virtual antagonist. By claiming that the fetus does not have the status of a person from the moment of conception but that it gets it at a certain point later, the protagonist suggests that the conclusion drawn by the virtual antagonist that abortion is murder cannot apply to the entire period of time spent by the fetus in the womb but only to a part of that period after a certain moment which marks the dividing line between a non-person and a person. Another strategic move made by the protagonist in her argumentation is to accuse the virtual antagonist of committing the fallacy of ambiguity in using the terms human, humanity and human being interchangeably with the term person. Dialectically, this move is unsound but rhetorically, it is intended to put the virtual adversary in an unfavorable light as well as to make the protagonist s position more credible in the eyes of the audience. In order to prove that the pro-lifers use of the terms human, human being, humanity and person as synonyms is fallacious, the protagonist makes strategic use of the argument from analogy. The first analogy that she employs is between a flake of dandruff which although human is not a human being and a fertilized

79 76 SIMONA MAZILU egg. The protagonist knows that the virtual antagonist is going to reject this analogy as false but she seems to be prepared to support it despite the opponent s criticism. As one can notice, the virtual antagonist questions the similarity between the two terms of the protagonist s analogy on the grounds that unlike a flake of dandruff, a fertilized egg contains the entire genetic information characteristic to a human being. As a reply, Arthur backs the first analogy up by another analogy made between a cloned cell and a fertilized egg. The protagonist claims that the elements necessary to create a human being are of human origin but they cannot be considered human beings. At this point, Arthur splits the unitary notion of human being up into two distinct notions potential human being and actual human being of which the former refers to the real status of the fetus from the pro-choice perspective. This dissociation is strategically used by the protagonist to prove that her initial starting point is correct that is the questionable status of the fetus, more precisely its potentiality should not count as an argument against abortion. Although a worn cliché as the protagonist calls it, the analogy between an acorn which is not an oak tree or an egg which is not a chicken and a human fetus is intended to show as simply as possible why a potential human being as the fetus is cannot enjoy the status of an actual human being. To be even more convincing, Arthur s next move is to appeal to the authority of science starting from the premise that in general people trust scientifically proven facts. Once more she emphasizes that the terms human and human being should not be used interchangeably to refer to the status of fertilized eggs and consequently to fetuses. This objective scientific fact alongside with the historical and the legal arguments advanced before is meant to persuade the audience that the virtual antagonist s view of the fetus as a person is untenable. In the second part of her argumentation the protagonist focuses on the major differences between fetuses and born human beings as far as personhood is concerned. She strategically employs the lexical definition of the notion person as a point of reference in order to underline that fetuses do not have the characteristics enumerated in this definition. The main aspects that differentiate the fetus from a person as described in the definition are: the fetus dependence on a woman s body to survive, the fetus residency inside a woman s body, the incapacity of the fetal brain of conscious thought and memory and of experiencing emotions which are essential characteristics of a person as well as the fetus lack of legal and social rights. Starting from the lexical definition of a person, the protagonist indirectly gives a persuasive definition of what the fetus is not thus showing that pro-lifers are wrong when considering the fetus a real person. Furthermore, Arthur criticizes the virtual antagonist s misleading use of the phrase humanity of the fetus to refer to both the biological and the

80 DISSOCIATION IN PRO-CHOICE ARGUMENTATION 77 emotional attributes of the fetus. As the protagonist claims, the term humanity is emotionally loaded and is used by anti-choicers to stir the audience s feelings of compassion for the fetus. Arthur rejects the humanity of the fetus in the emotional sense maintaining that the fetus is incapable of feeling such sophisticated emotions essential to personhood that are experienced by human beings only when they socially interact with others. From the topical potential available at this stage, the protagonist selects for the defense of her position arguments from authority and arguments from analogy that she adapts to the pro-choice audience so as to reinforce their position that abortion is not murder since the fetus does not have the characteristics of a real person. Besides the topics chosen to make the reality of abortion more present to the audience s mind, the mixture of legal, scientific and psychological terms plays a very important role in persuading the audience. On the basis of all the arguments advanced, the protagonist concludes that indisputably, fetuses are not persons. By means of a series of strategic distinctions, the fetus is considered biologically human but not a person (legally and socially) and questionably a human being. So, from the pro-choice perspective, the adjective human is not synonymous with the noun human being as prolifers wrongly treat the two terms. Arthur s strategic use of dissociation in the argumentation stage is intended to prove that the fetus is not a person and hence to lead the audience to the conclusion that the pro-choice position is well-founded. Since personhood cannot be attributed to the fetus who is only a potential human being, abortion should not be seen as murder but as the exercise of a woman s right to choose to end to an unwanted pregnancy. Conclusion The analysis of the pro-choice text has shown that dissociation is strategically used by the protagonist in the argumentation stage with specific dialectical and rhetorical consequences for the resolution of the difference of opinion. Arthur does not separate any particular aspect from the unitary notion of abortion but, when discussing about the key issues in the abortion controversy, she distinguishes between the real key question and the false key question, of which the first term corresponds to women s rights and is valued positively, while the second term corresponds to the status of the fetus and is qualified as negative. Regarding the notion fetus, the protagonist makes a distinction between the fetus as a potential human being and the fetus as a real human being. By introducing the aspect of potentiality, she undermines the pro-life conviction that the fetus is a human being from conception to birth.

81 78 SIMONA MAZILU Besides distinction, a dissociation also involves the (re-)definition of a notion including the new aspect which has been split off. Generally, by the speech act of defining, disputants want to clarify a notion in order to move the discussion further. The protagonist in the present case makes use of persuasive definitions not to clarify the notions abortion and fetus but to convey her attitude of approval of abortion and at the same time to influence the audience s perception of the issue at stake. In her definition of abortion as a woman s right to end an unwanted pregnancy, the woman s rights are foregrounded while the fetus rights are neglected. Moreover, from the pro-choice perspective, the fetus is only a potential human being that does not evince the characteristics of a real person and therefore cannot enjoy a real person s rights. It appears that, if pro-lifers are emotionally attached to the fetus, pro-choicers manifest their emotional commitment to the mother viewed as the only real human being who matters in the abortion controversy. We can conclude that the pro-choice protagonist mainly uses dissociation and persuasive definitions as rhetorical means targeted at a third party, the audience. Both the dissociations and the persuasive definitions introduced are not subjected to critical testing against the opposing position but imposed as indisputable arguments meant to support an attitude of approval of abortion and to influence the audience s perception of this issue. Arthur employs these dissociations without the acceptance of the pro-life antagonist, which is a violation of the starting point rule for critical discussion 5. Consequently, the use of dissociation in this case of pro-choice argumentation may be considered dialectically unsound (fallacious) as the material requirements for a dialectically sound dissociation have not been met. This research has been conducted in the framework of the PN II PCE Ideas 1209/2007 Project, coordinated by Dunărea de Jos University of Galaţi, Romania and financed by the Romanian Ministry of Education, Research, and Youth. REFERENCES EEMEREN, F. H. VAN & R. GROOTENDORST (1984), Speech Acts in Argumentative Discussions, Dordrecht-Holland/Cinnaminson-U.S.A., Foris Publications. EEMEREN, FRANS H. VAN & R. GROOTENDORST (1992), Argumentation, Communication, and Fallacies, Hillsdale, N.J., Lawrence Erlbaum Associates. EEMEREN, F. H. VAN & R. GROOTENDORST (2004), A Systematic Theory of Argumentation. The pragma-dialectical approach, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press. 5 Discussants may not falsely present something as an accepted starting point or falsely deny that something is an accepted starting point ( starting-point rule ). (VAN EEMEREN and GROOTENDORST 1992: 193).

82 DISSOCIATION IN PRO-CHOICE ARGUMENTATION 79 EEMEREN, F. H. VAN & P. HOUTLOSSER (2002), Strategic Maneuvering. Maintaining a Delicate Balance, in F. H. Eemeren and P. Houtlosser (eds), Dialectic and Rhetoric. The Warp and Woof of Argumentation Analysis, , Dordrecht/Boston/London, Kluwer Academic Publishers. MAZILU, S. (2008a), Strategic Use of Dissociation in Ethical Argumentation on Abortion, in Bucharest Working Papers in Linguistics, X (2), 87-98, Bucureşti, Editura Universităţii din Bucureşti. MAZILU, S. (2008b), Lexical Indicators of Dissociation in Ethical Argumentation on Abortion., in Analele Universităţii "Dunărea de Jos" din Galaţi. Lexic comun, lexic specializat, Bejan, D. & V. Lucatelli, O. Cenac (coord.), Actele Conferinţei internaţionale Lexic comun/lexic specializat, Galaţi, septembrie 2008, Fascicula XXIV, An 1, nr. 1, , Galaţi, Galaţi University Press. MAZILU, S. (2009,. The Audience as a Third Party in the Dispute over Abortion, in Y. Catelly, D. S. Urs, F. Popa and B. Prepeliţă-Răileanu (eds), Limbă, cultură şi civilizaţie. Noi căi spre succes, iunie 2009, , Bucureşti, Editura Politehnica Press. PERELMAN, CH. & L. OLBRECHTS-TYTECA (1969), The New Rhetoric. A Treatise on Argumentation, translated by J. Wilkinson and P. Weaver, Notre Dame and London, University of Notre Dame Press. REES, M. AGNES VAN (2002), Argumentative Functions of Dissociation in Every-Day Discussions, in H. V. Hansen (ed.), Proceedings of the Fifth OSSA Conference. REES, M. AGNES VAN (2003), Indicators of Dissociation, in Frans H. van Eemeren, J. Anthony Blair, Charles A. Willard and A. Francisca Snoeck Henkemans (eds), Proceedings of the Fifth Conference of the International Society for the Study of Argumentation, , Amsterdam, Sic Sat. REES, M. AGNES VAN (2005a), Dialectical Soundness of Dissociation, in D. Hitchcock (ed.), The Uses of Argument: Proceedings of a conference at McMaster University, , Ontario Society for the Study of Argumentation. REES. M. AGNES VAN (2005b), Dissociation: A Dialogue Technique, in Studies in Communication Sciences, Special Issue Argumentation in Dialogic Interaction, REES, M. AGNES VAN (2006), Strategic Maneuvering with Dissociation, in Argumentation, 20,

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84 ON NUMERICAL NOUNS AND PSEUDO-PARTITIVE CONSTRUCTIONS 1 MIHAELA TĂNASE-DOGARU The paper looks at a special category of nouns, called numerical nouns, with the underlying aim of showing that structures containing numerical nouns behave syntactically like pseudopartitive constructions. This entails that the functional preposition de a grammaticalized version of a partitive preposition performs the same function in the case of pseudopartitive constructions, numerical nouns and ce-exclamatives. The paper shows that these three constructions have the same syntactic structure; they involve a classifier projection, the head of which is either filled with lexical material or with a silent noun. Keywords: numerical nouns, pseudopartitives, classifiers, syntactic structures, grammaticalization. 1. Introduction Numerical nouns are nouns formed via suffixation of a numerical base (such as ten): (1) a. Agorasa mia exada bires. (Stavrou and Terzi 2008) Bought-I one six- ada beers. 'I bought a six pack of beers.' b. Il y avait une diz aine d'erreurs dans votre papier. ( Kayne 2005) It there had a ten- aine of mistakes in your paper 'There were (approximately) ten errors in your paper.' c. Sunt zece greseli in lucrarea ta. (Romanian) are ten mistakes in paper your (no suffix?) 'There are ten mistakes in your paper'. d. Sunt zeci de greseli in lucrarea ta. (Romanian) Are ten- AINE-s of mistakes in paper your. (silent suffix, Kayne 2005) 'There are tens of mistakes in your paper.' Pseudo-partitive constructions are traditionally considered to be a subtype of partitive constructions, expressing part-whole relations: 1 This work was supported by the strategic grant POSDRU/89/1.5/S/62259, Project Applied social, human and political sciences. Postdoctoral trening and postdoctoral fellowship in social, human and political sciences confinanced by the European Social Fund within the Sectorial Operational Program Human Resources Development University of Bucharest, English Department,

85 82 MIHAELA TĂNASE-DOGARU (2) a. ena buketo luludja (Stavrou 2003) one bunch flowers b. een kuden olifanten (Vos 1999) one herd elephants c. un varf de sare (Tanase-Dogaru 2007) one peak of salt (a little salt) d. a bottle of wine (Corver 1998) The paper wants to show that there is a connection between the preposition de/of in pseudo-partitives, the preposition de/of in numeral constructions and the silent/overt nominal suffix. Secondly, the paper insists on the relation between pseudopartitives, classifiers and numerical nouns. 2. The Data 2.1. English and French (Kayne 2005) The multiplicative numerals of English are formed using powers of ten: (3) a. There were four hundred/four thousand /four million people at the conference. b. There were forty people at the conference ty being a reduced form of ten c. *There were four seven people at the conference only ten is a base; seven is not d. *There were forsevy people at the conference only ten is a base; seven is not The additive numerals of English involve powers of ten, too: (4) a. two hundred and five b. three thousand five hundred and two c. forty-six d. sixteen teen is a form of ten e. *sixseven no numerals based on seven The higher powers of ten (and ten itself) are involved in expressing approximation in both English and French: (5) a. There were hundreds /thousands/ millions of mistakes in your paper. b. Il y avait des centaines / des milliers d'erreurs dans votre papier. It there had of-the hundreds / of-the thousands of errors in your paper. 'There were hundreds of / thousands of errors in your paper' c. There were tens of mistakes in your paper. d. Il y avait des dizaines d'erreurs dans votre papier. It there had of-the tens of errors in your paper. 'There were tens of mistakes in your paper'.

86 ON NUMERICAL NOUNS AND PSEUDO-PARTITIVE CONSTRUCTIONS 83 However, approximation in French can also be done in the singular (6a), which is not the case in English (6b). English can only have (6c), option which does not convey approximation but a precise numerical quantity: (6) a. Il y avait une centaine / une millier / une dizaine d'erreurs dans votre papier. It there had a hundred / a thousand / a ten of errors in your paper 'There were hundreds / thousands / tens of errors in your paper.' b. *There were a hundred / a thousand / a ten of errors in your paper. c. There were a hundred / a thousand errors in your paper. French has a wide range of approximative numerals than English, which are not limited to powers of ten. All the examples in (7) contain the suffix -aine preceded by the numeral: (7) une dizaine / douzaine / quinzaine / trentaine / quarantaine / cinquantaine / soixantaine / centaine Kayne's first proposal is that the difference between the English hundreds of errors and the French centaines d'erreurs can be captured by the hypothesis that the English hundreds contains a silent suffix -AINE comparable to the French (overt) -aine: (8) a. Ten-AINE-s of thousand-aine-s of books b. hundred-aine-s of books In English, hundred and thousand cand combine with several (9a), in a manner similar to that in which multiplicative numerals are formed (9b); in French plusieurs cannot combine with cent and mille (9c), but only with centaines and milliers: (9) a. They have several hundred / several thousand dollars in their bank account. b. They have three hundred books. c. *Ils ont plusieurs cent / plusieurs milles dollars dans leur compte. d. Ils ont plusieurs centaines / milliers de dollars dans leur compte. Kayne's second proposal is that several hundred / thousand dollars contains a nominal suffix, too: (10) a. several hundred NSFX dollars b. several thousand NSFX dollars Possible candidates for NSFX are the Italian -ant- as in cinquanta / settanta / novanta and the English million / billion / trillion (cf. Kayne 2005).

87 84 MIHAELA TĂNASE-DOGARU 2.2. Greek (Terzi 2006, Stavrou and Terzi 2008) Greek has numerical nouns / overt manifestations for the nominal suffixes proposed by Kayne (2005). (11a) is an example of the suffix -ada, which nominalizes thee cardinal eksa / six and (11b) is an example of the suffix -arja, which nominalizes multiplicatives of five: (11) a. Irthan se tetrades. came-3p in four-ades 'they came in groups of four' b. Efaga kamia dekarja/dekapendarja sokolates. ate-1p one ten-arja / fifteen-arja chocolates. 'I ate some ten/fifteen chocolates.' Numerical nouns in -ada are associated with three interpretations. (12a) illustrates the SET interpretation, (12b) the high number interpretation and (12c) the cardinal numeral interpretation: (12) a. Agorasa mia eksada bires. Bought-I one six-ada beers. 'I bought a six pack of beers.' b. Ekane dekades / ekatondades / xiljades lathi. made-3p ten-ades / hundred-ades / thousand-ades mistakes. 'He made tens / hundreds / thousands of mistakes.' c. Xrisimopiisan dio xiljades piata gia ti gamilia deksiosi. used-3p two thousand-ades plates for the wedding party 'They used two thousand plates for the wedding party.' According to Stavrou and Terzi (2008), Greek numerical nouns in -ada with the SET interpretation and the approximative nouns in -arja have the properties of nouns introducing pseudo-partitive constructions (in Greek), such as: the sharing of the same case by the numerical noun and the lexical noun, in contrast with other nominal complexes: (13) I genitria exi dinami dio dekadon metasximatiston. The generator has power two ten-ades-gen tranformers-gen 'The generator haas the power of twenty transformers.' no determiner, quantifier or other modifier between the numerical and lexical noun, in contrast with other nominal-complement complexes: (14) Tris eksades (*afta ta) potiria. Three six-ades these the glasses '(These) three sets of six glasses'

88 ON NUMERICAL NOUNS AND PSEUDO-PARTITIVE CONSTRUCTIONS 85 the verb displays selective behavior with respect to agreement (see also Stavrou 2003, Tanase-Dogaru 2007, Tanase-Dogaru 2009); it may agree with either the first or the second noun when they have different number specification: (15) Mia dekada potiria den ine arketa / arketi a ten-ada glasses not is/are enough-pl / enough-sg Stavrou and Terzi's proposal is that numerical nouns with SET interpretation in Greek are semi-lexical nouns (cf. van Riemsdijk 1998), on a par with measure or classifier nouns (16a); when in the plural and emphatically stressed, numerical nouns convey a High Number interpretation, in which case numerical nouns pattern with quantifiers and cardinals (16b): (16) a. [QP[Q'[Q mia/one [NumrclP[Numrcl'[NumrclP ekatondada/hundredada [NP potiria/glasses ]]]]]]] b. [QP[Q'[Q dekadesten-ades [AgrP[Agr[NP vivlia/books ]]]]]] 2.3. Romanian (Kayne 2005) In Romanian, all numerals from twenty onwards require de to be well-formed, i.e. the numeral can relate to the noun in its scope only by means of de : (17) a. nouăsprezece studenţi / *nouăsprezece de studenţi nine-towards-ten (= nineteen) students / nine-towards-ten (= nineteen) of students b. douăzeci de studenţi / * douăzeci studenţi two-tens (=twenty) of students / * two-tens (=twenty) students Kayne (2005) takes the Romanian examples in (18) to mirror the contrast in the English examples (19): (18) a. zece (*de) carti ten (*of) books b. zeci *(de) carti tens *(of) books (19) a. a hundred (*of) books b. hundreds *(of) books Starting from the assumption that the key for the interpretation of such examples is the presence of the unpronounced nominal suffix (cf. ten-aine-s of books), Kayne correlates the absence of the preposition of/de with the absence of the suffix.

89 86 MIHAELA TĂNASE-DOGARU Kayne's proposal for Romanian is that the nominal suffix NSFX is present in (20) and absent in (21). The structure of (20a) will therefore be (20b): (20) a. treizeci de carti three-tens of books 'thirty books' b. treizec-nsfx-i de carti three-ten-nsfx-i of books thirty books (21) zece carti ten books Kayne proposes the following generalization for Romanian: zec- is followed by NSFX whenever zec- is itself multiplied by a preceding numeral, i.e., in a multiplicative numeral based on ten, ten must be associated with a nominal suffix. 3. Silent Affixes and Silent Classfiers 3.1. Silent Classfiers In plural languages, Number Phrases and Classifier Phrases are not in complementary distribution, as implicit in Borer (2005) (cf. Tanase-Dogaru (2007, 2009). ClasPs project cross-linguistically and languages can be parameterized as: 1. classifier languages, i.e. Chinese, Japanese, Vietnamese, Thai, etc. 2. plural-classifier languages, i.e. English, Romanian, Italian, etc. The languages in the first group project a ClasP, which conflates the roles of the morphologic number and that of the classifier. A ClasP in such languages is responsible for dividing the stuff denoted by the noun and making it syntactically visible for countability (cf. Doetjes 1997, Sybesma 2006). (22) san zhi bi three CL pen three pens The languages in the second group project both a ClasP and a NumP. The head of the ClasP may be filled with semi-lexical material (cf. van Riemsdijk, 1998, 2003) in the case of pseudopartitive constructions or, building on Kayne s (2003) proposal, with an abstract noun NUMBER. (23) un bob de orez one grain of rice

90 ON NUMERICAL NOUNS AND PSEUDO-PARTITIVE CONSTRUCTIONS 87 The main piece of evidence for the existence of silent nouns acting as classifiers in Romanian comes from the domain of ce-exclamative constructions. They can be shown to involve a silent noun NUMBER. (24) a. Ce case au unii! What houses have some (people) Some have such big/beautiful houses! b. Ce de case au unii! What of houses have some (people) Some have so many houses! (24a) can only be an exclamation about some salient property of houses, for example their being large or beautiful; on the other hand, (24b) exclaims about the relatively large number of the houses in question. In this respect, Romanian differs from languages like English or Dutch, where what-exclamatives are consistently ambiguous between an interpretation where the number of elements is involved and an interpretation some other relatively excessive property (van Riemsdijk (2005) is implied: (25) a. Wat heft die auto een deuken! (van Riemsdijk, 2005) What has that car a dents b. What dents that car has! (25) may be uttered to exclaim either about the relatively large number of car dents or about the type of dents, i.e. their large size or their deformation. In contrast, in the case of Romanian what-exclamatives what seems to make the difference is the element de / of Functional de/of and Pseudopartitives The functional preposition de, which plays an important role in the case of pseudo-partitive constructions, also surfaces in the case of silent classifiers. Pseudo-partitives consist of a single extended projection with one quasi-functional element, i.e. the classifier and one lexical element, the de -element marking the transition between the two. In a parallel manner, seemingly discontinuous constituents like what of in Romanian are shown to consist of one semi-lexical silent noun (cf. van Riemsdijk 1998, 2005, Kayne 2003) and a lexical noun, with the same de -element marking the transition. In some languages (Fino-Ugric), the partitive is a case encoding the partof relation. In Latin, the partitive is a value of the genitive case as in parum frumenti / very little wheat. The inflectional partitive has been gradually replaced by prepositional means of indicating the part-of relation. One can speak about a surviving partitive value in French as in boire du lait / drink part. milk, where

91 88 MIHAELA TĂNASE-DOGARU du is a partitive article. In Romanian, the plural indefinite article can have a partitive value as in mănânc nişte pâine / eat 1st.ps.sg. some bread (see Dicţionar de ştiinţe ale limbii, 1997). There is a close connection between the genitive case and the partitive case / value. In Romanian there are several types of genitives: AL-genitives, bare genitives and DE-genitives. If the genitive DP is a bare NP, the assigner is the preposition de as in pierderea de vieţi omeneşti / loss-the of lives human (cf. Cornilescu 2003). Recall that de is the same preposition used in Romanian pseudo-partitive constructions. Therefore, in older stages of Romanian, the preposition de was involved in expressing both the genitive and the partitive. Gradually, two specialized partitive prepositions (din and dintre) have emerged and de has become grammaticalized. In other words, it has become a functional preposition marking the boundary between the lexical and the semi-lexical or functional domains of the nominal group. It is also interesting to notice that in Slavic languages, numerals above five assign genitive case to the nominals they quantify (cf. Franks 2005), as in pjat mašin pod exalo k vokzalu / five cars.gen drove-up.n to station. In Romanian, numerals above twenty select a de-complement as in douăzeci de studenţi / twenty of students, which can be related to the Slavic genitive. In UG, the pseudo-partitive and the partitive are two semantic values of the Genitive Case. In conclusion, there is a strong connection between the genitive and the partitive (which holds across languages). In Romanian, de in pseudo-partitive constructions is a former partitive-assigner that has become grammaticalized Classifiers or Nominal Suffixes? The problems the paper set out to solve were whether: 1. the syntactic structure of a (multiplicative) numeral-noun sequence can be considered to involve a silent element i.e. a noun of the semi-lexical type, a classifier, a nominal suffix, anything that might 'nominalize' the numeral (26) a. treizeci de carti three-tens of books 2. the functional de/of can be related to the absence / presence of a silent element (27) a. zece carti / zeci de carti ten books / tens of books b. ce (de) carti! what (of) books! We are now in a position to propose that:

92 ON NUMERICAL NOUNS AND PSEUDO-PARTITIVE CONSTRUCTIONS the structure of simple numeral-noun sequence contains an abstract noun NUMBER (cf. Kayne 2003, Tanase-Dogaru 2007) (28) trei carti / three books trei NUMBER carti / three NUMBER books 2. the structure of a multiplicative numeral also contains NUMBER; the need for a nominal suffix is overridden, since the (second) numeral is already 'nominalized' by the plural suffix: (29) treizeci de carti / three-tens of books treinumberzeci de carti / threenumbertens of books 3. the functional preposition de/of emerges in nominal complexes in Romanian in perfect accordance with van Riemsdijk's Law of Categorial Feature Magnetism (1998), i.e. it 'keeps apart' items bearing the same categorial label. In addition, it helps with case-assignment problems. (30) a. o sticla de vin a bottle of wine b. douazeci de carti two-tens of students c. ce de carti! what of books! 4. Conclusions The functional preposition de a grammaticalized version of a partitive preposition performs the same function in the case of pseudopartitive constructions, numerical nouns and ce-exclamatives. These three constructions have the same syntactic structure; they involve a classifier projection, the head of which is either filled with lexical material or with a silent noun. REFERENCES CORVER, NORBERT (1998), Predicate Movement in Pseudopartitive Constructions, Possessors, Predicates and Movement in the Determiner Phrase, Alexiadou, A. & C. Wilder (eds) John Benjamins Publishing Co., Amsterdam/Philadelphia. DOETJES, JENNY (1997), Quantifiers and Selection On the Distribution of Quantifying Expressions in French, Dutch, English, Holland Academic Graphics, The Hague. CORNILESCU, ALEXANDRA (2003), Romanian Genitive Constructions Revisited, Bucharest Working Papers in Linguistics, vol. V, nr. 1/2003.

93 90 MIHAELA TĂNASE-DOGARU KAYNE, RICHARD (2003), Silent Years, Silent Hours, Ms., NYU, New York. KAYNE, RICHARD (2003), On the Syntax of Quantity in English, Ms., NYU, New York. KAYNE, RICHARD (2005), A Note on the Syntax of Numerical Bases, Ms. NYU, New York. RIEMSDIJK, H. C. VAN (1998), Categorial Feature Magnetism: The Endocentricity and Distribution of Projections, The Journal of Comparative Germanic Linguistics, 2, RIEMSDIJK, H. C. VAN (2002), The Unbearable Lightness of GOing. The Projection Parameter as a Pure Parameter Governing the Distribution of Elliptic Motion Verbs in Germanic, Journal of Comparative Germanic Linguistics. RIEMSDIJK, H. C. VAN (2005), Silent Nouns and the Spurious Indefinite Article in Dutch, Grammar and Beyond. Essays in Honour of Lars Hellan, Mila Vulchanova and Tor A. Åfarli (eds), , Oslo, Novus Press. STAVROU, MELITA (2003), Semi-Lexical Nouns, Classifiers, and the Interpretation(s) of the Pseudopartitive Construction, From NP to DP, vol. I, M. Coene & Y. D Hulst (eds), John Benjamins. STAVROU, MELITA & TERZI, ARHONTO (2008), Types of Numerical Nouns, Proceedings of the 26 th West Coast Conference on Formal Linguistics, Chang, C. and Haynie, H. (eds), Sommerville, MA, Cascadilla Proceedings Project. SYBESMA, RINT (2006), Number and Countability, paper presented at the Syntax in Spring Staff Seminar, Tilburg, 11 April TANASE-DOGARU, MIHAELA (2008), Pseudo-Partitives and (Silent) Classifiers in Romanian, Proceedings of ConSOLE XV, S. Blaho, C. Constantinescu & E. Schoorlemmer (eds), available online at TANASE-DOGARU, MIHAELA (2009), The Category of Number, PhD Dissertation, Bucharest University Press, TERZI, ARHONTO (2006), Towards a Syntax of Numerical Nouns and Cardinal Numerals in Greek, Ms. NYU, New York. VOS, RIET (1999), A Grammar of Partitive Constructions, PhD Dissertation, Tilburg University.

94 LES VERBES HINDIS ĀNĀ («VENIR») ET JĀNĀ («PARTIR») COMME LEXÈMES AUTONOMES ET EN TANT QUE V 2 DANS LES STRUCTURES [V 1 V 2 ] / [N V] SABINA POPÂRLAN 1. Introduction Les verbes ānā («venir») et jānā («partir», «(s en) aller») peuvent fonctionner en hindi aussi bien comme des verbes pleins ou lexicaux, quand ils suffisent à la formation du prédicat, de même qu en tant qu élément second dans les diverses structures des verbes composés (V 1 V 2 ou Vv). Quand ils se situent en rapport avec un verbe principal qu ils régissent morphologiquement ils peuvent représenter, selon Pinuccia Caracchi (1992 : ) : 1. des intensifieurs, 2. des auxiliaires et 3. un verbe nominal (seulement ānā «venir»). L auteur range, selon le rôle 1 de V 2, les verbes composés dans les trois classes ci-dessus. Université de Bucarest, Faculté des Langues et Littératures Etrangères, Section de Langue Hindi, 1 La classification qu elle propose se fonde sur un critère en premier lieu sémantico-fonctionnel (cf. la dénomination d intensifieur du premier groupe ou celle de «verbi servili» du deuxième groupe) et sur un critère morphologique quand l auteur, tout en suivant la tradition indienne, appelle la troisième classe «nominale» (cf. «nāmbodhak kriyāẽ») vu que dans ce cas un verbe s attache à un nom pour former un verbe composé. ARYENDRA SHARMA (1972: ) classifie les verbes composés selon un critère purement morphologique en (1) structures du type [V 1 V 2 ] et (2) structures du type [V 1 + Nom/ Adjectif/ Adverbe]. Les structures premières se laissent répartir en fonction du type morphologique du verbe principal. On aura ainsi les colocations : (a) racine de V 1 + V 2 (verbe intensifieur ou aspectuel, exemples: denā «donner», lenā «prendre», jānā «partir», «s en aller», ānā «venir» ; paunā «tomber», uhhnā «se lever»; verbe modal: saknā «pouvoir», pānā «ne pas pouvoir»; verbe aspectuel: cuknā «finir de») ; (b) infinitif de V 1, «droit» (ou non-modifié), «oblique» (marqué par le morphème «-e»), ou «accordé», cf. pour la première situation, une structure comme V 1 + cāhnā «vouloir», «désirer» ; pour la deuxième V 1 (inf. oblique) + lagnā ici «commencer à» et pour la troisième: sujet logique au datif + objet logique + V 1 à l infinitif accordé avec l objet logique + V 2 (cāhie, «il faut», forme bloquée), cf. tumhẽ [sujet logique au datif] kabhī bhī chohī jāti vāle se salāh [«conseil», objet logique, féminin] nahī lenī [«prendre», infinitif accordé au féminin : «ī»] cāhie [l auxiliaire modal], «tu ne dois jamais accepter un conseil de ceux qui appartiennent aux castes inférieures» (Pañcatantra, Apnī buddhi ko barā mat samajho, p. 210); (c) V 1 : participe imperfectif (en «e» adverbial ou accordé avec le sujet) + V 2 (bannā «se faire», rahnā «continuer», ānā «venir», jānā «s en aller» : Ham barasõ se

95 92 SABINA POPÂRLAN La première classe, selon P. Caracchi, est celle des intensifieurs ; ceux-ci recquièrent tous que le verbe principal (V 1 ) soit sous la forme radicale : R + V 2 ; parmi les plus importants, l auteur mentionne : lenā «prendre», denā «donner», jānā «aller», ānā «venir», par nā «tomber», ut hnā «se lever», d ālnā «jeter», bait hnā «s asseoir», nikalnā «sortir», rakhnā «poser» : ces opérateurs verbaux intensifient la valeur de V 1 et orientent, dans certains cas, l action de la base radicale vers le locuteur/ l interlocuteur ou impriment à celle-ci une autre nuance spécifique. La seconde classe comprend les auxiliaires («verbi servili») qui réclament plusieurs types morphologiques de V 1 : infinitif non-flexionné + cāhnā «vouloir» ; infinitif accordé (en genre et en nombre avec l objet logique) + honā «être»/ par nā «tomber»/ cāhie (forme bloquée provenant de cāhnā «vouloir») tous ces auxiliaires signifiant, dans ce cas, «devoir», infinitif accordé + ānā (avec la signification de «être capable», «savoir») ; infinitif oblique (flexion en «-e») + lagnā (lit. «s attacher à») «commencer à»/ + denā (lit. «donner») «permettre de» ; radical de V 1 + saknā «pouvoir»/ pānā «ne pas pouvoir»/ cuknā «achever de» ; participe imperfectif adverbial (en «-e») + bannā (lit. «se faire») «ne pas pouvoir» ; participe imperfectif accordé (en genre et en nombre avec l objet logique) + ānā «venir»/ jānā «aller»/ rahnā «rester» tous les tours signifiant, avec certaines nuances spécifiques, «continuer de» ; participe perfectif invariable + karnā «faire» (à signification habituelle) ; participe perfectif accordé + ānā «venir»/ jānā «partir» (se référant à une action très proche, imminente). Le troisième groupe intègre les verbes nominaux : N (nom) + verbe nominal (karnā «faire», honā «être», denā «donner», ānā «venir», par nā «tomber» etc.) : kām «travail» + karnā «travailler», pasand «plaisir» + honā «plaire», dikhāī «vue» + denā «se voir», ānand «joie» + ānā «se réjouir», jān «connaissance» + par nā «sembler», «paraître»). 2. Classification des verbes ānā et jānā comme opérateurs (V 2 ou v) yahā rahte [participe imperfectif accordé] āe haĩ lit. «Nous depuis des années ici restant venons» : «Nous habitons ici depuis des années» (SHARMA, p. 128), Rog bauhtā [participe imperfectif accordé] jātā hai lit. «La maladie en avançant va» : «La maladie progresse» (p. 127) ; (d) V 1 : participe perfectif (invariable, i.e. en «ā», en «e» adverbial ou accordé avec le sujet) + V 2 (karnā, «faire», jānā «partir», ānā «venir») : Dhyān se pauhā [participe perfectif invariable du verbe pauhnā «lire»] karo [l impératif «fais»], p. 129, lit. «Avec attention lu fais» («Habitue-toi à lire avec attention», Apnā kām kie [participe perfectif adverbial du verbe karnā «faire»] jāo, p. 129, lit. «Ton travail/ après l avoir fait/ va» : «Continue à faire ton travail», Bādal ghire [participe passé accordé de ghirnā «s amasser»] āte haĩ, p. 128, lit. «Les nuages amassés viennent», «Les nuages s amassent avec rapidité», Maĩ dard se marā [participe passé accordé de marnā «mourir»] jā rahā hū, p. 128, lit. «Je à cause de la douleur mort pars/me déplace», «Je suis sur le point de mourir de douleur».

96 LES VERBES HINDIS ĀNĀ («VENIR») ET JĀNĀ («PARTIR») COMME LEXÈMES AUTONOMES 93 En prenant comme point de repère les classifications mentionnées (A. Sharma, 1972, P. Caracchi, 1992) et en nous référant strictement aux verbes ānā et jānā, nous distinguerons l emploi autonome de l emploi dépendant de chacun des deux lexèmes ; dans le second cas, les deux verbes représentent des auxiliaires ou des opérateurs verbaux. Nous proposons une classification morpho-sémantique des opérateurs (qui participent à la formation des verbes composés) en : (a) auxiliaires intensifieurs (les deux verbes), (b) auxiliaires aspectuo-temporels (ānā, jānā), (c) auxiliaire de capacité et (d) verbe nominal (seulement ānā pour les deux derniers types). 3. Les verbes ānā et jānā comme auxiliaires intensifieurs Nous commencerons par la situation où ānā et jānā, en tant que verbes intensifieurs (ou intensifs) ont comme rôle principal celui de renforcer la signification du verbe principal; celui-ci, même si dominant sémantiquement, est régi au niveau morphologique par l opérateur qui lui succède et qui se conjugue en s accordant en genre et en nombre avec le sujet. Dans ce cas, les deux verbes de mouvement directionnels s intègrent dans un groupe plus large d opérateurs d intensité, appelés aussi «vecteurs» (Hsin-Hsin Liang, Peter E. Hook, 2007 : 110) parce qu ils impriment une orientation spécifique au V 1, comme nous allons voir ci-dessous ; le verbe principal (le régissant sémantique) participe à la structure co-verbale sous la forme de radical. Les intensifieurs les plus fréquents sont : lenā «prendre», denā «donner», jānā «partir», «s en aller», «se déplacer», ānā «venir», ut hnā «se lever» et par nā «tomber». Lenā «prendre» oriente l action du verbe principal vers le locuteur; centripète ou or-centrique, il s emploie quand on veut mettre en évidence le fait que l individu agit dans son propre intérêt ; denā «donner», au contraire, oriente l action de l agent vers son destinataire, dans un mouvement centrifuge, allo-centrique. Les opérateurs ut hnā «se lever» et par nā «tomber», à part le rôle intensif, impriment au verbe principal une nuance aspectuelle de spontanéité, d inattendu ou d involontaire. L opérateur dynamique ānā, à part son rôle d intensifieur, montre que l action du verbe auxilié est orientée vers le locuteur (on l emploie pour signifier, par exemple «se rendre»/ «arriver chez soi», d où sa caractérisation comme déictique) : pahũc ānā (racine du verbe «arriver» + «venir»); centripète, il s oppose à l opérateur jānā ; celui-ci souligne l orientation centrifuge de l action de V 1 par rapport à l émetteur, cf. «se rendre chez quelqu un d autre» : pahũc jānā (racine du verbe «arriver» + «aller»).

97 94 SABINA POPÂRLAN Les structures le ānā «prendre» + «venir» : «amener», «apporter» et le jānā 2 «prendre» + «partir»: «emmener», souvent considérées des verbes composés, sont des associations entre deux verbes principaux autonomes, la racine du premier représentant la forme réduite de la structure < racine + kar 3 >, cf. lekar ānā «après avoir pris venir» et lekar jānā «après avoir pris partir» Les traits morphologiques de la classe des intensifieurs P. Caracchi (1992 : ) relève les traits morphologiques suivants: a) les opérateurs transitifs (comme lenā «prendre», denā «donner») s attachent typiquement à des radicaux toujours transitifs, exemples : kharīd lenā «acheter», bec denā «vendre» et plus rarement à un radical intransitif : cal denā «se mettre à marcher/ à se déplacer» (ici denā apporte une signification aspectuelle inchoative); les opérateurs intransitifs (ut hnā «se lever», par nā «tomber», ānā «venir», jānā «partir») affectent de manière typique des bases intransitives : ro ut hnā «fondre en larmes», hãs par nā «éclater de rire» ; parfois aussi une base transitive : par h 4 jānā «lire jusqu à la fin». Nous proposons, dans ce qui suit, l analyse de quelques exemples. (1) ExÉM Ð céé É ÉÑ É É É É ÉÉå Éå ÉÏ. Uskī cāl tumhārā man moh legī. (Hār kī jīt, p. 24) «Son galop charmera ton âme» La structure qui nous intéresse est moh legī, lit. «charmer [radical] prendra» ; le vieux Bhārtī explique au bandit Kha&gasĩh qu il sera impressionné à voir le cheval Sultān en galop, comme tous ceux qui l avaient vu auparavant ; l opérateur 2 Dans les énoncés suivants, ānā et jānā, bien que V 2, ne sont plus des intensifieurs, mais des verbes autonomes dont les actions se succèdent à celles des verbes V 1 (réduits à la forme radicale, mais qui proviennent d une structure < R + kar >, v. la note 3) : Bhāī tujhe jo kuch cāhie le jā, «Mon ami, prend ce que tu veux et pars» (Pañcatantra, p. 149) ; Batā, kisko ātā de āyā, «Dis-moi, à qui as-tu donné la farine avant de rentrer», Kazākī, p Les prédicats complexes (construits sur l association de deux verbes principaux) sont le jā (racine de lenā «prendre» + l impératif de jānā «partir») et de āyā (racine de denā «donner» + le perfectif neutre de ānā «venir»). 3 Le morphème kar, racine du verbe karnā «faire», forme, en s attachant au radical du verbe principal, la structure < R + kar >, l équivalent du «gerunziu» roumain et souvent du gérondif ou du participe présent français. Ce syntagme exprime l antériorité par rapport au prédicat ou la simultanéité avec l action de ce dernier. 4 Le radical par h du verbe transitif par hnā «lire» se combine d habitude avec un opérateur toujours transitif comme lenā «prendre», qui montre que l agent accomplit l action dans son propre intérêt, ou comme denā «donner» qu on emploie pour mettre en évidence l orientation vers le destinataire : on peut lire une lettre en silence, pour soi (par h lenā), ou à haute voix, pour les autres (par h denā). La structure par h jānā apparaît quand la dimension orientative compte moins et l accomplissement de l action est plus important: j ai fini la lecture de la lettre. Il existe en hindi d autres bases lexicales, auxquelles peuvent s attacher plusieurs opérateurs, les structures ainsi obtenues ayant des sens distincts.

98 LES VERBES HINDIS ĀNĀ («VENIR») ET JĀNĀ («PARTIR») COMME LEXÈMES AUTONOMES 95 transitif lenā non seulement intensifie le V 1 mohnā (toujours transitif), mais il suggère aussi l impact qu aura cette image sur le futur expérienceur (elle captera entièrement son attention, son goût). Dans le fragment ci-dessous, le sage et noble vieillard Bhārtī avertit Kha&gasĩh qu il n apprenne pas aux autres le fait qu il lui a volé le cheval de peur que les gens ne cessent de se fier aux mendiants (le bandit avait feint d être un handicapé pour convaincre le vieillard de l emmener avec lui; une fois à cheval, il fit tomber celui-ci et s en alla). (2) xéñ ÉM oééoéé ÉÉ ÉÏ Éå E É Ì ÉÉ, ÉÉå ÉÉåÇ M Éå ÉÌ CxÉ ÉO ÉÉ M É É ÉÉ É É É ÉÉ, ÉÉå Éå ÌM xéï Ï É- Ò ÉÏ É Ì É ÉÉxÉ É M åç Éå. Sunkar Bābā Bhārtī ne uttar diyā, «Logõ ko yadi is ghahnā kā patā lag gayā, to ve kisī dīn-dukhī par viśvās na karẽge.» (Hār kī jīt, p. 27) «En entendant cela, le sage Bhārtī répondit : Si les gens apprennent cette histoire, alors ils ne feront plus jamais confiance aux gens en souffrance». La structure qui contient le verbe composé est Logõ ko («aux gens», datif) yadi («si») is ghatnā kā patā («la nouvelle de cette aventure») lag («attachée», radical) gayā («alla», perfectif neutre) to... (alors). L intensifieur jānā intransitif affecte la racine du verbe intransitif lagnā «s attacher», «se coller à», le sens figuré, en l occurrence, étant celui d «apprendre (une information)». b) les verbes intensifs ne peuvent pas être niés (une motivation possible serait qu il est inutile de nuancer l expression d une action qui n a pas eu lieu), ou, autrement dit, si l on veut mettre au négatif une structure V 1 V 2 (ou Vv), le verbe second sera suprimé 5 : (3) ÉæÇ AÉ ÉM É ÉxÉ ÕÇ Må É É É ÉÉåÄQ É É ÕÇ ÉÉ. Maĩ āp kā dās hū, keval yah ghouā na dū gā. (Hār kī jīt, p. 27) «Je suis votre serviteur, seulement je ne vous rendrai pas ce cheval» Le verbe ici simple (SV «simple verb» en anglais, cf. Hsin-Hsin Liang, Peter E. Hook, 2007 : 110) denā «donner» aurait pu être intensifié, à la forme affirmative, par le même lexème en tant que V 2 (de denā) orientant ainsi vers le destinataire. c) une concatenation Vv n accepte pas le tour duratif ; le verbe principal seul peut se conjuguer à un temps continuatif, comme le passé duratif ci-dessous : 5 On devra pourtant mentionner qu il y a aussi des situations quand l intensifieur se maintient même si le prédicat est nié ; c est ce qui arrive, selon nous, quand l action niée avait été très souhaitée par le locuteur qui reproche au destinataire de ne pas l avoir faite : To āpne usī vakt mere pās kyõ na bhej diyā? «Pourquoi alors ne me l [une lettre] avez-vous pas envoyée à ce moment même?» (Ekhres, p. 95). La structure qui nous intéresse est na («non») bhej (radical du verbe bhejnā «envoyer») diyā (le perfectif neutre de l intensifieur denā «donner», l opérateur qui oriente l action vers le recepteur).

99 96 SABINA POPÂRLAN (4) ÉÉ ÉÌoÉ É Ï ÍxÉÇ ÉÉÄ Éå M Ð cééæ ÉO É céñ ÉcÉÉ É ÉÄQ É oéäqå ÉÉD M Ð oéé ÉåÇ xéñ É É ÉÉ. Lālbihārī Sĩh darvāze kī caukhah par cupcāp khar ā bar e bhāī kī bātẽ sun rahā thā. (Bar e ghar kī bet ī, p. 80) «Lālbihārī Sĩh à pied sur le pas de la porte était en train d écouter les paroles de son frère aîné» d) un V 2 ne saura également apparaître dans la structure < racine + kar > qui correspond en français à un participe présent ou au gérondif (elle se traduit par «(en) faisant quelque chose» (v. aussi la note 3) : (5) åxéå ÉÉD Må ÉÑÇ xéå AÉ É åxéï -Ì É É M oéé É xéñ ÉM ÉÉ ÉÌoÉ É Ï M Éå oéäq Ï ÉÉÌ É Ò D. Aise bhāī ke mũh se āj aisī h day-vidārak bāt sunkar Lālbihārī ko bar ī glāni huī. (Bar e ghar kī bet ī, p. 81) «(En) entendant ce jour là un propos si dur de la part de son frère, Lālbihārī en souffra beaucoup». Le verbe principal sunnā «entendre» conjugué à un mode prédicatif peut être auxilié par le co-verbe (V 2 ou v) lenā «prendre», qui indique, de manière typique, l intériorisation d un message. e) une structure avec V 2 intensif est incompatible avec des expressions aspectuelles (toujours des verbes composés) comme śuru/ ārambh karnā «commencer», chor denā «renoncer à une activité» ou avec des auxiliaires modaux comme saknā «pouvoir», pānā «être incapable de», cāhie «il faut», denā (lit. «donner», avec la signification spécifique de «permettre de», «donner la permission»), etc. Dans tous ces cas, le verbe principal apparaîtra seul, non suivi de l opérateur d intensité : (6) C ÉÉ ÉoÉÉ M É A ÉÑ É É Ì É É ÉÉ ÉÉ Ò AÉ Éëå ÉÑ O CxÉ oéé É M Éå É xé É É xém É. Ilāhābād kā anubhav rahit jhallāyā huā grejuet is bāt ko na samajh sakā (Bar e ghar kī bet ī, p. 80) «Le diplômé d Ilāhābād sans experience et irrité ne put comprendre ce propos [de son père]». (7) M É É ÉÉ æ ÌoÉ ÉÉ Ä É Må xééç É M Éå É ÉÉå Ñ M É ÉÉ cééì. Ä É Éå ÉÉ É Éå Ñ M É xéå Ï AÉ ÉÏ M Éå Q É É ÉÉ æ. Kahā gayā hai binā zahar ke sā p ko phan to phuphakārnā cāhie. Zahar ho yā na ho, phuphakār se hī ādmī ko d ar lagtā hai. (Pañcatantra, p. 133) «On dit que même si sans venin, le serpent doit gonfler son capuchon. Qu il y ait du venin ou non, le gonflement à lui seul suffit pour effrayer quelqu un». (8) ÉÉå ExÉ Éå M ÉÉåO É-xÉÉ É É å É M ExÉ Éå A É ÉÏ MÑ ÉÄQ Ï cé ÉÉ ÉÏ AÉ É M Ï. (...) to usne ek motā-sā vriks dekhkar usne apnī kulhār ī calānī ārambh kar dī (Pañcatantra, p. 209) «comme il vit un gros arbre, il se mit à employer sa hache» (9) ²É ÉÉ É (ÍxÉ ÉÑM ÉM ) : É É É xéç ÉÉ É ÉÉ AÉ ÉÉ céé ÉÉ æ. AvÉÉåM : AÉ Éå Éå! Dvārpāl (Sir jhukākar) : Rājan! Sãvāddātā ānā cāhtā hai. / Aśoka : Āne do! (Aśok kā śastra-tyāg, p. 177) «Le gardien (En courbant la tête) : Mon empereur! Le messager veut entrer. / Aśoka : Laisse-le entrer!»

100 LES VERBES HINDIS ĀNĀ («VENIR») ET JĀNĀ («PARTIR») COMME LEXÈMES AUTONOMES 97 Les structures focalisées des exemples ci-dessus sont : (6) na (adverbe négatif) samajh sakā : radical de samajhnā «comprendre» + le perfectif neutre sakā de l opérateur modal saknā «pouvoir» ; (7) sā p ko (N + ko, marque du datif) phan («le capuchon») phuphakārnā («gonfler») cāhie («il faut») ; (8) usne (il erg.) apnī kulhār ī («sa hache») calānī («mettre en fonction») ārambh kar dī («commença») ; (9) Āne do! (infinitif oblique du verbe ānā «venir» + denā («donner», ici «donner la permission de»/ «laisser») à l impératif do. Les verbes principaux qui refusent l intensification dans les structures mentionnées sont : samajhnā «comprendre», phuphakārnā «gonfler», calānā «mettre en fonction», ānā «venir». f) Les structures V 1 V 2 ou Vv (verbe principal + intensifieur) sont compatibles avec le passif ; dans le fragment suivant, le verbe jītnā «vaincre» est affecté par l intensifieur lenā «prendre» ; la concaténation jīt lenā est mise à la voix passive (formée en hindi à l aide du verbe auxiliaire jānā «(s en) aller» au perfectif neutre : jīt liyā gayā 6, lit. «vaincre (radical)/ prise / alla», «[la forteresse] a été vaincue». (10) xéç ÉÉ É ÉÉ: M Í ÉÇ É Ò É Må ÉO M AÉ É ÉÏ oéç æç. Ì ÌM xé ÉÑÇ xéå M ÕÇ ÌM M Í ÉÇ É ÉÏ É Í É ÉÉ É ÉÉ. Sãvāddātā : Kalĩg-durga ke phātak āj bhī band haĩ. Phir kis mũh se kahū ki Kalĩg jīt liyā gayā. (Aśok kā śastra-tyāg, p. 178) «Le messager : La porte de la forteresse Kalinga est aujourd hui encore fermée. Et alors, comment pourrais-je dire que la forteresse a été vaincue/ conquise» g) Le verbe composé du type Vv (racine de V 1 + intensifieur) accepte également l impératif, l ordre s exprimant alors par l opérateur ; exemple : dikhā do : racine de dikhānā «montrer» + le vecteur/ l intensifieur denā «donner» au mode impositif do ; baihh jāo : radical de baithnā «s assoir» + le vecteur jānā «se déplacer», à l impératif jāo. (11) ÉæÇ Éå Ì É É ÉM M É - Ac É, Ì ÉÉ Éå. M Ä ÉÉM Ð - ÉÉå AÉM Éå å MÇ Éå É oéæ ÉÉAÉå ÉÉ É cé ÉÔÇ. Maĩ ne pighalkar kahā Acchā, dikhā do! Kazākī To ākar mere kandhe par bait h jāo bhāg calū. (Kazākī, p. 212) «Je lui dit, ému : Bien, montre-le-moi [un chevreau]! Kazākī [Premièrement] monte sur mes épaules, je dois me dépêcher.» 6 Quand le verbe jānā participe à la formation de la voix passive en s attachant au participe perfectif du verbe principal, accordé en genre et en nombre avec le sujet grammatical (ou objet logique), il représente un auxiliaire de diathèse et non pas le second élément d un verbe composé.

101 98 SABINA POPÂRLAN 3.2. Les traits sémantiques de la classe des intensifieurs Au point de vue sémantique, les co-verbes intensifs se caractérisent par les traits suivants (cf. Hsin-Hsin Liang, Peter E. Hook, 2007) : a) dans une structure V 1 V 2, l opérateur, sans perdre entièrement sa signification, ne représente pas un événement distinct de celui du verbe principal ; il nuance l interprétation de V 1 en la renforçant 7 seulement (v. l exemple 12) ou en lui imposant aussi une orientation spécifique (exemple 13): (12) ÉQ ÉÍxÉÇ M É ÉÑÇ AÉ ÉÉ É xéå ÉÑ ÉÉ É ÉÉ. Khad gasĩh kā mũh āścarya se khulā rah gayā. (Hār kī jīt, p. 27) «Khad gasĩh resta bouche bée» Dans cet exemple, le V 1 est rahnā «rester», «demeurer» ; il est affecté par l opérateur dynamique jānā au perfectif neutre (gayā) qui joue ici uniquement le rôle intensif. L on peut remarquer aussi l association contradictoire entre un radical statique et un intensifieur dynamique ; cette compatibilité est rendue possible par la forte grammaticalisation de l opérateur directionnel, vidé ainsi presque entièrement de sa signification primaire (maintenue seulement à un niveau dynamique minimal) et flexibilisé. Une quasi-contradiction apparaît aussi dans le cas de la structure ci-dessous : ruk gae «s arrêta»: radical de ruknā «s arrêter» + le vecteur jānā au perfectif neutre gae ; celui-ci, dans ce contexte, illustre également une signification directionnelle centrifuge (rendue aussi par l adverbe allo-centrique vahā «là-bas») : (13) ExÉMå É ÉÉ É, CxÉ ÉëM É ÉæxÉå M ÉåD x É É ÉåÇ cé É É Éå, E ÉMå ÉÉÇ É Ax ÉoÉÉ É M Ð AÉå oéä å. (...) Éå É ÏÇ ÂM É. Uske paścāt, is prakār jaise koī svapna mẽ cal rahā ho, unke pāṽ astabal kī aur bar he. (...) Ve vahī ruk gae. (Hār kī jīt, p. 29) «Après cela, il se dirigea vers l étable comme quelqu un animé par une illusion. (...) Arrivé là il s arrêta» b) quand un intensifieur 8 s attache à un verbe factitif simple (SV) il élimine du fascicule sémantique de celui-ci le trait de non-achèvement potentiel qui subsiste dans le lexème non-modifié ; le verbe composé ainsi est marqué donc du trait de finalité ou d accomplissement, comme le montrent Hsin-Hsin Liang et Peter E. Hook (2007 : 118) : 7 «In Hindi-Urdu the vector acts as a kind of semantic diacritic on the situation represented by the clause as a whole» (HSIN-HSIN LIANG, PETER E. HOOK, 2007: 126). 8 Le sème d accomplissement est inhérent dans une structure à coverbe intensif, c est ce qui pourrait expliquer pourquoi l opérateur ne s emploie pas quand on affirme qu un certain événement n a pas eu lieu.

102 LES VERBES HINDIS ĀNĀ («VENIR») ET JĀNĀ («PARTIR») COMME LEXÈMES AUTONOMES 99 (14) tasvīr banāī lekin tasvīr nahī banī «J ai essayé de faire son portrait mais la portrait ne se fit nullement» (15) tasvīr banā lī (* lekin tasvīr nahī banī) «J ai fait son portrait (* mais le portrait ne se fit pas) ; (c) la structure Vv est préférée quand le contexte de la phrase est celui de la peur, de l anxiété ; elle met en évidence la signification de non-désiré (cf. l exemple 16, proposé par les deux linguistes, 2007 : 120) ; les contextes psychologiques, émotionnels favorisent ce type de structure en se fondant sur elle. (16) É Q å Éå M ÏÇ Mæ Ï ÉÉ É É ÉÉ Ham dar rahe the kahī kaidī bhāg na jāe. On avait peur que le prisonnier ne s en échappât. (17) ExÉå Ñ M Éå å ÉM É xé xéé cééæçm ÉÄQ Ï AÉæ É ÉM M Éå É É É ÉM ÄQ Í É ÉÉ Use phudakte dekhkar vah sahasā caũk par ī aur lapakkar merā hāth pakau liyā (Kazākī, p. 213) «En voyant le chevreau bondir, elle fut surprise/ eut peur et, tout en se précipitant, elle me prit par la main». Dans le fragment cité, le verbe composé caũk par ī (racine de caũknā «être surpris» + par ī «tomba») est un exemple suggestif de structure émotionnelle, l opérateur aspectuel par nā «tomber» indiquant la spontanéité, l incôntrolable Les deux verbes comme lexèmes autonomes et comme auxiliaires intensifieurs. Étude de cas 3.3.a. L analyse du verbe «ānā» comme verbe lexical et comme verbe fonctionnel (opérateur ou co-verbe) Les premiers deux exemples illustrent l emploi autonome du verbe ānā «venir» ; translocatif 9, ce verbe exprime le mouvement orienté vers le locuteur. Le lieu final (ou le point d arrivée) est rendu par le cas locatif (marqué par la postposition mẽ «dans», comme dans le premier fragment) ou par le nominatif (cf. l exemple 19). 9 Nous nous rapportons, dans cet article, aux quatre types de structures sémantiques transitionnelles proposés par L. THEBAN (1980 : 26-28) : trans-existentielles, trans-équationnelles, trans-qualificatives et trans-locatives/ trans-possessives. Les transitions du type existentiel décrivent l arrivée dans le monde (la naissance) d un patient P ou bine sa disparition ; les structures trans-équationnelles se réfèrent à une évolution intra-sortale : le Patient acquiert de nouveaux statuts identitaires mis en équation avec son identité initiale ; les transitions qualificatives indiquent un changement de qualité de P et les transitions locatives correspondent au passage du Patient d un Lieu initial (ou Source) à un Lieu final (ou Bénéficiaire) parcourant un Lieu médian (ou Trajet) explicité ou non (cf. aussi l ensemble actanciel de sept actants établi par l auteur (v., par exemple, L. THEBAN, 2007).

103 100 SABINA POPÂRLAN (18) AÉ É Ï A É Éå É É ÉåÇ AÉD, ÉÉå É É M É Ç É- Ç É MÑ AÉæ Ï å ÉÉ. Ānandī apne nae ghar mẽ āī, to yahā kā rãg-d hãg kuch aur hī dekhā. (Bar e ghar kī bet ī, p. 77) «Quand Ānandī vint/ arriva dans sa nouvelle maison, elle vit là un mode de vie différent» L orientation centripète est renforcée dans l exemple 18 par la présence de l adjectif possessif apnā («sa», «propre»), coréférent avec le sujet : Ānandī i apne i nae ghar mẽ āī, lit. «Ānandī sa nouvelle maison dans vint». Cet adjectif anaphorique est implicite dans l exemple 19. (19) É Éå ÉÉ Ò AÉ É AÉ ÉÉ. vah rotā huā ghar āyā (Bar e ghar kī bet ī, p. 81) «Il arriva chez soi en pleurant» En tant que V 2, ānā s emploie moins fréquemment que jānā ; il affecte, de manière typique, un radical intransitif, verbe de mouvement : (20) ÉoÉ É ÉMÑ ÉÉ Ì É É ÉÍxÉÇ Éæ ÉÉ ÉÄ ÉÉæO AÉ ÉÉ tab rājkumār Vijaysĩh Naināgar h laut āyā (Amar d hol, p. 13) «alors le prince Vijaysĩh rentra dans/ revint à Naināgar h» Dans certains contextes (comme les psycho-somatiques, cf. les exemples 21 et 22), à part son rôle intensifieur, il montre que l action de V 1 est orientée de l intérieur vers l extérieur, en attirant l attention de l observateur. Dans le premier, la racine affectée est d abd abā «se remplir» (à propos des yeux, de pleurs), la signification littérale de la séquence Vãśīdhar kī ā khẽ d abd abā āyī étant : «Vaśīdhar de yeux se remplir [radical] vinrent» (21) ÉÇvÉÏ É M Ð AÉÇ ÉåÇ Q oéq oéé AÉ ÉÏÇ. Vãśīdhar kī ā khẽ d abd abā ãyì (Namak kā dārogā, p. 88) «Les yeux de Vãśīdhar se remplirent de larmes» La même signification est rendue dans l exemple 22 par la structure ā khõ mẽ ā sū bhar āye, lit. «yeux dans larmes remplir [radical] vinrent», le siège lacrymal (lieu final et source ultérieure) se trouvant au cas locatif marqué par la postposition mẽ «dans» : ā khõ mẽ «dans les yeux». (22) ÉÑÇvÉÏ ÉÇvÉÏ É Éå ExÉ M É ÉÄ É M Éå ÉÄ É ÉÉå M É É ÉÉ xéå AÉ ÉÉåÇ ÉåÇ AÉ xéô É AÉ Éå. Mũśī Vãśīdhar ne us kāgaz ko par hā to k tajn atā se ā khõ mẽ ā sū bhar āye. (Namak kā dārogā, p. 87) «Mũśī Vãśīdhar lut le document et ses yeux se remplirent de larmes» Si l intensifieur s attache, de manière spécifique, à la racine du verbe principal, il y a pourtant en hindi une situation spéciale quand ānā (de même

104 LES VERBES HINDIS ĀNĀ («VENIR») ET JĀNĀ («PARTIR») COMME LEXÈMES AUTONOMES 101 que jānā) se combine avec le participe perfectif de V 1, lorsqu il s agit du verbe (toujours dynamique) calnā «marcher», «se déplacer». Les deux structures sont : calā ānā et calā jānā, lit. «déplacé venir/ partir» : «se déplacer» pour entrer dans le champ de perception du locuteur/ de l observateur (cf. la composition avec ānā) ou pour s en éloigner (la composition avec jānā). (23) ÉÇÌQ É A ÉÉå ÉÏ Ï É A É Éå xéä ÉÏ Éå É É xé ÉÉ, MÑ xééå Éå, MÑ ÉÉ É Éå cé Éå AÉ Éå Éå. Pandit Alopīdīn apne sazīle rath par savār, kuch sote, kuch jāgte cale āte the (Namak kā dārogā, p. 84) «Pandit Alopīdīn se déplaçait, tantôt endormi, tantôt éveillé, dans son char élégant» L exemple 34 ci-dessous illustrera le verbe composé calā jānā «partir». 3.3.b. L analyse du verbe «jānā» comme lexème autonome et comme verbe dépendant (opérateur ou auxiliaire) Dans les premiers deux exemples, jānā comme verbe translocatif qui indique l éloignement par rapport au locuteur (orientation centrifuge), apparaît comme verbe plein ou autonome ; le lieu final (le point d arrivée) est exprimé par le cas locatif dans les deux fragments, les postpositions qui le marquent étant ke pas «auprès de» (exemple 24) et me «dans» (exemple 25) : (24) ÉÏM ÉÉ - ÉÏM AÉ É Ï Må ÉÉxÉ É. Śrīka t h khā pīkar Ānandī ke pās gae (Bar e ghar kī beþī, p. 79) «Après avoir mangé, Śrīka t h alla auprès de/ rejoignit Ānandī» Dans le premier exemple, le verbe se trouve au perfectif neutre (l équivalent du passé simple français) gae ; dans le second, il entre dans la structure < R + «-kar» > (l analogue du mode «gerunziu» roumain), qui exprime en l occurrence l antériorité de l action par rapport à celle du prédicat : jā kar kapar e pahane : «après être entré il changea ses habits» ; l on pourrait également identifier ici deux actions coordonnées qui se succèdent («il entra dans la petite pièce et ensuite il changea ses habits»). (25) M Éå Ï ÉåÇ ÉÉ M M ÉÄQå É Éå Koþhrī me jā kar kapar e pahane (Bar e ghar kī bet ī, p. 81) «Entrant dans la petite pièce, il changea ses habits» Dans les exemples suivants, le verbe jānā est employé comme auxiliaire d intensification. Il se constructure d habitude avec des racines toujours intransitives (des verbes de mouvement) ; pourtant, il peut affecter aussi un radical transitif, enrichissant celui-ci d une nuance de complétude, d irrévocable, de rapidité.

105 102 SABINA POPÂRLAN Nous commençons par la situation où l auxiliaire modifie une base intransitive. Dans l exemple 26, il auxilie le verbe ānā 10 «venir» ; l opérateur n affecte pas la signification déictique, orcentrique de ce verbe (soulignée aussi par l adverbe déictique yahā «ici»), il la renforce seulement. Le fait qu un opérateur antonyme de la base affectée se compose avec celle-ci, en intensifiant uniquement sa signification, est un indice important de la grammaticalisation 11 du verbe jānā «partir». (26) M Éå, C É Mæ xéå AÉ É? Kaho, idhar kaise ā gae? (Hār kī jīt, p. 24) «Dis-moi, comment es-tu venu/ arrivé ici?» Les deux fragments qui suivent illustrent la composition de jānā avec la racine du verbe honā «être» ; dans ce cas, jānā n acccomplit plus un rôle intensifieur, mais participe, ensemble avec le verbe existentiel, à la réalisation du sémème (ou sème de composition) «devenir» ; dans l exemple 27, la structure ho jānā s associe premièrement à l adjectif lāl «rouge», la signification étant trans-qualificative (cf. L. Theban, 1980 : 26-28) : Śrīkanth kī ā khe lāl ho gaī lit. «Śrīka t h de yeux rouges être partirent/ allèrent» et ensuite à l expression de lieu mais à valeur figurée yahā tak «jusqu ici», exprimant avec le verbe composé toujours une transition qualificative : Yahā tak ho gayā... sāhas, lit. «Ici/ jusque/ être/ alla... le courage [de ce garçon]», «l impertinence de ce garçon est arrivée jusqu à ce point». (27) ÉÏM Ç M Ð AÉÇ ÉåÇ ÉÉ É Éå ÉDÇ. oééå Éå É ÉÇ ÉM Éå É ÉÉ CxÉ ÉåM å M É É xéé xé! Śrīkant h kī ā khe lāl ho gaī. Bole Yahā tak ho gayā is chokre kā yah sāhas! (Bar e ghar kī bet ī, p. 79) «Les yeux de Śrīka t h devinrent/ se firent rouges. Il dit : L impertinence de ce garçon est intolérable/ est arrivée jusqu à ce point!» Dans l exemple ci-dessous nous rencontrons une séquence dont les components nous livrent une interprétation trans-existentielle (au niveau strictement dénotatif) : Uskā... krodh... pānī ho gayā lit. «Sa colère eau être alla», «Sa colère se fit eau», mais qui exprime en réalité une transition toujours qualificative : l expression 10 Ānā «venir» ne peut pas affecter de la même manière le verbe jānā «partir». Nous signalons également la situation des verbes lenā «prendre» et denā «donner» lesquels peuvent, en tant qu intensifieurs, modifier leurs propres bases : le lenā et de denā, fait souvent rencontré en langage familier et qui met en relief le trait idiomatique, sans aucun changement de sens ; les opérateurs de mouvement ne sauraient affecter leurs racines mêmes. 11 Indeed, the presence (without its creating contradiction) (...) of an auxiliary which (were it a full lexical verb) would be an antonym of the main verb aa come is an unmistakable sign of grammaticalization. (LIANG, HOOK, 2007: 111)

106 LES VERBES HINDIS ĀNĀ («VENIR») ET JĀNĀ («PARTIR») COMME LEXÈMES AUTONOMES 103 métaphorique de l évolution spirituelle du personnage féminin lequel, même si défavorisé à un certain moment, pardonne finalement au coupable, son beau-frère. (28) ExÉM É É xé É Éå É ÉÏ ÉÉ ÉÏ Éå É ÉÉ. É Éå Éå É ÉÏ Uskā rahā sahā krodh bhī pānī ho gayā. Vah rone lagī (Bar e ghar kī bet ī, p. 79) «Sa colère se transforma en eau. Elle se mit à pleurer» Dans le fragment qui s en suit, le verbe composé bar h jāegī («avancer» + «ira») représente toujours une construction figurée (le sens initial du verbe bauhnā se rapportant à une progression physique, dans l espace). (29) ExÉå CxÉM É ÉÌ ÉM ÉÏ ÉÉ É É ÉÉ ÌM oéé É C É ÉÏ oéä ÉÉ ÉÏ. Use iskā tanik bhī dhyān na thā ki bāt itnī bar h jāegī (BaUe ghar kī behī, p. 81) «Elle n avait ni le moindre soupçon que l affaire prît une telle ampleur» Nous avons retenu l exemple 30 pour l association à premier abord contradictoire entre la racine rah «rester», «demeurer» à valeur statique et l opérateur dynamique, mais désémantisé par grammaticalisation 12, jānā ; l énoncé signifie littéralement «Ānandī en buvant la goutte de sang rester [radical] alla» : (30) AÉ É Ï ÉÔ É M É ÉÔÇO ÉÏM ÉD. Ānandī khūn kā ghu t pīkar rah gaī (Bar e ghar kī bet ī, p. 78) «Ānandī continua à boire la goutte de sang» (le geste fait habituellement pour arrêter le sang) Les trois derniers exemples offrent des structures où jānā se compose avec des racines transitives, à signification cognitive : bhūl jāo («oublier» + «va», à l impératif) dans 31, samajh 13 gae («croire» + «alla», au perfectif neutre) dans 32 et tār gae («déceler»/ «comprendre» + «alla», au perfectif neutre) dans 33. Ces associations pourraient s expliquer par l idée que l oubli de même que l opinion ou la compréhension présupposent tous un certain dynamisme (même si relevant de l abstrait), compatible avec la substance «motrice» de l auxliaire jānā. (31) C É oéé ÉÉåÇ M Éå ÌoÉ ÉMÑ É ÉÔ É ÉÉAÉå. In bāto ko bilkul bhūl jāo (Bar e ghar kī bet ī, p. 82) «Oublie ces paroles-là!» 12 P. HOOK démontre tout au long de son livre The Compound Verb in Hindi (1974) que moins un opérateur conserve son sens lexical (ce qui lui confère également une grande flexibilité combinatoire) plus il se grammaticalise. 13 Le verbe samajhnā qui signifie ici «croire» est transitif et à l aspect perfectif, pourtant, il n apparaît pas au régime ergatif vu qu il est intensifié par l opérateur jānā intransitif (lequel rend intransitive la racine de V 1 et, par conséquent, incompatible avec ce régime) ; quand il est seul ou modifié par lenā «prendre» toujours transitif, il participe à la construction ergative (v. la note 14).

107 104 SABINA POPÂRLAN (32) xé É É É ÌM É É ÉvÉ É ÉÑ Éå ÉÎ É É M Éå AÉ Éå æ Ç. Samajh gae ki yah mahāśay mujhe lajjit karne āye hai (Namak kā dārogā, p. 87) «Il crut que ce monsieur était venu pour se moquer de lui» Dans l exemple 33, la composition du verbe transitif taunā «déceler» avec l opérateur intransitif au perfectif neutre gae «alla» conduit à la suppression du régime ergatif 14 (qui apparaît typiquement quand le verbe prédicatif est transitif et à un temps de l aspect perfectif). (33) M ÉåD Ò M É ÉÏ Éå Må oé É Éå AÉæ M ÉåD É ÉÉ É M Ð xéï Ì ÉÉ Éå AÉM oéæ É ÉÉ. oéå ÉÏ ÉÉ É É ÍxÉÇ ÉÑ É Éå AÉ ÉÏ Éå. C É ÉÉ ÉÉåÇ M Éå ÉÉÄQ É. Koī hukkā pīne ke bahāne aur koī lagān kī rasīd dikhāne ākar bait h gāyā. Benīmādhav Si h purāne ādmī the. In bhāvo ko tār gae (Bar e ghar kī bet ī, p. 80) «L un arriva et s assit auprès de lui sous prétexte de fumer ensemble une pipe, l autre pour lui montrer quelque quittance attestant le paiement de l impôt. Benīmādhav Si h était un vieil homme. Il comprit aisément leurs vraies intentions» Dans l exemple 34, nous rencontrons le verbe composé calā jānā (cf. calā ānā ci-dessus), l intensifieur affectant non plus la racine de V 1 mais le participe perfectif de celui-ci (accordé en genre et en nombre avec le sujet). L expression signfie ad litteram «déplacé (calā) qu il aille (jāy, au subjonctif)», «qu il s en aille». (34) ÉÌ ÉÑ Éå É ÉÉ céé Éå Éå ÉÉå ExÉxÉå M Ì, É ÉÇ céé å cé ÉÉ ÉÉ É. Yadi mujhe rakhnā cāhte ho to usse kahie, jahā cāhe calā jāy (Bar e ghar kī bet ī, p. 80) «Si vous voulez que je reste, alors dites-lui d aller où il veut» 4. Les verbes ānā et jānā comme opérateurs aspectuo-temporels P. Caracci (1992 : ) décrit les valeurs aspectuo-temporelles des opérateurs ānā et jānā quand ceux-ci se combinent avec le participe imperfectif adjectival de V 1, accordé en genre et en nombre avec le sujet. Les deux opérateurs indiquent l idée de continuité. Ānā s emploie quand l on veut suggérer que l action du verbe principal, initiée dans le passé, se perpétue jusqu au moment présent (et le dépasse le plus probablement) : 14 Le régime ergatif affecte chacun des constituents de la proposition fondamentale (SOV): le sujet est mis au cas ergatif (marqué par la postposition ne), fait qui implique l accord du verbe non plus avec le premier constituent nominal bloqué, mais avec l objet (quand celui-ci n est pas marqué à son tour par la postposition d emphase et marque de l accusatif ko). Si le verbe prédicatif apparaît seul ou auxilié par un intensifieur toujours transitif, le régime ergatif se conserve ; pourtant, si le prédicat est modifié par un opérateur intrasitif (v. la note 13), celui-ci annule le régime ergatif, le verbe revenant à son accord avec le sujet au nominatif, comme dans l exemple 33. Dans tār gae, «-e» c est la marque du masculin au pluriel de politesse.

108 LES VERBES HINDIS ĀNĀ («VENIR») ET JĀNĀ («PARTIR») COMME LEXÈMES AUTONOMES 105 (35) É ÉÉå É oécé É É xéå CxÉÏ É ÉåÇ Éå AÉ Éå æç. Ham log bacpan se isī ghar me rahte āye hai «Nous avons habité cette maison depuis l enfance» (36) É A ÉÉ ÉM CxÉÏ Ì É±É É É ÉåÇ ÉÏxÉ ÉwÉ xéå ÉÄ É Éå AÉ Éå æç. Vah adhyāpak isī vidyālay me tīs vars se par hāte āye hai «Ce professeur enseigne depuis trente ans dans cette école» Les structures des verbes composés sont : rahte āye hai (lit. «en habitant 15 [nous] sommes venus» ; «nous avons continuellement habité cette maison depuis l enfance») : rahte (participe imperfectif du verbe rahnā «rester», accordé en genre et en nombre avec le sujet ham log «nous» (masculin, pluriel) + āye hai (le perfectif présent du verbe ānā, toujours accordé avec le sujet) ; par hāte āye hai (lit. «en enseignant [il] est venu») : «il a enseigné continuellement (dans cette école pour les trente derniers ans)». Jānā enrichit lui aussi le verbe principal d une valeur continuative avec projection dans le futur ; cette valeur aspectuo-temporelle est marquée de manière spéciale des sèmes «progression» et «dynamisme» : (37) É ÉÄQ M É Må É É Éå ÉÉ ÉÉ ÉÉ æ AÉæ MÑ É ÏÇ M ÉÉ. Vah lar kā keval rotā jātā hai aur kuch nahī kahtā «Ce garçon ne fait que pleurer/ pleure continuellement et ne dit rien» (38) ÉMå Éå Éå É ÉÏ Éå É ÉÉvÉ M Éå É. Thake hone par bhī ve talāś karte gae «Même si fatigués, ils continuèrent à chercher» Les structures V 1 V 2 (ou Vv) avec jānā sont : rotā jātā hai (lit. «en pleurant [il] va», «il continue à pleurer» : rotā (participe imperfectif adjectival de ronā «pleurer») + jātā hai «il va» (à l imperfectif présent) et (talāś) karte gae «(recherche) en faisant allèrent», «ils continuèrent à chercher» : talāś «recherche» + karte 16 (participe imperfectif adjectival de karnā «faire») + gae (au perfectif neutre, l équivalent du passé simple français, de jānā). L accord se fait de la même manière comme dans les exemples 35 et 36. A. Sharma (1972 : ) mentionne aussi les cas où les opérateurs dynamiques s attachent au participe perfectif adjectival de V 1 : la signification est alors celle d une action immédiate ou immimente : 15 Entre les deux constituants du verbe composé, le participe imperfectif de V 1 et le perfectif présent (ici) de l opérateur se crée, selon nous, une relation de simultanéité, ce qui nous permettrait de traduire au niveau littéral V 1 par un gérondif. 16 Le verbe karnā «faire» représente ici un verbe nominal vu qu il forme avec le nom talāś l expression talāś karnā «faire quête», «chercher».

109 106 SABINA POPÂRLAN (39) oéé É Í É å AÉ Éå æç Bādal ghire āte hai «Les nuages sont en train de s amasser/ vont s amasser (sous peu)» lit. nuages amassés viennent (40) ÉÉÄQ Ï A ÉÏ AÉD ÉÉ ÉÏ æ Gār ī abhī āī jātī hai «Le train est sur le point de partir» lit. train maintenant venu part La structure < participe perfectif adverbial + jānā > amène toujours le sens immédiat (v. l exemple 41) ou bien elle représente une simple emphase de la structure < participe imperfectif adjectival + jānā > (cf. aussi P. Caracci, 1992 : 179, chez nous, l exemple 42) : (41) É Éå Ï ÌM ÉÉoÉåÇ Í É ÉÉ ÉÉ æ Vah merī kitābe lie jātā hai «Il va emporter mes livres» ; (42) Éå oéîccéé ÉÉÇ Ì É É Éå Éå ÉÉ ÉÏ æç Ve bacciyā din bhar khele jātī hai «Ces fillettes jouent tout au long de la journée» Les syntagmes des verbes composés qui nous intéressent dans les exemples ci-dessus sont lie jātā hai («après avoir pris il va»): lie (participe perfectif adverbial, «après avoir pris») + jātā hai (l imperfectif présent de jānā : «il va») «et khele jātī hai («après avoir joué elles vont») avec la même structure, khele, le participe perfectif adverbial, signifiant «après avoir joué». Lie et khele sont des formes adverbiales, inaccordables ; jātā hai s accorde au masculin singulier avec le sujet vah «il», jātī hai au fémin pluriel avec ve bacciyā. La structure < infinitif oblique de V 1 + jānā au présent duratif > exprime, elle aussi, une action imminente/ au moins proche (cf. l exemple 43), ou bien, à notre avis, une action durative (cf. l exemple 44). Dans le premier fragment, un brahmane érudit, mais sans experience, veut redonner la vie à un tigre mort, moyennant ses connaissances védiques ; son frère, un brahmane moins savant, mais plus sage, lui conseille de ne pas essayer cela, vu que ce serait dangereux ; la structure de l imminence est banne jā rahā hai : < infinitif oblique de bannā «se faire», «devenir» + l auxiliaire jānā au présent duratif : jā rahā hai > : yah śer banne jā rahā hai «celui-ci est en train de se faire tigre» :

110 LES VERBES HINDIS ĀNĀ («VENIR») ET JĀNĀ («PARTIR») COMME LEXÈMES AUTONOMES 107 (43) Éå! ÉÉ É É É É oé ÉÉå, ÉÉ ÉÑ åç É ÏÇ É ÉÉ ÌM É Éå oé É Éå ÉÉ É æ. É ÉÉ É ÉÄQ Éå Ï É Éå ÉåÇ ÉÉ ÉÉ. Þhaharo! Pāgal mat bano, kyā tumhé nahì patā ki yah śer banne jā rahā hai. Yah jān paute hī pahle hamé khāegā. (Pañcatantra, PaUhā-likhā pāgal, p. 203) «Arrête! Ne soit pas fou, est-ce que tu ne sais pas que celui-ci est sur le point de se faire/ redevenir tigre. Une fois ranimé, la première chose qu il fera sera celle de nous dévorer.» Dans l exemple 44, la structure à signification durative est ghūmne jā rahe the : < infinitif oblique de V 1 ghūmnā «se promener» + l opérateur jānā au présent duratif : jā rahe the > : (44) xéç ÉÉ M É xé É É ÉÉ. oééoéé ÉÉ ÉÏ xéñ É ÉÉ É M Ð ÉÏ É xé ÉÉ ÉåM ÉÔ É Éå ÉÉ å Éå. Sadhyā kā samay thā. Bābā Bhārtī Sultān kī pīþh par savār hokar ghūmne jā rahe the (Hār kī jīt, p. 25) «C était à la tombée du soir. Le sage Bhārtī à cheval sur Sultān était en train de se promener». 5. Ānā comme auxiliaire de capacité Ānā peut également former un verbe composé avec l infinitif de V 1, sa signification étant alors celle de «capacité interne» physique/ pratique ou intellectuelle ; il équivaut, dans cet emploi, au verbe saknā «pouvoir» modal polysémique. P. Caracci (1992 : 179) cite les exemples : (45) Merī lar kī ko khānā banānā nahī ātā hai «Ma fille ne sait pas cuisiner» (46) Rahīm ko likhnā nahī ātā thā «Rahīm ne savait pas écrire» Les verbes composés sont nous avons maintenu la négation : khānā («nourriture») banānā («faire») nahī («non») ātā hai («vient») et likhnā («écrire») nahī «non» ātā thā «venait» ; l expérimentateur (ou le bénéficiaire) est mis au datif, cas marqué par la postposition ko «à» : merī lar kī ko «à ma fille», Rahīm ko «à Rahīm». L auxiliaire ānā, tout comme l infinitif de V 1, s accorde en genre et en nombre avec l objet (quand celui-ci est présent) ; dans l exemple 45, ānā (en tant que V 2 ) et bānānā (en tant que V 1 ) s accordent avec l objet khānā «nourriture» (masculin, singulier), la marque synthétique des deux catégories étant «-ā» : banānā «faire», ātā hai «vient». Dans l exemple 46 il n y a pas d objet nominal ; dans ce cas, les verbes apparaissent toujours au masculin singulier (dans la situation de neutralisation de l accord). 6. Le verbe ānā comme verbe nominal

111 108 SABINA POPÂRLAN Dans les constructions nomino-verbales, ānā engendre, ensemble avec le nom, des significations psycho-somatiques, à partir des plus concrètes, relevant du champ anatomique («se blesser», «s entendre», «avoir sommeil») jusqu aux plus abstraites («se fâcher contre quelqu un», «se mettre en colère», «s apaiser», «avoir pitié de quelqu un», «comprendre»). La structure syntaxique la plus fréquente est < [N 1 + ko datif (l expérimentateur/ le bénéficiaire)] + N 2 (le sujet syntaxique/ l objet logique) + ānā, accordé en genre et en nombre avec N 2 > (exemples 48-51) ; à part celle-ci, nous rencontrons aussi la structure méronymique où l expérimentateur humain exprimé par le génitif peut être implicite < [N 1 + ke génitif (l expérimentateur/ le bénéficiaire)] + [N 2 + mé locatif (le partitif anatomique)] + N 3 (le sujet syntaxique/ l objet logique) + ānā, accordé en genre et en nombre avec N 3 > (exemples 47, 52). L exemple 47 illustre une structure méronymique, physiologique : ũgalī me (N 2 ) bar ī cot (N 3 ) āī (au perfectif neutre), lit. «doigt dans (N 2 ) grande blessure (N 3 ) vint», l expérimentateur, mentionné au début de la séquence, étant implicite dans la construction analysée. (47) AÉ ÉÇ Ï Éå É É xéå ÉÄQ ÉF ÉåM Ð, ÍxÉ oécé É ÉÉ, É E É ÉÏ ÉåÇ oéäq Ï cééåo AÉD. Ānandī ne hāth se kharāù rokī, sir bac gayā, par ũgalī me bauī cot āī (Bar e ghar kī bet ī, p. 78) «Ānandī arrêta de sa main la sandale de bois en protegeant ainsi sa tête, mais son doigt fut blessé» La structure qui apparaît dans 48, psycho-somatique, est unhe (N 1 ) (rāt ko) nīnd (N 2 ) na ātī (à l imperfectif passé) «à lui (N 1 ) (pendant la nuit) sommeil (N 2 ) ne venait pas», «il ne pouvait plus dormir». L imperfectif passé ātī s accorde en genre et en nombre (féminin, singulier) avec le sujet syntaxique (nīnd). (48) oééoéé ÉÉ ÉÏ Q É. AoÉ E å Ç É É M Éå ÉÏ É AÉ ÉÏ Bābā Bhārtī d ar gae. Ab unhe rāt ko nīnd na ātī (Hār kī jīt, p. 25) «Le vieux Bhārtī eut peur. Il ne put dorénavant s endormir» Dans l exemple 49, ānā «venir» construit ensemble avec le nom āvāz «voix» une signification perceptive, auditive ; l expérimentateur auditeur (N 1 ) est implicite : (ek or se, au cas ablatif) āvāz (N 2 ) āī (au perfectif neutre) «une direction de/ (une) voix/ vint». (49) xé xéé M AÉå xéå AÉ ÉÉÄ É AÉD sahasā ek or se āvāz āī (Hār kī jīt, p. 25) «Soudain une voix s entendit» Le fragment ci-dessous, illustre la première structure : < Ānandī ko (N 1 au datif) krodh (N 2 ) āyā > : «Ānandī à colère vint», à valeur psychologique :

112 LES VERBES HINDIS ĀNĀ («VENIR») ET JĀNĀ («PARTIR») COMME LEXÈMES AUTONOMES 109 (50) AÉ É Ï M Éå ÉÏ Éå É AÉ ÉÉ. Ānandī ko bhī krodh āyā (Bar e ghar kī bet ī, p. 78) «Ānandī se mit en colère elle aussi» Le fragment qui suit offre la même structure, cette fois-ci en contraste sémantique avec la précédente : unhe (pronom au datif (pour N 1, «à lui») + cain (N 2, «paix», «calme») na («ne») ātā «venait» [pas] : (51) ÉoÉ ÉM xé ÉÉ xé É É xéñ É ÉÉ É É céä M AÉ - xé ÉÏ É M É cé M É É ÉÉ Éå Éå, E å Ç céæ É É AÉ ÉÉ. jab tak sandhyā samay Sultān par car hkar āt h das mīl kā cakkar na lagā lete, unhe cain na ātā (Hār kī jīt, p. 23) «s il ne parcourait pas, avant le coucher du soleil, une distance de huit dix milles à cheval, il ne trouvait pas sa paix/ il n était pas tranquille» Le dernier exemple, psychologique intellectuel (les deux précédents visant le côté émotionnel) présente la structure vah uskī samajh me na āyā, lit. «cela/ sa compréhension dans/ ne vint [pas]» : Śrīka t h (l époux d Ānandī) ne put comprendre cela : comment son père, pour ne pas compromettre l unité de la famille devant les autres, avait su leur donner une réponse qui les rassurât : (52) oéé É Éå Î ÉxÉ É É ÉoÉ xéå oéé É É ÉOÏ ÉÏ, É ExÉM Ð xé É É ÉåÇ É AÉ ÉÉ bāp ne jis matlab se bāt palat ī thī, vah uskī samajh me na āyā (BaUe ghar kī beþī, p. 80) «Il ne comprit pas comment son père avait changé le fil de la discussion» 7. Conclusion Après l analyse des diverses structures fondées sur les principaux opérateurs de mouvement en hindi, nous avons observé une répartition hétérogène de leurs emplois : les deux peuvent construirent des significations aspectuo-temporelles (cf. l imminence et la continuité) ensemble avec le participe et l infinitif (seulement jānā) du verbe principal ; de même, ils s attachent à la racine de V 1 non seulement pour intensifier celle-ci mais aussi et surtout pour imprimer une orientation spécifique (centripète ou centrifuge) à l action de V 1 régissante sémantiquement (dans ce cas, comme l ont montré les exemples étudiés, jānā est beaucoup plus fréquent) ; ānā, en échange, développe une aire sémantique importante en tant que verbe nominal et, non en dernier lieu, son emploi comme auxiliaire de capacité est aussi à retenir. Les deux lexèmes fonctionnent aussi comme unités prédicatives autonomes et, en tant qu instruments (surtout d intensification et directionnels), ils dévoilent un haut degré de grammaticalisation. THE HINDI VERBS ĀNĀ ( TO COME ) AND JĀNĀ ( TO GO ) AS AUTONOMOUS

113 110 SABINA POPÂRLAN VERBS AND AS V 2 IN V 1 V 2 / N V STRUCTURES Summary Ānā to come and jānā to go are the representative motion verbs in Hindi; they can act either as main, autonomous verbs or as auxiliaries. In the latter situation, they form structures with: (a) the root of V 1 with the role of intensifying and orientating the action of the main verb towards the speaker or someone else (in a centripetal/ centrifugal sense), (b) with the participle (imperfective or perfective) or with the oblique infinitive of V 1 (only jānā): in this case, they display an aspectual & temporal role, characterizing the action of the main verb as imminent or continuous, (c)-(d) only ānā together with the infinitive of V 1 can express capacity or can be attached to a noun (as gussā anger, dayā pity ) in order to form syntagmas meaning to be angry, to feel pity for somebody. As verbal operators and especially when ānā and jānā act as intensifiers they display a high level of grammaticalization. Keywords: motion verbs, direction, capacity, aspectual and temporal operators, intensifiers, nominal verb, morpho-syntactic structures. BIBLIOGRAPHIE ABBI, ANVITA (1999), A Semantic and Pragmatic Analysis of Hindi Conjunctive Participle, in Topics in Hindi Linguistics, vol. IV, edited by Omar N. Koul, Bahri Publications, New Delhi, pp BĂLAN LUMINIŢA (2010), Specific Aspects of the Grammaticalization of Motion Verbs in Chinese, in Analele Universităţii din Bucureşti, Limbi şi Literaturi Străine, anul LIX 2010, pp CARACCHI, PINUCCIA (1992), Grammatica hindī, Promolibri, Torino. HOOK, PETER E. (1974), The Compound Verb in Hindi, The Michigan Series, in South & Southeast Asian Languages and Linguistics. LIANG, HSIN-HSIN, HOOK, PETER E. (2007), The Compound Verb in Chinese and Hindi-Urdu and the Plausibility of the Indo-Turanian Linguistic Area, in Old and New Perspectives on South Asian Languages. Grammar and Semantics, ed. C. Massica, pp SHARMA, ARYENDRA (1972), A Basic Grammar of Modern Hindi, Central Hindi Directorate, New Delhi. THEBAN, LAURENŢIU (1980), «Pour une sémantaxe roumaine», in Revue Roumaine de Linguistique, tome XXV, n o 5, pp THEBAN, LAURENŢIU (2007), «Kāraka, (Deep) Case, Theta-Role, Actant. Des termes à la notion», in Concepts trans- et interculturels, coord. Alexandra Cuniţă, Editura Universităţii din Bucureşti, Bucureşti, pp TEXTES DE RÉFÉRENCE CATURVEDI, D., Mast, Amar &hol «Le tambour divin». PREMCAND, BaUe ghar kī betī «Une noble fille», Kazākī «Kazākī», Aikhres «L actrice», Namak kā dārogā «La conscience du devoir». *** Pañcatantra, editeur Narendra Śarmā, SUDARŚAN, Hār kī jīt, in Saras Bhārtī, part I, National Council of Educational Research and Training, 1997.

114 LINGUISTIC APPROACHES TO VERBAL AND VISUAL PUNS DANIELA SOREA, ALEXANDRA STOICA The present paper attempts to define and analyse the most widely acknowledged type of wordplay, puns, by examining their structure as well as the cognitive processes meant to trigger humorous ambiguity. The analysis will hopefully reveal how the potential expectation-challenging effects puns have upon comprehenders are indicative of the punster s capacity to manipulate language for humorous purposes. Keywords: puns, ambiguity, polysemy, humour, juxtaposition. 1. Defining Puns Most linguists endeavour to define puns in terms of divergence rather than overlapping or similarity of meaning. Koestler (1964) argues that puns are generated as a consequence of the bisociation of a single phonetic form with two meanings two strings of thought tied together by an acoustic knot (Koestler 1964: 65 in Partington 2008: 2). Co-existence of conflicting meanings equally underlies Attardo s definition of puns, who advocates that, though couched in different theoretical frameworks, all linguistic (and non-linguistic) analyses agree on the fact that puns involve two senses. (Attardo 1994: ) A brief yet resourceful stretch of discourse, the pun is meant to employ its structure and exploit its intended communicative function in order to arouse laughter by means of the concomitant use of ambiguity and unexpected juxtaposition. Puns urge comprehenders to focus on the deliberately generated confusion between the two meanings of the same written or spoken word. Such foreseeable confusion is a source of ambiguity, further enhanced by displaying either oppositeness or unexpected juxtaposition of the respective meanings of the word. Whether deliberate or accidental, ambiguity is a recurrent feature of verbal and multimodal discourses and has proved an extremely productive device in generating puns. However, as Attardo (1994) maintains, University of Bucharest, English Department, University of Bucharest, MA student (CLOE), Faculty of Foreign Languages and Literatures,

115 112 DANIELA SOREA, ALEXANDRA STOICA all words are ambiguous, vague, or unspecified if they are not taken in context. [ ] Mere ambiguity is not enough to create a pun, otherwise how could one differentiate between a pun and an ambiguous utterance such as Flying planes can be dangerous (Attardo 1994: 133). Otherwise put, to create a pun, certain additional requirements emerge: the need to revolve around two conflicting meanings of the same word or phrase and the deliberate endeavour to generate ambiguity, preferably by a speaker who manages to produce a context that accommodates both meanings in a manner intended to arouse laughter. Undoubtedly, as Partington points out, ambiguity may be unwillingly produced, and then it is the hearer who creates or authors the pun by producing some kind of back-channel behaviour (laughing, groaning, saying That s a good one, and so on) which draws attention to another possible meaning of the first speaker s utterance (Partington 2008: 1796). This is the case of spontaneous puns, which emerge on the spur of the moment and which Partington (2008: 1796) categorises as unscripted, since they are not intentional and do not follow the landmarks of some pre-established scenario, yet are verbally or behaviourally highlighted by other interlocutors. However, most puns are indeed scripted, i.e. willingly and purposefully devised, since they pursue a specific goal and address a foreseeable targetaudience. With adverts, scripted puns usually revolve around some conflicting representations, where the visual input tends to create some kind of incongruity with the verbal text so as to generate some expectation-challenging or even subversive effect upon the audience (Van Mulken 2005). 2. Partington s Classification of Puns As our subsequent analysis of a set of multimodal puns will show, visual texts are often used to amplify the conflicting constituents of ambiguity and to enhance the expectation-challenging potential of puns. According to the potential for plurality of interpretation which puns need to display, Partington (2008: ) distinguishes between two types of puns: 1. Near puns, which comprise those puns where only one interpretation is overtly available to the comprehender. Any other possible interpretation needs to be inferred from the context or from its more or less striking resemblance to the already existent interpretation. 2. Exact puns, which include those puns which revolve around the exploitation of homonyms and homophones, in which both meanings are retrievable from the utterance and successively activated, while priority of meaning considerably depends on the contextually-generated salience of certain meanings. For further clarification of Partingon s categorisation, the concept of salience will be dealt with in the next subsection.

116 LINGUISTIC APPROACHES TO VERBAL AND VISUAL PUNS Salience According to Giora, salience is graded in that it conceives of the lexicon as hierarchically structured. Although the various meanings of a word (bank) may be listed, one (the institutional sense of bank) may be more salient, while the other (the riverside sense of bank) may be less salient. In addition, it is graded in that it assumes that the internal hierarchical structure of the lexicon is not fixed, but dynamic (Giora 2003: 18). In Giora s view, the salient meaning of a word or expression, i.e. the meaning one can retrieve from their mental lexicon rather than from the context, is significantly influenced by factors such as familiarity, frequency, conventionality and prototypicality. To illustrate her approach to salience, Giora discusses some examples of semantic ambiguity. She starts by recounting an event she herself experienced: The other day, when I was shopping in the mall, I saw a shoe shop named Body and Sole (Giora 2003: 14), stating that, although the context compelled her to think of the footwear-related meaning of sole (the bottom part of the shoe that covers the sole of the foot), the familiarity of the expression caused her mind to immediately slip towards the homophone soul, although that meaning did not expectedly fit this particular context. Giora (2003) argues that the process of salience is characterized by degrees of priority, which are powerfully influenced by several factors. Thus, the frequency of occurrence of a certain meaning is crucial in order to determine its level of salience, because the more frequently we encounter the sense of a word, the most likely the respective meaning becomes salient for us. Familiarity is another key factor which ensures the salience of the most widespread meaning, i.e. the meaning with which most people are acquainted. Salience is also considerably influenced by conventionality, since the more conventional the meaning, the quicker it is to retrieve (Giora 2003: 17). Giora opines that the mental lexicon is a dynamic repository constantly prone to changes and outer socio-cultural influences, which may lead to occasional adjustments in its structure. The persistence of a meaning of a word or phrase in people s minds is highly dependent on experience and the amount of time spent familiarizing with that particular meaning; The assumption is that meanings are retained if they might be conducive to the interpretation process, but they are discarded (reduced below baseline rates) if they interfere with comprehension and fade if they have no role in comprehension (Giora 2003: 26). In the case of puns, newly emerged meanings can gain ground and become rooted in the mental lexicon, provided that comprehenders benefit from sufficient exposure to such meanings.

117 114 DANIELA SOREA, ALEXANDRA STOICA Having clarified the role played by salience, we will further examine Partington s near puns and exact puns in the lines to come. 4. Relexicalisation According to Partington (2008), the production of near puns exploits the mechanism of reconstructing an original form of a fixed expression so as to yield a new version which, once embedded in the appropriate context, is very likely to trigger laughter. A frequent procedure employed in creating puns is the relexicalisation of preconstructed phrases (Partington 2008: 1797), which supposes the reinterpretation of the most salient meaning of an expression or collocation and the subsequent disclosure of a less salient, less expected, yet challenging and humour-generating meaning: The effect achieved is a general revitalisation of the language at that point of the text. Novelty breathes life into the discourse. Relexicalisation is thus one of the fundamental linguistic processes underlying many forms of phraseplay. The kinds of (semi)-preconstructed phrases which appear in such plays are of practically any sort, from proverbs and sayings to quotations, idioms, and even simple common collocations (Partington 2008: 1801). The following section will delve into the intertwined functioning of relexicalisation, polysemy and ambiguity. 5. Polysemy and Ambiguity Since both salience and relexicalisation are closely interlinked with polysemy, a definition of the concept is required. The word polysemy originates in the Greek polusemous, whose constitutive parts [ poly = many and sema = sign ] indicate its current meaning, namely having many meanings or, more conventionally, having multiple meanings. Enlarging upon this definition, one can add that polysemy supposes the co-occurrence of two or several meanings in only one word or expression. Despite being different, the respective meanings always have a common denominator which ensures their close relationship. Deeply anchored in polysemy is another aspect of language, namely ambiguity, since words, phrases and even sentences become ambiguous when they are assignable more than one meaning, Ambiguity is of two main types: lexical and structural. Lexical ambiguity is by far the more frequently encountered, because it is conveyed by the use of words inherently endowed with two or more meanings, like for example: the adjective hard (which can mean either difficult or rigid, solid ), the noun crane ( a machine with a long arm which

118 LINGUISTIC APPROACHES TO VERBAL AND VISUAL PUNS 115 is used to lift and move heavy weights and a large bird with long legs and a long neck ), the verb to draw ( to make pictures using pencils or chalk or to pull or move something into a new position ) and exceedingly many others. Structural ambiguity, on the other hand, is brought about by phrases or sentences which can be understood in at least two ways because of a misguiding word order; thus, a phrase like American history teacher can refer either to an American teacher who gives history lectures or to a teacher whose subject matter is American history ; in a construction such as: tall men and children, the adjective tall can be a physical trait describing only the men or the men and children alike. A thought-provoking perspective on ambiguity as related to polysemy is put forth by Nerlich and Clarke (2001), who show an interest in studying live polysemy (2001: 3), by observing the way in which people employ polysemous words in everyday conversation. The two scholars are concerned with whether speakers create ambiguity deliberately or unintentionally, as well as the effects that they seek to produce. Nerlich and Clarke s (2001) re-assess the Gricean distinction between speaker meaning and utterance meaning and the role ambiguity plays in clarifying this distinction. According to Grice, Speaker s meaning is to be teased out in terms of Speaker s intentions. In all verbal exchanges, meanings contextually arise from pairing utterances with intentions. Thus, an utterance such as Thank you for your support is intended as an expression of gratitude on the part of the speaker for some previous act the addressee did for their welfare. Yet, the context in which the speaker formulates their thanks may also indicate an ironical use of a conventional formula employed to express gratitude, since the speaker may utter congratulatory words insincerely and with the overt intention of sounding insincere, in order to point out that the hearer does not deserve an ounce of gratitude, presumably because they have shown no support. (Sorea 2007: 6) As Thomas concisely and clearly states, To imply is to hint, suggest or convey some meaning indirectly by means of language (Thomas 1995: 58). It is the context which facilitates grasping the relationship between what is said and what is implied and which enables interlocutors to comprehend conversational implicatures, i.e. those meanings the speaker implies rather than says by using a specific utterance in a specific context. Contextual clues, alongside with background knowledge and interlocutors awareness of certain conversational principles to be observed enables language users to realise why the literal meaning (i.e. what is said) should be suspended and how a specific implied meaning (i.e. what is meant) could be inferred. Nerlich and Clarke s (2001) regard conversational implicatures as generators of ambiguity, because usually speakers attempt to convey more information than expressed in their utterances and, simultaneously, hearers tend to read more into what the speakers say. The two researchers point out that Grice (1975) himself viewed ambiguity

119 116 DANIELA SOREA, ALEXANDRA STOICA created by implicatures as a transgression of the Cooperative Principle, but argued that ambiguity often permeates in daily exchanges and adds flavour to a conversation. It is common knowledge that ambiguity is widely generated by polysemy and that it increases with the number of possible meanings of a word or phrase: A sentence containing n words each of which is m-times polysemous will in principle have n x m potential readings. It is commonly thought that context will serve to disambiguate the senses of a polysemous word. But if polysemy is ubiquitous, the disambiguating context will itself most likely also be many-ways ambiguous. It is not surprising, therefore, that disambiguation is a major issue in natural language processing. What is surprising is that for human language users, disambiguation, most of the time, is not an issue at all (Taylor 2003: ). Polysemy and ambiguity are intertwined in many speech situations and comprehenders need contextual or background knowledge clues to produce the adequate interpretation of the polysemous or ambiguous lexeme or phrase. Polysemy occurs in utterances which may yield (at least) two possible readings, usually a literal and a figurative one. In an example like: My wife has laundered money, the hearer will instantly infer that the discussion is about illegally-obtained money transferred to offshore accounts; yet, if the speaker uses this expression literally the hearer may instantiate the scenario of the wife who simply happened to wash, by mistake, a certain amount of paper money, left in the some pocket. 6. Pun Analysis In the lines to come, we will analyse a set of puns in terms of relexicalisation, polysemy and intended ambiguity and point out how such linguistic phenomena are triggerers of humorous effects All Right Now Did you hear about the guy whose left side was cut off? He s all right now! The humorous effect generated by this pun is based on an additional meaning allotted to the expression all right. If decontextualised, the salient meaning of this phrase, usually indicates somebody/ something being in good health or condition. In the pun under discussion, keeping in mind that this phrase is preceded by a construction which includes the word left (the antonym of the word right ), it is worth noticing that the second meaning of the sentence is emphasised by splitting the expression into its two constitutive parts:

120 LINGUISTIC APPROACHES TO VERBAL AND VISUAL PUNS 117 all, which now refers to the individual s body as a whole, and right, which functions merely as a locative-directional adverb. This is an instance of relexicalisation of the expression all right, performed by dividing the phrase into constituents and analysing each constituent individually. This process prompts the comprehender into activating different meanings than those brought to mind when occurring as a common collocation. What is worth emphasising is that the pun accommodates both meanings, yet only one reading is likely to trigger laughter. Thus, when analysing the expression all right as a whole, the statement is interpreted as follows: there is a guy whose left side was cut off, yet now he is in a good state of health ; once re-lexicalisation applies, the interpretation unexpectedly changes to: there is a guy whose left side was cut off, therefore he can only make use of his right side now, the only one he has got Keep Off the Grass There was a sign on the lawn at a drug rehab centre that said: Keep off the grass! This pun is performed by means of relexicalisation, which involves reinterpretation of the expression to keep off something, by reassessing the independent meanings of its constitutive parts. The likely humorous effect of the pun is secured by the two possible ways of interpreting the word grass, namely the common wild plants with narrow green leaves and stems that are eaten by cattle, horses, sheep versus a specific type of drug, i.e. marijuana. Consequently, laughter is triggered by the possibility of reading the message both as a restriction on consuming drugs (a meaning accommodated by its emergence in the context of a drug rehab centre), and as an interdiction to step on the lawn surrounding the rehab centre It Hit Me I wondered why the baseball was getting bigger. Then it hit me With this pun, the more salient meaning of the idiom it hit me, readable as it suddenly occurred to me, undergoes the process of relexicalisation, which subsequently discloses the less expected interpretation provided by the literal meaning of the verb to hit. Hence, the pun firstly accommodates the idiomatic meaning of the expression it hit me, generating the interpretation that, although initially the speaker did not understand why the size of the baseball was progressively increasing, he/she then suddenly figured out the reason why this uncanny event occurred. Through relexicalisation, the punster compels the comprehender to envisage the literal meaning of the verb to hit, namely to

121 118 DANIELA SOREA, ALEXANDRA STOICA strike somebody or something with the hand or with an object, thus switching the interpretation of the utterance to: while the speaker was trying to figure out why the baseball was getting bigger, it the baseball struck him/her in the head or other part of the body (the increasing size of the baseball was the natural outcome of its speedily approaching its target/victim). The opportunity to espouse this second interpretation is favoured by placing the expression it hit me in the context of a baseball match, which evinces the punster s witticism Looking into It A hole has been found in the nudist camp wall. The police are looking into it. This pun employs relexicalisation in order to provide an additional meaning at the expense of the already existent, more salient idiomatic meaning of the expression to look into something, namely to investigate or examine something. Consequently, instead of analyzing the utterance solely from the perspective of the police being asked to make inquiries and find out the person responsible for the misdemeanour and the circumstances under which the respective hole appeared in the wall, comprehenders are alternatively supplied with a second interpretation, prompted by the literal meaning of the set phrase. Humour is thus generated by the idea of the police peeping through the hole found in the nudist camp wall See Right through You Never lie to an x-ray technician. They can see right through you.

122 LINGUISTIC APPROACHES TO VERBAL AND VISUAL PUNS 119 This pun relies on the relexicalisation of a fixed expression for humorous purposes. The salient meaning of the idiom to see through somebody allows for a primary interpretation of the utterance as a strong piece of advice to never lie to x-ray technicians, who are stereotypically regarded as capable of digging out the innermost truth, unreachable to the naked eye. In this case, the notion of lying is foregrounded, thus favouring strengthening of the salient meaning. Should emphasis be laid on the person s career he/she is an x-ray technician relexicalisation takes place and subsequently discloses the literal interpretation of the expression: as shown in the image accompanying the pun, the utterance might adequately designate an x-ray technician who, with the aid of proper equipment, could probe into the innermost parts of the human body. 7. Delexicalisations Delexicalisation is a subcategory of relexicalisation, which operates an interference with the salient meaning of collocations and fixed expressions. When employed in a collocation such as steal a glance, for example, the verb to steal partly loses its literal meaning of taking something that belongs to another person without permission and usually secretly and comes to be interpreted as obtaining something quickly or without being noticed. Through delexicalisation, words are envisaged as parts of collocations or fixed expressions, devoid of individual meaning, and then relexicalised so as to denote their literal meaning. The next two puns illustrate the way delexicalisation works Take Your Pulse Versus Take after Your Father Now, let me take your pulse! But don t I need it?! You really take after your father. Well, yes. I m trying to be polite. I always let him take first. The potential humorous effect of these puns stems from the likely misinterpretation of the verb to take by the comprehenders. More specifically, in the expressions take somebody s pulse and take after somebody, the verb is delexicalised, that is, depleted of its meaning, and only acts as a constitutive part of an expression whose overall meaning is retrieved from the lexicon as one single unit. Hence, due to its frequency, the delexicalised meaning is most likely to be generated first, thus conveying the interpretations: let me check

123 120 DANIELA SOREA, ALEXANDRA STOICA your pulse, i.e. if it is regular, how many beats per minute it records and respectively you really resemble your father both in appearance and in character. Laughter is triggered by the deliberate relexicalisation of these expressions, performed by the hearers who perceive the verb to take and all the other words in the idioms as separate units with individual meanings ultimately combined so as to render the overall meaning of the expressions. In the first pun, by asking the rhetorical question about his/her needing to have a pulse in order to survive, the interlocutor treats the idiom take your pulse as a combination of two separate units: get hold of / remove and your pulse. The expression employed in the second pun undergoes the same cognitive process as carried out by the comprehender, in the sense that the interlocutor s reply generates a radically different interpretation than the expected one, namely that of removing or seizing something, an unspecified object or entity, or parts of it, only after the father has got hold of some as well. 8. Reconstruction Reconstructions are reformulations or reversals of allegedly frozen expressions or saying with a view to generating an expectation-challenging, humorous effect upon the audience Time Wounds All Heels This is an example of near pun engendered via reconstruction of an original version of a saying, which is rendered in a novel, expectation-challenging form

124 LINGUISTIC APPROACHES TO VERBAL AND VISUAL PUNS 121 so as to generate ambiguity and humour. Apart from being a near pun, in which only the modified variant is available to the comprehender, while the original version is to be still inferred, this wordplay is also an instantiation of spoonerism, which challenges the hearer to pick up the removed pieces and set them back into place so as to reconstruct the puzzle. Given that a spoonerism is based on the inter-changeability of the initial sounds of several words in a certain expression, one can easily recognize and formulate the dictum alluded to, which has been altered by means of reconstruction, namely Time heals all wounds Feet Smell and Noses Run Some people s noses and feet are built backwards: their feet smell and their noses run. This pun can be envisaged as a special type of reconstruction, because it represents an intriguing reversal of certain items of common knowledge about the functions that feet and respectively noses fulfil as significant parts of our bodies; this reversal is overtly pointed out from the beginning by the use of the word backwards, which inherently calls to mind the idea of opposite or abnormal order or direction. Hence, the nose does not perform an olfactory function, neither do the feet which smell, as the expression can only be read as the feet emanate an unpleasant odour. Similarly, running is normally an activity one performs with his/her feet, yet when someone s nose runs, it does not indicate the speedy covering of a specific distance, but the mundane, even distasteful function of generating snot. 9. Exact Puns Exact puns heavily rely on linguistic phenomena such as homonymy, homophony and polysemy, whose workings in language games and whose potential humorous effects will be analysed in the examples to come Control His Pupils There was once a cross-eyed teacher who couldn t control his pupils Yus (2003) emphasises that the perlocution of puns upon an intended audience varies in compliance with the number of relevant interpretations that can be assigned to the puns in question. In the given context of occurrence, both meanings of the pun are equally appropriate, given the speaker s deliberate

125 122 DANIELA SOREA, ALEXANDRA STOICA intention to generate ambiguity and the comprehender s expected inability to choose one single interpretation for want of a well-defined context or a piece of shared knowledge between addresser and addressee. The introductory expression There was once a signals that what is about to follow is likely to provide new information for the hearer, thus facing the hearer with the impossibility of discarding one meaning and focusing on the other, which leads to the humorous effect of the pun. The ambiguity of this utterance originates in the use of the homonyms both homophones and homographs: pupil, meaning a child taught in school versus pupil, meaning the dark circular opening in the eye that becomes smaller in bright light and larger in the dark, in combination with the expression cross-eyed teacher, which provides the possibility of a double interpretation depending on the foregrounded element. Thus, one possible meaning can be derived from foregrounding the feature cross-eyed, which collocates with the second homonym defined above, namely pupil, understood as circular opening in the eye. The newly emerged meaning of this collocation turns the utterance into a description of a person who, irrespective of their being a teacher, uncontrollably and permanently turns both his eyes or rather the pupils as constitutive parts of his eyes inward towards the nose. The other meaning is made salient precisely by the person s career choice he is a teacher which perfectly fits into the semantic field of the first homonym ( pupil as child ) and consequently enables the instantiation of the image of a school teacher (his being cross-eyed loses in salience) who is unable to exert authority over his class and to prevent students from behaving in an unruly, insubordinate way Subordinate Clauses Santa s helpers are subordinate clauses In compliance with the claims set forth by Yus (2003) and Van Mulken (2005), this pun allows only one interpretation which can render the utterance relevant and meaningful; the other meaning, which is the salient one, only enables revealing the humorous streak in the pun. In terms of salience, the pun could be assessed according to Giora s standpoint, who argues that jokes in general and puns in particular have more than one coded meaning but at least one highly salient meaning, which is activated faster, accidentally resulting in contextual misfit, allowing for the next coded meaning to reach sufficient levels of activation as well (Giora 2003: 169). Giora s evaluation of salience and Yus s estimation of relevance (Yus 2003: ) partially overlap. With the pun under discussion, the salient

126 LINGUISTIC APPROACHES TO VERBAL AND VISUAL PUNS 123 meaning of the punch line coincides with the relevance provided by enacting verbal confusion and setting up deliberate ambiguity. Understanding subordinate clauses as specific syntactic constructions that are in a relation of subordination towards main clauses, known to display specific syntactic properties and being connected to the main clauses by specific cohesive devices does not prove relevant given the context in which this collocation occurs. Such a definition does not seem salient either, as it appears blatantly inaccurate that this interpretation fails to display any logical connection with Santa s helpers. Consequently, comprehenders need to provide some additional interpretation in congruence with the context, which is likely to prompt them to regard subordinate as a determiner, namely a synonym for assistant or deputy, which pertain to the same semantic field as helpers. In addition, clauses is a newly-coined common noun in the plural, derived from the widely acknowledged proper name Santa Claus Mercedes Bends He drove his expensive car into a tree and found out how the Mercedes bends. The humorous core of this pun resides in homophony. Being an exact pun, this multimodal word game it exploits the polyfunctional use of two word forms, which sound alike: bends, the third person singular form of the verb to bend and Benz, the proper name which denotes, together with Mercedes, the name of a famous, highly rated car brand. Yet, while the use of the third person singular ( bends ) is accommodated by the context of driving a car into a tree and provokes laughter through the comprehender s instantly associating it

127 124 DANIELA SOREA, ALEXANDRA STOICA with the missing part of the brand name ( Benz ), the free inter-changeability of the two words may lead to an inaccurate bona fide construction, as the replacement of bends by Benz may only generate an ungrammatical, verbless sentence 9.4. In a Tie Two silk worms had a race. They ended up in a tie. The linguistic phenomenon that fosters the generation of this pun is polysemy, or particularly the double meaning that can be assigned to the word tie when taken individually and respectively inside the idiom in a tie. The humorous ambiguity is thus generated by the witty association of the key words: silk worms, race and tie. The first meaning that can be derived from this utterance relies on the interpretation of tie within the frame of the respective idiom, namely as the outcome of the race that the two silk worms participated in, at the end of which they crossed the finish line at the very same time. Laughter is triggered, however, by the second, less salient interpretation of the utterance, springing from the rather unusual nature of the two racers they are silk worms -, which inevitably leads to the commoner meaning of the word tie, that of a strip of material worn round the neck under the collar and tied with a knot in front. The image likely to be activated by the comprehender is that of two worms racing to spin silk around them, which will ultimately become the fabric in a silk tie Marriage Is a Sentence To some, marriage is a word to others, a sentence.

128 LINGUISTIC APPROACHES TO VERBAL AND VISUAL PUNS 125 The first interpretation that comes to mind when looking at this pun is the one prompted by the obvious partonomy-based connection between word and sentence Along this line of reasoning, the utterance can be analyzed metaphorically and paraphrased as: to some people, marriage is not just a word, but a full-fledged sentence, such analogy operating a mapping between the complexity and harmony achievable among sentence constituents and the balance and bliss experienced by an accomplished couple. On the other hand, however, the visual tends to strengthen a second possible interpretation, according to which sentence is no longer definable as a set of words, but as an inflicted punishment, an indictment, drawing an analogy between marriage and imprisonment, metonymically reinforced by the stripes on the bridegroom s outfit the End of the Sentence A prisoner s favourite punctuation mark is the period. It marks the end of his sentence. The polysemy of the word sentence generates the humorous effect of this pun as a connection is established between the punctuation mark that is normally placed at the end of an assertive sentence the period and the status of the person who employs this punctuation mark. At a first reading, if we are to ignore the person s status of prisoner, the utterance simply seems to state the obvious, i.e. the period is used to end people s sentences. Yet, when knowledge on the period marking the closure of a stage/event applies to prisoners, a second meaning of the word sentence becomes salient, leading to the equally commonsensical yet humorous reading that completing a period of imprisonment marks the end of a prisoner s time in jail a-salted Peanut Two peanuts were walking in a tough neighbourhood and one of them was a-salted.

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