Emotional labour and the job satisfaction of adventure tour leaders in Australia

Transcription

1 Southern Cross University Theses 2013 Emotional labour and the job satisfaction of adventure tour leaders in Australia Monica Torland Publication details Torland, M 2013, 'Emotional labour and the job satisfaction of adventure tour leaders in Australia', PhD thesis, Southern Cross University, Lismore, NSW. Copyright M Torland 2013 epublications@scu is an electronic repository administered by Southern Cross University Library. Its goal is to capture and preserve the intellectual output of Southern Cross University authors and researchers, and to increase visibility and impact through open access to researchers around the world. For further information please contact epubs@scu.edu.au.

2 Emotional Labour and the Job Satisfaction of Adventure Tour Leaders in Australia Monica Torland Bachelor of Tourism Management (University of Stavanger, Norway) Master of Organisational Development & Training (Southern Cross University, Australia) Graduate Diploma in Secondary Education (Southern Cross University, Australia) School of Tourism & Hospitality Management Southern Cross University, Australia A thesis submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy August 2012

3 Certification I certify that the work presented in this thesis is, to the best of my knowledge and belief, original, except as acknowledged in the text, and that the material has not been submitted, either in whole or in part, for a degree at this or any other university. I acknowledge that I have read and understood the University s rules, requirements, procedures and policy relating to my higher degree research award and to my thesis. I certify that I have complied with the rules, requirements, procedures and policy of the University (as they may be from time to time). Print Name: Monica Torland Signature: Date: March, 2013 i

4 Abstract Adventure tourism has become an increasingly popular form of special interest tourism and, consequently, the industry has experienced considerable growth both in Australia and overseas. In line with this development, there are a growing number of adventure tour leaders in the workforce. Adventure tour leading is an occupation that requires the exertion of substantial physical and emotional energy by employees due to the inherent dangers and risks that are associated with the job role. As such, adventure tour leading necessitates employees engage in emotional labour in order to manage clients emotional needs and physical safety in high risk adventure environments. The concept of emotional labour was first developed by Arlie Russell Hochschild in her influential book, The Managed Heart: Commercialization of Human Feeling, published in According to Hochschild, emotional labour requires employees to induce or suppress their emotions in order to generate a visible facial and bodily display that produces a desired emotional state in clients and other people. A small number of researchers have examined the emotional labour of adventure tour leaders and one qualitative study has linked the emotional labour of white-water rafting guides to their job satisfaction. However, there has been no critical analysis of the relationships between emotional labour and job satisfaction of adventure tour leaders using both quantitative and qualitative methods of inquiry. This study, therefore, addresses a substantive gap in the research literature by critically examining these relationships. The aim of this thesis is to critically examine the relationships between emotional labour and job satisfaction of adventure tour leaders employed within Australia. In order to address this aim, a mixed methods approach was employed, which included the use of complementary quantitative and qualitative research methods. The quantitative component involved the administration of a self-completed on-line survey to a sample of 137 adventure tour leaders. The survey comprised demographic questions, the surface acting and deep acting subscales of the Emotional Labour Scale, and the Job Satisfaction Index. Data from the survey were analysed using multiple regression, ANOVAs and general linear modelling. The data were used to examine the effects of surface acting and deep acting on adventure tour leaders job satisfaction. The qualitative component comprised asynchronous interviews with a sub-sample of 25 of the adventure tour leaders who participated in the survey. Data from the interviews were analysed using thematic analysis and expanded upon and complemented the ii

5 survey data, providing greater depth of understanding of adventure tour leaders attitudes, perceptions and experiences. The interview data were used, for example, to identify in which situations adventure tour leaders performed surface acting and deep acting, respectively. Furthermore, both survey data and interview data were utilised to investigate how gender and identity construction may relate to the emotional labour and job satisfaction of adventure tour leaders. The findings reveal that adventure tour leaders perform deep acting in situations that involve managing and supporting difficult or inexperienced clients, promoting enthusiasm among clients, and managing risk. Deep acting was found to have a statistically significant positive effect on adventure tour leaders job satisfaction. This effect appears to be derived from a sense of authenticity of self that could be attributed to the low level of emotional dissonance associated with the performance of deep acting. The sense of authenticity of self could also be due to a close alignment between adventure tour leaders person identities (i.e. how they view themselves as unique and distinct individuals with idiosyncratic personality attributes) and the organisational values of their employer. In addition, the positive effect is influenced by a positive feeling of achievement, which is likely to have dominated the negative feelings of frustration and emotional exhaustion that are frequently experienced by adventure tour leaders. The findings also show that adventure tour leaders predominantly perform surface acting in situations that require them to manage risk. Somewhat surprisingly, there is no statistically significant relationship between surface acting and adventure tour leaders job satisfaction. One explanation for this non-significant result could be that adventure tour leaders in this study only occasionally engage in this type of emotional labour. Another explanation for the result could be that adventure tour leaders experience a positive feeling of achievement after performing surface acting. This feeling of achievement is likely to have reduced the negative effects of feeling drained and the negative sense of inauthenticity derived from the high emotional dissonance linked with performing surface acting and non-verification of adventure tour leaders person identities. Regarding gender, no statistically significant differences were found between female and male adventure tour leaders in relation to surface acting, deep acting, job satisfaction, or the effects of surface acting and deep acting on job satisfaction. This thesis contributes to a more nuanced understanding of emotional labour and job satisfaction within the occupational context of adventure tourism. It is the first study to iii

6 examine the relationships between emotional labour and job satisfaction of adventure tour leaders by including both quantitative and qualitative methods to gain a deep understanding of the phenomena under study. Moreover, the study has implications for the ways by which adventure tour operators manage their human resources in order to assist future success of the adventure tourism industry. Human resource management programs that emphasise the fostering of deep acting skills, particularly in risk management situations, could prove to be helpful in ensuring client safety and preventing the occupational health and safety risk of adventure tour leaders experiencing burnout and low levels of job satisfaction. iv

7 Publications and Awards Associated with This Thesis The following publications and awards are associated with this thesis: Double-Blind Refereed Journal Articles Torland, M 2011, Effects of Emotional Labor on Adventure Tour Leaders Job Satisfaction, Tourism Review International, vol. 14, no. 2/3, pp This paper is based on the findings and discussions in Chapter Four of this thesis. Torland, M 2011, Emotional Labour and Job Satisfaction of Adventure Tour Leaders: Does Gender Matter?, Annals of Leisure Research, vol. 14, no. 4, pp This paper is based on the findings and discussions in section 6.2 in Chapter Six of this thesis. Double-Blind Refereed Conference Papers Torland, M 2010, Emotional Labour and Job Satisfaction of Adventure Tour Leaders, Proceedings of the New Zealand Tourism and Hospitality Research Conference: Adding Value through Research, November 2010, Auckland, New Zealand. This paper is based on the findings and discussions in Chapter Four of this thesis. Torland, M 2011, Adventure Tour Leaders A Brilliant Blend of Identities?, Proceedings of CAUTHE (Council for Australian University Tourism and Hospitality Education) National Conference: Tourism: Creating a Brilliant Blend, 8-11 February 2011, Adelaide, Australia. This paper is based on the findings and discussions in section 6.3 in Chapter Six of this thesis. Awards CAUTHE 2011 PhD Bursary Winner The award was for the above paper titled Adventure Tour Leaders A Brilliant Blend of Identities? The paper was presented at the CAUTHE conference in Adelaide, 10 February The award was based on the merits of the paper and comprised a total of $1500 toward conference fee, PhD workshop, travel, and accommodation. v

8 Acknowledgements The completion of this thesis would not have been possible without the support and guidance of many individuals who have contributed in a variety of different ways. First and foremost, I would like to express my deep gratitude to my three supervisors. Associate Professor Kevin Markwell thank you so much for your continued encouragement, patience, and valuable feedback throughout the course of my PhD. You were always very approachable and willing to help, even in times when your own workload was bigger than Mt Everest. Associate Professor Michelle Wallace thank you for your encouragement, thoughtfulness and for keeping me on the right track straight up to the finish line. Your advice and guidance have been invaluable to me and it has been a privilege for me to be able to expand our mentor relationship during my Masters degree into my PhD journey. Professor John Jenkins (Jenko) thank you for your support, detailed feedback and ability to keep me enthused. You are a great inspiration to me and really understand how harrowing the process of pursuing a PhD can be. Thank you for restoring my enthusiasm and perspective in times when my motivation was low and I could not remember why I was doing a PhD in the first place. A special thankyou goes to my very dear friends, Jenko and Julie Lynne Hodges, for helping me out in well pretty much all possible ways you could. Thank you for providing me with houseroom when I was changing houses. Thank you for all the cinema outings, bushwalks, paddle trips, and conversations over dinner. Thank you for getting me massages when my body hurt from endless hours in front of the computer. But most of all, thank you for being such thoughtful and caring people. I m lucky to have you as my friends. Thank you to my lovely PhD and Honours friends at Southern Cross University (SCU) you have engaged me in interesting discussions to solve the world s problems, provided constructive feedback on my academic work, and offered moral support over a drink or two when the going went tough: Alison Watts, Theresa Mason, Mucha Mkono, Sabine Muschter, Jessica Taplin, Mirjam Wiedemann, Melanie Edelhoff, Rod Caldicott, Shaaron Kapcelovich, Joshua Hills, Nadine White, Stephen Smith, and Sharen Nisbet. I would also like to thank all my friends and colleagues at the School of Tourism and Hospitality Management and SCU. In particular, thank you Erica Wilson, Kay Dimmock, Mieke Witsel, Betty Weiler, Craig Wilson, Matt Lamont, Damien Jacobsen, and Pascal Scherrer for your valuable support, vi

9 encouragement and feedback. Thank you Grant Cairncross for providing me with feedback on my confirmation paper, Professor Nerilee Hing (Night-time Nerilee) for all the late evening conversations in the office (with Midnight Monica) and for assisting me with my methodology chapter, Dr Lyndon Brooks for helping me out with the statistical challenges of my study, and Maree Walo for looking after me post-surgery in Ballina, functioning as my second mum. Thank you also to Diana Sims and Dianne Cahill for your encouragement and for looking after all the paperwork relating to conference support and my PhD in general. In the early days of my academic studies leading up to my PhD, thank you to Professor Svein Larsen who was my lecturer at the University of Stavanger, Norway. Your enthusiasm for how rewarding it can be to conduct research has been an inspiration for me in regards to pursuing further academic studies and conducting my own PhD study. Thank you to Dr Don McMurray for being such a helpful and caring mentor during my Masters degree. Among all the things you taught me, the one I remember best is how to exchange all my 25 cent words into 50 cent words. I would also like to express my gratitude to Professor Martin Hayden. Thank you for encouraging me to conduct a PhD study during my time as a student in the Graduate Diploma of Education. A huge thankyou goes to the adventure tour leaders who participated in this study. Thank you for sharing your unique experiences and opinions in regards to how you manage your emotions on the job. Thank you to my cherished friends in Australia who have supported and encouraged me in all my stressful moments: Linping Zheng, Duncan Fowler, Anna Tonkin, Gary White, Kathryn Eikenhorst, Branislava Mircev (Branca), and Sara Sekulic. A thankyou also goes out to the people who provided me with feedback on my pilot test, the people working in the SCU Gym & Pool for keeping me from going insane and climbing my office wall, and to the people in the Northern Rivers Bushwalking Club for the same reason. Last but not least I would like to thank my family and friends in Norway for encouraging me to follow my dream of living in Australia and completing a PhD, although they must be missing me as I am missing them: my dad Arne Torland, my mum Vigdis Cederløv, my sister Camilla Torland, my stepmum Agnes Høien, my cousins Anita Torland and May Renate Torland Bringedal, Hilde Sande Hovland, Anne Jorun Gudmestad, Hilde Beate Årsland, and Solveig Høien. I love you all very much. I am truly blessed to have all you beautiful people in my life. Thank you! vii

10 Contents Certification i Abstract.. ii Publications and Awards Associated with This Thesis..... v Acknowledgements vi Contents viii List of Appendices. x List of Figures xi List of Tables. xii Chapter One: Introduction Background Significance, Research Aim and Objectives Defining Adventure Tourism Characteristics of Adventure Tourism and Study Context Study Design Outline of the Thesis 20 Chapter Two: Literature Review Introduction Emotional Labour in the Context of Adventure Tour Leading Hochschild s Theory of Emotional Labour and Its Critique Dimensions of Emotional Labour Surface Acting and Deep Acting Emotional Dissonance and Emotional Labour Authenticity of Self and Emotional Labour Antecedents and Outcomes of Emotional Labour Situations in which Adventure Tour Leaders Perform Emotional Labour Job Satisfaction in the Context of Adventure Tour Leading Development of the Concept of Job Satisfaction Ways of Measuring Job Satisfaction Antecedents and Outcomes of Job Satisfaction Job Satisfaction and Adventure Tourism Relationships between Emotional Labour and Job Satisfaction Emotional Labour, Job Satisfaction and Gender Emotional Labour, Job Satisfaction and Identity Construction Conceptual Framework Chapter Summary. 101 viii

11 Chapter Three: Methodology Introduction Research Paradigm Mixed Methods Approaches Research Design Quantitative On-line Survey Pilot Test Procedures and Sampling Measures Analyses of Survey Data Qualitative Interviews Procedures and Sampling Interview Questions Analyses of Interview Data Methodological Limitations Ethical Considerations Chapter Summary Chapter Four: The Effects of Emotional Labour on Adventure Tour Leaders Job Satisfaction Introduction Analysis of Survey Data Profile of Adventure Tour Leaders Survey Results Survey Data Analysis Summary of Survey Findings Analysis of Interview Data Effects of Performing Surface Acting for Adventure Tour Leaders Effects of Performing Deep Acting for Adventure Tour Leaders Summary of Interview Findings Conclusion. 160 Chapter Five: Adventure Tour Leaders Application of Emotional Labour Introduction Analysis of Interview Data Risk Management Create Enthusiasm Difficult and/or Inexperienced Clients No Surface Acting An Emotional Labour Continuum? Conclusion. 182 ix

12 Chapter Six: The Effects of Gender and Identity Construction on Adventure Tour Leaders Emotional Labour and Job Satisfaction Introduction The Effect of Gender on Adventure Tour Leaders Emotional Labour and Job Satisfaction Analysis of Survey Data Analysis of Interview Data Summary The Effect of Identity Construction on Adventure Tour Leaders Emotional Labour and Job Satisfaction Analysis of Interview Data Summary Conclusion Chapter Seven: Conclusions Introduction Profile of Adventure Tour Leaders The Effects of Emotional Labour on Adventure Tour Leaders Job Satisfaction Adventure Tour Leaders Application of Emotional Labour The Effect of Gender on Adventure Tour Leaders Emotional Labour and Job Satisfaction The Effect of Identity Construction on Adventure Tour Leaders Emotional Labour and Job Satisfaction Synthesis of the Components of the Study Contributions to Knowledge Implications for Practice Limitations and Avenues for Future Research References List of Appendices Appendix 1 Survey Invitation Appendix 2 Survey Questionnaire Appendix 3 Interviews Instead of Face-to-Face Interviews Inquiry Appendix 4 Interviews Invitation 273 Appendix 5 Interviews Information Sheet Appendix 6 Interviews Questionnaire. 275 Appendix 7 Detailed Descriptive Statistics of Sample 277 x

13 List of Figures Figure 2.1 Emotional Labour as a Continuum. 39 Figure 2.2 Three Types of Emotional Disharmony. 42 Figure 2.3 The Relationship between Role Identification and Levels of Authenticity 45 Figure 2.4 The Antecedents and Outcomes of Emotional Labour Figure 2.5 Comparison of Content Motivation Theories. 71 Figure 2.6 Integration Model of Content and Process Theories of Motivation 72 Figure 2.7 The Antecedents and Outcomes of Job Satisfaction Figure 2.8 Hypotheses Relating to Gender, Deep Acting, Surface Acting and Job Satisfaction.. 94 Figure 2.9 The Operation of an Identity with Its Four Components 97 Figure 2.10 Conceptual Framework of the Relationships between Emotional Labour and Job Satisfaction of Adventure Tour Leaders 99 Figure 3.1 The Three Subtypes of Mixed Methods Research Figure 3.2 Mixed Methods Research Design for This Study Figure 4.1 Effects of Deep Acting and Surface Acting on Adventure Tour Leaders Job Satisfaction as Derived from Survey Findings. 145 Figure 4.2 Effects of Deep Acting and Surface Acting on Adventure Tour Leaders Job Satisfaction as Derived from Survey and Interview Findings Figure 6.1 Hierarchical Model for Three Identities within a Person Figure 6.2 Integration Model of Emotional Labour and Identity. 206 Figure 7.1 Model of the Relationships between Emotional Labour and Job Satisfaction of Adventure Tour Leaders. 216 xi

14 List of Tables Table 1.1 Classifying Adventure Tourism 14 Table 2.1 Methods of Performing Deep Acting 38 Table 3.1 Positivist and Interpretivist Research Paradigms and Their Assumptions Table 3.2 Summary of the Methods Applied in This Study. 113 Table 3.3 Items of the Surface Acting and Deep Acting Subscales. 116 Table 3.4 Advantages and Disadvantages of Asynchronous Interviews Table 4.1 Profile of Adventure Tour Leaders Table 4.2 The ANZSCO Unit Occupation Group Outdoor Adventure Guides Table 4.3 Descriptive Statistics of Continuous Variables 140 Table 4.4 Multiple Regression Analysis Table 4.5 Tests of Observed Power Table 4.6 How Does Performing Surface Acting Make Adventure Tour Leaders Feel?. 146 Table 4.7 How Does Performing Deep Acting Make Adventure Tour Leaders Feel?. 154 Table 5.1 The Kinds of Job Situations in which Adventure Tour Leaders Perform Surface Acting and Deep Acting Table 6.1 Gendered Descriptive Statistics of Deep Acting, Surface Acting and Job Satisfaction Table 6.2 Univariate ANOVAs 186 Table 6.3 General Linear Model Table 6.4 Tests of Observed Power. 187 Table 6.5 Adventure Tour Leaders Gender Roles Table 6.6 Adventure Tour Leaders Identity Construction xii

15 Chapter One: Introduction After starting a long remote day hike where making good time is important so as not to be hiking after dark along cliff tops, the client reveals they have a gammy knee, i.e. it s not 100% and may impede their progress. This should have been revealed in the planning stages where a different, less challenging hike would have been selected. However, at this particular time you are committed it is necessary to hide any feelings of annoyance. This stays with you all day mentally it is tiring because you are continually thinking of possible scenarios and what to do at each stage of the hike should something happen i.e. the client cannot continue. On the surface you need to be enthusiastic (Gary, aged 55 59). 1.1 Background The quote above illustrates a situation in which an adventure tour leader who participated in this study was required to manage his emotions on the job. Adventure tour leading is a challenging and often extreme form of occupation as adventure tour leaders are responsible for the safety both of themselves and of their clients in situations where there is a real possibility of injury or death. Adventure tour leaders encounter a variety of risks and dangers in their job given that clients find themselves in often unfamiliar settings and there is a level of unpredictability about the adventure experience itself (Carnicelli-Filho, Schwartz & Tahara 2010; Cater 2006; Dickson 2004; Dickson & Dolnicar 2004). Unsurprisingly, climbing a mountain or rafting down a river is a much more unpredictable activity than, say, serving food in a restaurant, as there is a range of factors such as weather conditions, track conditions and water levels that are outside the control of adventure tour leaders in high-risk adventure environments. In such unpredictable settings, adventure tour leaders might experience negative emotions like anxiety but as professionals they are required to mask their true emotional states by appearing calm and in control and, thus, project the type of image of themselves that will inspire confidence into their clients. In other words, adventure tour leaders need to manage their own emotions as well as the emotions of their clients while at the same time managing risk (Sharpe 2005a). This act of managing emotions and projecting a positive and credible image in order to inspire confidence in clients has been referred to as emotional labour. The concept of emotional labour was first developed by Arlie Russell Hochschild (1983) in her book The Managed Heart: Commercialization of Human Feeling. Based on her empirical studies of flight attendants and debt collectors, Hochschild explored the ways by which these workers managed their emotions in the context of their work practices. According to Hochschild (1983), emotional labour requires employees to induce or suppress their emotions 1

16 in order to generate a visible facial and bodily display that produces a desired emotional state in other people (i.e. clients). She identified two different strategies that employees can utilise to perform emotional labour: surface acting and deep acting. While surface acting refers to faking emotions that are not really felt and hiding emotions that are inappropriate to display to clients, deep acting refers to changing one s true emotions so that they align with the emotions that are required to be displayed to clients. In the professions of flight attendants and debt collectors, employees invest a great deal of their time to manage their emotions through both surface acting and deep acting in order to deal with demanding clients. Similarly, adventure tour leaders need to deal with demanding clients. However, they also need to take the element of risk into consideration when controlling their emotions on the job so as to manage clients safety, welfare and emotional states. Hence, adventure tour leading is a highskilled occupation that requires adventure tour leaders to be competent in managing their emotions in situations that often involve considerable risk in order to be successful in their jobs (Sharpe 2005a). If, on the other hand, adventure tour leaders are not able to manage their emotions on the job, this could have detrimental consequences for the satisfaction and possibly safety of clients as well as themselves. Dissatisfied clients may have a negative effect on business revenue and dissatisfied employees could lead to staff burnout and turnover (Cordes & Dougherty 1993; Gelade & Young 2005; Volker et al. 2010; Williams & Skinner 2003). Consequently, dissatisfied clients and employees are likely to have a negative impact on individual adventure tour operators and the adventure tourism industry as a whole. In the worst-case scenario, adventure tour leaders who are not capable of managing their emotions in risky, potentially dangerous situations could be a contributing factor to incidences involving serious injuries or death of themselves and/or their clients. This unpredictable and risky setting of adventure tour leading creates a very interesting and rich context for an examination of how adventure tour leaders manage their emotions on the job. Adventure tour leaders operate within a high-risk environment which requires close proximity to their clients, often over an extended period of time (Sharpe 2005a). This proximity to clients and the extended duration of some adventure tours give little room to retreat to a backstage area (e.g. an office) where the leaders can relax and step out of character (Goffman 1959) by not having to perform emotional labour. In other words, the extended, affectively charged and intimate nature of adventure tourism indicates that adventure tour leaders could be performing emotional labour in its most intense form (Sharpe 2

17 2005a). Because of this intense level of emotional labour, adventure tour leaders represent good subjects for an examination of the phenomena under study in this thesis, namely the relationships between emotional labour and job satisfaction. Examining these relasionships in the occupational context of adventure tour leading is important in order to gain critical insights into how the satisfaction and safety of adventure tour leaders and their clients could be maximised in the future. It is acknowledged that all tourism contexts may involve a certain element of risk to employees and clients. However, the context of adventure tour leading generally involves a higher level of risk that employees need to manage in order to ensure clients physical safety and emotional well-being than other, less risky tourism contexts (Bentley & Page 2008; Buckley 2006a, 2006b; Carnicelli-Filho, Schwartz & Tahara 2010; Dickson & Dolnicar 2004; Guerrier & Adib 2003), such as the context of hospitality workers (Chu 2002; Duygu & Duygu 2010; Erickson 2004; Johanson & Woods 2008; Quinn 2008) or tour guiding involving activities relating to sightseeing, culture and heritage, museums, or zoos (Guerrier & Adib 2003; Hillman 2003, 2006; Van Dijk, Smith & Cooper 2011; Wong & Wang 2009). For example, when establishing the context of their study on the emotional labour of zoo guides, Van Dijk, Smith and Cooper (2011) did not identify risk management as an important contextual factor relating to tour guiding in zoos. On the contrary, there are several studies that have explored the emotional labour of adventure tour leaders where the authors have highlighted the important role that risk plays when adventure tour leaders manage their emotions on the job (Arnould & Price 1993; Carnicelli-Filho 2011; Holyfield 1997, 1999; Holyfield & Jonas 2003; Sharpe 2005a). Thus, it is the element of risk management that is inherent in adventure tour leading that makes this context unique and different from other tourism contexts in regards to the performance of emotional labour and subsequent effects on job satisfaction. On a personal note, the main driving forces behind me conducting this PhD thesis are my passion for adventure and the outdoors as well as my academic background in human resources and tourism studies. Originally from Norway, I moved to Australia in 2005 and soon discovered the abundant opportunities that this country has to offer for outdoor enthusiasts and adventure seekers. In particular, my special interest in bushwalking has been further cultivated through visiting a variety of national parks all over Australia. I also engage in kayaking on a recreational basis. While I have had limited experience working as an adventure tour leader (a 4WD outback trip for international university students, and 3

18 bushwalks for children aged 6 to 12 at a rainforest retreat), I have a deep interest in the emotional implications of performing this type of job, and a wish to work in an outdoorsrelated occupation alongside my academic career at a later stage. Specifically, it was the element of risk inherent in adventure tour leading that sparked my interest to conduct a study on the emotional labour of adventure tour leaders. In particular, I found Erin K. Sharpe s (2005a) paper Going Above and Beyond: The Emotional Labor of Adventure Guides especially compelling. Sharpe, twenty years after Hochschild and indebted to her, found that whereas adventure tour leaders perceived deep acting as a vital part of their job, they saw surface acting as an insult and moral flaw to the trip-leading process and referred to a trip based on it as a canned trip. Adventure tour leaders preferred way of emotion regulation was to mobilise deep acting approaches because this was viewed by them as the more authentic and real way to interact with clients. Indeed, adventure tour leaders reported that mastering the emotional demands of their job through deep acting installed in them a feeling of personal achievement and pride (Sharpe 2005a). Given the risky nature of much adventure tourism, where clients may be invited to step out of their comfort zones (Carnicelli-Filho, Schwartz & Tahara 2010), it may be that deep acting could facilitate a more authentic social interaction between adventure tour leaders and their clients. As a result of this more authentic interaction, close and personal relationships of trust are more likely to develop between the leaders and their clients (Arnould & Price 1993; Grayson 1998; Kruml & Geddes 2000; Zammuner & Galli 2005). Surface acting, on the other hand, may cause frustration for both parties in the leader-client relationship due to the inauthentic, more shallow interaction that is involved in this form of emotional labour (Ashforth & Humphrey 1993; Sharpe 2005a; Van Dijk & Brown 2006; Van Dijk & Kirk- Brown 2007). If performed frequently, the performance of surface acting could lead to emotional exhaustion in employees (Bono & Vey 2005; Diefendorff, Croyle & Gosserand 2005; Hochschild 1983). This means that the emotional labour of adventure tour leaders may be performed at a deeper level than some other professions where the employee client relationships are more superficial and short-lived in nature (Sharpe 2005a). This deeper level of emotional labour, in turn, may impact on the job satisfaction of adventure tour leaders. I was intrigued by Sharpe s (2005a) finding that adventure tour leaders favoured deep acting over surface acting. Sharpe s sample of adventure tour leaders, however, was restricted to 4

19 canoeing and kayaking guides, and therefore I wanted to explore whether this preference for deep acting was the case for other adventure tour leaders and, if so, why this might be the case. Sharpe s study also made me curious about how emotional labour differed between the occupation of adventure tour leading and occupations that do not include the same element of risk. In this thesis I investigate adventure tour leaders performance of deep acting and surface acting and extend Sharpe s research by examining the effects that these two types of emotional labour might have on adventure tour leaders job satisfaction. I hope this study will provide valuable insight for theorists as well as practitioners concerning the domains of emotional labour and job satisfaction as they relate to the occupational context of adventure tour leading. 1.2 Significance, Research Aim and Objectives While many studies have examined the concept of emotional labour in the context of hospitality workers (Chu 2002; Duygu & Duygu 2010; Erickson 2004; Johanson & Woods 2008; Quinn 2008), there is a growing number of studies examining the emotional labour of tourism workers (Guerrier & Adib 2003; Hillman 2003, 2006; Van Dijk, Smith & Cooper 2011; Wong & Wang 2009). For example, Guerrier and Adib (2003) found that tour representatives working in Mallorca, Spain, for a British budget-tour operator, were prepared to manage holidaymakers complaints and excesses through the use of emotional labour. This was because, in exchange for their emotional labour, they were able to buy into the laidback lifestyle of being a tour representative where the boundaries between work and leisure were blurred (Guerrier & Adib 2003). In addition, Van Dijk, Smith and Cooper (2011) found that zoo guides were so competent at performing emotional labour that when they reported that they applied surface acting on the job, visitors perceived that they applied deep acting. Moreover, Hillman (2003, 2006) found that guides who were leading interpretive tours in the Australian outback applied emotional labour by integrating the emotional side of their interpretive work into the tourist experience. The tour guides were required to appear in control of the group at all times; to recognise tourists emotions and interact accordingly; and to assure, encourage and endorse all responses and questions from tourists (Hillman 2003, 2006). Finally, Wong and Wang (2009) suggested that the job of Taiwanese tour guides involved a high degree of emotional labour because the tour guides were required to keep clients satisfied by entertaining them and dealing with their problems and complaints. Tour guides in Wong and Wang s (2009) study were often required to display both positive and negative emotions to clients in order to conduct a tour successfully. Situations that induced tour guides to perform more emotional labour included an increase in tour participants; an 5

20 increase in trip duration; the presence of cliques among tour participants; and the sale of optional tours and souvenirs (as commission was an important source of income for the tour leaders) (Wong & Wang 2009). From the above studies, then, it is clear that emotional labour represents an important dimension of the job of many employees in the tourism industry. The specific segment of the tourism industry that represents the context of this study is adventure tourism. Adventure tourism is a form of special interest tourism (SIT), which can be defined as the provision of customised leisure and recreational experiences driven by the specific expressed interests of individuals and groups (Douglas, Douglas & Derrett 2001, p. 3). As such, SIT is a rapidly growing segment of the tourism industry offering tourists specialinterest or activity holidays relating to areas such as education, art, culture, heritage, sport, and outdoor pursuits (Weiler & Hall 1992). Despite this growth, the amount and quality of empirical research conducted in relation to adventure tourism is relatively limited (Buckley 2006a, 2006b; Swarbrooke et al. 2003). While adventure tourism is referred to in some scholarly books on ecotourism, outdoor recreation and park management (Eagles & McCool 2002; Hammit & Cole 1998; Hendee & Dawson 2002; Page & Dowling 2002), there is a limited, albeit growing, number of scholarly books whose titles refer specifically to adventure tourism (Bhatt & Badan 2007; Buckley 2006a; Chawla 2008; Hudson 2002; Malik 1997; Swarbrooke et al. 2003) and/or adventure sports (Arora 2007; Easson 2006; McNamee 2007; Negi 2001). Most of the empirical and theoretical research that has been conducted within adventure tourism to date, however, is within the area of risk and its management (Bentley & Page 2008; Bentley, Page & Macky 2007; Carnicelli-Filho, Schwartz & Tahara 2010; Cater 2006; Coxon, Dimmock & Wilks 2007; Dickson 2004; Dickson & Dolnicar 2004; Fluker 2005; Hall & McArthur 1991). In addition to risk management, there are some researchers whose attention has been devoted to the psychological aspects of the adventure tourism market. The majority of this research, however, has concentrated on the experience and behaviour of participating tourists (Gilbert & Hudson 2000; Gyimothy & Mykletun 2004; Pomfret 2005). Indeed, research within adventure tourism has generally focused on the demand side rather than the supply side of the tourism experience (Williams & Soutar 2005). However, some researchers have examined the perspective of the employees who work in the adventure tourism industry. Parker and Avant (2000), for example, have explored the way mountain climbing guides and backcountry horse packers perceived their roles as guides. While climbing guides regarded their role as being educational, horse packers perceived themselves merely as providing a service to clients. In addition, Beedie (2003) has described 6

21 mountain guides as being the directors or choreographers of operations given that they do most of the trip planning and preparation. This choreography is based on the guides qualifications and experience in the field and thus the guides are often perceived by their clients as being the experts of the mountain. Some research has also been conducted on the service aspects of adventure tours. Lopez (1980), for instance, has investigated the effects of adventure tour guides leadership style on client satisfaction. More recently, Arnould and Price (1993) have explored the extended service encounter of river rafting trips, and O Neill, MacCarthy and Williams (2002) have examined the service quality of diving tours. In regards to the emotional labour of adventure tour leaders, there are some researchers who have examined this topic (Arnould & Price 1993; Holyfield 1997, 1999; Holyfield & Jonas 2003; Sharpe 2005a). Arnould and Price (1993), for example, found that river guides used emotional labour to create a sense of community among participants of rafting trips by developing emotionally charged and boundary-open relationships with clients (i.e. clients perceive the guide as an equal who represents an integral part of the group). As a result, clients viewed each guide as a friend rather than a commercial service provider. Indeed, Carnicelli-Filho (2011) found that these emotionally charged relationships sometimes developed into romantic encounters between adventure tour leaders and their clients. Similarly, Holyfield (1999) proposed that good river guides must engage in the appropriate level of emotional labour and never reveal to clients that the job could be mundane and routine. Furthermore, Holyfield and Jonas (2003) reported that commercial river guides were required to perform emotional labour in that they had to suppress any emotions of fear and create a sense of excitement in interactions with clients. Holyfield (1997) also found that guides who facilitated ropes courses used emotional labour to engender particular emotions, like excitement, in their clients by, for example, providing encouragement during perceived risky activities. The study that arguably has examined the emotional labour of adventure tour leaders in most detail is Sharpe s (2005a) research on the emotional labour of adventure tour leaders who were leading canoeing/kayaking tours within the USA. Further to the above-mentioned studies (Arnould & Price 1993; Holyfield 1997, 1999; Holyfield & Jonas 2003), Sharpe (2005a) found that adventure tour leaders applied emotional labour in three different types of situations: ensuring safety; generating fun; and encouraging a sense of community (a feeling of equality, community and togetherness) among their clients. In addition, Sharpe found that adventure tour leaders preferred to use deep acting in favour of surface acting on the job as 7

22 this was perceived to be the more authentic and real way of interacting with clients. This was because deep acting does not involve the faking of one s emotions to the same extent as surface acting. While Sharpe (2005a) and others (Arnould & Price 1993; Holyfield 1997, 1999; Holyfield & Jonas 2003) explored the emotional labour of adventure tour leaders, they did not link this to their levels of job satisfaction. There is one study (Carnicelli-Filho 2011), however, that has linked the emotional labour of adventure tour leaders to their job satisfaction. In his PhD study on the emotional labour of white-water rafting guides in New Zealand, Carnicelli-Filho (2011) found that guides performed emotional labour in order to enhance client satisfaction which, in turn, led to enhanced job satisfaction for the guides. Still, Carnicelli-Filho did not measure the guides job satisfaction quantitatively and, as such, it is not clear how satisfied the guides were with their job or whether there were any guides who were not satisfied with their job in his sample. Furthermore, Carnicelli-Filho did not examine the potentially different effects that surface acting and deep acting may have on adventure tour leaders job satisfaction. Hence, the topic of job satisfaction as it relates to the emotional labour of adventure tour leaders was not explored in any depth in Carnicelli-Filho s study and was based on purely qualitative data from a limited number of research participants. It should also be noted that Carnicelli-Filho s sample of adventure tour leaders consisted entirely of whitewater rafting guides and is thus not representative of a wide range of adventure tour leaders. It follows that there is no research to date that has investigated the relationships between emotional labour and job satisfaction of adventure tour leaders by including both quantitative and qualitative methods to gain a deep understanding of the phenomena under study. As opposed to Carnicelli-Filho s (2011) study, the study presented in this thesis includes a wide range of adventure tour leaders and does examine whether deep acting and surface acting had differential effects on adventure tour leaders job satisfaction. Hence, the overall aim of this study is to: Critically examine the relationships between emotional labour and job satisfaction of adventure tour leaders employed within Australia. By examining these relationships, this thesis fills an important gap in the literature regarding emotional labour and job satisfaction within the context of adventure tour leading, and thereby makes an original contribution to knowledge within the special context of adventure 8

23 tourism, which is located within the broader field of tourism studies. Tourism studies can be considered as an interdisciplinary field that builds on a variety of disciplines, such as organisational behaviour and human resource management. Emotional labour and job satisfaction represent two study areas within the discipline of organisational behaviour, which is closely related to the disciplinary field of human resource management. While the area of organisational behaviour looks at various issues relating to what people think, feel and do in and around organisations (McShane & Travaglione 2005), human resource management is more closely related to the overall management of the organisation and could be applied strategically as a means to achieve organisational goals and outward success (De Cieri, Cox & Fenwick 2006; De Cieri et al. 2008). Overall, this study falls under the umbrella of social science research. In terms of applied outcomes, gaining a more holistic understanding of the relationships between emotional labour and job satisfaction of adventure tour leaders is important because of the implications for business and client satisfaction as well as employee retention and burnout. Moreover, exploring how adventure tour leaders manage their emotions on the job could assist in adding to knowledge on how the physical safety of adventure tour leaders and their clients could be maximised during adventure tours. As such, this study has applied implications for the manner in which adventure tour operators manage their human resources in areas such as recruitment and selection, performance appraisal, and, in particular, training all of which relate to factors that foster job satisfaction and retention. Overall, it is important to study the relationships between emotional labour and job satisfaction of adventure tour leaders in order to ensure the satisfaction and safety of employees and their clients which, in turn, could assist future success of the adventure tourism industry. Given the above-mentioned research aim, five objectives were developed for this study. Each objective is presented and discussed in turn below. 1) Develop a profile of adventure tour leaders based on statistical descriptive data relating to a number of characteristics such as gender, age, nationality, level of education and training, relationship status, children, job-specific factors, and experience, in order to better describe the population under study. This objective is important in relation to the aim of the study because limited statistical data are available that describe the main characteristics of adventure tour leaders employed within 9

24 Australia. Some statistical data and related research findings can be found in publications from the Australian Bureau of Statistics (ABS), the Department of Education Employment and Workplace Relations (DEEWR), as well as the academic literature in regards to gender, age, and workload of adventure tour leaders (see subsection for more details). However, this study is the first to collect descriptive data in regards to adventure tour leaders nationality; level of education and training; relationship status; children; job type; job perception; type of activities; seasonality; payment; commercial versus non-commercial employer; compensation; levels of difficulty; and experience in the organisation and the industry. This means that the findings relating to Research Objective One can be utilised for comparison by other researchers in the future who are examining adventure tour leaders both within Australia and overseas. Importantly, creating a profile of adventure tour leaders provides a basis for understanding the characteristics of the participants in this study, which is essential in order to gain a contextual and holistic understanding of the phenomena under investigation, namely the relationships between emotional labour and job satisfaction of adventure tour leaders. 2) Examine the potential effects of the two dimensions of emotional labour, surface acting and deep acting, on the job satisfaction of adventure tour leaders. This objective is important in relation to the aim of the study because surface acting and deep acting may have differential effects on employees job satisfaction. While surface acting generally has been shown to have a negative effect on job satisfaction (Bono & Vey 2005; Grandey 2000; Hochschild 1983; Judge, Woolf & Hurst 2009), deep acting has been shown to have a positive effect on job satisfaction (Ibanez-Rafuse 2010; Ozturk, Karayel & Nasoz 2008; Sheetal 2010). Moreover, while deep acting is antecedent-focused or proactive, surface acting is response-focused or reactive (Gross 1998a). These differences between surface acting and deep acting have implications for the physical safety of adventure tour leaders and their clients as the use of surface acting is more likely to compromise the safety on a tour than deep acting because being reactive involves less forethought and planning than being proactive. In other words, deep acting seems to be a less harmful and a safer way of performing emotional labour for employees than surface acting which, in turn, has implications for the human resource management of adventure tour leaders. This study is the first to examine the differential effects of surface acting and deep acting on adventure tour leaders job satisfaction. 10

25 3) Identify the types of situations in which adventure tour leaders apply surface acting and deep acting. This objective is important in relation to the aim of the study because the types of situations in which adventure tour leaders apply surface acting and deep acting represent the unique context of emotional labour performance within this particular occupation. Although Sharpe (2005a) identified particular situations in which adventure tour leaders performed emotional labour, Objective Three helps to fill a central gap in the literature by distinguishing between situations in which adventure tour leaders apply surface acting versus deep acting (as opposed to emotional labour as a whole). As such, this thesis is the first to identify separate situations for the performance of surface acting and deep acting of adventure tour leaders. This extension to previous research (Sharpe 2005a) contributes toward an enhanced understanding of what types of situations may lead adventure tour leaders to perform one form of emotional labour over the other, taking into consideration the differential outcomes (e.g. job satisfaction) that are associated with surface acting and deep acting, respectively. Objective Three is also important for the adventure tourism industry because identifying the types of situations in which adventure tour leaders apply surface acting and deep acting could assist in the development of training programs for emotional competence of adventure tour leaders in the future. By identifying the types of situations in which adventure tour leaders perform surface acting, it is possible to pinpoint the particular situations in which surface acting is used despite it potentially being a more harmful (i.e. it could lead to burnout) and unsafe (i.e. it could lead to physical injury or death) way of performing emotional labour than deep acting (Bono & Vey 2005; Grandey 2000; Gross 1998a; Hochschild 1983; Judge, Woolf & Hurst 2009). By identifying the types of situations in which adventure tour leaders perform deep acting, on the other hand, the particular situations in which adventure tour leaders are applying emotional labour in a more harmless and safe manner (through deep acting) can be made out. 4) Examine potential gender differences between adventure tour leaders in regards to surface acting, deep acting, job satisfaction, and the effects of surface acting and deep acting on job satisfaction. 11

26 This objective is important in relation to the aim of the study because it contributes toward an enhanced understanding of how gender differences may impact on the relationships between emotional labour and job satisfaction of adventure tour leaders. In other words, Objective Four helps to fill a significant gap in the literature since no other research to date has examined the effects of gender on these relationships. Objective Four is also important for the adventure tourism industry because possible differences in gender have implications for the development of training programs for emotional competence of adventure tour leaders. If there is a difference between female and male adventure tour leaders in regards to the abovementioned variables, this needs to be taken into consideration when constructing such training programs. 5) Explore how adventure tour leaders comprehend their identity construction in terms of possessing one core self and/or multiple identities. This objective is important in relation to the aim of the study because there is a possible relationship between the concept of identity and emotional labour. This relationship is indicated by findings suggesting that surface acting as well as a mismatch between employees person identities (i.e. how they view themselves as unique and distinct individuals with idiosyncratic personality attributes) and their jobs could lead to emotional disharmony and a feeling of inauthenticity in employees (Ashforth & Tomiuk 2000; Burke & Stets 2009; Torland 2011a). These negative emotional states, in turn, may have implications for the job satisfaction and human resource management of adventure tour leaders in areas such as recruitment, selection, and training. While some research has been conducted on adventure tour leaders comprehension of their identity construction (Carnicelli-Filho 2011; Sharpe 2005a), no research has been conducted that explores the role that adventure tour leaders identities may play in regards to performing emotional labour on the job from a social psychological perspective of identity as put forward by Burke and Stets (2009). 1.3 Defining Adventure Tourism Adventure tourism is an industry sector that has grown rapidly in recent years in Australia (Hossain 2004). This growth is possibly due to the country s unique natural environments, such as vast deserts, snow-capped mountains, sea-sculpted coastlines and ancient rainforest (Tourism Australia 2010), which make up the resource foundation for a variety of adventure activities like bushwalking, kayaking, caving, and rock climbing (Hossain 2004). The organisation of the adventure tourism industry in Australia is quite complex and a number of 12

27 classifications have been applied, such as outdoor recreation, adventure recreation, adventure tourism, outdoor education, adventure education, ecotourism, and NEAT (nature, eco and adventure tourism) (Buckley 2006a). The boundaries between each of these categories are often blurred and in many cases overlap. The similarities and differences between outdoor recreation and outdoor education, for instance, were questioned in 2003 when a merger was formally launched between the Outdoor Recreation Council of Australia (ORCA) and the Australian Outdoor Education Council (AOEC) to form a new national body the Outdoor Council of Australia (OCA) (Dingle 2006; Mann 2002). Thus, the boundaries between outdoor recreation and outdoor education appear to be quite indistinct. This study, however, will focus on the non-educational aspects of adventure tourism and adventure recreation. This is because outdoor education and adventure education build on an academic literature base that is somewhat different from adventure tourism/recreation in that it puts the focus on maximising students learning outcomes rather than providing recreational experiences for tourists. Still, it is acknowledged that some elements of education could be present in some of the adventure organisations examined in this study due to potential overlaps between outdoor recreation and outdoor education. This is particularly true given that some of these adventure organisations normally would provide services for students as well as adventure tourists/recreationists. In addition, it is reasonable to believe that some elements of environmental education would be incorporated into the tour experiences of most adventure companies in order to protect the often fragile natural environments in which the tours take place (Ewert & Jamieson 2003). Table 1.1 shows that adventure recreation has its origin in the area of outdoor recreation since both involve activities and specific skills in outdoor settings. The difference between these two areas seems to be the element of risk and uncertainty that is sought by adventure recreationists as opposed to outdoor recreationists. Adventure tourism, on the other hand, could be viewed as an extension of adventure recreation. This is because adventure tourism activities take place away from people s home region, while adventure recreation activities occur within people s home region (Weber 2001). 13

28 Table 1.1 Classifying Adventure Tourism Description Outdoor Recreation Involves activities and specific skills in outdoor settings Adventure Recreation Has its origin in outdoor recreation Involves activities and specific skills in outdoor settings Differs from outdoor recreation due to adventure recreationists deliberate seeking of risk and uncertainty of outcome Adventure recreation activities take place in people s home region Adventure Tourism Could be viewed as an extension of adventure recreation Involves activities and specific skills in outdoor settings Adventure tourists deliberately seek risk and uncertainty of outcome Adventure tourism activities take place away from people s home region (Adapted from Weber 2001). In addition to the characteristics described in Table 1.1, adventure tourism is based on natural landscapes as the setting for adventure activities and thus offers clients contact with naturebased experiences (Williams & Soutar 2005). Moreover, while adventure tourists predominantly engage in adventure activities that are facilitated and managed by commercialised organisations, adventure recreationists generally take part in adventure activities that they plan and carry out themselves outside the domain of commercial operations (Hall 1992). Accordingly, adventure tourism can be defined in the following manner: A broad spectrum of outdoor touristic activities, often commercialised and involving an interaction with the natural environment away from the participant s home range and containing elements of risk; in which the outcome is influenced by the participant, setting, and management of the touristic experience (Hall 1992, p. 143). It should be noted, however, that sometimes adventure recreationists may participate in adventure activities that are provided by a commercialised organisation within their home region, such as a kayak tour in their local area. For this reason this study will concentrate on both adventure tourism and adventure recreation given that most adventure tour leaders who work in adventure organisations would provide services to recreationists as well as tourists. Thus, Hall s (1992, p. 143) definition of adventure tourism as presented above was modified so that it also fits adventure recreation by excluding his away from the participant s home range notion. Additionally, a notion was included which stated that the touristic experience needs to be managed by an adventure organisation. This was because tourists/recreationists who plan and manage their own adventure activities do not require the assistance of adventure tour leaders who, of course, represent the participants of this study. Still, the term often commercialised was left in the modified version of Hall s (1992) definition as there might be 14

29 a small number of adventure organisations that are not commercial (i.e. they are not-forprofit). For the purpose of this study, then, adventure tourism/recreation is defined in the following way: A broad spectrum of outdoor touristic activities, often commercialised and involving an interaction with the natural environment and containing elements of risk; in which the outcome is influenced by the participant, setting, and management of the touristic experience by an adventure organisation (Adapted from Hall 1992, p. 143). While this definition incorporates both adventure tourism and adventure recreation, the term adventure tourism will be used rather than adventure recreation or adventure tourism/recreation in the rest of this thesis. This is done for the sake of consistency and simplicity. Hence, from this point on in the thesis, whenever the terms adventure tourism and adventure tourists are used, it is intended that these terms include adventure recreation and adventure recreationists. Furthermore, while the terms adventure tour leader, adventure tour guide, adventure leader, adventure guide, adventure instructor, and outdoor adventure guide are used interchangeably in the literature on adventure tourism, in this thesis the term adventure tour leader will be used throughout (except in subsection where the Australian and New Zealand Standard Classification of Occupations term outdoor adventure guide is used when comparing national data with the sample of adventure tour leaders in this thesis). Finally, the term adventure tour that is utilised in this thesis also encompasses adventure trips and adventure courses. 1.4 Characteristics of Adventure Tourism and Study Context Adventure can be defined as an experience where the outcome is uncertain because key information may be missing, vague or unknown (Haddock & Wisheart 1993, p. 8). While this definition of adventure indicates that risk and uncertainty of outcome is inherent in the adventure tourism experience, it is acknowledged that adventure tourists may not necessarily deliberately seek risk and uncertainty of outcome. For the purpose of this study (and in accordance with Table 1.1), however, it is assumed that the clients of adventure tours would usually seek risk and uncertainty of outcome as a crucial ingredient of their leisure or recreational experience. There are two types of activity risk: 1) objective risk (the number of accidents reported for a specific activity); and 2) subjective risk (the number of accidents perceived by the participants of the activity) (Cheron & Richie 1982). This classification of risk is further highlighted by Haddock (1993), who suggested that there is a difference between real and perceived risk. 15

30 The former refers to the level of risk that is actually present in a situation at any given moment, while the latter refers to an individual s subjective evaluation of the real risk that exists in a situation at any given time (Haddock 1993). Adventure tourism activities usually contain far more perceived risk than real risk (e.g. a client who participates in abseiling for the first time may be terrified of the height despite the real risk of injury or falling being very low) (Cater 2006; Priest & Gass 1997). Risk can be used as a parameter to divide adventure activities into hard or soft activities (Ewert & Jamieson 2003). On the one hand, hard activities require that clients have a high degree of physical fitness, previous experience, and skills (Millington 2001). In addition, clients must be prepared to accept a high level of risk involved with the activity (Lipscombe 1995). Some examples of hard activities include rock climbing, mountaineering, and paragliding (Shephard & Evans 2005). On the other hand, soft activities require only basic levels of physical fitness and no previous experience or skills (Lipscombe 1995). Only a very low level of risk needs to be accepted by clients choosing to take part in soft adventure activities, and the risk can be influenced by the adventure tour leader (Williams & Soutar 2005). Some examples of soft activities include cycling, camping, and escorted trekking (Shephard & Evans 2005). Fluker and Turner (2000) also proposed that adventure activities could be arranged along a spectrum from soft to medium to hard. However, given that the perception of risk is subjective, different people will have different perceptions of risk (Dickson & Dolnicar 2004). For example, while one person may think that rafting down an easygoing river is not very risky, another person who is scared of water may perceive this activity to be very risky. As a result, different people will also have different perspectives of what constitutes a soft, medium or hard adventure activity. Moreover, the classification of adventure activities into soft, medium and hard could be criticised because it does not allow an adventure activity to be soft, medium, and hard. Instead, Fluker and Turner s (2000) classification implies that an adventure activity can only be soft, medium, or hard. In reality, however, an activity like bushwalking would normally differ depending on the difficulty and risk involved with the walks and could, for example, be divided into easy walks, medium walks, and hard walks. Furthermore, one adventure tour could include several different adventure activities, such as bushwalking, canyoning and abseiling. These activities may be intertwined and thus they could be difficult to classify in the stringent manner suggested by Fluker and Turner (2000). 16

31 It should also be noted that an adventure activity that normally would be perceived as easy can rapidly turn into a medium or hard activity depending on variables such as changing weather conditions, which add elements of uncertainty and unpredictability to the activity. For example, an easy paddle on a quiet lake could soon turn into what could be perceived as a hard adventure activity if a violent storm arrives (Patterson 2002). Based on these notions and, in particular, the idea that risk perception is subjective, the researcher decided to include adventure tours and activities of all levels of difficulty and risk. As such, it was left up to the participants in this study to report what type/s of adventure tour/s they were conducting in their job as adventure tour leaders, including easy/beginner (no previous experience required from clients); medium/intermediate (some previous experience required from clients); and hard/advanced (extensive previous experience required from clients). On the topic of difficulty and risk relating to adventure activities, SCARRA (skilled commercial adventure recreation in remote areas) represents the edge of the commercial tourism industry in the sense that it provides high-cost services which require clients to possess extensive previous skills, involve a high level of risk for clients, and operate in remote and rugged areas (Buckley 2004). On the other hand, there is a current trend in the market toward reducing risk, remoteness and skill requirements, which means that some adventure activities that were previously only available to very skilled and experienced clients are now available to the mainstream market (Buckley 2004). For example, commercial adventure tour operators can now lead inexperienced clients in climbing 8000-metre peaks, kayaking flooded rivers in the Himalayas, diving under the ice in Antarctica, skydiving onto the North Pole, or skiing across Greenland (Buckley 2004). In regards to this present study, the researcher decided to include both SCARRA and mainstream adventure tourism. Given that Australia is a vast country, some adventure organisations would operate in remote areas, such as the Kimberleys or the Red Centre. Regarding ecotourism and NEAT (nature, eco and adventure tourism) (Hall 2007; Weber 2001), only adventure organisations that suit the classification of adventure tourism presented in Table 1.1 are included in this study. This means, for instance, that those tour operators who mainly provide activities where the clients do not deliberately seek risk and uncertainty as part of the experience will not be considered as adventure tourism in this study. This study examined adventure tour leaders employed in adventure organisations that catered for the following sub-segments of international and/or domestic adventure tourists: corporate groups; sporting clubs; leisure groups; family and friends; couples; and/or individuals. This 17

32 criterion was applied in order to exclude adventure organisations that only offered outdoor education and/or adventure education to students from the study. As previously mentioned, this was because outdoor/adventure education builds on an academic literature base that to some extent differs from adventure tourism. The adventure tour companies in this study were located in Australia. While there might be some variations between different states in Australia, this geographical boundary was applied in order to ensure some consistency in regards to the cultural, political, educational and legislative contexts (e.g. accreditation) in which adventure tour operators and adventure tour leaders work. The particular adventure activities included in this study are abseiling, bushwalking, canoeing, canyoning, caving, kayaking, mountain biking, river rafting, and rock climbing. These nine activities were chosen as a representation of the range of outdoor adventure activities available within Australia. Even though diving and snorkelling represent two of the most popular adventure activities in Australia, these activities were not included in this study due to the implications that putting on a real mask (i.e. a diving mask, which conceals parts of the face) and underwater communication (which mainly involves non-verbal hand gestures and signs) may have for the performance of emotional labour. Given the way in which diving and snorkelling instructors use the body as a vehicle for emotional expression underwater, their emotional labour is likely to be communicated differently to that of other adventure tour leaders who do not make use of underwater communication. In addition, the use of specific adventure activities as key words instead of the more general adventure tourism facilitated data collection in that it alleviated the identification of suitable adventure organisations via on-line searching functions. Moreover, while the duration of service encounters between adventure tour leaders and their clients and tour duration was not explicitly measured in this study, the nine above-mentioned adventure activities were chosen also because they generally involve service encounters and tours of a longer duration than some other adventure activities, such as skydiving and bungee jumping, which do not require a leader per se given their relatively short duration. Hence, a longer duration of service encounters and tours, in combination with the affectively charged and intimate nature of adventure tourism (Sharpe 2005a), meant that adventure tour leaders in this study were likely to utilise emotional labour in a more demanding form than adventure tour leaders who lead activities of a shorter duration. It was important to focus on this more demanding form of emotional labour in order to effectively capture the effects of emotional labour on adventure tour leaders job satisfaction. 18

33 Given the definition of adventure tourism in section 1.3, the adventure tours in this study were also nature-based (Hall 2007). This meant that the tours took place in natural settings and thus depended on natural resources (i.e. mountains, canyons, soil, caves, boulders, waterfalls, cliffs, trees, rivers) as a foundation for conducting the adventure activities (Williams & Soutar 2005). It is acknowledged, however, that there could be many different interpretations of what is natural depending on the eye that sees. For example, some people may consider a damregulated river as being natural, while others may think it artificial. Hence, it was left largely up to the potential participants in the study to decide what they considered as natural and, consequently, whether they were eligible to participate in the study or not. 1.5 Study Design This thesis adopted a mixed methods research approach. This approach was chosen because the researcher was interested in using qualitative data to help explain and build upon the initial quantitative findings. As such, the qualitative data in this thesis served to create a more nuanced picture of the phenomena under investigation, which added richness and depth to the quantitative data. Given this complementary mixed methods approach, the qualitative data addressed the same research aim and objectives as the quantitative data, with the exception of Research Objectives Three and Five which were addressed by analysing purely qualitative data. However, since the goal of collecting the qualitative data was to complement and expand on the insights gained from the quantitative data, no separate research questions were developed in regards to the qualitative part of the study. The research design for this study comprised a quantitative on-line survey and qualitative e- mail interviews. The particular research design that was applied is based on Creswell and Plano Clark s (2007) quantitatively accentuated, sequential explanatory design of mixed methods research. This research design consists of three stages comprising quantitative data collection and analysis; qualitative follow-up data collection and analysis; and combined interpretation of quantitative and qualitative findings. In the first stage of the research process in this thesis, then, quantitative data relating to Objectives One, Two and Four were collected through the on-line survey. These data were then analysed and the results were used as a basis to develop follow-up questions for interviews in the second stage of the research process. The data that were collected through interviews related to Objectives Two to Five. The interview data were analysed and the qualitative interview results together with the quantitative survey results made up the foundation for interpretation of these findings in the third stage of the research process. 19

34 The on-line survey of adventure tour leaders contained demographic closed-end questions as well as questions generated from the Emotional Labour Scale (Brotheridge & Lee 1998, 2003) and the Job Satisfaction Index (Brayfield & Rothe 1951). A purposive sampling strategy was used and 137 adventure tour leaders responded to the survey. The size of the total population was unknown given the particular sampling procedures (as described in subsection 3.3.1) where adventure tour operators were approached instead of contacting adventure tour leaders directly. The quantitative data collected from the survey were analysed through the use of descriptive statistics, a multiple regression analysis, univariate ANOVAs, and general linear modelling. Furthermore, qualitative interviews of adventure tour leaders were conducted which comprised four open-ended questions along with follow-up questions. A purposive sampling strategy was utilised and a subsample of 25 adventure tour leaders participated in an asynchronous interview. The qualitative data collected from the interviews were analysed through the means of thematic analysis. 1.6 Outline of the Thesis The research foci of emotional labour and job satisfaction will be critically examined in the context of relevant literature in Chapter Two of this thesis. The emergence of the emotional labour concept is explored before discussing the dimensions of the concept, including surface acting and deep acting. Then, emotional labour is discussed as it relates to the concepts of emotional dissonance and authenticity of self, before providing an overview of the antecedents and outcomes of emotional labour as derived from the literature. This is followed by a discussion of situations in which adventure tour leaders are likely to perform emotional labour on the job. In regards to job satisfaction, a discussion of the development of this concept in the academic literature is provided before discussing different ways that job satisfaction can be measured. An overview of the antecedents and outcomes of job satisfaction is presented as derived from the literature and job satisfaction is discussed as it relates to adventure tourism. Literature on the relationships between emotional labour and job satisfaction is reviewed, and a discussion follows on how these concepts may relate to gender and identity construction. The result of this literature review is the development of three hypotheses and, as such, Chapter Two concludes by providing a conceptual framework based on these hypotheses. Chapter Three describes and justifies the methods and procedures applied in this study. The research paradigm and mixed methods approaches used in the study are discussed and the 20

35 chosen research design is presented. Next, the methods that were chosen for this study, namely a quantitative on-line survey and qualitative interviews, are described and justified. Finally, the methodological limitations and ethical considerations associated with the research are acknowledged. Chapter Four presents the results and analyses of data relating to Research Objectives One and Two, respectively. While Research Objective One aims to develop a profile of adventure tour leaders based on statistical descriptive data relating to a number of characteristics, Research Objective Two examines the potential effects of surface acting and deep acting on the job satisfaction of adventure tour leaders. Chapter Five presents the findings and analyses of data associated with Research Objective Three, which identifies the types of situations in which adventure tour leaders would apply surface acting and deep acting. Chapter Six presents the results and analyses of data relating to Research Objective Four and Five. Whereas Research Objective Four examines potential gender differences between adventure tour leaders in regards to surface acting, deep acting, job satisfaction, and the effects of surface acting and deep acting on job satisfaction, Research Objective Five explores how adventure tour leaders comprehend their identity construction in terms of possessing one core self and/or multiple identities. Chapter Seven concludes the thesis by first offering a summary of the key findings of the research in light of the five research objectives, followed by a synthesis which shows how these research objectives relate to the overall aim of the thesis. A model based on the findings of the study is presented, before discussing the contributions of the thesis to knowledge and practice. Finally, the limitations of the study are acknowledged and several avenues for future research are identified for which this thesis may act as a springboard. 21

36 Chapter Two: Literature Review 2.1 Introduction Research Objective One is to develop a profile of adventure tour leaders based on statistical descriptive data relating to a number of characteristics such as gender, age, nationality, level of education and training, relationship status, children, job specific factors, and experience, in order to better describe the population under study. Given the limited amount of research that has been conducted on the characteristics of adventure tour leaders in Australia, literature relating to Research Objective One will be discussed in Chapter Four. This is done in order to avoid duplication of information in this thesis. In Chapter Four, statistical data from the ABS and DEEWR as well as some academic studies are used for comparison with data collected in this study. In this chapter, relevant literature relating to emotional labour and job satisfaction is critically reviewed in the context of adventure tour leading. While section 2.2 reviews literature relating to emotional labour, section 2.3 reviews literature relating to job satisfaction. Section 2.4 then examines literature on the relationships between emotional labour and job satisfaction. The literature that is covered in these three sections is linked to Research Objective Two, which is to examine the potential effects of surface acting and deep acting on adventure tour leaders job satisfaction. In regards to Research Objective Three, which is to identify the situations in which adventure tour leaders would apply surface acting and deep acting, literature relating to this topic is covered in subsection The literature presented in section 2.5 relates to Research Objective Four, which is to explore potential gender differences between adventure tour leaders in regards to surface acting, deep acting, job satisfaction, and the effects of surface acting and deep acting on job satisfaction. Furthermore, the literature reviewed in section 2.6 is linked to Research Objective Five, which is to explore how adventure tour leaders comprehend their identity construction in terms of possessing one core self and/or multiple identities. A number of hypotheses which predict the nature of the relationships between emotional labour and job satisfaction of adventure tour leaders are proposed in sections 2.4 and 2.5 based on pertinent academic literature. The chapter concludes by incorporating these predictions into a visual model in section 2.7, which then forms the conceptual framework for the empirical study described in this thesis. 22

37 2.2 Emotional Labour in the Context of Adventure Tour Leading Hochschild s Theory of Emotional Labour and Its Critique In many occupations, employees are required to perform not only physical and mental labour as part of their job, but also what has been termed emotional labour (Sharpe 2005a). Emotional labour is an important concept because it has been linked with employee outcomes such as job satisfaction, burnout, and retention (Brotheridge & Lee 2003; Hochschild 1983; Judge, Woolf & Hurst 2009; Rubin et al. 2005) which, in turn, could have significant effects on client satisfaction and business revenue (Cordes & Dougherty 1993; Gelade & Young 2005; Volker et al. 2010; Williams & Skinner 2003). The term emotional labour was first used by Arlie Russell Hochschild (1983). Prior to this, Hochschild published a journal article in 1979, a precursor to her book, in which she argued that individuals can and often do induce or inhibit their feelings in order to render them appropriate to a particular situation, both in the workplace and at home. In her 1983 book, Hochschild expands on these ideas by providing a more detailed thesis relating to the performance of deep acting and surface acting in private life (i.e. outside work) as well as public life (i.e. at work). The main argument of her book is that people s management of their emotions at work has become a saleable commodity because organisations seek to regulate workers emotional labour in order to maximise their revenue in capitalist economies. Hochschild, a Professor of Sociology at the University of California, Berkeley, first became interested in how people manage their emotions at the age of twelve as she was observing how her parents interpreted various gestures when communicating with diplomats through the US Foreign Service. As a graduate student at Berkeley some years later, Hochschild was intrigued by the work of the American sociologist Charles Wright Mills. In particular, one chapter titled The Great Salesroom in Mills (1951) book White Collar got Hochschild s attention. Mills argued that when one s personality is sold through the process of service delivery, individuals can become estranged from themselves as a person. However, Hochschild thought something was missing from Mills work as he appeared to assume that in order to sell personality, one need only have it. Yet simply having personality does not make one a diplomat, any more than having muscles makes one an athlete (Hochschild 1983, p. ix). What Hochschild thought was missing from Mills analysis was the element of active emotional labour involved in the service encounter, where workers actively manage their emotions by attending to social feeling rules during service exchanges with clients. 23

38 Hochschild was also inspired by the research of Erving Goffman, who argued that individuals often try to control their outward appearance in order to adhere to rules about how they ought to appear to others. Again, however, Hochschild felt that something was missing from Goffman s work because How does a person act on feeling or stop acting on it, or even stop feeling? (Hochschild 1983, p. x). Hochschild wanted to understand what it is that people are acting upon and, consequently, decided to explore how emotion can work as a messenger from the self in that emotion provides individuals with information about what they see, what they had expected, and what they are planning to do about it. Hochschild (1983, p. x) suggested that it is these instant emotions that individuals feel when they see something they had or had not expected that are impaired when private emotion management is socially engineered and transformed into emotional labour for a wage. This management of instant emotions represented an aspect of emotion management which Goffman had not elaborated on in his work. Based on Mills and Goffman s ideas, then, Hochschild was inspired to develop the concept of emotional labour in her 1983 book in which she conducted qualitative research on flight attendants and debt collectors. The aims of her study were to explore what emotional labour is; what people do when they manage their emotions; what emotion is; and what the costs and benefits may be of managing emotion, both in private life and at work. Hochschild (1983, p. 7) defined emotional labour as the management of feeling to create a publicly observable facial and bodily display which requires the worker to induce or suppress feeling in order to sustain the outward countenance that produces the proper state of mind in others. As such, emotional labour refers to employees putting on a mask of emotions that they need to display to their clients in order to meet organisational expectations entailed in their job roles. Such organisationally expected emotions have been referred to as feeling rules or display rules in the literature. The term feeling rules was coined by Hochschild (1979, 1983) and refers to rules that guide one s social life through normative role expectations about how one ought to feel in different contexts. In this sense, feeling rules are embedded both in one s private life (e.g. roles at home) and in one s public life (e.g. roles at work) (Hochschild 1983; Sharpe 2005a). Display rules, on the other hand, refer to organisational norms or expectations regarding how one ought to behave in job-related situations (Ekman 1973; Rafaeli & Sutton 1989) adventure tour leaders, for instance, may be expected to show empathy with difficult clients and stay calm in risky situations, regardless of what their true feelings may be at the time. Display rules may be implicit and informal, and/or explicitly 24

39 stated in formalised training manuals and company slogans (Hochschild 1983; Rafaeli & Sutton 1989). Generally, display rules comprise societal norms (expectations from clients about the type of emotions and the manner in which they should be expressed during service interactions), occupational norms (expectations within a specific occupation about what constitutes appropriate emotion display in interactions with clients), and organisational norms (expectations within a specific organisation about the expression of suitable emotions when interacting with clients) (Ashforth & Humphrey 1993; Rafaeli & Sutton 1989). While it is possible for societal, occupational and organisational norms to differ, generally they tend to be consistent with each other because employees in a particular organisation and occupation would usually try to meet clients expectations as part of the service exchange in order to maximise business revenue (Ashforth & Humphrey 1993). Consequently, when organisationally sanctioned emotions and display rules are referred to in this thesis, it is assumed that organisational norms coincide with occupational and societal norms. While feeling rules and display rules are somewhat similar in construct, the term display rules is preferred in this study given its main focus on organisational life rather than private life. This was considered appropriate since emotional labour and job satisfaction, which are the two main focus areas of this study, occur within the public domain of work. Working from her findings, Hochschild (1983) suggested that emotional labour has a potential negative impact on employees well-being. She suggested that employers impose a pressure on workers to display particular feelings in public, through the strategies of surface acting or deep acting, when interacting with clients or customers. Consequently, workers might experience identity confusion, self-estrangement and self-alienation which, in turn, could lead to feelings of anxiety, frustration and exhaustion. Other consequences could include a decrease in job satisfaction, withdrawal and scepticism, and feelings of ethical failure (Hochschild 1983). These negative outcomes of emotional labour, Hochschild suggested, came about as a result of the emotional disharmony that may arise when employees perform surface acting that is, they show one feeling to clients on the outside (e.g. empathy), while feeling differently on the inside (e.g. annoyance). Hochschild also argued that the performance of deep acting could have negative consequences for employees because, over time, they may have trouble distinguishing between who they are as a person and the person they are enacting as part of their job role. 25

40 However, contrary to the suggestions of some researchers who have claimed that she exclusively painted a negative picture of emotional labour (Conrad & Witte 1994; Rafaeli & Sutton 1987; Tolich 1993; Wharton & Erickson 1993; Wouters 1989), Hochschild (1983) also proposed that emotional labour could have positive consequences for workers. In particular, she stated that a worker, by successfully performing emotional labour, may feel somehow satisfied in how personal her service actually was (Hochschild 1983, p. 136). Such positive outcomes of emotional labour, Hochschild (1983) suggested, were more likely to occur when workers made an effort to change their feelings inwardly to fit with display rules (i.e. deep acting by, for example, reappraising difficult clients as children to avoid becoming angry with their infantile behaviours), as opposed to only changing their outward displays of emotion (i.e. surface acting). Hochschild (1983, p. 147) proposed that jobs that involve emotional labour need to fulfil the following three requirements: 1) face-to-face or voice-to-voice contact with the public (i.e. clients); 2) the worker must produce an emotional state in another person (i.e. a client), for example gratitude or fear; and 3) the employer, through training and supervision, can exercise a degree of control over the emotional activities of employees. Accordingly, most jobs that contain an element of client service involve some degree of emotional labour. In the words of Sharpe (2005a, p. 3): every job with an interactive or service component has emotional labour demands and implications. However, the notion that emotional labour requires employees to engender an emotional state in another person indicates that the employees are not only managing their own emotions, they are also to a certain extent managing the emotions of their clients. Adventure tour leaders who are dealing with an emergency on the job, for example, may be showing a calm outward face and body language toward clients while, at the same time, managing a feeling of fear or even panic inwardly. In this instance, the adventure tour leaders calm behaviour communicates to clients, who may otherwise panic or feel afraid in such a situation, that the situation is under control and thus they should feel calm and safe. In this way, the adventure tour leaders are managing not only their own feelings of fear, but also those of their clients. As such, it is possible that the adventure tour leaders, through training and experience, have learnt that staying calm in an emergency is more appropriate than expressing fear when interacting with 26

41 clients. This may assist the adventure tour leaders to enhance their professional competence by handling an emergency through effective emotion management, and it is also likely that their employer will benefit in the form of satisfied clients who are more likely to return to the business. If the opposite ensues, if adventure tour leaders appear to panic instead of staying calm in the occurrence of an emergency, it is likely that their clients will feel scared and unsafe. In the worst-case scenario, clients may be severely injured and/or lives may get lost (Hovelynck 1998). As a consequence, the adventure tour operator may choose to reprimand or lay off the adventure tour leaders in question. Clients, in turn, may elect to seek legal action against the adventure tour operator and/or the adventure tour leaders for not following occupational health and safety procedures (Kozlowski 1998). It is clear then, as suggested by Hochschild (1983) above, that an employer may desire to have a relatively high degree of control over the emotion management activities of its employees. One way the employer could achieve this level of control is by communicating display rules to employees that indicate accepted emotion management procedures, either through informal communication channels (e.g. over the coffee machine ) or more formal communication channels (e.g. training manuals). This level of control is necessary from the point of view of the employer in order to provide clients with a safe and satisfying experience which, in the long term, could help to generate success for the organisation. While Hochschild (1983) built her theory of emotional labour on the work of a number of different researchers who examined the notion of emotion in their studies (Darwin 1965; Dewey 1922; Freud 1952; Gerth & Mills 1964; James & Lange 1922; Mills 1951), Goffman s (1959, 1969) research on emotion display in service organisations is arguably the most notable predecessor to Hochschild s work. According to Goffman s (1959) dramaturgical perspective, client interactions in service organisations could be compared to a theatre, where the workplace is the stage, the employees are the actors, and the clients are the audience. From this perspective, emotional labour can be thought of as a form of impression management, where the employees actively attempt to direct their own behaviour toward impressing clients so as to engender favourable perceptions of themselves and the organisation they represent (Gardner & Martinko 1988; Grove & Fisk 1989). In this sense, emotional labour is one means service workers can use to encourage repeat business for the organisation in which they work and thus obtain organisational goals (Grandey 2000). 27

42 According to Hochschild (1983), however, Goffman s work is limited because he examined only how employees may display their feelings outwardly (on the surface) in order to engender the appropriate impression toward clients. Hochschild felt this view was limited because it only explored how employees managed their emotions at a surface level (similar to Hochschild s surface acting) but not at a deeper level (similar to Hochschild s deep acting). Indeed, when it comes to the workers ability to manage their emotions internally, Goffman s work did not pay any attention to this deeper form of emotional labour. In response to this shortcoming in Goffman s work, then, Hochschild (1983) developed her theory of emotional labour which encompassed both surface acting and deep acting. Surface acting is most closely related to Goffman s dramaturgical perspective since it refers to the act of faking feelings that are not really felt, or hiding feelings that are inappropriate to display (Hochschild 1983). Deep acting, on the other hand, refers to the act of aligning one s true feelings with those required by the job (i.e. if one s true feelings differ from the required ones) (Hochschild 1983). Hence, deep acting covers the aspect of emotional labour that Hochschild thought was missing in Goffman s work, namely the ability of workers to manage and change their inner feelings, not only their outward expressions. In order to make this distinction between surface acting and deep acting, Hochschild (1983) drew on the work of the theatrical director Konstantin Stanislavski (1965), who had previously introduced the notion of deep acting to the world of theatre. According to Stanislavski, actors on the theatre stage need to carry with them socalled emotion memories that is, memories that will help them recall emotions that they need in order to show their feelings from the inside out to create a credible performance for the audience. Notably, however, Hochschild was the first researcher to apply the term of deep acting to the context of service industry workers. Hochschild s (1983) theory of emotional labour, however, has received some criticism in the literature. For example, Hochschild has commonly been criticised for constructing a dichotomy between managing one s emotions in the private self sphere versus the public self sphere. This dichotomy generates a one-dimensional view of emotional labour because, from this perspective, emotional labour belongs more to the organisation than to the individual employees in the context of the workplace (McClure & Murphy 2007; Wouters 1989). Similarly, Hochschild has been accused of overrating the level of ownership and control that management in organisations have over employees emotions (McClure & Murphy 2007; Theodosius 2006); thus portraying employees as being emotionally crippled actors (Bolton & Boyd 2003; Lewis 2005). In particular, Bolton made a sustained criticism of Hochschild s work and even suggested that her theory of emotional labour should be 28

43 abandoned. In a series of articles, Bolton (2000a, 2000b, 2001, 2003; Bolton & Boyd 2003) argued that Hochschild s theory of emotional labour is absolutist because it assumes that management in organisations will be so successful in controlling employees emotions at work that their emotions eventually are transmutated (i.e. employees emotions are transferred from being the private property of individual employees to being a commodity that belongs to the organisation). Bolton (2005, p. 61) also maintained that employees own the means of production and, therefore, the capacity to present sincere or cynical performance lies within the emotional labourer. In other words, Bolton downplayed the degree of ownership and control that management in organisations have over workers emotions because she regarded emotional labour to be the complete property of employees. However, Bolton s critique of Hochschild s work on emotional labour has been refuted by Brook (2009) who claimed that Bolton s critique is flawed because she assumes that the means of producing a service is entirely human. On the contrary, Brook (2009) stated that all service production also depends on a variety of other factors, such as capital, technical, and support work inputs (e.g. buildings, technical equipment, display rules, and back-office support). Furthermore, Brook (2009) pointed out that political and economical forces like market competition, labour market conditions and new technology influence the structure, design and standards of the service labour process. Hence, Brook (2009) suggested that employees do not have complete ownership and control over their emotions in the workplace because the element of emotional labour is closely intertwined with other means of service production which are controlled by the organisation and external forces. As such, Brook (2009) proposed that Hochschild s notion of the politicised workplace where management could potentially exploit the emotional labour of workers is still valid. Yet, Brook (2009) also remarked that the transmutation of employees emotions would always be incomplete because employees still have the power to resist aspects of emotional labour that they do not like through the means of, for instance, sales sabotage, the use of humour to ridicule managers and unpleasant clients, work avoidance, absenteeism, and high turnover. Bolton (2005, p. 53) also criticised Hochschild s concept of emotional labour in regards to what she referred to as the emotional labour bandwagon where emotional labour has been applied to a multiplicity of different occupational groups without questioning the conceptual adequacy for capturing the complexity of emotion management in professions such as caring professionals. According to Bolton (2005), Hochschild s theory of emotional labour is only applicable to commercial organisations (i.e. where the overarching organisational goal is to 29

44 make a profit). Brook (2009), however, pointed out that Hochschild herself, in the new afterword of her 20 th anniversary edition of her book published in 2003(a), welcomes the application of the concept of emotional labour to other occupational contexts within noncommercial organisations such as hospitals. It follows that Brook (2009, p. 39) refuted Bolton s notion that the concept of emotional labour can only be applied to commercial organisations because employees who work in a non-commercial organisation would still be sold for a wage, which fits with Hochschild s definition of emotional labour. Still, both Brook and Hochschild can be criticised for not mentioning that the concept of emotional labour can also be applied in occupational contexts where employees do not get paid for the work they do, such as adventure tour leaders who work for an adventure organisation on a voluntary basis. While their emotional labour may not be sold for a wage, as per Hochschild s definition of the concept, they are still controlled by the organisation to a certain extent in that they are required to adhere to particular display rules of the organisation when interacting with tour participants. Moreover, in order for non-paid volunteers to perform emotional labour on the job, they also depend on other means of the service production process such as technical equipment and buildings belonging to the organisation, as pointed out by Brook (2009). Thus, the power relations between management of the organisation and employees still exist. While these power relations may not be based on exchange of labour for remuneration, non-paid volunteers will still need to perform emotional labour in accordance with the organisation s prescriptions in order to receive other privileges such as rewarding volunteering experience. In regards to applicability of the concept of emotional labour to the occupation of adventure tour leading, the researcher deemed emotional labour to be adequate for capturing the complexity of emotion management in this occupation. This was because adventure tour leaders have been found to perform both surface acting and deep acting on the job (Holyfield & Jonas 2003; Sharpe 2005a). Whereas the emotional labour of Hochschild s flight attendants and debt collectors might be different to the emotional labour of adventure tour leaders (i.e. adventure tour leaders may apply more deep acting on the job than flight attendants and debt collectors), Hochschild (1983) acknowledged that different occupations require different levels of emotional labour and, thus, different amounts of surface acting and deep acting. Accordingly, Hochschild s fundamental concepts of surface acting and deep acting were considered to be appropriate to utilise in order to examine the emotional labour of adventure tour leaders in this thesis. 30

45 In more recent years, Hochschild has conducted additional research on emotional labour. For example, in a book chapter published in 2003(b), she highlighted the paradox that health care workers, who perform a large amount of emotional labour on a daily basis, often do not receive the emotional care that they, themselves, need to manage the emotional labour demands of their job (Hochschild 2003b). Furthermore, in an invited commentary for the International Journal of Work Organisation and Emotion in 2010, Hochschild suggested that while emotional labour can be rewarding for health care workers if they take pride in gradually building trust and developing warm relationships with their patients, it is harder to enjoy emotional labour in broken care systems which are understaffed, hyper-bureaucratised facilities, maintained by migrant workers torn from their families, where care itself is rendered invisible (Hochschild 2010, p. 112). This more recent research by Hochschild (2003b, 2010) represents an expansion of her previous work in that she explores other occupational groups; this time within the area of health care, including nannies, elderly care workers, ritual workers (funeral parlour directors and wedding planners), doctors, and nurses. Nevertheless, Hochschild does not seem to have refined her theory of emotional labour any further through this research. Consequently, her notions of surface acting and deep acting remain largely the same as in her study on flight attendants and debt collectors. For the most part, however, Hochschild s later work has focused on so-called emotion work (which involves emotion management that happens in people s private lives, as opposed to emotional labour that takes place in the public arena of work) and the overlaps between people s private and public lives (Hochschild 1997, 2009; Hochschild & Machung 1989). More specifically, many of Hochschild s latest publications have, from a feminist perspective, examined the commercialisation of private and intimate life in the contemporary global economy through the use of nannies, maids, and sex workers (Hochschild 2000, 2003c, 2006; Hochschild & Ehrenreich 2002). One of her recent journal articles titled Rent-A-Mom and Other Services: Market, Meaning and Emotion, for instance, highlights the overlaps that nannies can experience between their public job as a nanny and their private role as a temporary mum that comes with this position (Hochschild 2005) Dimensions of Emotional Labour Since Hochschild s (1983) introduction of the term emotional labour, an extensive body of literature has emerged within this domain. To date, there is an array of different ways that emotional labour has been conceptualised. As a result, there has been, not surprisingly, a great 31

46 deal of confusion among researchers in regards to what constitutes the main dimensions of emotional labour. Thus, an overview of the different ways that researchers have conceptualised emotional labour and its dimensions is presented below. This is followed by a statement and justification of the particular conceptualisation of emotional labour that was used for the purpose of this thesis. While Hochschild (1983) proposed that surface acting and deep acting represent two ways that employees could perform emotional labour, she also described a dimension of emotional labour that she referred to as passive deep acting. Passive deep acting occurs when employees manage their emotions automatically rather than consciously so as to adhere to organisational display rules. Hochschild contrasted this with active deep acting, which refers to the process employees go through when they deliberately and consciously manage their inner emotions to fit with organisationally expected emotions. To illustrate the distinction, adventure tour leaders who initially are annoyed with a difficult client may use active deep acting by consciously imagining that the client had a really bad day (e.g. health problems or death in the family) and thus actively change their feelings of annoyance into empathy. On the other hand, if the adventure tour leaders have used active deep acting to deal with difficult clients a few times before, they may start to internalise the deep acting so that the management of emotions becomes automatic and unconscious. In other words, the adventure tour leaders, when faced with a difficult client, may now use passive deep acting to change their initial annoyance into empathy without consciously being aware of this happening. It should be noted, however, that Hochschild (1983) believed that passive deep acting, like surface acting and active deep acting, still required a certain amount of exertion from the employee performing the emotional labour. Hence, while the employee may spontaneously express organisationally desired emotions, it seems like passive deep acting still contains an element of acting rather than representing pure genuine emotion display (Hochschild 1983). Similar notions of passive deep acting came out of research conducted by Ashforth and Humphrey (1993) who examined the emotional labour and identity of workers in service roles. Unlike Hochschild s suggestion that passive deep acting requires an element of acting, however, Ashforth and Humphrey (1993) proposed that it is possible for employees to express natural emotions on the job without necessarily having to apply any form of acting. From this perspective, genuine emotion display represents a third dimension of emotional labour (in addition to surface acting and deep acting) because there may be cases where employees 32

47 genuinely and spontaneously experience and display organisationally expected emotions, without having to apply surface or deep acting (Ashforth & Humphrey 1993). For example, adventure tour leaders may naturally feel empathy for a client who is afraid of doing an abseil for the first time. Thus, there would be no need for the adventure tour leaders to manage their emotions through surface or deep acting in order to display this feeling of empathy to the client. Consistent with Ashforth and Humphrey s proposal, Diefendorff, Croyle and Gosserand s (2005) study on the dimensionality and antecedents of emotional labour strategies showed that the expression of genuinely felt emotions represents a distinct third option that employees can use to meet display rules sanctioned by the employer. Correspondingly, Martinez-Inigo et al. (2007, p. 32) applied a third dimension of emotional labour in their study on emotional labour and emotional exhaustion which they called automatic regulation and defined as the automatic display of an organizationally desired emotion deriving from an emotion that is spontaneously felt. Furthermore, Tews and Glomb (2003), although omitting deep acting as a dimension of emotional labour in their study on emotional labour and personality, supported the notion of what they called genuine emotional expression as a dimension of emotional labour. Hence, there is a number of researchers who have defined genuine emotion display as a dimension of emotional labour. There are other researchers, however, who have suggested that genuine emotion display cannot be considered a dimension of emotional labour. Van Dijk, Smith and Cooper (2011), for instance, pointed out that since the expression of genuine or natural emotions does not require any emotion management, genuine emotion display cannot be considered as acting per se. From this perspective, Martinez-Inigo et al. s (2007) notion of automatic regulation is somewhat problematic given that it would be unnecessary to regulate an emotion that is spontaneously felt and automatically displayed to clients in accordance with organisational display rules. Another argument that is often put forward to exclude genuine emotion display as a dimension of emotional labour is that it does not involve the experience of emotional dissonance (Mann 1999), which refers to a state of emotional discomfort that employees might experience as a result of incongruence between their displayed and genuine emotions (Ashforth & Humphrey 1993; Van Dijk & Brown 2006; Van Dijk & Kirk-Brown 2007). This perception that genuine emotion display is not a dimension of emotional labour is contrary to the viewpoint of some other authors, who have argued that genuine emotion display is a 33

48 dimension of emotional labour because it contributes to the adherence of organisational display rules (Ashforth & Humphrey 1993; Tews & Glomb 2003). Furthermore, Kruml and Geddes (2000) findings suggested that there are two dimensions of emotional labour: emotional effort (similar to Hochschild s active deep acting) and emotive dissonance. The latter dimension placed Hochschild s surface acting and passive deep acting on opposite ends of a continuum ranging from high emotive dissonance (high level of surface acting) to low emotive dissonance (high level of passive deep acting) (Kruml & Geddes 2000). Chu and Murrmann (2006), on the other hand, while identifying the same two dimensions of emotional labour as Kruml and Geddes (emotional effort and emotive dissonance), found what they considered to be a better model fit when measuring emotive dissonance as two separate factors (surface acting and genuine acting) rather than as one composite factor (high surface acting versus high genuine acting). The debate as to whether genuine emotion display should be included as a dimension of emotional labour is ongoing. For the purpose of this thesis and in keeping with research conducted by Van Dijk, Smith and Cooper (2011), Mann (1999) and Brotheridge and Lee (1998; 2003), the dimensions of emotional labour are defined to be surface acting and deep acting. This is because surface acting and deep acting involve acting which, in turn, represents the core of the emotional labour construct as it is defined in this study. Recalling the discussion in subsection of this thesis, emotional labour is defined as the management of feelings that workers carry out in order to display the appropriate emotions to their clients. Hence, genuine emotion display is not considered to be a dimension of emotional labour in this study because showing one s genuine emotions to clients does not contain an acting element and thus does not require any management of employees emotions. For instance, adventure tour leaders who feel excited that clients completed a task and display this feeling of excitement to the clients are, by definition, not performing emotional labour since there is no acting involved and the feeling of excitement does not need to be managed before it is displayed. Another reason why surface acting and deep acting are taken as the dimensions of emotional labour in this study, unlike genuine emotion display, is because deep acting does not involve emotional dissonance. Adventure tour leaders who feel enthusiastic and display this feeling to clients, for example, do not experience a state of emotional discomfort as a result of emotional dissonance since their genuine emotions are congruent with the displayed emotions. 34

49 In addition to the discussion about display of genuine emotions, a number of researchers have proposed that emotional dissonance is a dimension of emotional labour. Morris and Feldman (1996a), for example, suggested that emotional labour had four dimensions: 1) frequency of interactions between service workers and clients; 2) attentiveness (involving intensity and duration of interactions); 3) variety of emotions required; and 4) emotional dissonance. Accordingly, many other researchers have measured emotional dissonance (often instead of surface acting) as a dimension of emotional labour in their studies (Abraham 1998; Kruml & Geddes 1998; Zerbe 1998). In an attempt to reconceptualise emotional labour in a new way, however, Grandey (2000, p. 97) pointed out that emotional dissonance is a state of being, rather than an effortful process and, as such, emotional dissonance is an affective state of tension between felt and required emotions rather than a dimension of emotional labour. Regarding the other three emotional labour dimensions (frequency, attentiveness, and variety) that were proposed by Morris and Feldman (1996a), Grandey (2000) suggested that these represent situational antecedents rather than dimensions of emotional labour since they may increase the likelihood of workers to perform surface or deep acting. Employees who experience frequent interactions with clients (e.g. supermarket attendants), for instance, may perform more emotional labour than employees who experience less frequent interactions with clients (e.g. manufacturing workers). Consistent with this view and building on Grandey s (2000, 2003) research, Rubin et al. (2005) proposed that perceived emotional dissonance (caused by a difference between perceived expected emotions and genuine emotions) is an important precursor to emotional labour in the sense that it represents the affective state of tension which is needed for the behavioural response of emotional labour to occur. Rubin et al. (2005) also agreed with Grandey, that frequency, duration and variety represented situational factors rather than dimensions of emotional labour. Brotheridge and Lee (1998; 2003) shared this view of emotional labour as a process rather than an emotional state and maintained that the main two dimensions of emotional labour are surface acting and deep acting, with the four dimensions of frequency, duration, intensity, and variety functioning as situational factors in their model. Yet, Hartel, Hsu and Boyle (2001, 2002) as well as Van Dijk and Kirk-Brown (2007), seemingly contrary to Rubin et al. s (2005) suggestion that emotional dissonance is a precursor to emotional labour, proposed that emotional dissonance (caused by a difference between displayed emotions and genuine emotions) is an outcome of emotional labour. 35

50 As will be seen in subsection of this thesis, which further unravels the relationships between emotional dissonance and emotional labour, it is possible that researchers who consider emotional dissonance as a precursor to emotional labour and researchers who regard emotional dissonance as an outcome of emotional labour are both partly right, depending on how emotional dissonance is defined. Accordingly, and in line with research conducted by Grandey (2000), Rubin et al. (2005), Hartel, Hsu and Boyle (2001, 2002), and Van Dijk and Kirk (2007), this study defines emotional dissonance as being both a precursor to and an outcome of emotional labour rather than a dimension of emotional labour (see subsection 2.2.4) Surface Acting and Deep Acting The distinction between the surface acting and deep acting dimensions of emotional labour is important because each dimension suggests an essentially different internal state that could have differential effects on employees well-being and therefore would require emotional effort in different forms (Ashforth & Tomiuk 2000; Brotheridge & Lee 2003). Surface acting is generally believed to be the most draining for employees as this type of emotional labour entails the largest amount of emotional dissonance (Ashforth & Humphrey 1993; Van Dijk & Brown 2006; Van Dijk & Kirk-Brown 2007). Zammuner and Galli (2005, pp ) shed some more light on why this might be so: frequent surface acting is a psychologically unproductive, dysfunctional regulation process in that, instead of reducing emotional dissonance (between the felt and prescribed emotion), it aggravates it because the worker expresses an untrue, false emotion (dissonant with the felt one), causing distress and psychological ill-being. Instead, the worker s activation of deep acting, a process of intrapsychic regulation whose goal is to feel the context-required emotions, not only is effective in reducing emotional dissonance but facilitates the ongoing social exchange, making it both subjectively more pleasant, and more in line with the organization s prescriptions. Consistent with this quote, Zammuner and Galli (2005) suggested that surface acting triggers a vicious circle of emotion regulation, while deep acting triggers a virtuous circle of emotion regulation. In other words, while surface acting leads to negative outcomes and increased emotional dissonance, deep acting leads to positive outcomes and decreased emotional dissonance (Zammuner & Galli 2005). Given the difference in emotional dissonance between the two types of emotional labour, then, several researchers (Diefendorff, Croyle & Gosserand 2005; Grayson 1998; Kruml & Geddes 2000) have suggested that while surface acting could convey a sense of inauthenticity of self in employees, deep acting could 36

51 convey a sense of authenticity of self in workers (a link discussed in more detail in subsection 2.2.5). One example of surface acting occurs when employees put on a mask of calm in a potentially dangerous situation when, in reality, they are feeling afraid. In this case, the employees would manufacture a feeling of calm while simultaneously hiding their fear. One example of deep acting is when employees, although initially feeling scared in a potentially dangerous situation, manage to change their feelings of fear into calm by repeating in their mind that they feel calm and in control of the situation. As opposed to surface acting, however, there are many different methods or ways of performing deep acting (see Table 2.1). Surface acting and deep acting were conceptualised as discrete categories in this study because, according to the literature, they have differential effects on employee outcomes, such as job attitudes and psychological well-being (Ashforth & Tomiuk 2000; Brotheridge & Lee 2003). Thus, it makes sense to examine surface acting and deep acting separately rather than examining emotional labour as a whole since deep acting generally is considered to be a more productive and less taxing strategy for employees to manage their emotions than surface acting (Zammuner & Galli 2005). From a longitudinal perspective (i.e. when examined over an extended period of time), however, it is likely that emotional labour could be better envisaged as a continuum (Brotheridge & Lee 2002). Figure 2.1 shows that emotional labour could be envisioned as a continuum ranging from surface acting, through deep acting, to genuine emotion display. Using employees who have recently been hired as adventure tour leaders with limited experience in the occupation as an example, it is likely that they initially would perform surface acting since this is perceived to be the simplest type of emotional labour which requires limited emotional competence (McShane, McShane & Travaglione 2007). The drawback, however, is that surface acting involves the display of emotions that are not generally felt and the suppression of genuine emotions that are inappropriate to display (Ashforth & Humphrey 1993). This, in turn, could lead to a high level of emotional dissonance with the associated negative feeling of inauthenticity of self (Van Dijk & Brown 2006; Van Dijk & Kirk-Brown 2007). 37

52 Table 2.1 Methods of Performing Deep Acting Method of Deep Acting Attentional deployment Cognitive change Imagery Mantras Rationalisation Underlying motivation Description Thinking about events that call up feelings that one needs to interact with clients in a particular situation known as method acting in theatre. Involves changing the focus of personal thoughts. Perceiving a particular situation in a different way so that negative emotional impact is reduced. Involves changing appraisals of the external situation. Imagining oneself handling a particularly challenging situation in an exemplary manner. Repeating mantras for oneself that help generate the emotions necessary for a particular situation. Trying to come up with an understandable reason as to why clients are behaving like they do in order to understand their motivation. Generating the emotions needed for a particular situation based on an underlying motivation, such as helping others, contributing to making people happy, or being a compassionate human being. Example - Singers who are passionate about opera whistle arias while serving customers in a coffee house to help them feel good and express positive emotions at work. - Flight attendants reappraise difficult passengers as children to avoid becoming angry with their infantile behaviours. - Busy office workers reappraise work events as challenging rather than stressful. - Supermarket attendants imagine themselves smiling and conversing in a genuinely friendly manner with annoying customers. - Adventure tour leaders who are scared when a thunderstorm approaches during a rock climb may repeat in their mind a mantra such as I feel calm, strong and relaxed. - Adventure tour leaders imagine that a particularly difficult client had a very bad day (e.g. death in the family, health problems). - Adventure tour leaders who normally are not particularly excited to see a threatened animal species that they have spotted numerous times before, show genuine enthusiasm toward clients when spotting this animal. They show enthusiasm because this may be the only chance the clients have to take part in such a unique and wondrous experience. (Adapted from Folkman & Lazarus 1991; Grandey 2000; Gross 1998b; Hochschild 1983; Lane, Seskevich & Pieper 2007; Lazarus 1991; Stanislavski 1965). 38

53 Internalising Time Experience SA DA GE High emotional dissonance Feel inauthentic No or low emotional dissonance Feel mostly authentic No emotional dissonance Feel authentic Figure 2.1 Emotional Labour as a Continuum SA = surface acting; DA = deep acting; GE = genuine emotion display. Over time, however, as the employees gain more experience in the field, they may start to internalise the emotions that are required to be displayed to clients (Ashforth & Tomiuk 2000; Van Maanen & Kunda 1989). What this means in practice is that, due to the discomfort of emotional dissonance and the feeling of inauthenticity of self that comes with surface acting, there may be a certain pressure for the employees to align their genuine emotions with the required emotions (Ashforth & Humphrey 1993; Ashforth & Tomiuk 2000). In other words, the employees may internalise the emotions that are required by the job through deep acting, where they make an effort to change their true emotions into the required emotions (Collishaw, Dyer & Boies 2008; Grandey 2003; Grandey et al. 2005; Van Dijk, Smith & Cooper 2011). By performing deep acting then, emotional dissonance could be reduced or completely eliminated, with the result that the employees feel mostly authentic (i.e. a more authentic sense of self) (Brotheridge & Grandey 2002; Brotheridge & Lee 2002). Deep acting generally requires more advanced emotional competence than surface acting (Brotheridge 2006a) and, while the ability to deep act may be partly inherent (Dubrin, Dalglish & Miller 2006), formal training is likely to enhance the employees skills level and effectiveness in performing this type of emotional labour (Anderson 1993; Brotheridge 2006b; Grandey 2003). After many years of gaining experience in the job as adventure tour leaders, the employees may come to a point where they generally do not perform emotional labour anymore. At this stage, the employees may display their genuine emotions to clients without first going through the process of managing these emotions as they already match the required emotions. This 39

54 genuine emotion display, in turn, makes the employees feel authentic (i.e. an authentic sense of self) since there is no emotional dissonance present. That is, the emotions that the employees display to clients represent what they genuinely feel on the inside (Brotheridge & Grandey 2002; Chu & Murrmann 2006; Diefendorff, Croyle & Gosserand 2005). It is acknowledged, however, that people who get hired as adventure tour leaders could be positioned at any point along the continuum in Figure 2.1 depending on the composition of their previous experience and emotional competence. For example, employees who have a great deal of experience from working in client service roles and then get hired as adventure tour leaders may already be quite competent at performing deep acting on the job. Additionally, it is possible for employees to jump along the continuum, thereby applying surface acting, deep acting, or genuine emotion display depending on situational circumstances (e.g. experienced adventure tour leaders may occasionally perform surface acting due to factors such as fatigue, time pressure or emergencies). One recent study of the emotional labour of massage therapists and body work practitioners offers some support for the notion of an emotional labour continuum (Blau et al. 2010). According to Blau et al. (2010, pp ), there are five dimensions of emotional labour, including: 1) basic surface acting (BSA, defined as changing one s display but not the felt emotion ); 2) challenged surface acting (CSA, defined as changing one s display but not the felt emotion when dealing with a difficult client ); 3) basic deep acting (BDA, defined as changing one s display and also the felt emotion ); 4) perspective taking deep acting (PTDA, defined as changing one s display and also the felt emotion by taking the customer s point of view ; based on cognitive change); and 5) positive refocus deep acting (PRDA, defined as changing one s display and also the felt emotion by going beyond a difficult client to find something positive ; based on attentional deployment). These five dimensions can be arranged from BSA (which they considered the easiest form of emotional labour to perform but with most negative outcomes), through CSA, BDA and PTDA, to PRDA (which they considered the hardest form of emotional labour to perform but with most positive outcomes) (Blau et al. 2010). Blau et al. s (2010) study, however, was exploratory and not longitudinal in nature. Hence, as noted by Brotheridge and Lee (2002), more longitudinal research is needed to examine how emotional labour evolves over time when it comes to surface acting, deep acting, and genuine emotion display. 40

55 2.2.4 Emotional Dissonance and Emotional Labour In the emotional labour literature there is some confusion in relation to how the concept of emotional dissonance relates to emotional labour. In the words of Van Dijk and Kirk-Brown (2007, p. 167): Emotional dissonance has been loosely defined in academic research to date. From their perspective, it is conceivable that the concept of emotional dissonance is just an incomplete re-definition and application of a construct with a well-established history, namely cognitive dissonance. Cognitive dissonance was introduced by Leon Festinger (1957) over fifty years ago and refers to an inharmonious state that individuals may experience as a result of behaving or saying something that is divergent from their beliefs, attitudes, values or feelings (Harmon-Jones & Mills 1999; Van Dijk & Brown 2006). According to Van Dijk and Kirk-Brown (2007), emotional dissonance may be a misnomer which, in reality, merely corresponds to the affective consequences of cognitive dissonance. This is because the use of cognitive management coping techniques (such as viewing obstinate clients as children unable to exert self-control in order to prevent anger from emerging) could be used to manage the state of emotional dissonance (Van Dijk & Kirk-Brown 2007). However, Van Dijk and Kirk-Brown (2007) did not clarify in their paper how, exactly, they imagine that the relationship between cognitive dissonance and emotional dissonance operates. Indeed, Van Dijk and Kirk-Brown noted that there is a rich research area when it comes to examining distinctions between cognitive dissonance and emotional dissonance and their consequences. Thus, it is clear that more research is needed to unravel the relationship between cognitive dissonance and emotional dissonance. It is outside the scope of this thesis, however, to examine this relationship in any more depth than to acknowledge that there may be a link between the two theoretical constructs. On a different note, as mentioned in subsection 2.2.2, some studies have suggested that emotional dissonance is a dimension of emotional labour (Abraham 1998; Kruml & Geddes 1998; Morris & Feldman 1996a, 1996b; Zerbe 1998). This proposal, however, has later been refuted by studies maintaining that emotional dissonance is an outcome of emotional labour and, as such, emotional dissonance and emotional labour are related but distinct constructs (Hartel, Hsu & Boyle 2001, 2002; Van Dijk & Kirk-Brown 2007). From the latter perspective, emotional dissonance refers to a state of emotional discomfort that employees might experience during and/or after their performance of emotional labour as a result of incongruence between their displayed and genuinely felt emotions. Thus, emotional dissonance can be said to be an outcome of emotional labour. However, one recent study 41

56 which aimed to reconceptualise the constructs of emotional dissonance and emotional labour argued that emotional dissonance is a precursor to emotional labour and refers to a state of discomfort that workers might feel before performing emotional labour when there is a disconnect between their genuinely felt emotions and emotions that are expected for the job situation (Rubin et al. 2005). Zerbe s (2000) research could explain the discrepancy between different definitions of emotional dissonance presented by different researchers in the literature. In his study on emotional dissonance and well-being, Zerbe suggested that there are three types of emotional disharmony that employees might experience: 1) emotive dissonance (a difference between genuine and expected emotions); 2) emotive deviance (a difference between displayed and expected emotions); and 3) emotive faking (a difference between genuine and displayed emotions) (see Figure 2.2). Emotive dissonance is a precursor of emotional labour because it occurs before performing emotional labour due to a difference between expected and genuine feelings. Furthermore, emotive faking is an outcome of emotional labour because it occurs during/after performing emotional labour due to a difference between genuine feelings and feelings that are actually being displayed. Finally, emotive deviance generally occurs when employees display feelings that do not adhere to the expected feelings required by their job and, thus, they are not performing emotional labour. E 1. Emotive Dissonance 2. Emotive Deviance ED G 3. Emotive Faking D Figure 2.2 Three Types of Emotional Disharmony ED = emotional disharmony; E = expected feelings; G = genuine feelings; D = displayed feelings. (Adapted from Zerbe 2000). 42

57 Emotional dissonance as theorised by Hartel, Hsu and Boyle (2001, 2002) and Van Dijk and Kirk-Brown (2007) (emotional dissonance as an outcome of emotional labour), is thus equivalent to Zerbe s (2000) construct of emotive faking. Rubin et al. s (2005) understanding of emotional dissonance (emotional dissonance as a precursor to emotional labour), on the other hand, is equal to Zerbe s construct of emotive dissonance. For the purpose of this study, emotional dissonance will be defined as follows as it relates to emotional labour: Emotional dissonance is an affective state of emotional discomfort that employees might experience as a result of incongruence between their genuine and displayed emotions and/or between their genuine and expected emotions (Adapted from Zerbe 2000). This definition of emotional dissonance incorporates both Zerbe s (2000) constructs of emotive faking and emotive dissonance, depicted in Figure 2.2. As such, the emotive faking component of emotional dissonance as it is defined here may occur as a result of performing surface acting (which leads to a state of emotional disharmony arising from a difference between genuine and displayed emotions). On the other hand, the emotive dissonance part of emotional dissonance as it is defined in this thesis may work as a motivating force to perform either surface acting or deep acting in an attempt to deal with a state of emotional disharmony occurring due to a difference between genuine and expected emotions. For example, the employer may expect employees to be empathetic when interacting with difficult clients, even if the employees feel annoyed with the clients. This expectation of the employer, in turn, may motivate employees to perform surface acting or deep acting as a means of adhering to the expected behaviour. This means that emotional dissonance in this study is regarded as being both a precursor to emotional labour (surface acting and deep acting) and an outcome of emotional labour (surface acting). The reason that emotive deviance in Figure 2.2 is not included in the definition of emotional dissonance is that this type of emotional disharmony is generally not present within the individual when performing either surface acting or deep acting. This is because most employees, when performing emotional labour, would try to conform to their job role by displaying the emotions that they perceive their employers expect them to display (Ashforth & Tomiuk 2000) Authenticity of Self and Emotional Labour Although the concept of authenticity as it relates to the perception of self is quite elusive and has been mobilised in different ways within different disciplines (Ashforth & Tomiuk 2000; Hochschild 1983; Zerbe 2000), the concept in this thesis is examined more narrowly in relation to: 1) the feeling of emotional dissonance that is associated with the performance of 43

58 emotional labour; and 2) the identification with one s job role. In regards to the former, the literature on emotional labour uses the terms authenticity and authenticity of self interchangeably. In this thesis, however, the term authenticity of self is applied when examining the subject of emotional labour. When it comes to the latter, the term selfauthenticity appears to be the most prominent term used in the literature on identity. Consequently, this term is applied in this thesis when examining the topic of identity. Two prominent researchers that have examined the concept of authenticity in some detail are Ashforth and Tomiuk (2000), who suggest that there are two levels of authenticity: surface authenticity and deep authenticity. Surface authenticity refers to a feeling of authenticity of self that occurs within individuals as a result of congruence between their genuinely felt and displayed feelings in a service encounter. Deep authenticity is concerned with a feeling of self-authenticity that individuals experience when their emotional display is consistent with the display rules of a particular role that they identify with (e.g. adventure tour leader) regardless of whether this emotional display reflects their current feelings. In this instance, the workers have internalised (or wish to internalise) their job role as a reflection of self and, therefore, they can experience deep authenticity (displayed emotions = expected emotions relating to a job role one identifies with) without necessarily experiencing surface authenticity (genuine emotions = displayed emotions) at the same time (Ashforth & Tomiuk 2000). Figure 2.3 illustrates how Ashforth and Tomiuk (2000, p. 196) envisage the relationships between surface authenticity and deep authenticity. It shows that employees who identify with their job role (1A) experience deep authenticity, while employees who do not identify with their job role (1B) experience deep inauthenticity. This deep level of authenticity, however, is conceptually independent from the surface level of authenticity (i.e. employees who experience deep authenticity do not necessarily experience surface authenticity). As such, Figure 2.3 also shows that employees can experience deep authenticity or deep inauthenticity regardless of whether their displayed emotions reflect display rules (expected emotions) (2A) or not (2B), and regardless of whether their displayed emotions reflect their genuine emotions (3A and 3C leads to surface authenticity) or not (3B and 3D leads to surface inauthenticity). 44

59 Cue role identity: 1. Do I identify with the role? 1A 1B Yes: Deep authenticity No: Deep inauthenticity 2. Do my displayed emotions in this situation reflect display rules? 2A 2B Yes: Role conformity No: Role nonconformity 3. Do my displayed emotions 3. Do my displayed emotions in this situation reflect my in this situation reflect my experience of emotions? experience of emotions? 3A 3B 3C 3D Yes: No: Yes: No: Surface Surface Surface Surface authenticity inauthenticity authenticity inauthenticity ( faking in good/ (faking on behalf of bad faith ) another agenda) Figure 2.3 The Relationship between Role Identification and Levels of Authenticity (Source: Ashforth & Tomiuk 2000, p. 196). 45

60 Moreover, Figure 2.3 shows that employees who surface act may do so in good or bad faith depending on whether they identify with the job role (and its associated display rules) or not. If employees identify with the role (1A), they can use deep acting (3A) or surface acting (3B) to conform to the role and thus uphold the valued role identity (2A). On the other hand, if employees do not identify with the role, they can still apply deep acting (3A) or surface acting (3B) to meet performance obligations of the job that is, to conform to the role (2A) without identifying with the role (1B). Employees may also be faking on behalf of another agenda (3D). In this case, the employees would not manage their emotions in order to conform to the role with the result that the emotions that are displayed differ from the emotions that are expected from the role (2B). Even though faking on behalf of another agenda tends to be relatively rare, role non-conformity (3C and 3D) could occur in some situations. For example, employees may try to insult clients in order to get back at their employer, or employees may fake a feeling of impatience so that clients will not ask questions. While Ashforth and Tomiuk s (2000) introduction of the terms surface authenticity and deep authenticity has made a valuable contribution to the literature, there appears to be some ambiguity in their research when it comes to the difference between identifying with the role (which leads to deep authenticity or, alternatively, deep inauthenticity) and conforming to the role (which leads to role conformity or, alternatively, role nonconformity). On the one hand, Ashforth and Tomiuk (2000, p. 195) describe deep authenticity as occurring when one s emotional expression or display is consistent with the display rules of a specific identity that one has internalized (or wants to internalize) as a reflection of self. On the other hand, however, Ashforth and Tomiuk s definition of deep authenticity would appear to contradict their portrayal of deep authenticity as presented in Figure 2.3. According to Figure 2.3, employees who identify with their job role do not necessarily have to display emotions that are consistent with the display rules of the job identity that they have internalised. In fact, if Ashforth and Tomiuk s definition of deep authenticity is true, they would need to remove option 2B from their model in Figure 2.3. However, since it is fully possible, for example, for adventure tour leaders who identify with their job role (1A deep authenticity) to display a feeling to clients that is not reflecting expected feelings in the form of display rules (2B), such as grumpiness, due to having a grudge with their employer, removing option 2B from the model would be pointless. This displayed feeling of grumpiness, in turn, may represent a reflection of the adventure tour leaders genuine feelings (3C leads to surface authenticity, e.g. they are truly feeling grumpy with clients) or stand in opposition to the adventure tour 46

61 leaders genuine feelings (3D leads to surface inauthenticity; e.g. they feel empathetic with clients but are faking a feeling of grumpiness to get back at the employer). Another shortcoming of Ashforth and Tomiuk s (2000) study is that, while it is mentioned that emotional dissonance can occur when one s displayed emotions differ from one s genuine emotions (similar to Zerbe s emotive faking in subsection 2.2.4), they may not have been aware of Zerbe s (2000) notion of emotive dissonance (which may occur when one s genuine emotions are different from expected emotions) when they wrote up their research. As a result, Ashforth and Tomiuk do not clearly distinguish between deep acting and genuine emotion display in their study as the emotional dissonance (Zerbe s emotive dissonance) involved with performance of deep acting is not taken into consideration. Hence, Asforth and Tomiuk s definition of emotional dissonance is different from the definition that is used in this thesis. According to Ashforth and Tomiuk (2000), performance of deep acting leads to surface authenticity because there is no difference between employees genuine emotions and their displayed emotions and thus no emotional dissonance. Performance of surface acting, on the other hand, leads to surface inauthenticity because this type of emotional labour results in emotional dissonance due to a difference between genuine emotions and displayed emotions (Ashforth & Tomiuk 2000). In this connection, Ashforth and Tomiuk (2000) propose that emotional dissonance (with its associated feeling of surface inauthenticity brought about as a result of performing surface acting) would be higher if an employee does not identify with the job role (deep inauthenticity) than if an employee does identify with the job role (deep authenticity). Hence, adventure tour leaders who are performing surface acting are likely to experience higher levels of emotional dissonance if they do not identity with the job role than if they do identify with the job role. Yet, while Ashforth and Tomiuk (2000) believe that non-identification with the job role could enhance the emotional dissonance that is felt as a result of performing surface acting, they do not argue that non-identification with the job role could generate emotional dissonance by itself, despite the notion that employees may experience a feeling of deep inauthenticity when they do not identify with the job role. The authors justify this view by referring to their definition of emotional dissonance as occurring when one s genuine emotions differ from one s displayed emotions. According to Burke and Stets (2009), however, individuals who do not identify with a particular role (e.g. the job role of an adventure tour leader) may 47

62 experience a negative feeling of self-inauthenticity due to a discrepancy between who they believe they are as a person and the role they need to take on to be successful in their job. This, in turn, indicates that individuals may be experiencing a state of emotional disharmony due to this difference between who they believe they are as a person and the job role that they occupy. One question in this connection is whether the emotional disharmony that individuals may experience as a result of non-identification with the job role is the same or different to the emotional dissonance that may occur as a result of displaying emotions that are different from one s genuine emotions (surface acting). While Hochschild s concept of surface acting is mentioned in Burke and Stets s (2009) book on identity theory as generating some negative feelings of inauthenticity of self, they do not specify whether this inauthenticity of self is the same as the self-inauthenticity that may occur as a result of non-identification with the job role. Similarly, Brotheridge and Lee (2002) suggest that surface acting does not permit the authentic expression of self because it involves the display of an emotional façade. Even so, they do not explain in any detail how surface acting and non-identification of the job role may be related to each other. Whereas more research is needed in this area, this study views the emotional dissonance that evolves from surface acting (which leads to surface inauthenticity) as being separate to the emotional disharmony that is brought about as a result of non-identification with the job role (which leads to deep inauthenticity). This view is consistent with Asforth and Tomiuk s (2000) notion of surface authenticity and deep authenticity. It opens up the possibility that, although one s genuine emotions would normally reflect what one considers to be one s true self, this is not always the case. For instance, there may be situations in which individuals genuinely feel angry, despite generally regarding themselves as being calm and composed. For the purpose of this study then, the emotional disharmony that is linked to non-identification with the job role is referred to as deep emotional dissonance, while the emotional dissonance that is associated with surface acting (and to a lesser extent deep acting) is referred to as surface emotional dissonance. Section 2.6 will explore the concept of identity in more detail Antecedents and Outcomes of Emotional Labour Figure 2.4 depicts an overview of research conducted on the antecedents and outcomes of emotional labour. It shows that a range of situational, organisational and individual factors could predict the level of emotional labour (surface acting and deep acting) that employees perform on the job. Emotional labour, in turn, could lead to a number of outcomes relating to job attitudes, health and psychological well-being, and job-related behaviours. Each of the 48

63 antecedents and outcomes presented in Figure 2.4 are covered in more detail in the following paragraphs. It is acknowledged that the overview in Figure 2.4 may not be exhaustive other antecedents and outcomes of emotional labour may exist. Yet, in order to present a general idea of what the predictors and consequences of emotional labour might be, the overview in Figure 2.4 was created based on what was considered to be the most prominent and empirically sound research conducted within the area of emotional labour to date. While the relationships between the antecedents and outcomes of emotional labour are presented in a linear fashion in Figure 2.4 for practical reasons, these relationships in reality may be much more complex. For example, some of the antecedents, such as emotional intelligence, may have an indirect rather than direct effect on emotional labour (Brotheridge 2006a). Some antecedents of emotional labour may also serve as outcomes of emotional labour; for instance, role internalisation, which refers to the degree to which workers identify with the job, could be regarded as both an outcome and an antecedent (individual factor) of emotional labour since employees role internalisation may change during the course of performing emotional labour (Ashforth & Humphrey 1993; Rubin et al. 2005). 49

64 Antecedents of EL Outcomes of EL Situational factors - Display rules - Emotional demands of the job intensity duration frequency variety Organisational factors - job control and autonomy - job routineness - supervisor/co-worker support Individual factors - positive/negative affectivity - self-monitoring - cultural values - personality (Big Five) - gender - role internalisation - previous experience and training - trait/ability emotional intelligence EL Surface acting Deep acting Job attitudes - job satisfaction - cynicism - turnover intention - organisational commitment Health and psychological well-being - job stress/ psychological distress - self-esteem - role ambiguity/conflict - physical symptoms - burnout emotional exhaustion depersonalisation personal accomplishment Job-related behaviours - turnover - performance Figure 2.4 The Antecedents and Outcomes of Emotional Labour (Adapted from Adelmann 1989; Ashforth & Humphrey 1993; Bono & Vey 2005; Brotheridge 2006a, 2006b; Brotheridge & Grandey 2002; Brotheridge & Lee 2002, 2003; Grandey 2003; Hochschild 1983; Johnson & Spector 2007; Judge, Woolf & Hurst 2009; Lee 2010; Montgomery et al. 2006; Morris & Feldman 1996a; Naring, Briet & Brouwers 2006; Pugliesi 1999; Rafaeli & Sutton 1989; Rubin et al. 2005; Schaubroeck & Jones 2000; Tews & Glomb 2003; Totterdell & Holman 2003; Van Dijk, Smith & Cooper 2011; Zerbe 2000). 50

65 Antecedents of Emotional Labour In the literature, researchers have identified a number of antecedents or predictors of emotional labour. Probably the most frequently researched predictor of emotional labour relates to display rules. Bono and Vey (2005), for example, found a statistically significant positive relationship between explicit display rules and emotional labour. What this means in practice is that employees tend to perform more emotional labour when display rules are clearly communicated to them than if the display rules are implicit or absent. The particular display rules that are required to be followed by employees, however, may be different depending on the occupation and even the individual organisation. This is because cultural, professional, personal, and situational sources of display rules may be different in different contexts (Ekman & Friesen 1975; Jones & Best 1995). For example, while supermarket attendants may be expected to be friendly and agreeable, debt collectors may be expected to be stern and uncompromising. Whilst Brotheridge (2006b) expressed a need for more research to be conducted on the relative importance of cultural, professional, personal and situational sources of display rules, some studies have compared emotional labour performance in different occupations to each other. Brotheridge and Grandey (2002), for instance, found that sales clerks performed more surface acting than nurses, office clerks and manual labourers; on the other hand, nurses performed more deep acting than sales clerks, office clerks and manual labourers (Brotheridge & Grandey 2002). These findings support the notion that different occupations may have different display rules which result in differential performance of emotional labour by employees. Other antecedents of emotional labour that could be classified as situational factors include the emotional demands of the job, which generally refer to the duration and frequency of service encounters as well as the intensity and variety of emotions that are required to be expressed as part of a particular job (Morris & Feldman 1996a; Tan et al. 2003). Employees who are expected to express a variety of emotions that are very intense in frequent encounters with clients and of a long duration report high levels of emotional labour performance (Brotheridge & Lee 2002, 2003). Such emotional demands of the job may vary depending on the nature of the relationships required between employees and clients in an occupation that is, whether the service encounters are intense and develop over time or are of a more ephemeral nature that requires minimal investment of energy into the relationships (Gutek et al. 1999). For example, adventure tour leaders who interact with clients twenty-four seven on a week-long kayaking expedition may be required to develop a closer and more personal relationship with clients than restaurant chefs who interact with clients perhaps only once 51

66 during a week (e.g. if there are complaints about the food). Accordingly, it is likely that the adventure tour leaders would perform more emotional labour than the restaurant chefs. When it comes to job characteristics or organisational factors that may work as predictors of emotional labour, employees who perceive that they have a high level of control or autonomy in their job perform significantly less emotional labour (particularly surface acting) and experience less emotional dissonance than employees who have less control over their job situation (Bono & Vey 2005). Correspondingly, the more routine employees jobs are (involving less freedom), the more emotional dissonance employees are likely to report (Bono & Vey 2005). One explanation for these results could be that employees who have more freedom in their job may choose to limit or shorten interactions with clients or manage the timing of service interactions in order to avoid frequent performance of emotional labour (Bono & Vey 2005). It is also possible, however, that employees with higher levels of autonomy and control in their job are to a larger extent enabled to express their genuine emotions rather than performing emotional labour. Other organisational factors that have been explored as antecedents of emotional labour include supervisor support and co-worker support. However, although support from supervisors and co-workers have been shown to enhance job satisfaction and team performance and decrease stress and turnover intensions (Cropanzano et al. 1997; Eisenberger et al. 1997; Howes et al. 1999), findings in regards to predicting emotional labour are inconclusive to date (Bono & Vey 2005). Hence, more research is needed to establish the potential impact of supervisor and co-worker support on emotional labour. In addition to organisational factors, there are also a number of individual factors that could influence the degree of emotional labour performed by employees in a particular job (Tews & Glomb 2003). For example, Bono and Vey (2005) found that while positive affectivity (a tendency to feel positive emotions) reduced the level of emotional labour performed by employees, negative affectivity (a tendency to feel negative emotions) increased the degree of emotional labour performed by workers on the job. Furthermore, Brotheridge and Lee (2002) found that employees who are high in self-monitoring (i.e. they easily adapt their behaviour to situational clues) and negative affectivity are more likely to apply surface acting than deep acting as an emotional labour strategy. In regards to individual characteristics that relate to cultural differences, Brotheridge and Taylor (2006) showed that employees with collectivist values (when compared to employees who possess individualistic values) tend to use deep acting rather than surface acting (Brotheridge & Taylor 2006). Moreover, Judge, Woolf and 52

67 Hurst s (2009) study on the relationships between personality and emotional labour that applied the often-used Big Five model of personality (which includes the five personality trait dimensions of extroversion, agreeableness, conscientiousness, neuroticism, and openness) (John, Donahue & Kentle 1991; John, Naumann & Soto 2008) found that emotional labour (both surface acting and deep acting) is generally more difficult and less rewarding for introverted individuals than for extroverted individuals. Regarding role internalisation (the degree to which employees identify with their job role), workers who comply with organisational display rules over time identify more with the job role (Asforth & Humphrey 1993). Similarly, longer duration of emotional labour could lead to greater role internalisation among employees (Morris & Feldman 1997). However, role internalisation could also be considered as an individual difference variable in that workers who have internalised their job role are likely to experience less emotional dissonance than workers who do not identify with their job role (Rubin et al. 2005). Hence, it is likely that role internalisation could function as both an antecedent and an outcome of emotional labour. Furthermore, the degree to which employees identify with the organisation in which they work can also function as a moderator in the emotional labour process. Schaubroeck and Jones (2000), for example, found that employees who were required to display positive emotions as part of their job, but who reported low levels of organisational identification, showed more physical symptoms of illness than employees who reported high levels of organisational identification. Gender is another individual characteristic that could have an effect on the level of emotional labour performed by employees (because gender was explored as a main variable in this study, however, this characteristic will be covered in more detail in section 2.5). Employees previous experience and training can also be considered as antecedents of emotional labour. As suggested in Figure 2.1, adventure tour leaders who have more experience in the job are likely to perform more deep acting than surface acting since the former generally requires more advanced emotional competence (Brotheridge 2006a). In addition, the provision of formal training is also likely to enhance adventure tour leaders skills level and effectiveness when it comes to performing deep acting in preference for surface acting on the job (Anderson 1993; Brotheridge 2006b; Grandey 2003). Deep acting is a less harmful and safer form of emotional labour than surface acting in the occupational context of adventure tour leading as the performance of surface acting could compromise the safety and satisfaction of employees and their clients (Bono & Vey 2005; Cordes & 53

68 Dougherty 1993; Gelade & Young 2005; Grandey 2000; Gross 1998a; Hochschild 1983; Judge, Woolf & Hurst 2009; Volker et al. 2010; Williams & Skinner 2003). While it may be rare to find pure emotional competence training programs within the occupation of adventure tour leading, most adventure tour leaders probably receive emotion management training that is integrated into areas such as advanced first aid training, risk management training, and technical skills training. Thus, it is acknowledged that adventure tour leaders prior experience and levels of training could be a mediating factor in relation to their performance of emotional labour. One individual characteristic that recently has received particular attention in the emotional labour literature is emotional intelligence. This could be because emotional intelligence generally contains a component of emotion management in its construct; as such, it could be regarded as an important antecedent or prerequisite of emotional labour as employees need to be competent in managing their emotions in order to perform emotional labour. There is, however, a range of ways that emotional intelligence has been conceptualised. The first extensive use of the term emotional intelligence is usually attributed to Payne s (1986) doctoral dissertation titled A study of emotion: developing emotional intelligence; self integration; relating to fear, pain and desire, although the term previously had appeared in an incidental manner in a book on literary criticism by Van Ghent (1961) and an in article on psychiatry by Leuner (1966). In 1990, Salovey and Mayer put forward a definition of emotional intelligence as the ability to monitor one s own and others feelings, to discriminate among them and to use this information to guide one s thinking and actions (p. 189). Later, Mayer and Salovey (1997) proposed a definition of emotional intelligence as comprising the ability to: 1) perceive emotion (involves the perception and identification of emotions in oneself, others, and various stimuli such as people s voices, stories, music and art works); 2) use emotion to facilitate thought (concerns the use of emotions to focus attention and to think more logically, rationally and creatively); 3) understand emotion (includes the understanding of emotional language and how emotions combine, progress and transfer from one to the other); and 4) manage emotion (entails the regulation of moods and emotions in oneself and others). Contrary to Mayer and Salovey, Goleman (1995) included motivation in his model of emotional intelligence. According to Goleman (1995), emotional intelligence consists of the following five components: 1) emotional awareness (the ability to understand one s moods, emotions and needs and their impacts on other people); 2) emotional management (the ability 54

69 to control impulses, anxiety and to apply a suitable degree of anger to situations); 3) motivation (the passion to work for intrinsic reasons such as enjoying the task rather than extrinsic reasons such as money or status); 4) empathy (the ability to attend to the implicit feelings of other people and to respond according to their emotional reactions); and 5) social skills (the competency of building and maintaining relationships and support networks with other people). In his latest model of emotional intelligence, however, Goleman (2001) regrouped the construct into four categories, including: 1) self-awareness; 2) selfmanagement; 3) social awareness; and 4) relationship management. These categories are similar to Goleman s previous emotional intelligence categories, although motivation is incorporated into the self-management cluster in his most recent model. Goleman s (1995) work, however, has been criticised by Mayer, Salovey and Caruso (2004, p. 197) for being a popularised tradebook about EI containing naïve representations that equate emotional intelligence with zeal and persistence. According to Mayer, Salovey and Caruso (2004), their perspective of emotional intelligence takes the terminology more seriously because they view emotional intelligence as an ability that combines intelligence and emotion. From this point of view, emotional intelligence can be classified into a group of so-called hot intelligences, which refer to social, practical and personal intelligences that function based on hot cognitions that deal with issues of a personal and emotional nature within individuals (Mayer, Salovey & Caruso 2004, p. 197). Consistent with this ability perspective of emotional intelligence, a person s emotional intelligence can be measured using IQ-like performance tests often referred to as emotional intelligence tests. The researcher agrees with Mayer, Salovey and Caruso that Goleman s work appears to be aimed at an audience of lay people rather than scholarly researchers, which means that his emotional intelligence categories do not represent rigorous scientific research. Still, it is acknowledged that Goleman made an important contribution in regards to making the concept of emotional intelligence known to the public and creating a foundation for further research. The ability approach of emotional intelligence has received criticism from Brody (2004), who pointed out that even though people may know how to behave in a particular situation that involves emotions, they will not necessarily be able to perform the appropriate behaviour. As such, it is possible that ability emotional intelligence is, in fact, measuring knowledge rather than ability. Another area that has been intensely debated in the literature is whether emotional intelligence really can be considered to be an ability (and thus can be learned) or, conversely, if it could be considered to be a personality trait (and thus is inherent). As noted 55

70 previously, Mayer, Salovey and Caruso (2004) conceptualise emotional intelligence as an ability that can be measured, develops over time, and at least to a certain extent may be enhanced through training. Other researchers (Petrides & Furnham 2001; Petrides, Pita & Kokkinaki 2007), however, have proposed that emotional intelligence can be considered as a cluster of self-perceived lower-order personality traits. Instead of measuring emotional intelligence as an ability through performance tests, then, trait emotional intelligence is measured through the use of self-report instruments (e.g. Bar-On 1997; Schutte et al. 1998). This trait approach of emotional intelligence, in turn, has received criticism from various scholars who have commented that self-report instruments may be susceptible to socially desirable responding (Matthews, Zeidner & Roberts 2004; Paulhus 2002). Moreover, Daus and Ashkanasy (2005) have argued that trait emotional intelligence is no more than a reconstellation of already well-researched personality traits, such as the so-called Big Five. Other scholars, however, have suggested that it is to be expected that trait emotional intelligence, as lower-order personality traits, to a certain extent will relate to higher-order personality traits contained in hierarchical trait taxonomies like the Big Five (Petrides & Furnham 2006). Ability and trait models of emotional intelligence, however, are not necessarily mutually exclusive, as Zeidner et al. (2003) proposed. Indeed, a recent study conducted by Lee (2010) applied both ability emotional intelligence and trait emotional intelligence alongside each other as distinct constructs that showed different relationships with emotional labour. More specifically, Lee (2010) found that trait emotional intelligence (defined by him as including various dispositions and self-perceptions, such as happiness, optimism, self-confidence, selfesteem and stress management) was positively related to emotional consonance (an affective state that workers may experience when there is no discrepancy between their genuinely felt emotions and perceived display rules in the workplace that is, emotional dissonance is limited or absent). Emotional consonance, in turn, was negatively related to surface acting and positively related to deep acting (Lee 2010). In other words, people with high levels of trait emotional intelligence tended to perform more deep acting and less surface acting, which is most likely because deep acting involves more emotional consonance (and less emotional dissonance) than surface acting. Contrary to Lee s (2010) initial predictions, where emotional dissonance was considered to be the precondition that motivates employees to perform emotional labour in the first place (employees who do not experience emotional dissonance may not feel the need to perform 56

71 emotional labour and may select to display their genuine emotions instead), Lee suggested that a main finding of his study was that workers who did not experience emotional dissonance still performed emotional labour through deep acting. This finding, Lee proposed, showed that emotional dissonance may not be a precondition which motivates workers to perform emotional labour. It should be noted, however, that other participants in Lee s study who did experience emotional dissonance also performed emotional labour. This fact, together with the exploratory nature of Lee s study, means that more research needs to be conducted in this area before any definite conclusions can be made. When it comes to ability emotional intelligence, Lee (2010) found that this type of emotional intelligence was negatively related to surface acting and positively related to deep acting, although these relationships were weak. This means that employees who were highly effective at regulating their emotions (high ability emotional intelligence) performed more deep acting than surface acting on the job, while the contrary was true for employees who were less effective at regulating their emotions (low ability emotional intelligence). In contrast to the case of trait emotional intelligence, however, ability emotional intelligence was not moderated by emotional consonance. This could be due to the fundamental difference between trait emotional intelligence and ability emotional intelligence whilst the former refers to perceived dispositions and abilities of regulating one s emotions, the latter refers to the actual ability of regulating one s emotions (Lee 2010). Even though individuals perceive that they are able to regulate emotions effectively, for example, this does not guarantee that they actually are able to do so. Lee s (2010) study indicated that because people with high levels of trait emotional intelligence are likely to experience positive feelings and moods (e.g. optimism and selfconfidence) as well as perceiving themselves as being able to regulate their emotions effectively, they are also more likely to experience high levels of emotional consonance since they may think that their genuine emotions match display rules. This, in turn, may influence their choice of emotional labour strategy people with high levels of emotional consonance may apply deep acting rather than surface acting (Lee 2010). Furthermore, Lee s (2010) study implied that trait emotional intelligence (via emotional consonance) had a stronger influence than ability emotional intelligence when it comes to making decisions about which strategy of emotional labour to apply. Ability emotional intelligence, on the other hand, Lee (2010) found had a significant direct effect on job burnout as an outcome of emotional labour. Consequently, Lee (2010) concluded that whereas trait emotional intelligence (through self- 57

72 perceived emotional consonance) may influence the choice of emotional labour strategy, ability emotional intelligence may help determine the outcomes of emotional labour given that unsuccessful emotion regulation may generate feelings of inauthenticity of self and poor interpersonal relationships (Brotheridge & Lee 2002; Grandey 2000; Montgomery et al. 2006). It should be noted that both trait emotional intelligence and ability emotional intelligence, as defined by Lee (2010), could be considered as prerequisites to emotional labour and its two dimensions, surface acting and deep acting. That is, emotional intelligence is a form of emotional competence that is necessary for individuals to possess (which is the case with trait emotional intelligence) and/or learn (which is the case with ability emotional intelligence) in order to perform emotional labour successfully (Lee 2010). While trait emotional intelligence can be measured using self-report instruments (Bar-On 1997; Schuttle et al. 1998), ability emotional intelligence can be measured using performance based tests (Mayer, Salovey & Caruso 2004). In other words, emotional intelligence (trait and ability) differs from emotional labour (surface and deep acting) since emotional intelligence is a form of competence and emotional labour is a process that requires high levels of this competence in order to obtain a positive outcome (i.e. effective performance of emotional labour) (Brotheridge 2006a; Brotheridge & Lee 2002; Lee 2010). Similar to Lee s (2010) study, Brotheridge (2006a) and Brotheridge and Lee (2002) have found that workers who are emotionally intelligent (ability emotional intelligence) are more likely to apply deep acting than surface acting when managing their emotions during interpersonal interactions with clients on the job. This notion is important because deep acting and surface acting may have differential impacts on outcomes of emotional labour, such as workers well-being and job satisfaction. This, in turn, means that it could be beneficial to apply emotional intelligence (both trait emotional intelligence and ability emotional intelligence) as a selection criterion when recruiting and selecting the right candidate for a job. In this regard, emotional intelligence testing has gained increased interest recently. After Daniel Goleman s publication of his book, Emotional Intelligence: Why It Can Matter More Than IQ, in 1995, the notion of emotional intelligence (measured as EQ) became a more commonly accepted concept and is today incorporated into many organisations selection processes (Dessler, Griffiths & Lloyd-Walker 2007). There are now a number of different emotional intelligence tests available, some of which include: the Emotional Competency Inventory (ECI); the Emotional Competency Index (ECI-2); the Emotional Quotient 58

73 Inventory (EQ-i); the Emotional Intelligence Questionnaire (EIQ); the Emotional Intelligence Test (MSCEIT) developed by Mayer, Salovey and Caruso; and the Multidimensional Emotional Intelligence Assessment (MEIA) based on the MSCEIT (Dessler, Griffiths & Lloyd-Walker 2007, p. 222). One advantage that employment tests such as emotional intelligence tests have over other selection methods is that they generally offer an objective approach and, from a psychometric perspective, employment tests score relatively high in terms of accuracy (Joseph & Newman 2010; Porter, Bingham & Simmonds 2008). However, employment tests are more reliable when utilised in conjunction with other selection methods, like interviewing, reference checks, and study of qualifications and past experience (Compton, Morrissey & Nankervis 2006; Du Plessis 2003). Even so, the relevance of employment tests needs to be carefully considered in regards to the job applied for, particularly given some criticism that has emerged in recent years concerning unfair discrimination and bias relating to the use of such tests (Cherniss 2010; Torrington, Taylor & Hall 2007). In summary, while care needs to be taken not to apply emotional intelligence testing as the only strategy that is applied to select the right person for the job, it could prove to be a useful tool for employers in consultation with other selection strategies such as interviewing and reference checks. Outcomes of Emotional Labour In addition to antecedents of emotional labour, there is also a range of possible outcomes of emotional labour for employees and organisations that have been explored in the literature. Given that job satisfaction is one of the main variables in this study, this outcome of emotional labour is critically examined in section 2.3. In regards to job-related attitudes as outcomes of emotional labour, long-term performance of emotional labour (both surface acting and deep acting) may increase workers cynicism or resentment (Hochschild 1983; Rubin et al. 2005) which, in turn, could have a detrimental effect on organisational performance (Bommer & Rubin 2001; Reichers, Wanous & Austin 1997). Similarly, it has been suggested that long-term emotional labour (both surface acting and deep acting) could have a negative effect on employees turnover intention and organisational commitment (Rubin et al. 2005). Jones (1998), however, has found that organisational commitment strongly ameliorated the negative effect of surface acting on employees job satisfaction. Thus, it is possible that organisational commitment could work both as a mediator and an outcome of emotional labour, although more research is needed in this area, to establish the complexity of how, exactly, these variables may relate to each other. 59

74 When it comes to outcomes of emotional labour that relate to health and psychological wellbeing, Bono and Vey (2005) found in their meta-analysis of emotional labour literature that emotional dissonance and surface acting are generally linked with poor psychological health, such as job stress and psychological distress (Pugliesi 1999), low self-esteem (Adelmann 1989), role ambiguity and role conflict (Zerbe 2000). Bono and Vey s (2005) meta-analysis also showed that emotional dissonance and surface acting could cause physical complaints like headaches (Schaubroeck & Jones 2000). Probably the most researched outcome of emotional labour, however, is burnout, which consists of three dimensions: emotional exhaustion, depersonalisation (involves treating clients as objects), and personal accomplishment (Maslach & Jackson 1981). While some mixed results exist because different measures of emotional labour have been used, emotional dissonance and surface acting have been found, in general, to have a positive relationship with emotional exhaustion and depersonalisation but not personal accomplishment (Bolton 2005; Brotheridge & Lee 2003; Lee 2010; Montgomery et al. 2006; Naring, Briet & Brouwers 2006; Totterdell & Holman 2003). Deep acting, on the other hand, has generally been found to have a positive relationship with personal accomplishment (Brotheridge 2006b; Brotheridge & Lee 2002; Grandey 2003) and a negative relationship with emotional exhaustion and depersonalisation (Brotheridge & Lee 2002; Johnson & Spector 2007; Lee 2010). Regarding job-related behaviours, voluntary turnover of employees is likely to increase as a result of emotional dissonance (Zerbe 2000). When it comes to employee performance and emotional labour, emotional displays that could be perceived as insincere and inauthentic by clients could have a negative effect on client service (Grove & Fisk 1989; Rafaeli & Sutton 1989). This finding, in turn, indicates that clients may be more satisfied the more deep acting and the less surface acting employees perform on the job. However, one recent study conducted by Van Dijk, Smith and Cooper (2011) shows that visitors in a zoo in many cases did not detect surface acting as such, but instead perceived that guides were performing deep acting when they, according to the guides, were performing surface acting. In regards to visitor outcomes then, Van Dijk, Smith and Cooper (2011) suggest that future research needs to focus on managing visitor perceptions rather than implementing or developing emotional labour strategies. While the researcher agrees with Van Dijk, Smith and Cooper that future research on managing visitor perceptions is necessary, she suggests that research on implementing and developing emotional labour strategies is also necessary in order to gain a holistic understanding of emotional labour in the employee-client relationship. 60

75 2.2.7 Situations in which Adventure Tour Leaders Perform Emotional Labour There is only one researcher to date who has explored the particular situations in which adventure tour leaders perform emotional labour. Within a canoeing/kayaking context, Sharpe (2002, 2005b) explored how adventure tour leaders generated communitas (a feeling of equality, community and togetherness) among their clients while simultaneously maintaining the leisure-oriented qualities of fun, relaxation and freedom of choice. Sharpe (2005a) also reported that adventure tour leaders applied emotional labour in the following types of situations on the job: ensuring safety ; generating fun ; and encouraging a sense of community (which corresponds with the notion of generating communitas above). The discussion that follows is particularly relevant to these three situations as they relate to Research Objective Three of this thesis, which was to identify the situations in which adventure tour leaders would apply surface acting and deep acting. Ensuring safety was, according to adventure tour leaders in Sharpe s (2005a) study, the most important priority of the job. Adventure tour leaders reported that they performed emotional labour in situations where they were required to maintain control over their emotions, such as during a violent storm when feelings of fear or anxiety might arise. As such, controlling one s feelings of fear and anxiety seemed to represent a vital part of what it meant to be a professional or a leader. Only if adventure tour leaders were able to stay calm in potentially threatening situations would they be perceived as safe and competent leaders by participants and colleagues. This, in turn, meant that novice leaders needed the ability to act as if they had the tour under control, although they might actually feel frightened and anxious. Indeed, maintaining control over the emotions of fear and anxiety was considered to be so crucial for effective leadership that these emotions were suppressed, even in situations when attending to these emotions could help to make important decisions regarding the group s safety (Sharpe 2005a). In other words, the emotions of fear and anxiety were suppressed despite their important function of warning adventure tour leaders about potential danger. This last notion is somewhat paradoxical in the sense that one of the main reasons as to why leaders would suppress the emotions of fear and anxiety is to ensure the safety of tour participants. It may well be, however, that the adventure tour leaders in Sharpe s study were able to pursue a balanced approach to managing their emotions by using their feelings of fear to make sound decisions in regards to safety but, at the same time, hiding any signs of this fear outwardly when interacting with clients. 61

76 When it came to generating fun, adventure tour leaders in Sharpe s (2005a) study reported that not all work relating to making tours enjoyable for participants involved emotional labour. For example, many adventure tour leaders made use of props or other tools to generate a sense of fun and lightheartedness on tours, such as bringing a Styrofoam chicken with real feathers, pink flamingos, or wearing Hawaiian shirts. When adventure tour leaders engaged in emotional labour, however, this tended to happen through the use of expressive role modelling, where the leaders modelled the behaviour they wished to see from participants (e.g. telling jokes, smiling, laughing, and playing around). In most cases, this had the effect of establishing a positive atmosphere and tone for the tour (Sharpe 2005a). Similarly, adventure tour leaders in Sharpe s (2005a) study also used expressive role modelling when trying to encourage a sense of community among participants and themselves. More specifically, the adventure tour leaders actively encouraged a high level of interaction and openness among participants by sharing their own feelings, desires and goals with the group and showing a willingness to listen. In this way, socialising and getting to know tour participants was considered an important part of the job that was just as crucial as other job responsibilities that did not directly relate to emotional labour. Some examples of such job responsibilities included the intellectual and physical work of pre-trip planning, managing the equipment, delivering basic instruction, and facilitating trip logistics. In some cases, adventure tour leaders also took on additional socialising tasks by taking on a buddy role for participants who for one reason or another had difficulty connecting with other participants. Overall, when it comes to emotional labour, adventure tour leaders in Sharpe s (2005a) study were required to display the emotions of happiness and enjoyment, care and concern, while suppressing the emotions of fear and anxiety. In the next section, the focus shifts from the key concept of emotional labour to the other key concept that is central to this thesis, namely job satisfaction. Given that the overarching aim of this thesis is to critically examine the relationships of emotional labour and job satisfaction of adventure tour leaders employed within Australia, the next section offers an overview of scholarly literature on job satisfaction in the occupational context of adventure tour leading. Initially, a discussion of the development of job satisfaction as a concept is provided. Then an overview of the antecedents and outcomes of job satisfaction is presented based on a review of the scholarly literature. This is followed by a discussion of different ways that job satisfaction can be measured. Finally, job satisfaction is discussed in the context of adventure tourism and the occupation of adventure tour leaders. 62

77 2.3 Job Satisfaction in the Context of Adventure Tour Leading Development of the Concept of Job Satisfaction Job satisfaction remains one of the most researched topics within organisational behaviour (Ghazzawi 2008). From Hoppock s (1935) classic study on job satisfaction, almost every conceivable aspect of the subject has been investigated (Brayfield & Rothe 1951; Jones & Sloane 2009; Kaplan et al. 2009; Lambert & Hogan 2009; Locke 1976). The concept of job satisfaction evolved within the area of organisational behaviour based on earlier research conducted on topics such as employee boredom, fatigue, and customer satisfaction (Gilbreth & Gilbreth 1917; Poffenberger 1929; Taylor 1919; Wright 2006; Wyatt 1924, 1929). Whereas a number of conceptualisations of job satisfaction have been suggested, most researchers classify job satisfaction as falling into the overarching category of job attitudes (Weiss & Cropanzano 1996), which also encompasses concepts such as cynicism, turnover intention, and organisational commitment (see Figure 2.7). In the early days of attitude research there was considerable debate among scholars in regards to what constitutes an attitude (Wright 2006), and there is still some discussion in the literature as to what components should be included or excluded in the attitude concept. A common way to define an attitude, however, is to refer to it as the cluster of beliefs, assessed feelings and behavioural intentions toward a person, an object or an event, where the person, object or event is referred to as the attitude object (McShane, McShane & Travaglione 2007, p. 107). From this perspective, attitudes have a cognitive component (includes one s beliefs or opinions about the attitude object), an affective component (entails one s positive or negative judgments of the attitude object), and a behavioural component (represents one s motivation to behave in a particular way with respect to the attitude object) (McShane, McShane & Travaglione 2007; Robbins et al. 2011; Wood et al. 2004). For example, employees who have a belief that their supervisor is unfair because a colleague was undeservingly promoted instead of them may develop a negatively evaluated feeling with regards to their supervisor, as in I dislike my supervisor. This belief and negatively assessed feeling relating to their supervisor, in turn, may motivate the employees to start looking for another job to avoid having to work with their supervisor in the future. While it is acknowledged that beliefs and behavioural intentions may make up important parts of an attitude, this study will principally focus on the affective component of attitudes. This is 63

78 because job satisfaction as an attitude in this study is viewed as a tendency to feel positively or negatively about one s job. From this viewpoint and, in accordance with Locke s (1976, p. 1304) definition of job satisfaction, individuals who are satisfied with their job can be said to be in a pleasurable or positive emotional state resulting from the appraisal of one s job or job experiences. Hence, even though job satisfaction as an attitude may have both a cognitive component and an affective component (Eagly & Chaiken 1993; Kaplan et al. 2009), this study examines the relationships between emotional labour (as opposed to mental labour) and job satisfaction of adventure tour leaders. Thus, the focus will be on the affective rather than the cognitive component of job satisfaction. The phenomenon of job satisfaction is closely related to what motivates and de-motivates employees (Locke 1976). In this connection, Stone (2005) suggested that employee motivation represents an extremely complex concept that is often difficult to define. This is due to employee motivation being: the product of many interacting factors such as the culture of the organisation, management s leadership style, the structure of the organisation, job design, and HR policies and practices. The employee s personality, skills, knowledge, abilities and attitudes also play a part (Stone 2005, p. 412). Given this complexity of employee motivation as a concept and its link to job satisfaction, there is a range of motivation theories that need to be considered in this study. In this connection, a discussion of different content theories and process theories of motivation follows, along with a discussion of how these theories might be integrated. These particular motivation theories were included in the context of this study as they are often utilised in relation to job satisfaction, which represents one of the main variables in this thesis. Content theories of motivation focus on what needs and motives found within individuals and their environment could energise and sustain their behaviour (Wood et al. 2006). Maslow s (1943, 1954) hierarchy of needs theory is probably the best-known motivation theory in the literature to date. This theory suggests that people have five different categories of needs that are arranged in a hierarchy and include: 1) physiological needs (entail biological drives like the need for food, air, water, shelter, and sex); 2) safety needs (concerned with the need to be in a safe and non-threatening environment without the threat of physical or psychological harm); 3) social needs (involve the need for love, affection and a sense of belonging in relation to other people); 4) esteem needs (involve the need to develop self-respect and to 64

79 obtain the approval of others); and 5) self-actualisation needs (comprise the desire to fully develop one s potential and realise one s abilities). According to Maslow, in order for a particular need to be satisfied (e.g. level 2: safety needs), the needs that are ranked as lower in order in the hierarchy must first be satisfied (e.g. level 1: physiological needs). This means that levels 1 to 4 in the needs hierarchy must be satisfied before the self-actualisation needs of level 5 can be met. Maslow s needs theory, however, has received substantial criticism in the literature. In their review of research derived from Maslow s theory, Wahba and Bridgewell (1976) found little support for the ranking of needs or the existence of the hierarchy of needs that Maslow proposed. Hofstede (1984) criticised Maslow s theory for being ethnocentric (i.e. looking at the world exclusively from the perspective of one s own culture). Indeed, it is possible that people who live in countries that are high on Hofstede s dimension of uncertainty avoidance, like Japan and Greece, would rank safety needs higher than self-actualisation needs (Wood et al. 2006). Similarly, it is conceivable to suggest that employees in countries that are collectivist-oriented (as opposed to individualist-oriented), such as Pakistan and India, would rank social needs higher than self-actualisation needs (Cianci & Gambrel 2003). It follows that while Maslow s theory could be a useful tool when it comes to identifying different types of needs that people may have, the order and ranking of needs in his hierarchy can be questioned. Adventure tour leaders, for instance, may have to ensure that safety needs are met in an emergency (e.g. get down from a mountain top when a thunderstorm approaches) before attending to the physiological needs of the group and themselves (e.g. shelter, water and food). Alderfer s (1969) ERG theory is similar to Maslow s hierarchy of needs theory in that it also focuses on people s needs. However, Alderfer s theory differs from Maslow s theory in that he specifies that there are only three types of needs that do not necessarily have to be activated in any particular order and, additionally, more than one need may be activated at the same time (Furnham 2005). Alderfer s (1969) proposed needs are as follows: 1) existence needs (which correspond to Maslow s physiological and safety needs); 2) relatedness needs (which correspond to Maslow s social needs); and 3) growth needs (which correspond to Maslow s esteem and self-actualisation needs). Whilst Alderfer s theory provides a more flexible approach to understanding human needs than Maslow s strict hierarchy, research on the ERG theory to date is fairly limited (Wood et al. 2006). One early study that looked at the ERG theory found that people with highly educated parents had higher growth needs, and that 65

80 women had lower existence needs and higher relatedness needs than men (Alderfer & Guzzo 1979). Another more recent study conducted within a Chinese context found that men were more likely to be motivated by existence needs and growth needs than women (Song, Wang & Wei 2007). However, although the flexibility of the ERG theory means that it fits better with research evidence, more research is needed in order to test the validity of the theory (Wood et al. 2006). Yet, whilst there still is some discussion among scholars regarding the number of needs and the relationships between them, most researchers appear to agree that the satisfaction of human needs is an important aspect of motivating employees behaviour on the job (Furnham 2005). Adventure tour leaders, for example, may try to satisfy their growth needs by learning new ways to manage their emotions when interacting with clients. McClelland s (1961) acquired needs theory is concerned with three themes or needs that McClelland thought were vital to explain behaviour on the job, these being: 1) the need for achievement (nach involves the desire to improve one s performance, solve problems or master complex tasks); 2) the need for affiliation (naff refers to the desire to create and uphold warm and rewarding relationships with others); and 3) the need for power (npower concerned with the desire to control, influence and being responsible for others) (Wood et al. 2006). According to McClelland (1961), people will acquire these three needs over time as a consequence of gaining more life experience. Although the needs levels required to be an effective leader may vary depending on each particular situation, research generally indicates that people who have a high nach tend to be motivated by a high degree of personal responsibility, a moderate level of risk, and constructive feedback on their work (McClelland & Winter 1969; Miner, Smith & Bracker 1994). Nevertheless, a high nach does not necessarily mean that a person will be a good leader given that her or his need for achievement is more focused on personal accomplishment than on helping others to do well (McClelland & Boyatzis 1961). Furthermore, even though McClelland (1986) suggested that nach can be learned by adults who do not have a high level of this need, other scholars have remarked that more carefully controlled studies are required before firm conclusions can be made regarding the effectiveness of nach training programs (Vecchio 2006). While research on naff and npower is less established than research on nach, some studies have found that a moderate to high npower and a lower naff were associated with effective leadership (McClelland & Boyatzis 1961; Miner 1965; Winter 2002). This result could be because people who have a low need for power may not be interested in influencing other people, which is a key attribute of good leadership (Wood et al. 2006). In addition, whilst 66

81 some naff may be needed in order to get along with other people (Vecchio 2006), a relatively low level of naff could help a leader make difficult decisions without having to worry about being disliked by employees (Wood et al. 2006). Yet, it should be noted that the levels of all three of McClelland s needs categories required for effective leadership may vary depending on the situation as well as the culture in which the leadership takes place. In the context of adventure tourism, for example, it is possible that adventure tour leaders may need a relatively high level of naff given the social and interactive nature of their work which requires them to be warm and friendly toward clients. Herzberg s (1968; see also Herzberg, Mausner & Snyderman 1959) two-factor theory presents two perspectives on satisfaction and dissatisfaction on the job. According to Herzberg, the factors that could lead to job satisfaction are different from the factors that could lead to job dissatisfaction. The factors that could lead to job satisfaction relate to the job itself or outcomes directly derived from the job, and are referred to as motivation factors. Some examples of motivation factors include achievement, recognition, the work itself, responsibility, advancement, and growth. The motivators are based on characteristics that people might find intrinsically rewarding that is, they are motivated to work hard solely to obtain the pleasant feeling of doing the job itself (Wood et al. 2006). Herzberg proposed that motivators generate job satisfaction if they are present, but not necessarily job dissatisfaction if they are absent. The factors that could lead to job dissatisfaction are more peripheral in regards to the work situation and are called hygiene factors. The hygiene factors focus more on features that employees might perceive as extrinsically rewarding and, thus, these factors refer to rewards that are more external to the job (Vecchio 2006). Some examples of hygiene factors include company policy and administration; supervision; relationship with supervisor, peers and subordinates; work conditions; salary; personal life; status; and security. Herzberg alleged that hygiene factors could lead to dissatisfaction if they are absent, but not necessarily job satisfaction if they are present. For adventure tour leaders, for instance, this perspective means that a high salary would not necessarily lead to job satisfaction and a lack of recognition would not necessarily lead to job dissatisfaction. However, Herzberg s two-factor theory has received considerable criticism in the literature. For example, Herzberg s study has been criticised for being method bound in the sense that only studies which used the same method as Herzberg (critical incident interviews) have obtained similar results, whilst studies using other methods have not obtained support for his theory (Hulin & Smith 1965). More recent studies have questioned the categorisation of job 67

82 factors as either motivators or hygienes suggesting that absence of the former could lead to dissatisfaction and presence of the latter could lead to satisfaction. Bjerke, Ind and De Paoli (2007), for instance, found that employees in a Norwegian phone company were motivated by the physical environment in that artwork, design, and architecture improved employees mood, well-being and level of inspiration. Likewise, some studies have proposed that remuneration levels could be a powerful motivator for employees (Bevilacqua & Singh 2009; Markowich 1994; Opsahl & Dunnette 1966). Another criticism of Herzberg s methodology was put forward by Vroom (1964) who proposed that interview participants in Herzberg s study, in order to defend their ego, may have been inclined to attribute good things happening to them at work to their own efforts (internal factors) and bad things happening to them at work to the environment (external factors). Finally, Herzberg s study has also been criticised for not accounting for individual differences such as gender and age; not providing a sample that is representative for the working population since he examined scientists and engineers only; and not clearly defining the relationship between motivation and satisfaction (Dunnette, Campbell & Hakel 1967; King 1970). Despite these criticisms, however, there are researchers today who believe that Herzberg s two-factor theory still has utility (Bassett-Jones & Lloyd 2005); the discussion and debate are ongoing. As opposed to content theories, which focus on the what aspect of motivation, process theories emphasise the why and how aspects of why employees are motivated to choose one behaviour over another (Wood et al. 2006). One of the most dominant process theories of motivation is Adams (1979) equity theory. Adams argued that people decide the fairness of their job outcomes by comparing them to those of others in the workplace. If, for instance, employees feel that the rewards they receive for their contributions on the job are unequal to the rewards other employees receive, they may experience a state of cognitive dissonance which, according to Adams, will serve as motivation for the employee to take some kind of action to remove the discomfort felt from the perceived inequity and restore a sense of equity in the situation. For instance, adventure tour leaders who have a high educational level and extensive experience in the job may feel that they deserve a higher salary than people without the same background. If they are not provided with a higher salary, they may tell their employer that they will start working for another company unless their salary is raised according to their qualifications. If successful, this may restore a sense of equity in the situation for the adventure tour leaders. 68

83 Equity theory, however, has also received some criticism in the literature. First, Adams theory has been criticised on the basis of its subjective nature. Different people may have different opinions in regards to what constitutes inequity (Miner 2003). Second, equity theory has been criticised because people often have a systematic tendency to evaluate their own effort higher than that of others (Greenberg 1981, 1983). Third, employees may be inclined to compare themselves with a variety of factors that the organisation perhaps has not considered as being relevant (Walster & Berscheid 1973). Finally, given that Adams study was conducted in a laboratory setting, some researchers have questioned the applicability of his theory to real-life situations (Huseman, Hatfield & Miles 1987). Expectancy theory was developed by Vroom (1964) and is crucially concerned with the following three key terms: 1) expectancy (the probability that an employee s effort will result in an acceptable level of performance for a set task); 2) instrumentality (the probability that a certain level of performance will lead to a particular job outcome); and 3) valence (the value or attractiveness that an employee attributes to different job outcomes). In other words, expectancy theory argues that employees will be motivated if they think: 1) that a high level of effort in regards to a job task will lead to a favourable performance appraisal; 2) that a good performance appraisal will lead to organisational rewards, such as a bonus, salary raise, or promotion; and 3) that the rewards will be consistent with personal values and goals (Robbins et al. 2011; Wood et al. 2006). According to Vroom, motivation (M) can be calculated by multiplying expectancy (E), instrumentality (I), and valence (V) using the following formula: M = E x I x V. Although Vroom s expectancy theory overall has received support in the literature, the operation of this multiplier effect remains a subject of debate (Wood et al. 2006). From the perspective of the multiplier effect, adventure tour leaders will be highly motivated, for example, if the following factors are fulfilled: 1) they are confident that they can perform emotional labour in interaction with clients; 2) they think they will be recognised for performing emotional labour by receiving praise from their boss; and 3) they value praise as a reward. The same adventure tour leaders, however, would be less motivated if they were not as confident that their performance of emotional labour would be successful and/or rewarded, and/or if they did not value praise from their boss as a reward. There are some critics that have suggested that expectancy theory can only be applied in cases where performance is, in fact, used as a criterion for rewarding employees instead of other criteria that are not related to performance, such as tenure, effort, skill levels, and job difficulty (House, Shapiro & Wahba 1974). Other researchers have criticised Vroom s theory 69

84 suggesting that it over-intellectualizes the cognitive processes people go through when choosing alternative actions (Schwab, Olian-Gottlieb & Heneman 1979, p. 146), thereby indicating that people may generally not be aware of the links between effort-performance and performance-reward. Furthermore, Mitchell and Daniels (2003) remarked that expectancy theory is mostly focusing on processes that occur within the individual instead of paying more attention to processes happening between individuals. Yet, even though more sophisticated research is needed in this area, most researchers seem to agree that expectancy theory provides some useful insights into understanding the motivation of employees (Wood et al. 2006). It is acknowledged that other theories of motivation than those presented above do exist. However, the researcher chose to include what she perceived to be the most prevalent theories of motivation within organisational behaviour for the purpose of providing a pertinent review of the literature on motivation as it relates to job satisfaction. Each of the theories presented above could potentially be of value to managers in organisations. The fact that all theories may be valuable for managers, however, does not necessarily mean that they are mutually exclusive or in competition with each other. Indeed, there are some researchers that have tried to integrate some or all of the above-mentioned theories into synthesised models. Schermerhorn, Hunt and Osborn (1991), for example, compared the four content theories developed by Maslow, Alderfer, McClelland and Herzberg. Accordingly, Figure 2.5 shows how different needs in the needs hierarchy, the ERG theory, the acquired needs theory, and the two-factor theory may relate to each other. Needs that are located at the same level horizontally in the model are believed to have a common theme. For instance, Maslow s selfesteem needs and social needs are similar to Alderfer s relatedness needs, McClelland s need for affiliation, and some of Herzberg s hygiene factors. The distinction between intrinsic and extrinsic needs roughly lies between Herzberg s motivators and hygienes, respectively. Schermerhorn, Hunt and Osborn s comparison of content theories can be criticised for being too simplistic given that content theorists to a certain extent still disagree when it comes to the exact nature of human needs. Yet, their model provides an overview of human needs that could be useful for managers in regards to identifying individual employees needs. Based on this information, managers can take measures to fulfil these needs so as to engender positive job behaviour and job satisfaction. 70

85 Maslow Alderfer McClelland Herzberg Need hierarchy ERG theory Acquired needs theory Two-factor theory Self-actualisation Self-esteem Social Safety and security Relatedness Existence Need for achievement Need for power Need for affiliation Motivators satisfiers Hygienes dissatisfiers Physiological Figure 2.5 Comparison of Content Motivation Theories (Source: Schermerhorn, Hunt & Osborn 1991, p. 178). Another more comprehensive model which has attempted to integrate both the content theories and the process theories presented in this subsection was developed by Porter and Lawler (1968). Figure 2.6 depicts this integration model of motivation. From left to right, the model shows that the valence or value that an employee attributes to a particular reward (box 1), together with the expectancy or perception of whether a certain level of effort will lead to this reward (box 2), determines how much effort (box 3) the respective employee will invest into a particular job task. However, effort does not automatically transfer into performance or accomplishment (box 6). Employees abilities and personality traits (box 4) as well as their perceptions of the job role (box 5) interact with effort to engender a certain level of accomplishment. Naturally, unless the employees possess a basic level of ability and an understanding of how the job role should be performed, yielding an acceptable level of performance could be very difficult. 71

86 1 Value of Reward 4 Abilities and Traits 8 Perceived Equitable Rewards 7a Intrinsic Rewards 3 Effort 6 Performance (Accomplishment) 9 Satisfaction 5 Role Perceptions 7b Extrinsic Rewards 2 Perceived Effort- Probability Reward Figure 2.6 Integration Model of Content and Process Theories of Motivation (Source: Porter & Lawler 1968, p. 165). Performance, in turn, may or may not be related to rewards in a particular situation (thus the broken lines in Figure 2.6) since rewards can be linked to other criteria than performance. However, if a reward is offered based on performance, this reward could be intrinsic (box 7a) or extrinsic (box 7b). The employees performances also influence what they perceive to be equitable (box 8). Perceived equity interacts with the rewards that are actually received to determine job satisfaction (box 9). There are two feedback loops in the model. First, satisfaction levels could impact on the value employees attribute to a reward. For example, if the employees are not satisfied because a valued reward was not offered, they may reconsider the valence of the reward in question and, as a result, perhaps reduce the level of effort the next time the task needs to be done. Second, the relationship between performance and rewards could have an impact on employees expectancy which, in turn, could lead to adjustments in the level of effort invested in the future. 72

87 With reference to Figure 2.6, which portrays Porter and Lawler s (1968) integration model, the content theories of Maslow, Alderfer, McClelland, and Herzberg are mainly contained in boxes 7a and 7b, which are concerned with intrinsic and extrinsic rewards that may be offered by the organisation to satisfy employees intrinsic and extrinsic needs. When it comes to process theories, Adam s equity theory is principally represented by box 8, which is where employees make up their mind as to whether they think the reward they have been given based on their performance is equitable when compared to other employees. Vroom s expectancy theory, on the other hand, is primarily incorporated in boxes 3 (effort), 6 (performance) and 7a/7b (rewards or job outcomes) since these aspects of the model represent the main building blocks in expectancy theory. Nevertheless, expectancy theory is also contained within boxes 1 and 2 in the model given that these features of the model represent the valence, expectancy and instrumentality factors of expectancy theory. Even though Porter and Lawler s (1968) framework of understanding how motivation may relate to job satisfaction is relatively old, it does provide a straightforward way to understand how different segments of research may relate to each other. In the same way that pieces of a puzzle make up a complete picture, Porter and Lawler s model represents one piece toward gaining an overall perspective in regards to the relationship between motivation and job satisfaction. While more recent attempts to integrate theories of motivation do exist, many of these integration models have become increasingly complex and include a number of other constructs like individual temperament, self concept, motivational development, and congruency (Humphreys & Einstein 2004). However, for the purpose of this study, Porter and Lawler s somewhat simpler integration model of motivation was chosen as a framework because of its more practical nature which makes it easier to implement in real-life situations. In an adventure tourism context, for example, Porter and Lawler s model is helpful in explaining how adventure tour leaders who are required to perform emotional labour may consider the level of effort they will invest into this task based on valence, expectancy, and instrumentality. In order to perform emotional labour successfully, the adventure tour leaders need a basic level of ability and traits in the form of emotional intelligence and personality as well as an understanding of the display rules of the organisation. If emotional labour is performed successfully, the adventure tour leaders may expect a reward, such as recognition from their supervisor. If this reward is not received, however, the adventure tour leaders job satisfaction may be negatively affected and they may decide to put in less effort the next time emotional labour is required on the job. 73

88 2.3.2 Ways of Measuring Job Satisfaction In the literature on job satisfaction, there has been some discussion among researchers regarding what constitutes the dimensions of job satisfaction. There are generally two main approaches. On the one hand, some researchers have applied a one-dimensional approach by measuring overall, or so-called global job satisfaction (Brayfield & Rothe 1951; Weiss et al. 1967). In the case of measuring global job satisfaction, researchers aim to examine general overall satisfaction with the total package which is the job (Furnham 2005). On the other hand, there are other researchers who have applied a multi-dimensional approach to job satisfaction by measuring several different dimensions or factors of the construct (Smith 1976; Smith, Kendall & Hulin 1969). Some examples of such factors include the work itself, promotion opportunities, supervision, co-workers, pay level, benefits, pay structure, and pay raises (De Cieri et al. 2003; De Cieri et al. 2005). Intuitively, it is easy to assume that global job satisfaction is an aggregate construct which equals the sum of individual job satisfaction factors (Law, Wong & Mobley 1998; Locke 1969, 1976). Smith, Kendall and Hulin (1969), however, suggested that when employees respond to multi-dimensional scales, they are using a relative frame of reference which focuses on currently available alternatives. On the contrary, when employees respond to a one-dimensional scale, they are applying an absolute frame of reference which is concerned with making an overall judgement of a fair input/output ratio based on what is perceived to be a fair day s work (Smith, Kendall & Hulin 1969). Consistent with this notion, some researchers (Edwards et al. 2008; Rice, Gentile & McFarlin 1991; Rothausen 1994; Rothausen, Gonzalez & Griffin 2008) have found that different factors of job satisfaction relate differently to overall job satisfaction and other outcomes such as job performance and intention to quit. Conversely, there is some empirical evidence suggesting that both overall job satisfaction and factor job satisfactions relate to the same underlying construct (Ferratt 1981; Judge et al. 2002). Regardless of who might be right in this debate, however, scholars may choose to apply an overall or a factor measure of job satisfaction depending on the purpose and goals of their research. Researchers who have adopted the global or one-dimensional approach in regards to measuring job satisfaction include Brayfield and Rothe (1951) with their Job Satisfaction Index (JSI), which is the measure that is used in this study. Another example is the Minnesota Satisfaction Questionnaire (MSQ) developed by Weiss et al. (1967). The latter measure does contain different intrinsic and extrinsic measures of motivation, but also features an overall 74

89 job satisfaction score. In regards to the multi-dimensional approach of measuring job satisfaction, Smith (1976) developed a multifaceted scale called the Index of Organizational Reactions (IOR) which measures job satisfaction scores in areas such as supervision, nature of work, amount of work, working conditions, co-workers, pay, and the future of the organisation. Also, this measure includes an overall job satisfaction score. Conversely, the Job Descriptive Index (JDI) developed by Smith, Kendall and Hulin (1969) measures job satisfaction with the work itself, co-workers, supervision, pay, and opportunities for promotion, without including an overall job satisfaction score. For the purpose of this study, an overall measure of job satisfaction was used in order to reduce the number of variables to a manageable level in regards to statistical analyses. As such, the researcher was interested in examining the potential effect of emotional labour on adventure tour leaders overall job satisfaction rather than on specific factors of their job satisfaction. In addition, overall job satisfaction was preferred in this study instead of factor job satisfaction given that there seems to be no clear agreement to date about what factors should or should not be included in the construct of job satisfaction, as can be seen in discussions in the literature (De Cieri et al. 2003; De Cieri et al. 2005; Furnham 2005; Roelen, Koopmans & Groothoff 2008). In addition to the debate about whether it is most appropriate to measure overall job satisfaction versus factor job satisfaction, there has been considerable discussion among researchers as to whether job satisfaction (both overall and factor) should be measured using a single item or multiple items. In their review of overall job satisfaction measures, Scarpello and Campbell (1983) concluded that a single-item measure simply asking Overall, how satisfied are you with your job? would represent the best global rating of job satisfaction. In support of this idea, they argued that multiple-item scales may contain items and sub-items that are not relevant for each employee and, consequently, summing up the different items may generate an incomplete assessment of employees job satisfaction (Scarpello & Campbell 1983). In accordance with this, the use of single-item job satisfaction measures have the advantages of being easy and taking less time to complete for respondents; involving less costs; containing more face validity since respondents are not asked a range of very similar questions; and including more flexibility since altering a single-item measure does not need to go through a rigid statistical validation process (Nagy 2002; Wanous, Reichers & Hudy 1997). Moreover, Nagy (2002) found in his study that measuring the five factors of job satisfaction in the JDI by applying a single-item measure (i.e. using one item each to measure 75

90 the five JDI dimensions) compared favourably to employing the traditional multiple-item measure (i.e. summarising multiple items within each of the five JDI dimensions to calculate facet satisfactions). Oshagbemi (1999) and Pollard (1996), however, have warned against the use of single-item measures of job satisfaction due to the following reasons: it is not possible to estimate internal consistency of single-item measures; single-item measures are assumed to have low reliability; single-item measures offer a less comprehensive explanation of job satisfaction than multiple-item measures; and single-item measures have been found to overestimate the percentage of employees who are satisfied with the job, and underestimate the percentage of employees who are indifferent or dissatisfied with the job. Overall though, it looks like at least some researchers agree that the choice of which type of job satisfaction measure to use (single-item or multiple-item) would depend on the particular aim and objectives of a study (Oshagbemi 1999; Wanous, Reichers & Hudy 1997). Hence, for the purpose of this study, a multiple-item measure of overall job satisfaction was chosen. This was because, as suggested by Oshagbemi (1999), multiple-item measures tend to provide more comprehensive information than single-item measures when applied in organisational or occupational studies (as opposed to comparative studies). Given that this study examines the occupation of adventure tour leaders, it falls into the category of being an occupational study. Hence, a multiple-item measure of overall job satisfaction was chosen because it is able to better capture everything contained within the concept than a single-item measure (Oshagbemi 1999). Moreover, a multiple-item measure of overall job satisfaction was used as it is better suited at preventing overestimation or underestimation of study participants job satisfaction than a single-item measure (Oshagbemi 1999; Pollard 1996) Antecedents and Outcomes of Job Satisfaction Figure 2.7 depicts an overview of research conducted on the antecedents and outcomes of job satisfaction. It shows that a variety of work situation factors, social factors, and individual factors could have an impact on the level of overall job satisfaction of employees. Job satisfaction, in turn, could lead to a number of different outcomes relating to job attitudes, psychological well-being, and job-related behaviours. Each of the antecedents and outcomes of job satisfaction is discussed in more depth below. It is acknowledged that other antecedents and outcomes than the ones depicted in Figure 2.7 may exist. In this thesis, however, antecedents and outcomes of job satisfaction were included based on what was considered to 76

91 be the most prevalent and empirically sound research studies in the job satisfaction literature to date. It should be noted that some of the antecedents in Figure 2.7 may also work as outcomes of job satisfaction, such as life satisfaction (Furnham 2005). Similarly, some of the outcomes in Figure 2.7 may also function as antecedents of job satisfaction, such as job performance. Moreover, some of the antecedents and outcomes presented in the model may be indirectly rather than directly related to job satisfaction. As such, the linear fashion of Figure 2.7 was applied for practical reasons so as to present a relatively uncomplicated overview of potential antecedents and outcomes of job satisfaction. In reality, however, the relationships between job satisfaction and its proposed antecedents and outcomes may be much more complex. 77

92 Antecedents of JS Work situation factors - the work itself challenge autonomy variety control workload - job level - organisation size - job security - working conditions - pay and benefits - opportunities for promotion - training and development - supervision - emotional labour surface acting deep acting Social factors - co-worker relations - group belonging Individual factors - positive/negative affectivity - cultural values - personality - gender - age and job tenure - self-esteem - stress - life satisfaction JS Overall Job Satisfaction Outcomes of JS Job attitudes - turnover intention - organisational commitment Psychological well-being - burnout emotional exhaustion depersonalisation personal accomplishment Job-related behaviours - performance - organisational performance - client satisfaction - organisational citizenship behaviour (OCB) - turnover - absenteeism - tardiness - hostile actions - union activity Figure 2.7 The Antecedents and Outcomes of Job Satisfaction (Adapted from Bruk-Lee et al. 2009; Chou & Robert 2008; Cordes & Dougherty 1993; DeSpain 2008; Elliott-Erickson 2009; Furnham 2005; Ghazzawi 2008, 2010; Griffeth, Hom & Gaertner 2000; Hoffman et al. 2007; Hulin 1991; Judge et al. 2001, 2010; Judge & Watanabe 1994; Kaplan et al. 2009; Lavigna 2010; LePine, Erez & Johnson 2002; Locke 1976; Robbins et al. 2011; Robie et al. 1998; Rose 2003; Rue & Byars 2005; Saari & Judge 2004; Scott & Taylor 1985; Shader et al. 2001; Spector 1997; Steel & Rentsch 1995; Tett & Meyer 1993; Vecchio 2006; Volker et al. 2010; Way, Sturman & Raab 2010). 78

93 Antecedents of Job Satisfaction One of the most notable work situation factors that has been found to influence employees job satisfaction is the nature of the work itself, which includes features such as job challenge, autonomy, variety, control, and workload (Fried & Ferris 1987; Saari & Judge 2004; Wagner & French 2010). Most workers tend to be satisfied with interesting and challenging jobs that offer high levels of variety, independence, and control over their work (Barling, Kelloway & Iverson 2003; Bond & Bunce 2003; Saari & Judge 2004). If, however, employees are not offered the opportunity to use and develop their skills on the job, they are likely to report low job satisfaction due to boredom and lack of challenges (Fletcher 2001). Then again, control over one s number of work hours and schedules could have a positive effect on job satisfaction because that control allows employees to manage potentially conflicting time demands (Fenwick & Tausig 2001). Indeed, autonomy, which refers to control over the tasks one performs on the job, is positively related to job satisfaction (Rose 2005). Yet, both control and autonomy, in addition to having a direct effect on job satisfaction, may also have an indirect effect on job satisfaction in that they give employees a greater opportunity to maintain a healthy work life balance (Aletraris 2010). As such, non-traditional working days and shifts have a negative impact on employees job satisfaction since the odd hours make it difficult for employees to establish a routine and to participate in activities at what are considered normal times by society (Jamal 2004; Jamal & Baba 1992). Similarly, job satisfaction could be positively affected by flexibility, which could be in the form of flexible working hours, compressed workweeks, or leave to look after a sick child (George & Jones 2008; Yazel 2001). A high workload, on the other hand, has been found to have a negative effect on job satisfaction (Randolf, Doisy & Doisy 2005). Another work situation factor that could impact on employees job satisfaction is job level. In this connection, employees who work at a higher level in the organisation (e.g. managers or leaders) are more satisfied with their jobs than employees who work in lower-level and often unskilled jobs (Robie et al. 1998; Smith & Brannick 1990). This could be because most higher-level jobs would make use of employees skills and provide them with more challenges, variety and autonomy than lower-level jobs. Organisation size also has been shown to have some effect on job satisfaction in that employees who work in small organisations generally are more satisfied with their jobs than employees who work in larger organisations (Vecchio 2006). This could be because jobs in smaller organisations are often less specialised and, consequently, employees may be offered greater diversity and more autonomy when performing their work (Wallace & Kay 2009). Hence, jobs in smaller 79

94 organisations may be more intrinsically rewarding when compared with larger organisations which often rely on extrinsic rewards such as lucrative salaries to attract jobseekers (Zipp 1991). However, one should be cautious to generalise here given that different employees obviously will be motivated by different rewards, whether it be remuneration or greater variety in the job. A further work situation factor that has been found to predict job satisfaction is job security. If employees perceive that their job security is threatened (i.e. that there is a high possibility of involuntary job loss), this could have a negative effect on their job satisfaction (Davy, Kinicki & Scheck 1997; Rose 2003). Likewise, some studies have shown that job insecurity could lead to job dissatisfaction (Ahmad et al. 2010; Burke 1998; Inmaculada et al. 2010). Work conditions have also been found to predict job satisfaction of workers and may include features of the physical environment where the work takes place, such as temperature, weather, noise, crowding, lighting, and equipment (Furnham 2005). Yet, while improvement in working conditions could have a positive impact on employees job satisfaction (Millner- Harlee 2010), employees may be highly satisfied with their job despite working conditions being unfavourable (Denning 2008). This latter finding could perhaps be explained by working conditions being considered an extrinsic factor that is less important for employees than other intrinsic factors like the work itself (e.g. variety, challenge, autonomy). Pay and benefits represent another factor that may be considered in relation to job satisfaction. Whilst some studies have shown that higher levels of pay had a positive effect on workers job satisfaction, other scholars are more sceptical to this proposition. Spector (1997), for example, found that the correlation between pay and job satisfaction was surprisingly small. Similarly, Judge et al. (2010) found in a recent meta-analysis of the literature that pay level was only marginally related to job satisfaction. Again, it is possible that pay would be considered as an extrinsic factor by employees who might be more motivated by the intrinsic aspects of their job. That being said, some workers may perceive pay as a source of personal pride which then serves as an intrinsic psychological reward (Vecchio 2006). In addition to pay and benefits, opportunities for promotion represent another type of reward that has been linked to job satisfaction. While some authors have proposed that opportunities for promotion are only marginally associated with job satisfaction compared to other work situation factors (Robbins et al. 2011), Quarles (1994) found that the provision of promotion opportunities had a positive effect on workers job satisfaction. In addition, Miles (2010) recently found that the 80

95 perception of a career plateau among employees (i.e. no opportunities for promotion past a certain job level) led to job dissatisfaction. There is some support in the literature for the notion that the provision of effective training and development programs could enhance employees job satisfaction (Choo & Bowley 2007; Jones et al. 2009; Lavigna 2010; Schmidt 2007). Two studies from the field of outdoor education, however, found that the increasing pressure in the outdoor industry to update one s qualifications in the outdoor education occupation has led to increased levels of stress for employees (Allin 2004; Thomas 2001). Given that adventure tour leaders would need many of the same qualifications as outdoor education instructors, this notion may be relevant also for participants in this study. While no specific investigation of job satisfaction was conducted by Allin (2004) and Tomas (2001), their results indicate that while training and development may be vital to maintain or enhance employees job satisfaction, it is also important not to overtrain employees. Quality is often better than quantity. In addition to training and development, however, supervision could also have an effect on workers job satisfaction. Supervision is concerned with employees perception of their supervisors overall competence and ability to provide constructive feedback (Wagner & French 2010). In regards to supervision, then, employees job satisfaction has been found to increase proportionally in line with their supervisors age, education level, and number of hours of leadership training received (DeSpain 2008). Emotional labour and its two dimensions, surface acting and deep acting, have also been linked to job satisfaction. However, given that the effects of emotional labour on adventure tour leaders job satisfaction is the main focus of this study, this relationship will be covered in more detail in section 2.4 of this chapter. In addition to work situation factors, there are also some social factors that could have an impact on employees job satisfaction. One of these factors is co-worker relations, which refers to the quality of relationships between employees and their colleagues as well as the level of mutual respect and trust that has developed between them (Wagner & French 2010). Many studies have shown that support from co-workers positively impacts on employees job satisfaction (Chou & Robert 2008; Inman 2001; McCalister 2003). Moreover, a feeling of interdependence, feedback and social support from co-workers, as well as spending time with co-workers outside of the workplace, has been found to be strongly and positively correlated with job satisfaction, even after accounting for the effects of the work itself (Chiaburu & Harrison 2008; Humphrey, Nahrgang & Morgeson 2007). Indeed, employees who do not spend a lot of time interacting with their colleagues outside of work tend to be less satisfied 81

96 with their co-worker relations (Taylor 2008). In addition, if employees belong to certain groups where they are obliged to participate in meetings or practices on weekends or evenings, being forced to work on weekends and evenings could negatively impact on their job satisfaction (George & Jones 2008). When it comes to individual factors that potentially could predict workers job satisfaction, research through a number of meta-analytic studies has shown that positive affectivity (a tendency to feel positive emotions) has a positive effect on job satisfaction of workers, and negative affectivity (a tendency to feel negative emotions) has a negative effect (Connolly & Viswesvaran 2000; Judge, Heller & Mount 2002; Kaplan et al. 2009; Thoresen et al. 2003). This means that employees who have a natural tendency toward feeling positive emotions would be more satisfied on the job than employees who have a natural tendency toward feeling negative emotions. There are also some studies that have proposed that cultural values could have an impact on employees job satisfaction. Ghazzawi (2008), for example, suggested that employees who have grown up in countries that are high on Hofstede s (1997) individualist (as opposed to collectivist) dimension (e.g. the USA, Canada, Australia, the UK, and Holland) may be more satisfied with jobs that emphasise and reward individual achievement rather than group achievement. Furthermore, employees personality could have an effect on workers job satisfaction. For instance, when the Big Five model of personality is applied, extroversion (includes traits like being ambitious, sociable, active, talkative, personoriented, optimistic, and fun-loving) has a positive impact on job satisfaction, and neuroticism (includes traits like being angry, embarrassed, anxious, hostile, depressed, self-conscious, impulsive, worried, nervous, emotionally insecure, and inadequate) has a negative impact (Bruk-Lee et al. 2009; Judge, Heller & Mount 2002). Moreover, conscientiousness (includes traits like being responsible, careful, thorough, organised, reliable, hardworking, selfdisciplined, ambitious, and punctual) and agreeableness (includes traits like being tolerant, trusting, flexible, forgiving, cooperative, good-natured, and helpful) have a positive effect on job satisfaction, whilst openness (including traits like being imaginative, curious, creative, and broadminded) is not related to job satisfaction (Bruk-Lee et al. 2009; Judge, Heller & Mount 2002). In regards to the effect of gender on job satisfaction, research findings have been mixed (Vecchio 2006). Whereas some authors have found that women generally are more satisfied with their job than are men (Aletraris 2010; Kremer & Goldstein 1990), other research has found no difference between the job satisfaction of women and men (Aguilar & Vlosky 2010; 82

97 Murray & Atkinson 1981). Indeed, some studies have found that men were more satisfied with their job than women (Gruneberg 1997; Olorunsola 2010). These inconclusive research results call for more research to be conducted in the area of gender and job satisfaction. Similarly, research that has examined the relationship between age and job satisfaction has also reported conflicting findings. Whilst some researchers have found a positive and linear relationship, other researchers have found a negative non-linear, U-shaped or J-shaped relationship, and yet other researchers have found no relationship between age and job satisfaction (Ghazzawi 2010). Moreover, research on the potential impact of job tenure on employees job satisfaction is also mixed in its conclusions (Sarker, Crossman & Chinmeteepituck 2003). On the one hand, it has been suggested that workers with longer tenure may have higher levels of job satisfaction because they have found a job which suits their needs (Clark, Oswald & Warr 1996), or they have found opportunities for promotion which then leads to higher job satisfaction (Kalleberg & Mastekaasa 2001). On the other hand, workers with longer tenure may also become bored, which could lead to lower levels of job satisfaction (Clark, Oswald & Warr 1996). It follows that more research is needed to investigate the relationships between age, job tenure and job satisfaction. One individual factor that has been attributed to higher levels of job satisfaction is selfesteem. Alavi and Askaripur (2003), for example, found that employees who possessed high levels of self-esteem were more satisfied with their job than employees who had low levels of self-esteem. Similarly, there is some research that has examined the potential impact of socalled core self-evaluations on workers job satisfaction. Core self-evaluations refer to assessments that employees make about how competent, capable and worthy they are as a person (Robbins et al. 2011). Workers who believe they are competent, capable and worthy have been shown to be more satisfied with their job than workers who believe they are incompetent, incapable, and unworthy (Judge & Hurst 2007). In relation to job stress, most studies have shown that high levels of stress on the job negatively affect employees job satisfaction (Boyle et al. 1999; Shader et al. 2001). One recent study (Larrabee et al. 2010), however, found that job resiliency (i.e. the ability to focus on solutions, opportunities and enjoyment of achievements when faced with stress instead of focusing on problems and negative emotions) had a positive impact on job stress, which indicates that teaching employees how to better handle stress could indirectly enhance their job satisfaction. One further individual factor that has been shown to be related to job satisfaction is life satisfaction. A high degree of life satisfaction indicates that individuals are generally happy 83

98 with their life (Furnham 2005). Most research on the relationship between life satisfaction and job satisfaction has suggested that the two variables are related to each other in a reciprocal manner that is, life satisfaction predicts job satisfaction and vice versa (Judge & Watanabe 1994; Tait, Padgett & Baldwin 1989; Thomas & Ganster 1995). In other words, it seems like experiences from one s life have the potential to spill over into the work arena and, likewise, experiences from one s job may influence everyday life. Outcomes of Job Satisfaction In the literature, a range of different outcomes has been suggested by various researchers in regards to job satisfaction. Some of these potential consequences of job satisfaction relate to job attitudes. For example, one meta-analytic study found that job dissatisfaction led to turnover intent in employees (Tett & Meyer 1993). Furthermore, other scholars have proposed that while extrinsic factors are important, intrinsic factors appear to have the largest effect when it comes to influencing employees intention to leave (O`Reilly & Caldwell 1980; Randolf, Doisy & Doisy 2005; Tang, Kim & Tang 2000; Udechukwu 2007). Job satisfaction has also been found to have a positive impact on organisational commitment (O Reilly & Caldwell 1980; Rue & Byars 2005; Tang & LiPing 1999). Hence, employees who are satisfied with their job may be more committed to the organisation in which they work than employees who are dissatisfied with their job. Some research has suggested that job satisfaction of employees could have an effect on their psychological well-being. Being dissatisfied with one s job is likely to have adverse effects on one s well-being and general happiness (George & Jones 2008). Similarly, enhanced job satisfaction is likely to lead to increased employee well-being (Barrios-Choplin, McCraty & Cryer 1997; Winefield, Tiggemann & Goldney 1988). Indeed, some studies have shown that lower levels of job satisfaction could lead to a high degree of employee burnout (Cordes & Dougherty 1993; Volker et al. 2010), whilst higher levels of job satisfaction have been associated with lower levels of employee burnout (Elliott-Erickson 2009). Consistent with these findings, Griffin et al. (2010) found that job satisfaction was negatively related to all three of the burnout dimensions, including emotional exhaustion, depersonalisation, and reduced personal accomplishment. That is, the more satisfied employees were with their job, the less emotional exhaustion, depersonalisation and reduced personal accomplishment they felt at the end of the day. Similarly, Reinardy, Maksl and Filak (2009) proposed that the reason that none of the participants in their study showed any sign of burnout was because they all reported high levels of job satisfaction. Despite research which has suggested that job 84

99 satisfaction is a predictor of burnout (Dolan 1987; Griffin et al. 2010), there is also some research that has found that job satisfaction is an outcome of burnout (Low et al. 2001; Wolpin, Burke & Greenglass 1991; Ybema, Smulders & Bongers 2010). It follows that the relationship between burnout and job satisfaction might be reciprocal in that higher levels of job satisfaction lead to lower levels of burnout and vice versa. The area that has received most attention in the research literature which examines possible consequences of job satisfaction, however, is concerned with job-related behaviours that employees may take on because they are satisfied or dissatisfied with their job. For example, it is a commonly held belief that job satisfaction could have a positive impact on employees job performance, organisational performance, and client satisfaction. This belief stems from the popularisation of the concept of job satisfaction in the 1950s as the Holy Grail of management and the foundation of the so-called happy/productive worker thesis (Landy 1985; Weiss 2002). Surprisingly, given the amount of research conducted on the relationships between job satisfaction and productivity to date, the discussion among researchers as to whether happy employees really do lead to higher productivity is ongoing (Wright 2006). In this connection, Vroom (1964) found a correlation between job satisfaction and job performance of only r=.14, while another meta-analysis conducted by Iaffaldano and Muchinsky (1985) found an equally modest relation of r=.17. Petty, McGee and Cavender (1984), however, reported a somewhat stronger relationship between job satisfaction and job performance of r=.31 in their meta-analytic study. More recently, Judge et al. (2001) conducted a meta-analysis which contained 312 samples with a combined number of subjects. In this meta-analysis, Judge et al. recalculated the relation between job satisfaction and job performance found in Iaffaldano and Muchinsky s (1985) study so that r=.17 became r=.30 after correcting for unreliability. The important point in the discussion above is not so much the statistical results in themselves, but rather how different researchers have interpreted these results in different and sometimes completely opposing directions. On the one hand, Saari and Judge (2004, p. 398) maintained that Judge et al. s higher correlation of r=.30 meant that contrary to earlier reviews, it does appear that job satisfaction is, in fact, predictive of performance. On the other hand, Way, Sturman and Raab (2010) downplayed the same correlation of r=.30 found by Judge et al. claiming that it did not show a causal relationship between job satisfaction and job performance. Furthermore, they provided practitioners with the following advice: if you want to improve job performance behaviours in the hospitality industry, do not try to achieve 85

100 this by trying to enhance the job satisfaction of your employees (p. 392). What the above researchers seemed to agree upon though is that there is a positive relationship between job satisfaction and job performance, although the strength of this relationship is open to debate. In addition to the relationship between job satisfaction and job performance, Way, Sturman and Raab (2010) suggested that a relationship exists between job satisfaction and client satisfaction as well as job satisfaction and organisational performance. According to the wellknown model of the service-profit chain, for instance, it is assumed that satisfied and motivated employees produce satisfied customers, and satisfied customers tend to purchase more, increasing the revenue and profits of the organization (Gelade & Young 2005, pp. 2 3). Again, however, there is disagreement among researchers in regards to whether job satisfaction really could improve client satisfaction and organisational performance. While Saari and Judge (2004) proposed that enhancing employees job satisfaction could improve business results, other researchers are more sceptical claiming that such a management technique is flawed (Bowling 2007; Way, Sturman & Raab 2010). In this study, however, it will be assumed that job satisfaction could have an impact on client satisfaction and organisational performance so that adventure tour leaders who are satisfied with their job might positively influence client satisfaction and organisational performance. Job satisfaction has also been shown to have a positive effect on organisational citizenship behaviour (OCB), which refers to when employees decide to help others on the job without expecting any rewards in return (Bies 1989; Organ 1988). Some examples of OCBs are when employees talk positively about the organisation, when they help co-workers with work problems, and when they go above and beyond what is expected of them in their daily work (Podsakoff et al. 2000). Job satisfaction is positively correlated with OCBs that is, employees who are highly satisfied with their jobs are more likely to engage in OCBs (Hoffman et al. 2007; LePine, Erez & Johnson 2002). As such, employees may perceive it as fair to engage in helpful behaviour when they are surrounded by supportive co-workers, whilst employees who do not get along with their co-workers may be less inclined to engage in OCBs (Blader & Tyler 2009; Chiaburu & Harrison 2008; Fahr, Podsakoff & Organ 1990; Konovsky & Organ 1996). Job satisfaction has also been shown to be associated with more negatively laden work behaviours. For instance, studies have found that employees who are dissatisfied with their job are more likely to quit (Griffeth, Hom & Gaertner 2000; Hom & Griffeth 1995; Williams 86

101 & Skinner 2003). The relationship between job satisfaction and turnover, however, is likely to also be influenced by other factors, such as the availability of alternative jobs, general economic conditions, and employees confidence that their skills are marketable (Carsten & Spector 1987; Lee et al. 2008; Vecchio 1983). Moreover, it should be noted that not all turnover is necessarily going to be negative for the organisation. In fact, if poor performers decide to leave, this may benefit the organisation and could be referred to as functional turnover (Vecchio 2006). In addition to turnover, job satisfaction has generally been found to have a negative impact on employee absenteeism and tardiness (Hulin 1991; Locke 1976; Scott & Taylor 1985; Steel & Rentsch 1995), although one recent study found a reciprocal relationship between job satisfaction and absenteeism (Ybema, Smulders & Bongers 2010). This means that workers who are not satisfied with their job may be inclined to miss work or resort to tardy behaviour when they do turn up at work, such as arriving late or passing time in the parking lot or rest room (Adler & Golan 1981). Missing work, in turn, may lead to workers becoming even more dissatisfied with their job (Ybema, Smulders & Bongers 2010). Still, absenteeism could also be due to other factors like generous organisational sick leave benefits, which could encourage both dissatisfied and satisfied employees to take more days off than necessary (Hausknecht, Hiller & Vance 2008). Furthermore, tardiness may be due to other reasons too, such as car pooling or family responsibilities (Vecchio 2006). Sometimes being dissatisfied with one s job could lead to employees resorting to hostile behaviour, also often referred to as workplace deviance, counterproductive behaviour, or withdrawal behaviour (Robbins et al. 2011). Such behaviours may include but are not restricted to the following: sabotaging machinery, production or service delivery; employee theft; vandalising organisational property; talking negatively about the organisation to clients and the public; and physical violence against co-workers or supervisors (Sprouse 1992; Vecchio 2006). Given that it can be quite difficult to forecast exactly what types of hostile actions dissatisfied employees may resort to, however, it is important for an employer to focus on the heart of the problem that is, the dissatisfaction of the workers rather than attempting to control the different variations of hostile behaviour (Robbins et al. 2011). One type of behaviour which is perhaps less negatively laden that employees may engage in when they are dissatisfied with their job is union activity. Workers who are dissatisfied in their job are more likely to engage in union behaviour, such as becoming union members, voting for candidates they believe will look after their needs in union elections, and taking part in strikes and grievances against the employer (Fleishman & Harris 1962; Gordon & 87

102 DeNisi 1995; Vecchio 2006). In most cases, however, union activity is concerned with economic issues (e.g. salary, security, working conditions) rather than non-economic issues (e.g. the need for creativity and autonomy) (Zalesny 1985). One more recent study (Carson et al. 2006) found that employees who are both committed to the organisation in which they work and to a union had higher levels of job satisfaction than employees who were committed to the union but not their organisation. Thus, it seems like a balanced approach between unionism and organisational commitment might be the most appropriate solution in order to maximise employees job satisfaction Job Satisfaction and Adventure Tourism A multiplicity of occupational groups has been examined in relation to job satisfaction, such as counsellors (Jones, Hohenshil & Burge 2009), pharmacists (McCann et al. 2009), teachers (Cha 2008; Tillman & Tillman 2008), nurses (Ho et al. 2009), library attendants (Topper 2008), and hotel workers (Attia 2007; Sledge, Miles & Coppage 2008). Still, there seems to be only one empirical study (Carnicelli-Filho 2011) thus far that attends to the job satisfaction of adventure tour leaders in particular. According to Carnicelli-Filho (2011), adventure tour leaders in his study managed their emotions in order to satisfy their clients which, in turn, enhanced the leaders job satisfaction and gave them a sense of accomplishment. Thus, he suggested that the relationship between emotional labour and job satisfaction was indirect rather than direct, with client satisfaction as a mediator. Carnicelli-Filho s (2011) study, however, was entirely qualitative in nature and, as a result, adventure tour leaders levels of job satisfaction were not quantitatively measured. This meant that it was not clear how satisfied adventure tour leaders in his study were and whether his sample also included adventure tour leaders who were less satisfied with their job. It should also be noted that Carnicelli-Filho s sample of adventure tour leaders consisted entirely of white-water rafting guides, while this thesis examines a much wider range of adventure tour leaders. In addition to Carnicelli-Filho s (2011) study, there is some anecdotal evidence that has explored the job satisfaction of adventure tour leaders. In an article from the Knight Ridder Tribune Business News, for example, river guides from the Texas area in the USA suggested that their job offered a lot of personal satisfaction, and one of the guides suggested the following: The one thing all guests tell you is how much they hate their jobs. In the guide community, we just don t have that (McLemore 2002, p. 1). Furthermore, Urry (2002) remarked in a tourism context that sometimes there is a contradiction between poor work conditions and job satisfaction work conditions may be poor, but job satisfaction high. This 88

103 contradiction could be due to employees not really considering their work as a job since the business is involved with the provision of leisure. Indeed, workplace fun could reduce negative effects of emotional exhaustion on job satisfaction (Karl & Peluchette 2006). In the context of adventure tour leading, Carnicelli-Filho (2010, 2011) found that adventure tour leaders do have fun at work and that many adventure tour leaders look at their work as a lifestyle rather than a job. This way of looking at their work as a lifestyle was possible in cases where adventure tour leaders personality was closely aligned with their job role (Carnicelli-Filho 2010, 2011). Next, research on the relationships between emotional labour and job satisfaction will be examined in more detail. These relationships are important to examine in order to address the second research objective of this thesis, which is to examine the effects of surface acting and deep acting on the job satisfaction of adventure tour leaders. 2.4 Relationships between Emotional Labour and Job Satisfaction Whereas a considerable amount of research has been conducted within the discrete areas of emotional labour and job satisfaction, less attention has been given to exploring the relationships between these two areas. The majority of scholarly literature that has examined the relationship between emotional labour and job satisfaction to date has identified job satisfaction as an outcome rather than an antecedent of emotional labour (Bony & Vey, 2005; Brotheridge, 2006b; Grandey, 2000; Rubin et al., 2005). Consistent with this literature, this thesis regards emotional labour as an antecedent of job satisfaction (and job satisfaction as an outcome of emotional labour). In an adventure tour leading context, there is only one study (Carnicelli-Filho 2011) that has explored the relationships between emotional labour and job satisfaction of adventure tour leaders. Carnicelli-Filho s (2011) study, however, was qualitative in nature and did not examine whether deep acting and surface acting had differential effects on adventure tour leaders job satisfaction. In addition, Carnicelli-Filho s sample of adventure tour leaders consisted entirely of white-water rafting guides and thus does not represent a wide range of adventure tour leaders. However, there is some quantitative research that has explored the relationships between emotional labour and job satisfaction of other occupational groups that does distinguish between deep acting and surface acting. For example, some researchers have proposed that deep acting could have a negative (Grandey 2000; Hochschild 1983) or neutral (Johnson & Spector 2007; Judge, Woolf & Hurst 2009) effect on employees job satisfaction, while other researchers have shown that deep acting could have a positive effect on workers job satisfaction (Ibanez-Rafuse 2010; Ozturk, Karayel & Nasoz 2008; Sheetal 2010). 89

104 Furthermore, some studies have suggested that surface acting is unrelated to job satisfaction of employees (Johnson & Spector 2007; Ozturk, Karayel & Nasoz 2008), whilst other studies have shown that surface acting has a negative effect on employees job satisfaction (Bono & Vey 2005; Grandey 2000; Hochschild 1983; Judge, Woolf & Hurst 2009). It would seem that the reason that these research findings are somewhat mixed when it comes to the effects of surface acting and deep acting on employees job satisfaction is that different researchers have used different measures of both emotional labour and job satisfaction. However, the finding that deep acting could have a positive effect on employees job satisfaction supports the notion that emotional labour does not exclusively have negative consequences for employees. This view is consistent with other studies which have proposed that emotional labour can involve both positive and negative features (Miller, Considine & Garner 2007; Wharton 1993; Wouters 1989; Zembylas 2004). As discussed previously, surface acting has been associated with a sense of inauthenticity of self, emotional exhaustion and frustration in employees due to the high level of emotional dissonance that occurs as a result of performing this type of emotional labour (Ashforth & Humphrey 1993; Van Dijk & Brown 2006; Van Dijk & Kirk-Brown 2007). When surface acting, employees may feel a state of emotional discomfort since the emotions they display to clients are not the same as the emotions they genuinely feel on the inside (Hochschild 1983). Deep acting, on the other hand, has been linked to a sense of authenticity of self in employees since the emotional dissonance involved with this form of emotional labour is reduced or completely eliminated (Diefendorff, Croyle & Gosserand 2005; Grayson 1998; Kruml & Geddes 2000; Zammuner & Galli 2005). This reduction or elimination of emotional dissonance, which occurs because the employees through managing their emotions have aligned their genuine emotions with the emotions they display to clients, could also lead to a feeling of achievement (Sharpe 2005a; Zammuner & Galli 2005). Building on these findings, as well as research showing that deep acting could have a positive effect on workers job satisfaction (Ibanez-Rafuse 2010; Ozturk, Karayel & Nasoz 2008; Sheetal 2010) while surface acting predominantly had a negative effect on workers job satisfaction (Bono & Vey 2005; Grandey 2000; Hochschild 1983; Judge, Woolf & Hurst 2009), the following two hypotheses were proposed: Hypothesis 1a: Deep acting has a significant positive effect on adventure tour leaders job satisfaction. 90

105 Hypothesis 1b: Surface acting has a significant negative effect on adventure tour leaders job satisfaction. The researcher was also interested to determine whether there were any differences between male and female adventure tour leaders in regards to surface acting, deep acting, job satisfaction, and the effects of surface acting and deep acting on job satisfaction. This is important to explore because, according to Hochschild s (1983) empirical research (where she, as part of studying the emotional labour of flight attendants, explored the relation of gender to jobs), women are generally thought to manage their emotions better and more often than men. Hence, the next section examines the potential effects of gender on the relationship between emotional labour and job satisfaction. These potential gender effects are important to examine so as to address Research Objective Four of this thesis, which was to examine potential gender differences between adventure tour leaders in regards to surface acting, deep acting, job satisfaction, and the effects of surface acting and deep acting on job satisfaction. 2.5 Emotional Labour, Job Satisfaction and Gender The terms sex and gender are often used interchangeably in the literature (Griffin 2003; Hearn 1994; Pryzgoda & Christler 2000). However, while sex refers to the biological difference between being female or male, gender is constructed through the behavioural, social and psychological aspects of acting as women or men (Butler 1990; Hawkesworth 1997; Nicholson 1994; West & Zimmerman 1991). In this way, gender is a social construction that is linked to societal and cultural norms, which stem from people s understanding of how females and males are expected to behave in different contexts within a particular society or culture (Knights & Kerfoot 2004; Rafaeli & Sutton 1989). Arguably, the most influential psychologically-based research that has been conducted on gender to date is Bem s (1974) work on gender roles. Bem proposed that women do not have to be purely feminine and men do not have to be purely masculine. Instead, Bem suggested that people can be classified into one of four groups depending on their levels of masculinity and femininity: 1) Masculine (high level of masculinity; low level of femininity); 2) Feminine (high level of femininity; low level of masculinity); 3) Androgynous (high levels of both masculinity and femininity); and 4) Undifferentiated (low levels of both masculinity and femininity). Bem (1974) developed a self-report instrument called the Bem s Sex Role Inventory (BSRI) in order to measure these four types of gender roles. While the BSRI has received some criticism based on its factorial validity and the variation in meanings of masculinity and femininity in different socio-cultural contexts (Fernández & Coello 2010), it is still one of the most widely used measures in psychologically-based research on gender 91

106 today (Gianakos 2002) and has been applied in a number of recent studies (Bruns 2010; Hutchinson 2010; McCusker & Galupo 2011; Pashalidis 2009; Powell & Butterfield 2011; Watkins 2010; Zheng & Zheng 2011). In regards to literature on emotional labour and gender, research on job segregation has shown that women, more often than men, tend to occupy professions that require a high degree of emotional labour (Erickson & Ritter 2001; Guy & Newman 2004; Hochschild 1983). In addition, research on gender differences in emotion has shown that women in general have a tendency to be better than men at perceiving nonverbal cues (Hall 1978; Hochschild 1983; McClure 2000) and they tend to possess more complex emotional knowledge than men (Ciarrochi, Hynes & Crittenden 2005). It has also been suggested that women tend to be more empathetic than men and, furthermore, that women are likely to apply emotion more often and more appropriately than men, who tend to be more analytic in their approach to the world (Baron-Cohen 2002). Moreover, women have been shown to score higher on performance based emotional intelligence tests than men (Joseph & Newman 2010). Emotional intelligence was discussed in detail in subsection of this thesis and is relevant to this study because it serves as an important prerequisite for successful performance of emotional labour. Indeed, workers who are emotionally intelligent are more likely to apply deep acting than surface acting when managing their emotions during interpersonal interactions with clients on the job (Brotheridge 2006a; Brotheridge & Lee 2002; Lee 2010). This notion is important since deep acting, as opposed to surface acting, is expected to have a positive effect on job satisfaction of participants in this study. Given the research which suggested that women tend to be more emotionally intelligent and thus might be better able to manage their emotions than men, it is reasonable to assume that they perform more deep acting than men because this form of emotional labour generally requires more advanced emotional competence than surface acting (Brotheridge 2006a). Likewise, it is reasonable to believe that men perform more surface acting than women since this is perceived to be the simplest type of emotional labour and, as such, it necessitates less sophisticated emotional competence than deep acting (McShane, McShane & Travaglione 2007). Thus, provided that deep acting is predicted to have a positive effect on adventure tour leaders job satisfaction, whilst surface acting is predicted to have a negative effect on adventure tour leaders job satisfaction (as proposed in Hypothesis 1), it is also plausible to suggest that the job satisfaction of female adventure tour leaders will be higher than that of 92

107 male adventure tour leaders. Based on this reasoning, the following three hypotheses were proposed: Hypothesis 2a: The level of deep acting is significantly higher for female than for male adventure tour leaders. Hypothesis 2b: The level of surface acting is significantly higher for male than for female adventure tour leaders. Hypothesis 2c: The level of job satisfaction is significantly higher for female than for male adventure tour leaders. Moreover, consistent with the predictions in Hypothesis 2, it is reasonable to assume that deep acting has a more positive effect on job satisfaction for women than for men and, similarly, that surface acting has a more negative effect on job satisfaction for men than for women. Hence, the following two hypotheses were proposed: Hypothesis 3a: Deep acting has a significantly more positive effect on job satisfaction for female than for male adventure tour leaders. Hypothesis 3b: Surface acting has a significantly more negative effect on job satisfaction for male than for female adventure tour leaders. Figure 2.8 depicts a visual representation of the relationships between the hypotheses that are proposed in this study in regards to the variables of gender (G), deep acting (DA), surface acting (SA), and job satisfaction (JS). The arrows indicate the proposed direction of impact of each anticipated relationship, and the numbers represent each individual hypothesis. 93

108 G 2a 2b DA 3a 2c 3b SA 1a 1b JS Figure 2.8 Hypotheses Relating to Gender, Deep Acting, Surface Acting and Job Satisfaction The next section explores how adventure tour leaders emotional labour and job satisfaction may relate to their identity construction. This is important to explore in order to address Research Objective Five of this thesis, which is to explore adventure tour leaders comprehension of their identity construction in terms of having one core self and/or multiple identities. 2.6 Emotional Labour, Job Satisfaction and Identity Construction Understanding how adventure tour leaders comprehend their identity construction is important to this thesis because there is a possible relationship between the concept of identity and emotional labour. The findings of some studies (Ashforth & Tomiuk 2000; Burke & Stets 2009; Torland 2011a) suggest that surface acting, as well as a mismatch between employees person identities (i.e. how they view themselves as unique and distinct individuals with idiosyncratic personality attributes) and their jobs, could lead to emotional disharmony and a feeling of inauthenticity in employees. As discussed in subsection 2.2.5, non-identification with the job role could lead to a negative state of emotional dissonance as there is a discrepancy between who the workers believe they are as a person and the role they need to take on to be successful in their job (Ashforth & Tomiuk 2000). Similarly, surface acting could also lead to a negative state of emotional dissonance due to a difference between employees true emotions and the emotions that they actually display to clients on the job (Hartel, Hsu & Boyle 2001, 2002; Van Dijk & Kirk-Brown 2007). Given that this study 94

109 predicts surface acting to have a negative effect on adventure tour leaders job satisfaction, and deep acting to have a positive effect (see Hypothesis 1), adventure tour leaders comprehension of their identity construction in terms of possessing one core self and/or multiple identities could prove to be useful in order to add additional insights into how surface acting and identity may relate to each other. These insights, in turn, may have implications for the human resource management of adventure tour leaders in areas such as recruitment, selection, and training. Understandings of people s identity construction has changed throughout history in tune with three main time periods: 1) premodern times people were thought to have character (which was stable and could be good or bad); 2) modern times people were thought to have personality (with a stable inner self comprising permanent and unique personality traits); and 3) postmodern times people are thought to have identity (stability in character or personality traits is no longer an asset; people are flexible and able to adapt to different situations; having multiple identities 1 is possible) (Brinkmann 2010). During the 1970s and 1980s, there was a very lively debate taking place among psychologists and other scholars on whether individuals traits were permanent and completely determined by their genes (consistent with a personality view), or more fluid and formed by environmental forces (consistent with an identity view) (Elliott 2001; Mischel, Shoda & Smith 2004; Ryckman 2004). In the end, many researchers seemed to agree that the truth lies somewhere in between an individual s traits are determined by a combination of genes and the environment (Funder 2001). One approach which has traditionally been associated with the personality view of identity construction is the well-known Big Five model of personality (Brinkmann 2010; McCrae & Costa 1987). It classifies people according to their scores on the five personality trait dimensions of extroversion, agreeableness, conscientiousness, neuroticism, and openness (John, Donahue & Kentle 1991; John, Naumann & Soto 2008). However, consistent with postmodern perspectives of self-interpretation, which maintain that people can take on more than one identity, some researchers have refurbished the Big Five model by applying some of its dimensions as state traits in addition to the original personality traits. One example of this is state extroversion, which refers to extroverted behaviour that is determined by the situation rather than individuals personality traits (Fleeson, Malanos & Achille 2002; Fleeson & Wilt 2010; McNiel & Fleeson 2006; McNiel, Lowman & Fleeson 2010). In fact, Heller, 1 The term multiple identities as it is used in this thesis indicates that individuals can take on two or more identities. 95

110 Komar and Lee (2007) proposed that people act in ways contradictory to their personality traits most of the time. This notion is important because their study suggested that people spend very little time behaving in accordance with their real self. Then again, it is possible that some individuals perceive themselves as having multiple identities that are constantly changing instead of having one fixed personality. Indeed, in an adventure tourism context, Sharpe (2005a) reported that adventure tour leaders in her study had difficulties in establishing which setting was the location of their real self at work or at home. Sharpe suggested that one explanation for this could be that adventure tour leaders do not believe that they have one true self. Instead, she argued, it is likely that adventure tour leaders perceive themselves as having a number of different selves, with each version of self equally true as any other (Sharpe 2005a). Carnicelli-Filho (2011) confirmed Sharpe s findings, showing that adventure tour leaders in his study were aware of the multiplicity of selves or identities that they comprised. It follows that Sharpe s (2005a) and Carnicelli-Filho s (2011) findings are compatible with the concept of multiple identities as derived from a postmodern understanding of identity construction where individuals are believed to have no fixed core self but rather a variety of flexible identities or fragmented selves that they can take on in different situations depending on the environment (Du Gay 2007; Gergen 2000; Lifton 1993; Sande 1990; Vaughan & Hogg 2006). Critics of postmodern theories of multiple identities, however, have pointed out that the stability and continuity that comes with the idea of a core self could represent a universal ingredient for psychological health (Bentz & Kenny 1997; Schachter 2005; Tracy & Trethewey 2005). Consistent with this criticism, this thesis applies the theory of identity that was developed by Burke and Stets (2009) as a framework, which opens up the possibility that individuals may possess both a core self and multiple identities. As opposed to postmodern theories of multiple identities, which have often been assumed in political, legal, cultural, and gender studies (Gallaher 1998; Grant 2008; Inokuchi 1997; Ivic 2009; Parker 2001; Toffolo 1995), Burke and Stets (2009) identity theory has its origin in the field of social psychology. Their theory builds on both social identity theory (which aims to explore how people identify with a social group) (Hogg & Abrams 1988; Tajfel 1970, 1974, 1978, 1982; Tajfel & Turner 1979; Turner et al. 1987) and structural symbolic interactionism (a theory which aims to understand and explain how social structures and internal self-processes affect the construction of self as well as how the self affects social behaviours) (Burke & Stets 2009; McCall & Simmons 1978; Stryker 1980). 96

111 According to Burke and Stets (2009), an identity is composed of four basic components: 1) an input (refers to people s perceptions of themselves in relation to their environment); 2) an identity standard (refers to people s internal criteria that tell them who their true selves are); 3) a comparator (compares the input meanings with the identity standard and generates an error signal which signifies the difference between the two); and 4) an output (refers to the behaviour in the situation based on the error signal from the comparator). These four identity components are arranged in a cycle as illustrated in Figure 2.9. For example, adventure tour leaders may perceive that they are acting in an introverted manner in a particular situation on the job (the input) while they generally perceive themselves as being extroverted (the identity standard). The comparator compares the input meaning of acting in an introverted manner with the identity standard of being extroverted, which creates an error signal that motivates the adventure tour leaders to modify their behaviour in the situation and act in a more extroverted manner (the output). This modified behaviour then becomes the new input in the sense that the adventure tour leaders perceive that they are now acting in a more extroverted manner, which is compared with their identity standard, and the cycle continues. Identity verification occurs when there is no longer a difference between the input and the identity standard. Yet, if it is not possible to align the input meanings with the identity standard, this creates a tension within individuals that may cause them to feel upset because their behaviour is not congruent with their true selves (Burke & Stets 2009). Identity Standard Perceptions Comparator Error Input Person Output Environment Social Behaviour Figure 2.9 The Operation of an Identity with Its Four Components (Adapted from Burke & Stets 2009, p. 62). 97

112 In their identity theory, Burke and Stets (2009) integrated the notion of role identity (as derived from structural symbolic interactionism) and the notion of social identity (as derived from social identity theory) with the idea of person identity. Role identities involve identifying oneself with a social position (e.g. student, parent, or worker); social identities involve identifying oneself with a social group (e.g. individuals within an organisation); and person identities involve viewing oneself as a unique and distinct individual with idiosyncratic personality attributes (Burke & Stets 2009). The operation of an identity that was illustrated in Figure 2.9 is applicable to either of these types of identities. However, people possess a variety of identities that are arranged in a hierarchy where lower-order role and social identities are subordinated under higher-order person identities that are considered more important by the individual (Burke & Stets 2009). In a particular situation, one or more identities could be activated. In this sense, people can take on multiple identities while still possessing a core self, which consists of their person identities. The next section describes the conceptual framework that will be used in this study based on the preceding hypotheses that were proposed in accordance with the literature. 2.7 Conceptual Framework Figure 2.10 presents a visual depiction of the conceptual framework that will form the foundation for the research presented in this thesis, which aims is to critically examine the relationships between emotional labour and job satisfaction of adventure tour leaders employed within Australia. The framework is based on the predictions that were made in this chapter in the form of hypotheses that were developed in accordance with relevant academic literature. These predictions will be tested and new insights that may be gained through the process of analysing the results of this study will be used to modify and/or expand the framework below so as to create a fuller understanding of the relationships between emotional labour and job satisfaction of adventure tour leaders. 98

113 DA + Sense of self authenticity + + Feeling of achievement Situations of performing DA and SA Comprehension of Identity Construction G JS SA - Sense of self inauthenticity - - Emotional exhaustion, frustration Figure 2.10 Conceptual Framework of the Relationships between Emotional Labour and Job Satisfaction of Adventure Tour Leaders G = gender; DA = deep acting; SA = surface acting; JS = job satisfaction. Broken line/arrow = unproven relationship based on exploratory approach; whole line/arrow = predicted relationship based on hypothesis. (Developed based on the predictions of this study). 99

114 Research Objective One is to develop a profile of adventure tour leaders based on statistical descriptive data relating to a number of characteristics such as gender, age, nationality, level of education and training, relationship status, children, job-specific factors, and experience, in order to better describe the population under study. There is no hypothesis connected to this research objective, as a descriptive approach to conducting research is adopted. Thus, it is not known what the profile of adventure tour leaders will look like before quantitative data have been collected and analysed. However, the insights derived from Research Objective One are predicted to enhance the understanding of the characteristics of adventure tour leaders in this study. It is imperative to have a basic understanding of the characteristics of adventure tour leaders in order to gain a contextual and holistic understanding of the relationships between their emotional labour and job satisfaction. The profile of adventure tour leaders, however, is not included in Figure 2.10 given the descriptive nature of the research relating to the profile. Research Objective Two is to examine the potential effects of surface acting and deep acting on adventure tour leaders job satisfaction. In relation to this objective, Figure 2.10 shows that surface acting is predicted to have a statistically significant negative effect on adventure tour leaders job satisfaction since this form of emotional labour involves high emotional dissonance, thus leading to a sense of inauthenticity of self, emotional exhaustion, and frustration in employees. Deep acting, on the other hand, is predicted to have a statistically significant positive effect on adventure tour leaders job satisfaction because this type of emotional labour involves low emotional dissonance, which results in a sense of authenticity of self and a feeling of achievement in employees. Research Objective Four is to examine potential gender differences between adventure tour leaders in regards to surface acting, deep acting, job satisfaction, and the effects of surface acting and deep acting on job satisfaction. In relation to this objective, it is predicted that female adventure tour leaders perform significantly more deep acting and are significantly more satisfied with their job than male adventure tour leaders. Conversely, male adventure tour leaders are predicted to perform significantly more surface acting than female adventure tour leaders. Furthermore, it is predicted that the effect of deep acting on job satisfaction is significantly more positive for female than male adventure tour leaders, and that the effect of surface acting on job satisfaction is significantly more negative for male than female adventure tour leaders. 100

115 While Research Objective Three is to identify the types of situations in which adventure tour leaders would apply surface acting and deep acting, Research Objective Five is to explore how adventure tour leaders comprehend their identity construction. There are no hypotheses connected with these two research objectives as they are addressed using a qualitative approach and could be classified as exploratory research. Hence, it will not become clear how these objectives can contribute toward an enhanced understanding of the relationships between emotional labour and job satisfaction of adventure tour leaders until data analysis and interpretation of the qualitative data have been conducted. This is illustrated by the broken lines/arrows in Figure 2.10, which indicate that the insights derived from Research Objectives Three and Five are predicted to complement and expand on the insights gained from the quantitative data, but that it is not yet clear how, exactly, this might turn out. However, as will be seen in Chapter 7, following an analysis of quantitative and qualitative data relating to all research objectives in this thesis, a revised model is presented in Figure Chapter Summary This chapter critically discussed literature within the areas of emotional labour and job satisfaction. First, the theoretical development of Hochschild s theory of emotional labour was outlined. Based on a discussion of research that evolved after the publication of Hochschild s (1983) seminal book, the dimensions of emotional labour were operationalised as surface acting and deep acting for the purpose of this study. In order to gain a better understanding of surface acting and deep acting, a detailed discussion of how employees could go about performing each of these two emotional labour types was provided. Then, an outline of how emotional labour could be envisaged as a continuum was presented, before offering a discussion of how emotional labour may relate to the concepts of emotional dissonance and authenticity of self. An overview of the antecedents and outcomes of emotional labour was provided as derived from relevant academic literature. This was followed by a discussion of the situations in which adventure tour leaders are likely to perform emotional labour on the job. In regards to job satisfaction, a discussion of the development of this concept was provided based on relevant academic literature. This was followed by a discussion of different ways of measuring job satisfaction and an overview of the antecedents and outcomes of job satisfaction was offered as derived from scholarly literature. Finally, job satisfaction was discussed in the context of adventure tourism and the occupation of adventure tour leaders. 101

116 Several hypotheses pertaining to the relationships between emotional labour and job satisfaction of adventure tour leaders were developed based on relevant scholarly literature. These hypotheses were incorporated into a model which functions as a conceptual framework for the purpose of this thesis. It was predicted that deep acting would have a positive effect on adventure tour leaders job satisfaction, and that surface acting would have a negative effect on adventure tour leaders job satisfaction. It was also predicted that female adventure tour leaders would perform more deep acting and be more satisfied with their job than male adventure tour leaders. On the other hand, it was predicted that male adventure tour leaders would perform more surface acting than female adventure tour leaders. Finally, it was predicted that the effect of deep acting on job satisfaction would be more positive for female than male adventure tour leaders, and that the effect of surface acting on job satisfaction would be more negative for male than female adventure tour leaders. There were also two subject areas in the conceptual framework that adopted an exploratory approach to conducting research. These areas related to: identifying situations in which adventure tour leaders would apply surface and deep acting; and exploring how adventure tour leaders comprehend their identity construction. Given the exploratory nature of this aspect of the research, it will not become clear how the findings can contribute toward an enhanced understanding of the relationship between emotional labour and job satisfaction of adventure tour leaders until data analysis and interpretation have been conducted. Chapter Three presents an overview and justification of the study s methodology. 102

117 Chapter Three: Methodology 3.1 Introduction This chapter provides a description and justification of the methods and procedures that were used in this study so as to address the research objectives presented in Chapter One. First, a discussion of relevant research paradigms is provided with a particular focus on the positivist and interpretivist paradigms. An explanation as to why pragmatism (Howe 1988; Maxcy 2003; Morgan 2007; Tashakkori & Teddlie 1998) was adopted as a productive approach to conducting research in this study is offered, before presenting the mixed methods research design that was applied. Then, a description and justification is given of the quantitative online survey and the qualitative interviews that were conducted. This is followed by an acknowledgement and explanation of the methodological limitations linked with these methods. The chapter ends with a discussion of ethical issues that were taken into consideration during the planning and conduct of the study. 3.2 Research Paradigm Within the social sciences there are a number of philosophical approaches that underpin scientific investigation. These philosophical approaches are often referred to as the paradigm in which a researcher is working. A research paradigm can be defined as a worldview, complete with the assumptions that are associated with that view (Mertens 2003, p. 139) or, in the words of Guba and Lincoln (1994, p. 105), the basic belief system or world view that guides the investigation. Unsurprisingly, the paradigm a researcher adopts will have implications for the tools chosen for data collection as well as the method and style of interpretation of the collected data (Bazeley 2003). The assumptions of a particular research paradigm can be identified by addressing its position in relation to three philosophical stances: ontology, epistemology, and methodology (Guba 1990). While ontology refers to the nature of reality that is assumed by the researcher, epistemology explores the nature of the relationship between the researcher and what is studied (Guba 1990). Methodology, on the other hand, is concerned with how the researcher goes about generating knowledge through the lens of a particular theoretical approach and research design (Guba 1990; Walter 2006). Social science researchers have tended to apply the positivist and interpretivist paradigms most often (Neuman 2006). Quantitative research methods can be related to the positivist research paradigm within the social sciences (Neuman 2006). This research paradigm implies 103

118 that the researchers seek rigorous, exact measures and objective research, and they test hypotheses by carefully analysing numbers from the measures (Neuman 1999, p. 66). Positivism views social science as: an organized method for combining deductive logic with precise empirical observations of individual behaviour in order to discover and confirm a set of probabilistic causal laws that can be used to predict general patterns of human activity (Neuman 1999, p. 66). One advantage of the positivist research paradigm is that it allows researchers to apply an objective relationship between themselves and study participants (Neuman 2006). This, in turn, can result in enhanced reliability of the data being collected. Positivism also allows for large amounts of data to be collected in a cost- and time-efficient manner (Jennings 2010). Critics of the positivist paradigm, however, suggest that positivism reduces people to numbers and that the focus on abstract laws and formulas might not be relevant to the actual lives of real people (Jennings 2010; Neuman 2006). These critics often adhere to the interpretivist research paradigm within the social sciences, which relies primarily on qualitative research methods. Interpretivist researchers use techniques that are more sensitive to context in order to gain an understanding of the ways other people see the world. Thus, they try to achieve an empathetic understanding of feelings and worldviews as opposed to testing laws of human behaviour (Neuman 2003, 2006). Another way to differentiate between quantitative and qualitative research styles is the contrast between technocratic and transcendent perceptions of research (Lofland & Lofland 1984, pp ). The technocratic perspective implies that the researcher is the expert, and the aim of the research is to detect and document law-like generalisations in order to increase efficiency. This research approach aligns with the positivist paradigm, and is thus frequently used by quantitative researchers (Neuman 2006). In contrast, the transcendent perspective of research focuses more on the viewpoints of the people that are actually being studied, as opposed to expert opinions. Instead of being viewed as objects, people are treated as creative and empathetic living beings. Power relations and inequalities are questioned, and social relations are considered as conscious actions rather than laws of human nature. This research approach corresponds with the interpretivist perspective of social science (Neuman 2006; Punch 1998). Table 3.1 depicts the different research approaches as they relate to the positivist and interpretivist research paradigms along with their ontological, epistemological, and methodological assumptions. The research approach that was adopted for the purpose of 104

119 this study embraces both categories A and B in Table 3.1 and will be discussed in more detail in the following subsection which examines mixed methods approaches. Table 3.1 Positivist and Interpretivist Research Paradigms and Their Assumptions Category Paradigm Ontological Assumptions A Positivist Adopts an essentialist orientation assuming that reality is out there just waiting to Technocratic be revealed, although it might be difficult to pin down. The world is governed by universal causal laws. Quantitative Epistemological Assumptions The researcher aims to stay distant or detached from the phenomenon under study and thus remains objective. Every attempt is made to prevent bias from influencing the findings of a study. Methodological Assumptions Theories and/or hypotheses are prepared before commencing a study. Numerical evidence is gathered and analysed in order to prove or disprove these theories and/or hypotheses. Reliability and validity of data are important. B Interpretivist Transcendent Qualitative Adopts a constructionist orientation assuming that the interactions and beliefs of people create reality. What people see and experience is socially constructed and may be different for different people. The researcher works closely with the researched to create mutual understandings. The findings represent an outcome of this unique interaction. Subjectivity and bias are unavoidable. Thematic categories emerge from the research participants in a study. Information is tested for trustworthiness and credibility rather than reliability and validity. (Adapted from Guba 1990; Neuman 2006) Mixed Methods Approaches Mixed methods approaches have become an increasingly accepted way of conducting research in areas such as management, social sciences and tourism studies (Pansiri 2005). Mixed methods have been referred to as the third path (Gorard & Taylor 2004), the third research paradigm (Johnson & Onwuegbuzie 2004), and the third methodological movement (Teddlie & Tashakkori 2003). Some benefits of conducting mixed methods research include the following: it allows the researcher to answer a broader and more complete range of research questions; the strengths of one method can be used by the researcher to compensate for the weaknesses of another method applied in the same study; it can engender insights that may not have emerged had only one method been used; and it can generate a more complete 105

120 knowledge and stronger evidence that can be used to draw conclusions to inform theory and practice (Johnson & Onwuegbuzie 2004). Within tourism studies, many researchers have advocated and applied mixed methods. In a study that outlined an integrative framework for urban tourism, for example, Pearce (2001, p. 940) suggested that the broader and more integrative approach necessary to conducting research on urban tourism requires that researchers create broader research designs involving diverse methodologies, [that draw] on multiple data sources and combin[e] these in innovative ways, and [that interpret] the subsequent results through a variety of lenses. Furthermore, Davies (2003) examined the role of quantitative and qualitative research in studies of tourism as an industry. In his study, Davies concluded that a broader research methodology that incorporates both quantitative and qualitative research approaches is required in order to create an enhanced understanding of the tourism business. In addition, Davies suggested that a mixed methods approach has proved to be useful in order to gain multiple perspectives in a variety of studies examining the tourism industry by Archer (1980), Stabler (1993), Stabler and Goodall (1996), and Uysal and Crompton (1985). There are also a number of studies within adventure tourism that have applied a mixed methods approach in order to obtain an enhanced insight into the phenomena under investigation. For instance, Arnould and Price (1993) applied a variety of methods in their study, which explored the provision of extraordinary experiences on commercial, multi-day river rafting trips in the Colorado River basin. These methods included face-to-face interviews, participant observation, and surveys (Arnould & Price 1993). According to Arnould and Price (1993, p. 24), the [p]articipant observation and interview data enriched the interpretation of the quantitative results. Moreover, Lamont (2009) used a survey and e- mail interviews to collect data to create an enhanced understanding of the behaviours, needs, and preferences of independent bicycle tourists in Australia. According to Lamont, applying both these methods made it possible to exploit the strengths and overcome the weaknesses of each approach in his study. The main criticism of mixed methods to date has been that it could be considered as inappropriate to mix quantitative and qualitative methods due to what is regarded as the fundamental differences in the underlying philosophical assumptions inherent in each respective paradigm (Guba 1987; Sale, Lohfeld & Brazil 2002; Smith 1983; Smith & Heshusius 1986). One way to overcome this criticism is to adopt pragmatism as the 106

121 philosophical basis for conducting mixed methods research. As such, pragmatism suggests that wedding quantitative and qualitative methods is not epistemologically incoherent but often necessary in order to interpret the findings of some studies (Brewer & Hunter 2006; Howe 1988; Maxcy 2003; Morgan 2007; Tashakkori & Teddlie 1998). Pragmatism considers the research questions or objectives of a study to be more important than either the method being used or the paradigm that underlies the method. Hence, pragmatism supports the use of both quantitative and qualitative methods within the same study if the research objectives require such a mixed methods approach to be adequately addressed (Teddlie & Tashakkori 2003). The origin of pragmatism as a research paradigm can be traced back to the work of classical pragmatists Charles Sanders Peirce, William James, and John Dewey, who suggested that research approaches should be mixed in ways that offer the best opportunities for answering important research questions (Johnson & Onwuegbuzie 2004, p. 16). Pragmatism has several general characteristics including, but not limited to, the following: pragmatism aims to find a middle ground and identify workable solutions to longstanding philosophical problems (e.g. the positivist versus the interpretivist paradigms); pragmatism rejects binary (either-or) choices (e.g. facts versus values, subjectivism versus objectivism); pragmatism regards knowledge as being both constructed and based on the reality of the world one lives in and experiences; theories are viewed instrumentally (i.e. they are considered to be true to different degrees depending on how well they work in terms of predictability and applicability); and pragmatism has a preference for action over philosophising (Johnson & Onwuegbuzie 2004; Teddlie & Tashakkori 2003). It follows from these characteristics that pragmatism represents a very practical and applied research philosophy (Teddlie & Tashakkori 2003). Pragmatism embraces both the positivist and interpretivist paradigms. Regarding ontology, pragmatists look at truth to be provisional in nature in that people constantly obtain new truths through experience and experimenting (Cherryholmes 1992; Johnson & Onwuegbuzie 2004). Pragmatists accept that there are singular and multiple realities that may be oriented toward solving practical problems in the real world (Feilzer 2009). Thus, for pragmatists, truth is what works (Howe 1988, p. 14) in regards to the research questions under investigation and is determined based on the personal value system of the researcher (Teddlie & Tashakkori 2009). Regarding epistemology, pragmatists believe that both subjectivity and objectivity can be applied by the researcher depending on the stage of the research cycle. 107

122 That is, at some points during the research process the researcher may need to maintain a close interactive relationship with study participants (e.g. when conducting interviews to answer complex questions) whereas at other points the researcher may not require interaction with study participants (e.g. when testing a hypothesis based on quantitative data) (Teddlie & Tashakkori 2009). In relation to methodology, pragmatists suggest that quantitative, qualitative or mixed methods may be applied depending on the nature of the particular research questions under examination (Datta 1997; Teddlie & Tashakkori 2003). As suggested by Teddlie and Tashakkori (2003, 2009), some research questions can only be answered by applying quantitative methods; others can only be addressed by the means of qualitative methods; and yet others may necessitate mixed methods. Thus, whilst quantitative and qualitative orientations toward research differ in many ways, it is important to acknowledge that they can also complement each other (Neuman 2006). Accordingly, a mixed methods approach was applied in this study in order to generate a more comprehensive understanding of the topics being examined than if only one method was applied. Moreover, pragmatism was adopted as the paradigm of choice for the purpose of this study since two of the research objectives necessitated the use of both quantitative and qualitative methods; two research objectives lent themselves to a purely qualitative method; and one research objective lent itself to a purely quantitative method. More specifically, Research Objective One lent itself to the use of a purely quantitative method because the demographic data relating to adventure tour leaders characteristics were numerical in nature and, thus, required the use of statistical analysis in order to develop a socio-demographic profile. Qualitative data were not collected in relation to this objective as the creation of a socio-demographic profile did not necessitate a high level of detail to describe the study participants characteristics (Jennings 2010). Research Objectives Three and Five aimed to explore the situations in which adventure tour leaders applied emotional labour as well as how adventure tour leaders comprehended their identity construction. These objectives lent themselves to the use of a purely qualitative method given their exploratory nature. According to Jennings (2010), exploratory research is mainly informed by qualitative methods because of the flexibility they offer in regards to collecting rich and detailed data that could help to establish initial categories and concepts that create the basis for further research. Research Objectives Two and Four lent themselves to the use of both quantitative and qualitative methods. One disadvantage of using purely quantitative data to address a research 108

123 objective is that it does not necessarily generate a holistic understanding of the phenomena under investigation due to the numerical nature of quantitative data (Jennings 2010). In order to overcome this weakness, a qualitative method was added to collect rich textual data, which created a fuller understanding of the emotional labour and job satisfaction of adventure tour leaders, and how this might relate to their gender. While Downward and Mearman (2004) criticised pragmatism for being too vague a philosophy to be relied upon within tourism studies, this view was later challenged by Pansiri (2005) who suggested that pragmatism could yield better research insights in the context of tourism studies because it allows researchers to select the most appropriate mix of methods for a particular research project. As such, Pansiri (2006) called for more mixed methods research that applied pragmatism as a research paradigm within tourism studies. Whilst Pansiri, in 2009, had not yet come across a paper in tourism studies, which claims to have used mixed-methods research with a pragmatist s lens (Pansiri 2009, p. 85), some research in tourism studies has emerged that has adopted pragmatism as a research paradigm in mixed methods studies. Mackellar (2009), for example, used pragmatism as the overarching research philosophy for her PhD study, which examined participants at special interest events in regional Australia. In her thesis, Mackellar (2009, p. 36) used surveys, interviews and participant observation to discover more about the people who are participants at events and ensure triangulation in the study. Mackellar suggested that pragmatism represents a philosophy that allows the researcher to cut through philosophical debates between quantitative and qualitative purists and to focus rather on designing suitable mixed methods research strategies that will help to solve the research problems in practice. In his study of the Corporate Social Responsibility (CSR) involvement of service providers in the Mauritian tourism sector, Ragodoo (2010) also adopted pragmatism as the underpinning research philosophy of his mixed methods research. Ragodoo used a survey and interviews to collect data from tour operators and car rental companies in Mauritius. He stated that the use of pragmatism as a philosophy for his study meant that he could use the mixture of methods that worked best in real-life situations and that the strengths and weaknesses of these methods complemented each other (Ragodoo 2010). Moreover, Gu and Ryan (2010) adopted pragmatism as a research philosophy in their study on the perceptions of residents of Hongcun, China, regarding the impacts of tourism on a rural community. Gu and Ryan (2010, pp ) proposed that their use of both a survey and interviews in their study permitted a richer data set to emerge whereby both quantitative and qualitative methods would yield 109

124 complementary data sets, even allowing for the different ontologies and epistemologies that underlie each method. Furthermore, they suggested that pragmatism implies that the nature of the research questions and the context of the research are more important when selecting methods for a study than any prior predisposition of the researcher relating to paradigmatic approaches (Gu & Ryan 2010). It is clear, then, that pragmatism has positioned itself as a contending and rapidly emerging research paradigm within tourism studies that can allow researchers to apply a combination of research approaches that work in practice (Pansiri 2006). In this regard, this thesis makes an original contribution to the scholarly literature since it applies pragmatism as a research philosophy within the context of tourism studies and, more specifically, adventure tourism Research Design There are three subtypes of mixed methods research including pure mixed, qualitative mixed, and quantitative mixed (Johnson, Onwuegbuzie & Turner 2007). Figure 3.1 shows that research can be purely qualitative or purely quantitative in nature. In purely mixed methods research, however, researchers assign equal status to the qualitative and quantitative parts of the study. It is also possible to use qualitative dominant mixed methods research (symbolised as QUAL + quan research) where the researchers believe that quantitative data and approaches can add to the insights derived from their otherwise qualitative research projects. Moreover, researchers can use quantitative dominant mixed methods research (symbolised as QUAN + qual research) in cases where they believe that qualitative data and approaches can expand on and complement their otherwise quantitative research projects (Johnson, Onwuegbuzie & Turner 2007). Figure 3.1 The Three Subtypes of Mixed Methods Research (Source: Johnson, Onwuegbuzie & Turner 2007, p. 124). 110

125 The subtype of mixed methods research that is applied in this thesis is pure mixed methods research (Johnson, Onwuegbuzie & Turner 2007). This approach was chosen because the researcher assigned equal status to the qualitative and quantitative components of the study given their relative contribution to addressing the five research objectives. The qualitative data were used to help explain and build upon the initial quantitative findings. In other words, the qualitative data in this thesis served to create a more nuanced picture of the phenomena under investigation and this picture added richness and depth to the quantitative data. Given this complementary mixed methods approach, the qualitative data attended to the same research aim and objectives as the quantitative data, with the exception of Research Objectives Three and Five which were addressed by analysing purely qualitative data. However, since the goal of collecting the qualitative data was to complement and expand on the insights gained from the quantitative data, no separate research questions were developed in regards to the qualitative component of the study. The mixed methods research design for this study comprised a quantitative on-line survey and qualitative interviews. Figure 3.2 is based on Creswell and Plano Clark s (2007) sequential explanatory design of mixed methods research. It represents the research design applied in the empirical study described in this thesis. Figure 3.2 shows that quantitative data were collected first in the study. In order to explain and expand on the quantitative results, however, some follow-up qualitative data were also collected. Figure 3.2 shows that in Stage 1 of the research process, quantitative data that related to objectives 1, 2 and 4 were collected through an on-line survey. These data were then analysed and the results were used as a basis to develop follow-up questions for interviews in Stage 2. The data that were collected through interviews related to Objectives Two to Five. The interview data were analysed and the qualitative interview results together with the quantitative survey results made up the foundation for interpretation of these findings in Stage 3 of the research process. 111

126 Stage 1 QUAN data collection On-line survey Objectives 1, 2, 4 QUAN data analysis On-line survey QUAN results On-line survey Develop followup questions for interviews in Stage 2 based on survey results Stage 2 QUAL data collection QUAL data analysis QUAL results interviews interviews interviews Objectives 2 5 Stage 3 Interpretation QUAN and QUAL findings Figure 3.2 Mixed Methods Research Design for This Study (Adapted from Creswell & Plano Clark 2007, pp ). Table 3.2 presents an overview of the methods applied in this study. It shows that a quantitative on-line survey of adventure tour leaders was conducted, which contained demographic closed-end questions as well as questions generated from the Emotional Labour Scale (Brotheridge & Lee 1998, 2003) and the Job Satisfaction Index (Brayfield & Rothe 1951). A purposive sampling strategy was used and 137 adventure tour leaders responded to the survey. The quantitative data collected from the survey were analysed through the use of descriptive statistics, a multiple regression analysis, univariate ANOVAs, and general linear modelling. Furthermore, qualitative interviews of adventure tour leaders were conducted, which comprised four open-ended questions along with follow-up questions. A purposive sampling strategy was utilised and 25 adventure tour leaders participated in an e- mail interview. The qualitative data collected from the interviews were analysed through the means of thematic analysis. Sections 3.3 and 3.4 expand on the information provided in Table 3.2 and examine issues relating to the on-line survey and the interviews in more detail. 112

127 Table 3.2 Summary of the Methods Applied in This Study On-line Survey Interviews Methodology Quantitative Qualitative Sampling Purposive Purposive Sample Size n = 137 n = 25 Measures Demographic closed-end questions Emotional Labour Scale Four open-ended questions Follow-up questions Job Satisfaction Index Data Analyses Descriptive statistics Multiple regression analysis Univariate ANOVAs General linear model Thematic analysis 3.3 Quantitative On-line Survey Surveys are the most widely used technique to gather data in a range of different research fields (Neuman 2006). Surveys have the advantages of being versatile; efficient in collecting large-scale data; useful to study large populations; conducive to statistical analysis techniques; and helpful in conducting secondary data analysis (Walter 2006, pp ). There are a variety of different survey techniques, such as mail questionnaires, telephone interviews, faceto-face interviews, and web surveys (Neuman 2006). Given the amount of time and accessibility required by participants in order to take part in a face-to-face or telephone interview (Kelley et al. 2003), these survey techniques were ruled out. When it comes to mail questionnaires, this survey technique was ruled out due to the slow speed and low response rate that are associated with first mailing questionnaires to participants and then having participants mail the completed surveys back to the researcher (Kelley et al. 2003; Neuman 2006). Hence, a web-based survey, also called an on-line survey, was used because this is considered to be a fast and cost-effective way to get in touch with potential study participants (Dillman, Tortora & Bowker 1998a; Fleming & Bowden 2007). Another distinct advantage of using an on-line survey is that the survey results would already be in an electronic format from the time participants entered their data (Dillman 2000). Consequently, valuable time to manually enter the survey results into a computer was saved which, in turn, also reduced the risk of human error in data entry (Fleming & Bowden 2007; Frippiat & Marquis 2010). Furthermore, using an on-line survey provided the opportunity to collect data continuously, regardless of time or day of week and without any geographical limitations (Manfreda 2001) (e.g. some participants were travelling overseas when completing the survey). Even though many adventure tour leaders are likely to work in relatively remote areas of Australia, it was assumed that most of them would still have access to the internet 113

128 since the adventure tour operators for which they work generally depend on internet marketing to attract clients in the first place. In order to overcome the limitations of conducting an on-line survey, several strategies were applied. One of these strategies was to limit the number of questions to 21, although two of these questions were scale-based and thus required a number of answers relating to different statements. This limited length of the questionnaire was applied to make it more appealing time-wise for potential participants to fill out the survey (estimated to take 15 minutes to complete) (Crawford, Couper & Lamias 2001; Dillman 2000; Dillman, Tortora & Bowker 1998b; Umbach 2004). In addition, the language style was changed from the somewhat technical academic style that is normally used in scientific research to a more conversational and everyday language style (Jennings 2010) when adventure tour leaders were invited to participate in the study. Whenever possible, this language style was also applied in the survey itself. This was done in order to make the invitation and survey as easy to understand as possible without the use of technical words that might be considered dry or difficult for people not working in academia (Dillman 2000; Neuman 2006). As a means to maximise the response rate, the invitation was personalised by using the name of the person or organisation that was contacted, instead of using group s, to make the receiver feel that the invitation was especially made for her/him and to avoid the from becoming stuck in the receiver s spam filter (Cook, Heath & Thompson 2000; Munos-Leiva et al. 2010). Moreover, the relevance of the study for adventure tour leaders was emphasised in order to maximise the response rate. That is, it was highlighted that adventure tour leaders, by participating in the survey, could help to improve conditions for themselves as well as other adventure tour leaders who work in the Australian tourism industry. This was consistent with Umbach s (2004) recommendation that you need to know your audience and tailor websurveys to the particular population under study. (For a copy of the invitation to participate in the survey along with the on-line questionnaire that was used, see Appendix 1 and Appendix 2, respectively.) Pilot Test Before the survey could take place, a pilot test was conducted during October/November Two groups of people were included in the pilot test: leaders in 138 Australian bushwalking clubs, and 18 of the researcher s academic colleagues. The first group was deemed appropriate for the pilot test because leaders in bushwalking clubs often lead the same 114

129 types of adventure activities that were covered in this study. The second group was considered to be suitable for the pilot test because, firstly, many of the group had extensive experience of survey research and, secondly, being familiar with the researcher they might show a willingnesss to assist with the research. From the pilot test, 14 responses were returned which contained constructive feedback that was taken into consideration when modifying the survey material. As a result, some minor amendments were made to the information sheet and questionnaire. These amendments to the survey material based on feedback from pilot participants greatly assisted in the elimination of ambiguity as well as improvement of wording and sequencing (Neuman 2006; Veal 2006; Walter 2006) Procedures and Sampling The sample frame for the quantitative part of this study included a range of on-line searching functions and organisation lists found on the websites of Australian outdoor organisations and associations (e.g. the Outdoor Council of Australia, the Yellow Pages, and Adventure Pro), as well as relevant tourism organisations, government departments, and national parks authorities. Contact details of adventure organisations that were thought to fulfil certain selection criteria were manually entered into a database. These selection criteria have already been discussed in section 1.4 of this thesis. Selected adventure organisations were first contacted via or on-line contact forms, asking the contacted person to forward the e- mail or form to the organisation s adventure tour leaders. Potential participants then had the opportunity to read the information provided, before deciding if they wanted to take part in the research, in which case a hyperlink/web address would lead them directly to an anonymous on-line survey. This survey was designed using the software SurveyMonkey, and was made available on the internet for a period of two months, between November and January, Adventure organisations were approached instead of contacting adventure tour leaders directly because obtaining their contact details proved to be problematic due to privacy issues. This meant that the size of the overall population remained unknown. However, from the 789 organisations contacted, a sample of 137 adventure tour leaders responded to the survey Measures Three types of quantitative measures were used in this thesis (see Appendix 2). The first measure collected demographic information from participants through a series of closed-end questions that were developed for the purpose of this study. The second measure contained the surface acting and deep acting subscales (3 items each) of Brotheridge and Lee s (1998; 115

130 2003) Emotional Labour Scale (ELS), which measures the frequency of these two dimensions of emotional labour, using a 5-point Likert-type scale ranging from 1 = Never, to 5 = Always. Although the ELS contains four other subscales that measure situational elements of emotional labour (including the intensity, frequency, variety, and duration of emotional labour), the main focus of this study was to examine the effects of surface acting and deep acting on adventure tour leaders job satisfaction. As such, it was outside the scope of this study to include these situational emotional labour subscales in the analyses. Table 3.3 shows all the items of the surface acting and deep acting subscales of the ELS. Table 3.3 Items of the Surface Acting and Deep Acting Subscales ELS Subscale Items SA - I hide my true feelings about a situation - I resist expressing my true feelings - I pretend to have emotions that I don t really have DA - I make an effort to actually feel the emotions that I need to display to my clients - I really try to feel the emotions I have to show as part of my job - I try to actually experience the emotions that I must show ELS = emotional labour scale; SA = surface acting; DA = deep acting. Brotheridge and Lee (1998; 2003) developed the items of the surface acting and deep acting subscales of the ELS based on a review of emotional labour literature (Ashforth & Humphrey 1993; Hochschild 1983; Morris & Feldman 1996a, 1997), an examination by other researchers and practitioners to ensure that the language and content of the items were clear and consistent (Brotheridge & Lee 1998), and pilot testing with two working samples (n = 73 and n = 141) which showed that the items form two independent but related factors (Brotheridge & Lee 1998; Grandey 1998). More recently, Brotheridge and Lee (2003) further validated the ELS through a study that tested all subscales on samples of 296 and 238 respondents respectively, which provided evidence for convergent and discriminant validity. As a result of this rigorous research, a variety of researchers have later applied the ELS or its subscales as a reliable and valid measure of emotional labour in their studies (Judge, Woolf & Hurst 2009; Martinez-Inigo et al. 2007; Naring, Briet & Brouwers 2006; Ozturk, Karayel & Nasoz 2008). For example, Judge et al. (2009) found that whereas surface acting had a negative effect on job satisfaction, deep acting was unrelated to job satisfaction. They also found that surface and deep acting had more positive effects for extroverts compared to introverts. Another study reported that whilst surface acting had a negative effect on emotional exhaustion, deep acting showed no relationship with emotional exhaustion 116

131 (Martinez-Inigo et al. 2007). Naring et al. (2006) found that surface acting was related to depersonalisation. Finally, Ozturk, Karayel and Nasoz (2008) reported that deep acting had a negative effect on emotional exhaustion and a positive effect on job satisfaction, while surface acting had a negative effect on emotional exhaustion and no relationship with job satisfaction. The third measure that was used in this study comprised Brayfield and Rothe s (1951) Job Satisfaction Index (JSI), 18-items version, which measures overall job satisfaction, using a 5- point Likert-type scale ranging from 1 = Strongly Disagree, to 5 = Strongly Agree. The JSI is often referred to as the overall job satisfaction measure (Furnham 2005). It was first published in the Journal of Applied Psychology (Brayfield & Rothe 1951) and is now in the public domain. According to Price and Mueller (1986), a reliability coefficient of.87 and two sets of data provide adequate validity for Brayfield and Rothe s measure. The JSI is generally recognised as an affectively based measure of job satisfaction (Schleicher, Watt & Greguras 2004) that has been utilised as a reliable and valid instrument in a number of recent studies within different areas such as psychology, management, and organisational psychology (Amos & Weathington 2008; Bono et al. 2007; Judge, Woolf & Hurst 2009; Meglino & Korsgaard 2007; Piasentin & Chapman 2007) Analyses of Survey Data The data collected from the completed survey questionnaires were electronically transferred from the SurveyMonkey software into SPSS Version 17 data analysis software for PCs. The collected demographic data were analysed utilising frequency distributions. Descriptive statistics were calculated in relation to the deep acting and surface acting subscales as well as the job satisfaction scale. Hypothesis 1 (which proposed that deep acting has a positive, and surface acting a negative, effect on adventure tour leaders job satisfaction) was tested using a multiple regression analysis with deep acting and surface acting as independent variables and job satisfaction as the dependent variable. This analytical method was chosen because it allows the examination of how well a set of variables (e.g. surface acting and deep acting) is able to predict a particular outcome (e.g. job satisfaction) (Tabachnick & Fidell 2001). Regression was chosen instead of correlation because the majority of academic research refers to emotional labour as an antecedent rather than an outcome of job satisfaction (see Figures 2.4 and 2.7). In order to identify the most appropriate model for the regression analysis, sociodemographic variables (i.e. gender, age, nationality, level of education and training, relationship status, children, job-specific factors, and experience) were initially analysed univariately in relation to the independent and dependent variables. However, the results were 117

132 not statistically significant and thus gave no strong reason to unnecessarily complicate the regression analysis by including them in the model. Hypothesis 2 (which proposed that the levels of deep acting and job satisfaction was higher for female than male adventure tour leaders and that the level of surface acting was higher for male than female adventure tour leaders) was tested using three univariate ANOVAs with deep acting, surface acting, and job satisfaction as dependent variables and gender as the independent categorical variable. This analytical method was chosen because it allows one to compare the mean scores (e.g. surface acting, deep acting, job satisfaction) of different groups (e.g. males and females) (Stevens 1996). Hypothesis 3 (which proposed that the effect of deep acting on adventure tour leaders job satisfaction was more positive for females than males and that the effect of surface acting on adventure tour leaders job satisfaction was more negative for males than females) was tested using a statistical analysis method called the General Linear Model (GLM) with deep acting, surface acting, and gender as independent variables and job satisfaction as the dependent variable. This analytical method was chosen because the independent variables were a mixture of continuous (deep acting and surface acting) and categorical (gender) variables and the GLM is specifically designed to deal with this situation (Grafen & Hails 2002). The analytic methods that were used in this study were sensitive to outliers (cases with values well above or below the majority of other cases) and assumed that the populations from which the samples were taken were normally distributed (Tabachnick & Fidell 2001). In order to adhere to these assumptions, the data were checked for outliers and normality through the evaluation of histograms and box plots before starting the analyses. The outliers and normal distributions were acceptable and, consequently, no further inquiry in this regard was necessary. However, the normality of the distribution of the dependent variable (job satisfaction) was also assessed using a Kolmogorov-Smirnov one-sample test. The p-value from the exact test was.173 indicating no strong evidence of deviation from normality (exact p =.173). When it comes to reliability of the scales that were used, Cronbach s (1951) reliability tests were conducted in regards to the items in the surface acting subscale, the deep acting subscale, and the job satisfaction scale. Moreover, analyses of observed power (Cohen 1988) were conducted in relation to Hypotheses 1 to 3 to ensure that the sample of 137 participants as well as the respective subsamples of 28 females and 109 males were adequate. 118

133 3.4 Qualitative Interviews Qualitative interviews can be described as a construction site of knowledge where two individuals discuss a topic of mutual interest (Kvale 1996, p. 2). Face-to-face interviews have the highest response rate of all interview types and provide opportunities to use non-verbal communication, visual aids, and extensive probes (Neuman 2006). Phone interviews, on the other hand, form a flexible and cost-effective method that could be useful if the interviewee is located at a considerable geographical distance (Walter 2006). Given these advantages of face-to-face and phone interviews, the researcher was initially planning to use these interview types when collecting data from adventure tour leaders in this study. However, the researcher suspected that it might be difficult to find a suitable time and/or place to conduct a face-to-face or phone interview with each adventure tour leader as many of them would spend considerable amounts of time in the field on expeditions. Hence, the participants who had consented to an interview were asked how they felt about participating in an interview instead of a face-to-face or phone interview by sending them an (see Appendix 3). Most of them were very positive to participate in an interview via and many of them mentioned that this would be the best way to communicate for them as well. For example, one participant stated the following: I would be happy to continue participating in your PhD study and believe that conducting the interviews via s will work perfectly for myself and probably many other outdoor professionals, as it s hard to know when and where you may be at a given time. Consistent with this, another participant said, ing the questionnaire would be the best way for me too, mate. Hence, due to participants busy, unpredictable schedules as adventure tour leaders, committing to a particular time and/or place to participate in a face-to-face or phone interview was not likely to be convenient. Given this situation, data collection was pursued via correspondence, which offered a distinct advantage in that this technique allowed participants to respond at a time and place convenient to them. Consequently, geographic location of participants was not an issue as they only required access to a computer with internet connection. interviews represent a relatively new data collection method within the social sciences (James 2007; Kvale & Brinkmann 2009). Recently, however, computer-assisted interviewing has become more widespread in the social science research arena (Johns, Chen & Hall 2004; Jones 1999). While the internet traditionally has been used by quantitative researchers as a means of collecting large amounts of data quickly and cost-effectively through on-line surveys (Curasi 2001), qualitative researchers are now starting to appreciate the value of the 119

134 internet as a means of collecting rich, detailed data to understand human experience (Mann & Stewart 2000; Meho 2006). This is illustrated in the number of studies utilising electronic qualitative data collection techniques such as interviewing (Al-Salem 2005; Lamont 2009; Matthew 2008; Predmore et al. 2009; Zhao 2009). Indeed, interviews have the potential to facilitate higher quality responses than face-to-face or phone interviews as participants have time to think about their responses, proof-read their responses, and make revisions (Bryman & Bell 2003; Hewson 2002; Markhan 2004). Given that participants were offered the opportunity to select a time appropriate for them to respond to the interviews, asynchronous interviews were conducted rather than applying a more interactive or synchronous interviewing type. As opposed to on-line synchronous interviews (e.g. through software such as Skype which allows the interviewer to talk to and see the interviewee in real time, or various chat programs where the interviewer and the interviewee communicate by text in real time), on-line asynchronous interviews do not require the study participants and the researcher to be on-line at the same time (Bryman & Bell 2003; Mann & Stewart 2000). This was an advantage in this study given the adventure tour leaders hectic work life. Whilst there is one recent study that has used the method of asynchronous interviews to collect data from Australian cycling tourists (Lamont 2009), this study is the first to apply this innovative method in the context of adventure tour leading in Australia. This means that this thesis can be used as an example for other studies in the future relating to adventure tour leaders as well as other occupational groups where it may be more convenient for study participants to be interviewed via . However, asynchronous interviews do have some disadvantages that need to be acknowledged. Table 3.4 presents an overview of advantages and disadvantages of asynchronous interviews. In order to address the limitations of conducting asynchronous interviews, a number of strategies were applied. It was assumed that since the participants who volunteered for an interview had already filled out the survey, they would have little to no trouble in gaining access to the same computer with internet access to participate in the interview. Even though probes could not be given instantly during the interviews, probes could still be used in order to clarify and ask for more details in regards to the topics under investigation. Indeed, because the probes were not concomitant to a time-limited faceto-face or phone interview, the researcher had more time to carefully consider and construct 120

135 follow-up probes throughout the research process. Moreover, given the genuine interest of study participants (e.g. one participant stated Your PhD is on a very relevant topic that we both have a keen interest in so we are most happy to continue to assist you in your studies ), the researcher believed that most participants would provide rich, in-depth responses in the e- mail interviews in order to assist research within an under-researched area of direct relevance and interest to them. Additionally, in order to make the written communication run as smoothly as possible without any misunderstandings, the interview questions were carefully constructed so that they were self-explanatory and unambiguous. Table 3.4 Advantages and Disadvantages of Asynchronous Interviews Advantages Participants can respond at a time and place convenient to them. The time delay can facilitate high-quality responses since there is no time pressure and participants have time to think about their responses, proof-read responses and make revisions. Data can be collected quickly and in a costeffective manner. Data can be collected from participants who may be shy and better at expressing themselves in writing than in talking. The data are self-transcribing and ready for analysis the minute the information has been typed. The level of anonymity is higher and can thus encourage participants to disclose aspects of their lives that they would not reveal in a more confronting face-to-face situation. Disadvantages Participants need access to a computer with internet connection. The richness in the data may be compromised since the researcher is not physically present to provide instant probes, and non-motivated participants may provide short and superficial responses that are of limited value to the researcher. An invitation to participate in a study via may be considered as spam by the receiver or her/his spam filter and thus be deleted before it is read. Both the interviewer and the interviewee need to be relatively skilled at written communication and have computer literacy. Use of follow-up probes may be time consuming since the researcher needs to wait for the interviewee to respond. Rapport between the interviewer and the interviewee may be compromised since the interviewer is unable to make use of visual and auditory cues (tone, pitch, body language) and thus may appear as faceless and impersonal from the interviewee s viewpoint. (Adapted from Bryman & Bell 2003; Curasi 2001; Hewson 2002; James 2007; Mann & Stewart 2000; Markhan 2004; Meho 2006) Procedures and Sampling At completion of the initial survey, participants were invited to leave their contact details if they would also like to participate in an interview at a later stage. On 20 May 2010, an was sent to the adventure tour leaders who had volunteered which contained an invitation and guidelines in regards to participating in the interview (see Appendix 4). To this , an Information Sheet was attached which comprised information about the study along with 121

136 contact details (see Appendix 5) and the interview questions themselves (see Appendix 6) in Microsoft Word processing documents. The adventure tour leaders were asked to type their answers into the Word document containing the interview questions, save the document, and then it back to the researcher as an attachment no later than 30 June 2010, if possible. This gave them approximately six weeks to respond to the interview questions. Ten days before this date, a reminder was sent to those who had not yet responded, stating that they now only had ten days left to share their viewpoints and work experiences by participating in an interview. Throughout May July 2010, an ongoing dialogue occurred between the researcher and the participants of the interviews. Between 1 to 4 follow-up questions and/or probes were e- mailed to each participant. Generally, participants provided carefully constructed and very detailed responses containing rich data based on their genuine interest in the research area. By the time data collection of the interviews was closed on 31 July 2010, there were six participants who had not responded to the follow-up questions and/or probes that had been sent to them via . This non-response could be due to participants not being able to find enough time to further assist with the study given their hectic work schedule. From the 137 adventure tour leaders who completed the survey, 97 initially volunteered for an interview. In the end, however, there were 25 adventure tour leaders who ultimately took part in an interview. Again, this decrease in numbers could be due to the fact that many adventure tour leaders were extremely busy on the job and, as a result, they did not find enough time to take part in an interview even if they initially wanted to, as illustrated by the following comment: I acknowledge your persistence, however I just can not find the time to respond. I can assure you this is not a lame excuse, but an honest one; that there is absolutely nothing left of my time and I would ideally love to assist you. This lack of time to participate in an interview further supports the decision that was made to conduct the interviews via correspondence rather than the more time-consuming faceto-face or phone methods. The sample size of 25 was still considered to be sufficient for this study because qualitative research, in contrast to quantitative, is still considered trustworthy and credible when using only a small number of participants (Neuman 2006; Veal 2006). Indeed, the point of data saturation in regards to the topics under investigation was reached by the twentieth interview. Data saturation refers to the point when no new data are revealed and 122

137 major themes have emerged and is a commonly applied approach in qualitative research (Kvale & Brinkmann 2009; Morse 1995) Interview Questions The interview questions that were developed for the purpose of this study were open-ended, which permitted an unlimited number of possible answers that could help to discover unanticipated findings as well as allowing for more details to be explored (Peterson 2000). There were four questions that were asked through the interviews, two of which contained two sub-questions each (see Appendix 6). Each of the questions was linked to research objectives Two to Five of this study (see section 1.2). In relation to the second objective, which aimed to examine the effects of deep acting and surface acting on adventure tour leaders job satisfaction, two questions were included which asked how the adventure tour leaders felt at the end of the day when performing deep acting and surface acting, respectively. The third objective was to identify the situations in which adventure tour leaders would apply deep acting versus surface acting. Hence, two questions were included which asked adventure tour leaders if they could give some examples of specific situations in their job where they would perform deep acting and surface acting, respectively. Instead of using the term deep acting, adventure tour leaders were asked to give some examples of situations in which they managed their true emotions so that they aligned with the emotions that were required of them in their job. Rather than using the term surface acting, adventure tour leaders were asked to give some examples of situations in which they suppressed their true emotions and displayed the emotions that were required of them in their job. This terminology was also used when asking adventure tour leaders how performing deep acting and surface acting made them feel. Several examples of deep acting and surface acting were provided in order to prevent participants from mixing the two forms of emotional labour conceptually (see Appendix 6). The fourth objective aimed to examine possible gender differences between adventure tour leaders in regards to surface acting, deep acting, job satisfaction, and the effects of surface acting and deep acting on job satisfaction. In relation to this objective, one question was included which asked the adventure tour leaders if they had received any positive or negative comments from their clients in relation to their gender when applying hard and soft skills on the job. In relation to the fifth objective, which aimed to explore how adventure tour leaders comprehend their identity construction in terms of possessing one core self and/or multiple identities, one question was included which asked the adventure tour leaders if they, 123

138 as a person, believed that they have one core self or a number of different personalities and why Analyses of Interview Data The qualitative data that were collected through interviews in this study were analysed using thematic analysis. Thematic analysis can be understood as a qualitative method that helps to identify, analyse and report patterns or themes within qualitative data. It helps to organise and describe the qualitative data in rich detail and it assists in interpreting different aspects of the research topics under investigation (Boyatzis 1998). According to Braun and Clarke (2006, p. 77), however, thematic analysis is a poorly demarcated and rarely acknowledged, yet widely used qualitative analytic method. That is, thematic analysis does not seem to exist as a named method of analysis in the same way as other qualitative methods, such as narrative analysis or grounded theory (Braun & Clarke 2006). Indeed, Braun and Clarke pointed out that many researchers view thematic analysis as a tool that is used across several different qualitative methods rather than as a specific method in itself. In agreement with Braun and Clarke (2006), however, this study considers thematic analysis to be a qualitative method in its own right. Given that there is no clear agreement among researchers about what thematic analysis is or how it should be conducted (Attride-Stirling 2001; Boyatzis 1998; Tuckett 2005), the next paragraphs explain in detail the type of thematic analysis that was assumed and how the analysis in this study was conducted. Thematic analysis differs from other analytic methods that aim to describe patterns or themes based on qualitative data (e.g. thematic discourse analysis, thematic decomposition analysis, interpretative phenomenological analysis, and grounded theory) in that it is not inherently linked to a particular pre-existing theoretical framework or ontology (Braun & Clarke 2006). The thematic analysis that was conducted in this study, however, lent itself to a constructionist rather than an essentialist ontological orientation. Thus, when interpreting the data from the interviews, it was assumed that reality is socially constructed and generated by people s interactions and beliefs rather than being inherent within individuals (Guba 1990). In addition, a rich description was provided of the content of the entire data set rather than focusing on one particular theme, or groups of themes, within the data. Themes were identified at a semantic or explicit level (looking for the surface meanings instead of searching for anything beyond what a participant has written) rather than at a latent or interpretative level (looking for the underlying ideas, assumptions, conceptualisations, and ideologies that shape the semantic content of the data) (Braun & Clarke 2006). Moreover, an 124

139 inductive or bottom up way of identifying themes in the data was used instead of a deductive or top down approach. In an inductive thematic analysis, the themes are datadriven in that they evolve from the data themselves and are not driven by the researcher s interest in a particular research area or topic. Conversely, a deductive thematic analysis is driven by the researcher s analytic or theoretical interests and often provides a detailed analysis of only some aspects of the data (Boyatzis 1998; Braun & Clarke 2006; Patton 1990). According to Braun and Clarke (2006), there are six phases of thematic analysis. These phases comprise: 1) Familiarising yourself with your data (reading and re-reading the data, noting down initial ideas); 2) Generating initial codes (coding importnat features of the data in a systematic manner across the entire data set, collating data relevant to each code); 3) Searching for themes (collating codes into potential themes, gathering all data relevant to each potential theme); 4) Reviewing themes (checking if the themes work in regards to the coded extracts as well as the entire data set, generating a thematic map of the analysis); 5) Defining and naming themes (ongoing analysis to refine the specifics of each theme and the overall story the analysis tells, generating clear definitions and names for each theme); and 6) Producing the report (the final opportunity for analysis, selection of vivid and compelling extract examples, final analysis of selected extracts, relating the analysis back to the research objectives and literature, producing a scholarly report of the analysis). In this thesis, a similar process of conducting a thematic analysis as the one presented by Braun and Clarke (2006) above was adopted. First, the 25 interview transcripts were read and re-read to become familiar with the data and initial ideas were noted down. Then, four different word-processing documents were created, which contained the data relating to research Objectives Two to Five in the study. Second, initial codes were systematically assigned to important features across the data set (in the form of headings) and relevant data for each code were collated (in the form of paragraphs, sentences, or words). For example, one of the initially assigned codes relating to adventure tour leaders gender was Positive client comments about adventure tour leaders who act gender role incongruent and one of the 125

140 relevant pieces of data that was located under this coded heading was Well sometimes the females are impressed with my cooking skills (participant #1, male, 25 29). When writing up the results of the thematic analysis, the participant number was removed and a pseudonym (replacing sex) and age group was used as an identifier. However, since prevalence of a topic was counted in terms of the number of adventure tour leaders who articulated the respective topic in their interviews, numbering participants was important at this stage of coding in order to avoid counting a participant twice. Third, the initial codes were collated into potential themes and all relevant data for each theme were collated by merging or separating the data provided by each participant. Fourth, it was checked that the themes worked in regards to the coded extracts and the data set and a thematic map of the analysis was generated. Fifth, the themes were refined and clear definitions and names for each theme were generated. These themes and the relationships between them were displayed using matrices in order to organise the information into a more accessible and compact form, as suggested by Miles and Huberman (1994). Finally, extract examples were selected to support the analysis; the extracts were related to the research objectives and relevant literature; and a scholarly reporting of the analysis was produced which informed Chapters Four to Six of this thesis. Even though qualitative research cannot be evaluated based on the same criteria as quantitative research (Braun & Clarke 2006), a variety of characteristics of good qualitative research have been put forward (Tashakkori & Teddlie 2008). Druckman (2005), for example, used the term authenticity to characterise good qualitative inference. From this perspective, qualitative research needs to be authentic in that it should capture the meaning of the phenomenon under investigation from the viewpoints of the research participants (Druckman 2005). Furthermore, Bryman (2004) utilised the term transparency as an indicator of the quality of both qualitative and quantitative research; the term refers to how clearly the researcher explains all stages of a study, such as selection of participants, data analysis, and development of conclusions. Probably the most used indicator for good quality quantitative research, however, is trustworthiness, which involves the arguments and criteria that researchers employ to persuade an audience that it is worth paying attention to the findings of their research inquiry (Lincoln & Guba 1985). In this regard, there are a number of techniques that can help to evaluate and enhance the credibility of the research, such as prolonged engagement, persistent observation, triangulation, peer debriefing, negative case analysis, referential adequacy, 126

141 member checks, and thick description (see Teddlie & Tashakkori 2009 for a detailed explanation of these techniques). In this study, transparency was used in order to enhance the quality of both the quantitative and the qualitative parts of the research by carefully explaining all stages of the study in detail. When it comes to the trustworthiness and credibility of the study, the techniques of triangulation and peer debriefing were applied. In short, triangulation can be explained as the use of more than one research approach in a single study to gain a broader or more complete understanding of the issues being investigated (Veal 2006, p. 107). In regards to triangulation, three types of triangulation were used: 1) theory triangulation (the use of more than one theory or perspective to interpret a single data set); 2) methodological triangulation (the use of more than one method in a single study); and 3) data triangulation (the use of more than one data source in a single study) (Padgett 1998). More specifically, several theories were examined when interpreting the data set (e.g. various theories of emotional labour); both quantitative and qualitative methods were applied; and two types of data sources were utilised (an on-line survey and interviews). Throughout the research process, peer debriefing (Shenton 2004) took place in the form of written feedback and oral discussions with the researcher s three PhD supervisors as well as discussions with fellow PhD students in aligned disciplinary areas. These peer debriefings greatly helped to clarify interpretations of the qualitative data and to refine the explanation and justification of the qualitative method that was applied. Similar to the above criteria for judging the soundness of qualitative research, Lincoln and Guba (1985) proposed four criteria that can be used to judge qualitative research. These include credibility (ensuring that the results of the qualitative research are credible), transferability (the extent to which the results of the qualitative research can be transferred to other contexts), dependability (explaining how the context may affect the research results), and confirmability (the extent to which the results of qualitative research could be confirmed by other researchers). As mentioned above, the two techniques of peer debriefing and triangulation were used in this study in order to ensure credibility of the qualitative results. Thick description was used in order to enhance the transferability of the qualitative research. Thick description means to provide detailed descriptions of the research context and setting so that other researchers can make comparisons with other contexts and settings (Teddlie & Tashakkori 2009). Regarding dependability and confirmability, these criteria were addressed by employing several external audits where researchers not involved in the research process 127

142 assessed the accuracy of the research and whether the results, interpretations and conclusions were supported by the data (Lincoln & Guba 1985). These external audits were conducted by submitting articles based on the research presented in this thesis to peer reviewed academic journals for publication. 3.5 Methodological Limitations This study has seven important methodological limitations: 1) Social desirability and mono method bias: The quantitative data from this study were derived entirely from self-report questionnaires, with associated risks of social desirability bias (participants report what they think the researcher wants to hear) and mono method bias (participants are more concerned about being consistent than accurate in their answers) (Neuman 2006). 2) Purposive sampling: The purposive sampling technique of this study meant that the participants who responded to the survey may not have been representative of the whole population (Neuman 2006). Hence, the degree to which the results from this study are representative of adventure tour leaders in Australia in general is unknown. 3) Non-response bias: Given that adventure organisations were approached instead of contacting adventure tour leaders directly due to privacy issues, it was not possible to calculate a traditional response rate in regards to the survey. This was because the use of adventure organisations as gatekeepers in the distribution of study invitations meant that the number of adventure tour leaders who were ultimately approached as well as the size of the overall population of adventure tour leaders remained unknown. This anonymous distribution process also meant that non-response bias could not be assessed. Thus, it is unknown whether the views of adventure tour leaders who did not participate in the survey differed significantly from the ones who did. 4) Trustworthiness of qualitative data: While every attempt has been made to ensure the trustworthiness of the qualitative data from the interviews through the use of triangulation and peer debriefing, it is acknowledged that the application of additional techniques might have further strengthened the trustworthiness of the qualitative data. Two examples of such techniques include member checks (involve asking study participants to verify the researcher s representations and interpretations of the data) and prolonged engagement (involves spending time in the field to build trust and learn the culture so as to identify misinformation based on study participants as well the researcher s bias) (Teddlie & Tashakkori 2009). 128

143 5) Confidentiality of interviews: Although the identities of adventure tour leaders who participated in an interview were protected from disclosure to the public by not revealing their names in any released material relating to this research, they did not remain anonymous to the researcher since they provided her with their name and address when signing up for the interview. Whilst the researcher attempted to establish a level of trust between herself and the interview participants by highlighting the confidentiality of the research, it is unknown whether all interview participants unconditionally felt comfortable to share information with her about their performance of emotional labour on the job. 6) Use of probes: Follow-up probes were used in the interviews in order to clarify and ask for more details relating to the topics under investigation. However, it is possible that some participants may have provided more information in a face-to-face situation than via given the time delay between the interviews and probes that is associated with asynchronous interviews. As previously noted, six interview participants did not respond to follow-up questions and/or probes that were sent to them via . 7) Application to other tourism contexts: The research reported in this thesis may only be applicable to adventure tour leaders as defined in Chapter One. However, it is possible that some of the research findings and implications may be applicable to tour leaders employed within other areas of the tourism industry (e.g. sightseeing, culture and heritage, museums, wining and dining, and zoos), to adventure tour leaders employed outside of Australia, as well as other employees within the tourism industry. 3.6 Ethical Considerations An ethics application for this research was submitted to the Human Research Ethics Committee (HREC) at Southern Cross University on 16 July The research was approved by the HREC on 29 July The ethics approval number is ECN A change of protocol form relating to the decision of using interviews as a method instead of face-to-face and/or phone interviews in the study was submitted to the HREC on 5 May This application was approved on 10 May Finally, on 27 September 2010 the initial ethics approval was granted a yearly renewal by the HREC in line with the standard conditions. The new ethics approval number is ECN No additional ethical issues arose during the course of conducting the research contained within this thesis. 129

144 3.7 Chapter Summary In this chapter, a description and justification of the methods and procedures used in this study was provided. Initially, a discussion of relevant research paradigms was offered with a particular focus on the positivist and interpretivist paradigms. It was explained that pragmatism was the research philosophy of choice in this study as it embraces both positivist and interpretivist views and adopts quantitative, qualitative, or mixed methods approaches based on the particular requirements of the research aim and objectives in a research project. Next, the mixed methods research design applied in this study was presented. A description and justification of the quantitative on-line survey and the qualitative interviews that were used as methods were given. Finally, an acknowledgement and explanation of the methodological limitations associated with these two methods were offered, before concluding the chapter by providing an overview of the ethical considerations pertinent to the research. The focus of the thesis now shifts to presenting the findings of this study along with the researcher s interpretation of these findings in light of relevant academic literature. Chapter Four presents a discussion of the findings relating to Research Objectives One and Two of the study, where the focus is placed on creating a profile of adventure tour leaders and the effects of surface and deep acting on adventure tour leaders job satisfaction. Chapter Five presents a discussion of the findings relating to Research Objective Three, which aims to identify situations in which adventure tour leaders would apply surface and deep acting. Finally, Chapter Six presents a discussion of the findings relating to Research Objectives Four and Five, with the purpose of exploring the potential effects that gender and identity construction could have on adventure tour leaders emotional labour and job satisfaction. 130

145 Chapter Four: The Effects of Emotional Labour on Adventure Tour Leaders Job Satisfaction 4.1 Introduction This chapter presents and discusses the findings relating to Research Objectives One and Two. Research Objective One aimed to develop a profile of adventure tour leaders based on statistical descriptive data relating to a number of characteristics such as gender, age, nationality, level of education and training, relationship status, children, job-specific factors, and experience, in order to better describe the population under study. Quantitative data were collected through the survey so as to address this research objective. These survey data were analysed and are discussed in regards to how they compared to statistical data from the ABS and DEEWR as well as from some available academic studies. Research Objective Two aimed to examine the potential effects of surface acting and deep acting on the job satisfaction of adventure tour leaders. In order to address this research objective, both quantitative data collected through the survey and qualitative data collected through the interviews were analysed. The survey data were derived from the surface acting and deep acting subscales of the Emotional Labour Scale (ELS) as well as from the Job Satisfaction Index (JSI). These survey data relate to Hypothesis 1, which proposed that deep acting has a statistically significant positive effect on adventure tour leaders job satisfaction (Hypothesis 1a), while surface acting has a statistically significant negative effect on adventure tour leaders job satisfaction (Hypothesis 1b). The interview data were derived from two questions asking adventure tour leaders how they felt at the end of the day when performing surface acting and deep acting, respectively. 4.2 Analysis of Survey Data Profile of Adventure Tour Leaders This subsection provides a summary and discussion of the descriptive statistics collected in this study so as to develop a profile of adventure tour leaders. Creating such a profile is important in order to obtain a basic insight into the characteristics of the group of people being studied, who in this case are adventure tour leaders employed within Australia. The profile of adventure tour leaders will be compared to data from the ABS and DEEWR as well as from relevant academic literature to determine whether the sample of adventure tour leaders was typical or atypical in regards to the occupation as a whole. In some cases, 131

146 however, there are no comparable statistical data available and the academic literature is very limited. In these cases, this study is the first of its kind to report descriptive data of adventure tour leaders data which could be used for comparison in future studies. Table 4.1 shows the profile of adventure tour leaders in relation to the areas of gender; age; nationality; education and training; relationship status; children; job type; job perception; workload; type of activities; seasonality; payment; commercial versus non-commercial employer; compensation; levels of difficulty; and experience. (Appendix 7 provides a more detailed account of the descriptive data collected in this study.) The Australian and New Zealand Standard Classification of Occupations (ANZSCO) was developed in 2006 by the ABS, Statistics New Zealand, and DEEWR to be used in the collection, publication and analysis of occupation statistics (ABS 2006). Descriptive data relating to adventure tour leaders in this study will be compared with descriptive data relating to the ANZSCO unit occupation group called Outdoor Adventure Guides or, in cases where such data do not exist, comparisons with the ANZSCO sub-major occupation group called Sports and Personal Service Workers will be made or relevant academic literature will be consulted. The unit occupation group title Outdoor Adventure Guides refers to the occupation of directing, instructing, and guiding individuals and groups in outdoor adventure activities and includes eight sub occupations with activity specialisations (see Table 4.2) (ABS 2006). While the Outdoor Adventure Guides classification entails some outdoor adventure activities that were not led by adventure tour leaders in this study (e.g. bungee jumping, hunting, and hang-gliding), it is appropriate to compare the descriptive data with this group since all of the nine activities that were selected in this study could be incorporated into one of the suboccupations in Table 4.2. Besides, the ABS and DEEWR represented the only reliable statistical data sources on the occupation of adventure tour leading in Australia. 132

147 Table 4.1 Profile of Adventure Tour Leaders Category Gender Descriptive Statistics 79.6% males; 20.4% females Age Mean = Age group with highest representation: (27.7%) 39.4% aged 45 years and over (includes five age groups) Nationality 84.7% Australian Education and Training Relationship Status Children Job Type Job Perception Workload Type of Activities Seasonality Payment Commercial versus Noncommercial Employer Compensation Levels of Difficulty (of adventure tour) Experience in Organisation Experience in Industry 74.5% completed Certificate III/IV or higher Education group with highest representation: Bachelor degree (23.4%) 71.6% in a relationship with spouse, partner or steady girlfriend/boyfriend 23.4% single 38.1% had children living at home Children group with highest representation: 2 children (52.9%) 70.0% standard employment (non-management positions) 20.0% other (owner/manager/director) 8.7% volunteer work 1.3% traineeship/apprenticeship 54.7% looked at their engagement as a job 13.1% looked at it as a hobby/leisure activity 32.1% selected the other category (looked at it as a lifestyle; both a job and a hobby/leisure activity; a business; a passion) 52.6% full-time 23.3% part-time 24.1% casual 23.3% bushwalking 13.6% kayaking 11.9% abseiling 70.1% all-year-round 29.9% seasonal 89.8% paid 10.2% not paid 78.8% commercial (for profit) 61.3% received compensation (other than remuneration) 44.1% easy/beginner 36.7% medium/intermediate 19.1% hard/advanced 46.7% had 0 4 years experience 22.8% 5 9 years 18.4% years 24.4% had 0 4 years experience 25.9% 5 9 years 19.3% years 133

148 Table 4.2 The ANZSCO Unit Occupation Group Outdoor Adventure Guides Unit Occupation Sub-occupations Outdoor Adventure Activity Specialisations Outdoor Adventure Bungee Jump Master Bungee jumping Guides Fishing Guide Fly fishing; ocean fishing (Source: ABS 2006). Hunting Guide Mountain or Glacier Guide Outdoor Adventure Instructor Trekking Guide Whitewater Rafting Guide Outdoor Adventure Guide Nec (not elsewhere classified) Hunting Climbing; skiing Abseiling; adventure challenge; hang-gliding; outdoor education; outdoor pursuits; paragliding; rock climbing Bushwalking Whitewater rafting Caving; cycling; horse trekking; sea kayaking The sub-major occupation group 45 Sports and Personal Service Workers included the unit occupation groups of Beauty Therapists; Driving Instructors; Funeral Workers; Gallery, Museum and Tour Guides; Personal Care Consultants; Tourism and Travel Advisers; Travel Attendants; Other Personal Service Workers; Fitness Instructors; Outdoor Adventure Guides; Sports Coaches; and Sportspersons. Whilst some of these occupations differ from adventure tour leading, it was considered to be more appropriate to compare descriptive data with the Sports and Personal Service Workers group (when data were obtainable) than with all occupations in Australia in cases where specific information from the Outdoor Adventure Guides group was not available. This was because all Sports and Personal Service Workers occupations do have one thing in common, namely that they provide travel, tourism or other personal services to clients (ABS 2006). In 2009, the ABS reported that there were 1300 people working as outdoor adventure guides in Australia, while this number was reduced to 1100 people working as outdoor adventure guides in 2010 (ABS 2010). Given that 137 adventure tour leaders participated in this study, this sample represented approximately 10.5% of the total population of adventure tour leaders in Australia, a figure established when data collection commenced in However, a degree of caution should be exercised in relation to the ABS data since the population of outdoor adventure guides is based on an estimate (calculated from a sample of approximately.33% of the civilian population in Australia) rather than a real count of the whole Australian population. It may well be that the real population of outdoor adventure guides is larger than This is supported by the fact that 789 adventure tour operators were contacted in this 134

149 study. Given that many of these tour operators would have more than one employee, it is likely that the population of adventure tour leaders in Australia is somewhat larger than According to DEEWR (2009/2010), however, employment growth is estimated to rise strongly over the next five years for outdoor adventure guides (3.1% per annum compared to 1.8% for all occupations). Outdoor adventure guides are employed across different industries, including: Arts and Recreation Services (53.8%); Education and Training (32.8%); and Transport, Postal and Warehousing (13.4%). Job prospects for outdoor adventure guides are good, and unemployment is low. However, the turnover rate for outdoor adventure leaders leaving the occupation is 24% compared to the average of all occupations of 13.1% (ABS 2009). The gender distribution between male and female adventure tour leaders in this study was 79.6% and 20.4%, respectively. This reflects the national proportion where 81.9% of outdoor adventure guides were males while 18.1% were females (ABS 2009). When it comes to age, the mean age of adventure tour leaders in this study was years, while the age group with the highest representation was the category at 27.7%. This is higher than the national proportion where the median age of outdoor adventure guides was 32 years, and the age group was only 18.2% (ABS 2009). The age group with the highest representation in the national population was the category at 24.4% (ABS 2009), compared to only 8.0% of adventure tour leaders in this study located within this age group. The higher age of adventure tour leaders in this study is further emphasised by the high proportion aged 45 years and over, which was 39.4%, compared to 24.2% in the national population of outdoor adventure guides (ABS 2009). It should be noted, however, that this study only included participants over the age of 18 due to ethical reasons. Thus, this might have impacted on the age profile as compared to the ABS data since there were 16.3% of outdoor adventure guides in the age group (ABS 2009), compared to 1.5% of adventure tour leaders in the age group in this study. In regards to nationality, 84.7% of adventure tour leaders in this study were Australian citizens. The remaining proportion constituted mainly adventure tour leaders from other Western countries, such as the UK, New Zealand, Canada, and the USA. No comparable data were available from the ABS or DEEWR when it came to nationality but, naturally, it is no surprise that the majority of adventure tour leaders were Australian since the geographical scope for this study was limited to Australia. In relation to education and training, 74.5% of 135

150 adventure tour leaders in this study reported that they had completed a Certificate III/IV or higher (Advanced diploma/diploma; Bachelor degree; Graduate diploma/graduate certificate; or Postgraduate degree) as their highest level of education. Bachelor degree was the education group with highest representation at 23.4%. While no comparable statistical data were available for outdoor adventure guides, only 55.6% of sports and personal service workers had completed a Certificate III/IV or higher as their highest level of education, and only 15.8% had completed a Bachelor degree. On the other hand, 42.4% of sports and personal service workers reported that they had no post-school qualifications (ABS 2008), compared with 16.8% of adventure tour leaders in this study. Together with the fact that the indicative skill level for the occupation of outdoor adventure guides is at the ANZSCO Skill Level 4, which is equivalent to a Certificate II or III (ABS 2006), this shows that adventure tour leaders in this study seemed to possess a level of education and training that exceeds the minimum skills requirements of their job (as defined by ANZSCO). In a recent study which examined the demographic characteristics and job-related difficulties of wilderness therapy field instructors, Marchand, Russel, and Cross (2009) found that 52% of the field instructors were single while 47% were either married or in a romantic relationship. Marchand, Russel and Cross (2009) found that the busy and unpredictable nature of the field instructors work life, which often involved long hours, high pressure to perform, and unsafe physical environments, had negative impacts on their interpersonal relationships outside of the work setting. Moreover, from the instructors who were married or in a romantic relationship in their study, one-third had a spouse or partner working in wilderness therapy and almost half had a spouse or partner working in a related occupation. This, in turn, indicates that having a partner in a similar occupation might help to alleviate the work situation of the field instructors since their partner may be more sympathetic in regards to aspects of the job that otherwise could threaten the relationship (Marchand, Russell & Cross 2009). In this present study, 23.4% of adventure tour leaders were single while 71.6% were in a relationship with a spouse, partner, or steady girlfriend or boyfriend. In addition, 38.1% of adventure tour leaders had children living with them at home, with 2 children being the most common number of children (52.9%). In regards to job type, there were no comparable statistical data available for either outdoor adventure guides or sports and personal service workers. However, from the employed persons in all occupations in Australia, 80.9% were employees (i.e. persons who work for a private/public employer and receive remuneration, excluding independent 136

151 contractors or other business operators) while the remaining 19.1% were independent contractors or other business operators (ABS 2011). In comparison, 70.0% of adventure tour leaders in this study were standard employees (i.e. non-management positions), 20.0% were owners/managers/directors, 8.7% were volunteer workers, and 1.3% were trainees/apprentices. Assuming that owners/managers/directors in this study are comparable with independent contractors or other business operators, it appears that the distribution between business owners and other types of adventure tour leaders in this study was typical when compared with all occupations in Australia. When it comes to job perception, 54.7% of adventure tour leaders in this study looked at their work as an adventure tour leader as a job. Conversely, 13.1% looked at it as a hobby/leisure activity, and 32.1% selected the other category. In the other category, the most common ways of looking at their engagement as an adventure tour leader were as a lifestyle; both a job and a hobby/leisure activity; a business; or a passion. The fact that 45.2% of adventure tour leaders did not consider their work as an adventure tour leader as a job is consistent with research suggesting that people who work within the tourism industry often do not regard their work as a job since they participate in the provision of leisure experiences to tourists (Carnicelli-Filho 2010, 2011; Urry 2002). Indeed, Cloutier (2003) proposed that one reason that adventure tourism developed in the first place was that it offered the benefits of an adventurous outdoor lifestyle for those who work within this industry. Yet, the 54.7% of participants who viewed adventure tour leading as a job shows that this type of occupation can still be hard work, as illustrated by the variety of roles that adventure tour leaders may be required to take on, such as that of a skill trainer, program designer, translator, facilitator, and counsellor (Hobbs 2009). Regarding workload, 52.6% of adventure tour leaders in this study were working full-time; 23.3% were working part-time; and 24.1% were working as casuals. Thus, the proportion of full-time workers was lower than that of the national proportion, where 73.1% of outdoor adventure guides were working full-time (ABS 2009). Similarly, if the two groups of parttime workers and casuals are collapsed into one group termed part-time workers, the proportion of part-time adventure tour leaders in this study (47.4%) was higher than the national proportion of part-time outdoor adventure guides at 26.9%. Concerning type of activities, the activities with the highest representations were bushwalking (23.3%), followed by kayaking (13.6%), and abseiling (11.9%). There has not been any systematic collection of statistical data conducted in Australia which specifically relates to the different types of 137

152 adventure activities that adventure tour leaders are leading on the job. While academic literature on different adventure activities does exist (Buckley 2006a, 2006b; Hudson 2003; Prideaux & Cooper 2009; Swarbrooke et al. 2003), this literature does not quantify the prevalence of adventure activities and thus cannot be used as a basis for comparison for the descriptive data collected in this study. Even so, one of the reasons as to why bushwalking showed the highest representation could be because this activity is often integrated into other adventure activities. For example, a river rafting trip may include a bushwalk to and from the access points and, similarly, a canyoning trip may involve sections of hiking to, from, and between canyons. According to Joliffe and Farnsworth (2003), tourism-related jobs are commonly of a seasonal nature, which has implications for human resource management. In this study, however, 70.1% of adventure tour leaders worked all-year-round, while only 29.9% were working on a seasonal basis. While this seems like a relatively small proportion of seasonal jobs, there were no comparable statistical data available on seasonality for either adventure tour leaders or tourism jobs in general that might have been worth comparing with in order to determine whether this proportion was typical or not. Similarly, although Buckley (2006a) has suggested that the majority of adventure tour operators are commercial businesses, there were no comparable statistical data available about the proportion of adventure tour leaders who worked in a commercial (for-profit) versus a non-commercial (not-for-profit) organisation or who got paid versus not paid. In this study, however, 89.9% of adventure tour leaders got paid for their work, while 78.8% worked in a commercial (for-profit) organisation. There were some statistical data available though which showed that the median weekly earnings of outdoor adventure guides were in the lowest decile that is, below or equal to AUS $575 per week (DEEWR 2010). On the topic of compensation (i.e. any type of compensation that employees may receive for their work other than a salary, such as free accommodation, food, and use of equipment), 61.3% of adventure tour leaders in this study reported that they received some form of compensation, which most commonly included access to vehicle, accommodation, clothes, discounted equipment, food, fuel, travel expenses, use of equipment, and gear. This is compatible with Allen-Craig and Moonen s (2002) study, which found that most outdoor leaders in Victoria, Australia, received some type of compensation, such as use of company vehicle, meals, accommodation, mobile phone use, access to specialist equipment, and protective clothing. Regarding levels of difficulty, 44.1% of adventure tour leaders in this 138

153 study reported that they led easy/beginner tours, followed by 36.7% who led medium/intermediate tours, and 19.1% who led hard/advanced tours. This is consistent with academic literature which has stated that most adventure trips are soft rather than hard (Swarbrooke et al. 2003) and that the bread-and-butter business base of the adventure tourism sector is in soft adventure which involves unskilled clients (Buckley 2006a, p. 6). Hard adventure, on the other hand, requires a higher level of skills and can often be quite expensive and, thus, generally appeals to a smaller niche market of tourists (Buckley 2006a, 2007). No comparable statistical data were available at the time of this study which measured adventure tour leaders experience in the adventure tourism industry or their experience in the adventure tourism organisation in which they work. The descriptive data collected in this study, however, indicate that many adventure tour leaders had more experience in the adventure tourism industry (24.4%, 0 4 years; 25.9%, 5 9 years; 19.3%, years) than in the adventure tourism organisation where they currently worked (46.7%, 0 4 years; 22.8%, 5 9 years; 18.4%, years). This could mean that the internal turnover rate within the occupation of adventure tour leading (leaving the organisation but not the occupation) might be higher than the external turnover rate for adventure tour leaders who leave the occupation (24%) (ABS 2009). It follows that the reasons for internal and external turnover among adventure tour leaders might be quite different. However, internal and external turnover of adventure tour leaders was not examined in any detail in this study. Overall, the profile of the participants of this study that was developed in this subsection revealed that the majority of adventure tour leaders possessed the following characteristics: male; years old; Australian citizen; Bachelor degree; in a relationship; no children living at home; standard employment; look at adventure tour leading as a job; working fulltime; bushwalking main activity; all-year-round operation; paid work; commercial organisation; receive compensation; easy/beginner tours; 0 4 years experience in current organisation, and 5 9 years in the adventure tourism industry. In this subsection, a profile of adventure tour leaders was developed based on descriptive statistics collected in this study. Developing such a profile is important in order to provide a basic understanding of the characteristics of the participants in the study, which is essential to gaining a contextual and holistic understanding of the relationships between emotional labour and job satisfaction of adventure tour leaders. The latter is the focus of the rest of this chapter, 139

154 which examines the potential effects of surface acting and deep acting on the job satisfaction of adventure tour leaders. The next two subsections present the results of the survey that are relevant to Research Objective Two and provide an analysis of these results in the light of relevant academic literature Survey Results Table 4.3 presents an overview of descriptive statistics for the continuous variables of total deep acting, total surface acting, and total job satisfaction. The possible total mean scores for deep acting and surface acting ranged from 1 to 5. A high mean score (4 or 5) represented the end of the scale with highest frequency of emotional labour performance ( often or always ). A low mean score (1 or 2) represented the end of the scale with lowest frequency of emotional labour performance ( never or rarely ). A mean score of 3 represented the midpoint of the scale where the frequency of emotional labour performance was classified as sometimes. The mean of total deep acting was 3.58, which showed that adventure tour leaders often performed this type of emotional labour. The mean of total surface acting was 2.55, which showed that adventure tour leaders sometimes performed this type of emotional labour. The possible total mean scores for job satisfaction ranged from 1 to 5. A high mean score (4 or 5) represented the satisfied end of the scale ( satisfied or very satisfied ). A low mean score (1 or 2) represented the dissatisfied end of the scale ( very dissatisfied or dissatisfied ). A mean score of 3 represented the midpoint of the scale classified as neither satisfied nor dissatisfied. The mean of total job satisfaction was 4.22, which showed that adventure tour leaders in this study were very satisfied with their job. Table 4.3 Descriptive Statistics of Continuous Variables Variable N Minimum Maximum Mean Std. Deviation Deep Acting Surface Acting Job satisfaction A standard multiple regression analysis was conducted to explore the effects of deep acting and surface acting (independent variables) on adventure tour leaders job satisfaction (dependent variable). A critical alpha value of.05 was adopted as this is considered to be appropriate for most social science research (Neuman 2006; Walter 2006). Table 4.4 shows that deep acting had a statistically significant positive effect on adventure tour leaders job satisfaction (β =.30, p =.000 <.05). Hypothesis 1a was thus supported. Effect size is a 140

155 measure of the strength of the relationship between two variables in a statistical population (Cohen 1988). The effect size (partial eta squared) was.09. Using the guidelines proposed by Cohen (1988) (.01 = small effect;.06 = moderate effect;.14 = large effect), this suggests a moderate effect size. While surface acting had a negative effect on adventure tour leaders job satisfaction, as predicted, this effect was not statistically significant (β = -.08, p =.347 >.05). This means that Hypothesis 1b was not supported. Table 4.4 Multiple Regression Analysis Model 1 Constant Total DA Total SA Unstandardised Coefficients B Std. Error Standardised Coefficients Beta R 2 t Sig. 95.0% CI DA = deep acting. SA = surface acting. Dependent variable: job satisfaction. N = 134. *p < *.347 [64.753, ] [.315, 1.081] [-.843,.299] Results from Cronbach s reliability tests showed that Cronbach s alpha for the surface acting subscale (α =.739), the deep acting subscale (α =.822), and the job satisfaction scale (α =.821) were acceptable given Nunnally s (1978) recommendation of a minimum level of Cronbach s alpha of.7. Table 4.5 presents an overview of the analyses of observed power that were conducted in relation to Hypothesis 1. Observed power of a statistical test is the probability of obtaining a statistically significant result when the null hypothesis is false (Cohen 1988). The observed power for Hypothesis 1a was very high (.948) with a moderate effect size (.090). The observed power for Hypothesis 1b, however, was low (.155). Still, failure to find statistically significant effects in relation to Hypothesis 1b does not seem to be a question of adequate sample size but a reflection of the fact that the expected effect was very small (partial eta squared =.007). Contrary to the hypothesis, the effect size was very small which, in turn, resulted in low observed power. It would have required an extremely large data set to have found this effect significant, which would not have been practical to obtain. In summary, then, the non-significance of Hypothesis 1b does not appear to be a problem with reliability or inadequate sample size but rather a manifestation of the fact that the prediction was not borne out of the data. Thus, the sample of 137 participants was considered to be adequate for this study. 141

156 Table 4.5 Tests of Observed Power Statistical Test Hypothesis Variable Partial eta squared Observed Power Multiple regression 1a 1b DA SA DA = deep acting. SA = surface acting. p value = Survey Data Analysis Hypothesis 1a proposed that deep acting would have a statistically significant positive effect on adventure tour leaders job satisfaction. The fact that Hypothesis 1a was supported is consistent with research suggesting that deep acting could help to convey a sense of authenticity of self and a feeling of achievement in employees (Ashforth & Humphrey 1993; Sharpe 2005a; Zammuner & Galli 2005), thus leading to higher levels of job satisfaction (Torland 2010, 2011b). For instance, deep acting has been shown to establish a feeling of personal achievement and moral accomplishment among adventure tour leaders since the emotional demands of the job are often perceived as a personal challenge which may instil pride and reveal strength of character, if overcome (Sharpe 2005a). This result is also reflected in the high means of total deep acting scores (M = 3.58) and total job satisfaction scores (M = 4.22). As such, adventure tour leaders in this study reported that they often applied deep acting as an emotional labour strategy, and they were very satisfied with their job. While no comparable JSI data were available in studies examining job satisfaction of employees in the tourism industry, the level of job satisfaction in this study was higher than that of college faculty members (M = 4.06) (Castillo & Cano 2004), school teachers (M = 3.88) (Kafetsios & Zampetakis 2008), employees in a youth development organisation (M = 3.53) (Petty, Brewer & Brown 2005), and manufacturing workers (M = 3.33) (Mone 1994). Similar to the findings in this study, however, other studies utilising different scales to the JSI have reported that the level of job satisfaction in tourism jobs is very high (Choy 1995; Levy & Lerch 1991). Although surface acting had a negative effect on adventure tour leaders job satisfaction, as predicted in Hypothesis 1b, this effect was not statistically significant. Inspecting the relatively low mean of total surface acting scores (M = 2.55; classified as sometimes ), however, one explanation as to why surface acting did not show a statistically significant negative effect on job satisfaction could be that adventure tour leaders in this study did not engage in this type of emotional labour very frequently (Torland 2010, 2011b). Indeed, this is 142

157 consistent with research reported in Sharpe s (2005a) study, where adventure tour leaders perceived surface acting as an affront to the trip leading process. Deep acting, on the other hand, was frequently applied by adventure tour leaders because this type of emotional labour represented what was considered to be a more authentic way of interacting with clients than surface acting (Sharpe 2005a). It follows that adventure tour leaders may prefer to perform deep acting instead of surface acting because they often work in close proximity to their clients, in unpredictable natural environments, and sometimes over extended periods of time (Arnould & Price 1993; Sharpe 2005a). As a result, adventure tour leaders will typically make friends and develop boundary-open relationships with clients (where leaders bond with clients and are included in the group as a team player) rather than taking on the role as a more superficial service provider (Arnould & Price 1993). This, in turn, means that adventure tour leaders might choose to perform deep acting as opposed to surface acting in order to maintain a sense of authenticity of self in the leader client interaction. In this sense, adventure tour leading may be an occupation that requires employees to perform more deep acting and less surface acting than some other professions due to the close and personal nature of the relationships with clients. Indeed, adventure tour leaders in this study showed lower levels of surface acting and higher levels of deep acting than human service workers (surface acting M = 2.75; deep acting M = 3.09) and service/sales employees (surface acting M = 3.08; deep acting M = 2.83) (Brotheridge & Grandey 2002). After all, receiving a genuine smile and encouragement would be more important to a client who is standing on the edge of a 100-metre cliff at the start of an abseil than a person who is purchasing milk in a supermarket, in which case a glued-on smile and half-hearted Have a nice day! may be contextually acceptable. It is important to note, however, that even though surface acting may be perceived as a moral flaw within adventure tour leading (Sharpe 2005a), the results of this study show that adventure tour leaders still engaged in this type of emotional labour occasionally (M = 2.55; classified as sometimes ). One possible explanation for this could be that almost a quarter of adventure tour leaders in this study possessed limited experience in the occupation (24.5% of participants had only worked 0 4 years in the adventure tourism industry). This could be an explanation because, according to the continuum of emotional labour (Brotheridge & Lee 2002) presented in Figure 2.1, limited experience means that adventure tour leaders are more likely to use surface acting during interactions with clients since this form of emotional labour 143

158 requires less sophisticated emotional competence (i.e. high emotional intelligence) than deep acting (McShane, McShane & Travaglione 2007). More experienced adventure tour leaders, however, may also apply surface acting in some situations depending on situational demands, such as fatigue, boredom, time pressure or emergencies. Thus, as pointed out by Brotheridge and Lee (2002), more research of a longitudinal nature is needed that examines in more detail how emotional labour may develop over time that is, how surface acting shifts into deep acting and, later, into the display of genuine emotions. In any case, it follows that the relatively low frequency of surface acting (M = 2.55) in this study may not have been sufficient to engender a statistically significant negative effect on job satisfaction, as predicted. Consequently, any negative outcomes of performing surface acting, such as feelings of inauthenticity of self, frustration and emotional exhaustion (Hochschild 1983; Sharpe 2005a), would only have had a negligible negative effect on adventure tour leaders job satisfaction. It is clear then that the high level of job satisfaction (M = 4.22; classified as very satisfied ) found in this study is, in part, due to the positive effect of performing deep acting and the absence of any substantial negative effect of performing surface acting (Torland 2010, 2011b). Another reason why the level of job satisfaction was so high could be, as suggested by Urry (2002) and Carnicelli-Filho (2010, 2011), that some adventure tour leaders do not really consider their work as a job since they are providing leisure experiences for tourists. As noted earlier, 13.1% of adventure tour leaders looked at their work as a hobby/leisure activity rather than a job, while 32.2% looked at their work as a lifestyle; both a job and a hobby/leisure activity; a business; or a passion. The majority (54.7%) of adventure tour leaders, however, still looked at their work as a job, which indicates that the finding by Urry (2002) and Carnicelli-Filho (2010, 2011) may not apply to most adventure tour leaders in this study. Yet, it is acknowledged that there is a variety of other factors (see Figure 2.7 in Chapter Two) that could have contributed to the high level of job satisfaction (as indicated by the relatively low R Squared of.092). Because the main focus of this study is on emotional labour as a predictor of job satisfaction, however, it is outside the scope to examine other predictors of job satisfaction in any depth Summary of Survey Findings Figure 4.1 represents visually the relationships between emotional labour and job satisfaction of adventure tour leaders as derived from the survey. It shows that deep acting, which had a 144

159 statistically significant positive effect on adventure tour leaders job satisfaction, could generate a sense of authenticity of self and a feeling of achievement in employees (Diefendorff, Croyle & Gosserand 2005; Grayson 1998; Kruml & Geddes 2000; Zammuner & Galli 2005). Figure 4.1 also shows that surface acting had a negative effect on job satisfaction, although this effect was statistically non-significant (represented by the broken line). Surface acting could lead to feelings of inauthenticity of self, frustration and emotional exhaustion in workers (Ashforth & Humphrey 1993; Hochschild 1983; Van Dijk & Brown 2006; Van Dijk & Kirk-Brown 2007). In the next section, an analysis of the interview data which related to Research Objective Two of this thesis is presented. The analysis of the interview data will provide a greater depth of understanding of the effects of surface acting and deep acting on adventure tour leaders job satisfaction that were derived from the survey. DA SA Authenticity of self; feeling of achievement Inauthenticity of self; frustration; emotional exhaustion + - JS Figure 4.1 Effects of Deep Acting and Surface Acting on Adventure Tour Leaders Job Satisfaction as Derived from Survey Findings Predictors: DA = deep acting (M = 3.58); SA = surface acting (M = 2.55). Dependent variable: JS = job satisfaction (M = 4.22). 4.3 Analysis of Interview Data Effects of Performing Surface Acting for Adventure Tour Leaders Table 4.6 shows the pattern of responses that emerged from the interview question where adventure tour leaders were asked how they felt at the end of the day after performing surface acting on the job. Instead of using the term surface acting in the question, adventure tour 145

160 leaders were asked to describe how suppressing their true emotions and displaying the emotions that were required of them in their job made them feel at the end of the day (see Appendix 6). Two themes were identified in response to this question: sense of achievement (mentioned by 72% of participants) and drained (mentioned by 40% of participants). The adventure tour leaders were allowed to provide more than one answer to the question (which explains why the percentages in Table 4.6 do not add up to 100%). This means that the same adventure tour leader could both feel a sense of achievement and drained after performing surface acting. Table 4.6 How Does Performing Surface Acting Make Adventure Tour Leaders Feel? Percentages and (numbers) Theme Sense of Achievement Feeling of achievement and pride because able to successfully manage their emotions; contribute toward greater good of the group and client satisfaction; create professional relationship between themselves and clients; committed to clients and organisation; opportunities for professional development. Drained Feel emotionally exhausted and/or frustrated; upset, worn out, emotional, angry, annoyed, stressed, worried, burnt out, tired, fatigued; physical exhaustion reinforcing effect. Total Responses Total Respondents Surface Acting 72% (18) 40% (10) (35) 25 The theme sense of achievement is concerned with adventure tour leaders who, as a result of performing surface acting, felt a sense of achievement and/or pride because they were able to effectively manage their emotions when interacting with clients, thus contributing toward the greater good of the group and client satisfaction. This theme also incorporates adventure tour leaders who felt that their performance of surface acting represented a meaningful part of the job because it helped to create a professional relationship between them and their clients. Consequently, these participants felt professional at the end of the day after performing surface acting and were committed to their clients and employer. Surface acting was viewed as one strategy they could use to engender an enjoyable experience for clients. Hence, adventure tour leaders were able to distance themselves somewhat from the negative aspects of performing surface acting (e.g. inauthenticity of self, emotional exhaustion and frustration) and focus instead on the benefits that performing it entailed for their clients as well as the opportunities for personal development it represented for them (e.g. to improve their client service skills). 146

161 The theme drained refers to adventure tour leaders who reported that performing surface acting made them feel emotionally exhausted and/or frustrated at the end of the day. This theme also incorporates emotions that could be said to be closely related to emotional exhaustion and frustration, such as feeling upset, worn out, emotional, angry, annoyed, stressed, worried, burnt out, tired, and fatigued. The researcher also noted that physical exhaustion, which could occur as a result of the physical exertion that is often part of adventure tour leading, may reinforce the adventure tour leaders feelings of being drained. For example, one adventure tour leader stated that: Physical fatigue is the enemy and often this can add to your feeling of being emotionally tired after having to suppress feelings and look after your clients during an extended expedition (Daniel, aged 40 44). Similar to the survey data analysis in subsection 4.2.3, it can be seen that 40% of adventure tour leaders who participated in an interview reported that they felt drained (i.e. frustrated and/or emotionally exhausted) at the end of the day after having applied surface acting as an emotional labour strategy on the job. For instance, one adventure tour leader described how surface acting drained him of emotional resources which later had to be regained: Hiding my emotions is a very tiring process. I have a major problem with this as I am worn out because of the emotional strain it puts on me, and I have to find some private space to regain my composure (Sam, aged 65 or over). Another adventure tour leader explained how he sometimes found it frustrating having to suppress his emotions of anger and annoyance: Sometimes I find it hard to suppress my true emotions, as when people are being fussy with food. If there are many other stress factors on the trip (bad weather, difficult client, equipment problems) it takes an enormous effort to not explode on people who are being fussy just for the sake of it (Craig, aged 40 44). These notions of emotional strain and enormous effort are consistent with literature on emotional labour which has suggested that surface acting is likely to cause frustration for employees due to the inauthentic and shallow interaction that is involved in this form of emotional labour which, if performed frequently, could lead to emotional exhaustion (Grandey 2003; Hochschild 1983; Naring, Briet & Brouwers 2006). 147

162 The frustration and emotional exhaustion reported by adventure tour leaders in this study, however, did not have a statistically significant negative effect on their job satisfaction. As previously mentioned, this could be because adventure tour leaders only occasionally performed surface acting on the job (M = 2.55; classified as sometimes ). Indeed, 16% of adventure tour leaders who participated in an interview reported that surface acting did not have any emotional effect on them at the end of the day because they did not apply surface acting on the job or their use of surface acting was negligible. One adventure tour leader, for example, explained why he did not perform surface acting in the following way: If I am not true to the client and myself then the activity is wasted I have to give of my best (Luke, aged 60 64). This statement indicates that the reason the adventure tour leader did not perform surface acting was because to do so would have left him feeling untruthful to his clients and himself. Another adventure tour leader described how he only made negligible use of surface acting in his job as an adventure tour leader: Well, most of the time I think I am being myself and only altering my emotions slightly for the good of the clients (Gordon, aged 25 29). These findings are consistent with Sharpe s (2005a) study which reported that adventure tour leaders felt that surface acting was a moral flaw to the trip leading process because it involved faking their emotions in interactions with clients. As a result, Sharpe s study participants preferred to use deep acting rather than surface acting when performing emotional labour on the job since deep acting was not considered to involve faking of emotions. Thus, in much the same way that some of the negative effects of drinking wine may be reduced by consuming it less frequently, it is possible that surface acting did not have a statistically significant negative effect on adventure tour leaders job satisfaction in this study because it was not applied very often. The accounts that adventure tour leaders provided in the interviews, however, provide an additional possible explanation as to why surface acting did not have a statistically significant negative effect on adventure tour leaders job satisfaction, as expected. From those leaders who participated in an interview, 72% reported that they felt a sense of achievement at the end of the day after performing surface acting. For example, one adventure tour leader described how the use of surface acting gave her a feeling of achievement at the end of the day: 148

163 As long as my client is safe and happy I feel I have done my job and that the day has been a success. If I have managed a group well then I am proud of my day (Briana, aged 40 44). In this example then, the adventure tour leader felt proud in cases where she managed to keep her clients safe and satisfied through the use of surface acting. Similarly, another adventure tour leader revealed that she felt proud after successfully managing a child s eye injury on a tour through the use of surface acting because clients trusted her and did not detect that she was fearful: In this instance, I felt strangely proud of myself as although I was apprehensive and/or scared, no one else was aware of this, there were no severe injuries (e.g. the child was running around happily within 10 minutes) and the participants trusted me to make sound decisions and to primarily consider their welfare. Interestingly, actually successfully dealing with a perceived threatening situation without anyone else becoming concerned is a confidence builder! (Jessica, aged 40 44). These findings are inconsistent with most literature on emotional labour which has found that while deep acting could lead to a sense of achievement in employees, surface acting does not seem to have the same effect on personal achievement (Brotheridge & Grandey 2002; Brotheridge & Lee 2002, 2003; Sharpe 2005a). In fact, it has been found that surface acting can lead to a sense of diminished personal achievement in workers (Brotheridge & Grandey 2002; Grandey 2000). Moreover, there is evidence in the literature that suggests that surface acting could lead to depersonalisation in employees (Bono & Vey 2005; Brotheridge & Grandey 2002; Brotheridge & Lee 2002; Naring, Briet & Brouwers 2006), which refers to employees who psychologically distance themselves from clients by treating them like objects, thus becoming detached and cynical (Brotheridge & Grandey 2002; Griffin et al. 2010). Indeed, there was some mention of distancing themselves from clients in the accounts from adventure tour leaders in this study, as illustrated by the following example: I don t think that I feel like I am deceiving my clients when I hold back who I am. A friend of mine once said that if you become emotionally attached to the outcomes for your clients then that is a sign of a poor facilitator: it is their experience not yours. You should be able to stay removed and above their outcomes. That is not to say that you cannot have feelings/emotions about the program and the people, but rather that those emotions and feelings do not impair your judgement as a deliverer of those programs and the desired outcomes. I think that the suppression of my feelings/emotions/intentions is one sign of an excellent adventure leader delivering the experience for the clients despite my condition/disposition/beliefs/etc. If I was to not hold back and tell people what I really thought and wanted etc. (as opposed to what the boss or the client wanted) then it would be like me working at Telstra signing people up for phone 149

164 plans that don t exist (products that the clients don t want and that the boss doesn t want to deliver on) (Oliver, aged 25 29). It is clear from this example that the adventure tour leader to a certain extent is distancing himself from his clients and their outcomes through the use of surface acting in order to deliver a satisfying experience for clients. By saying that it is still acceptable to have emotions about clients, however, the leader does not seem to have distanced himself from clients to the extent of treating them like objects, as defined by Brotheridge and Grandey (2002) and Griffin et al. (2010). Indeed, this strategy of distancing oneself from clients did not seem to have any major negative outcomes for adventure tour leaders in this study because, as illustrated in the above quote, they believed in the appropriateness of the organisational expectations (or display rules) relating to interactions with clients. This point is further demonstrated by the following quote from one adventure tour leader who is prepared to use surface acting in order to keep clients satisfied, even if it means that he may feel drained at the end of the day: I feel it is a part of the job and even though it can be draining it s all part of the experience for the clients. They expect certain behaviour and energy levels from their guides (Mark, aged 40 44). Given that emotional exhaustion, reduced personal achievement and depersonalisation represent the three dimensions of employee burnout (Grandey 2000), the accounts from adventure tour leaders in this study indicate that they might possess low levels of burnout and, as a consequence, their job satisfaction is very high. This is because only 40% of the leaders felt drained (i.e. emotionally exhausted and/or frustrated) after performing surface acting, compared to 72% who felt a sense of achievement. In addition, the leaders levels of depersonalisation are likely to be relatively low as they appeared to distance themselves from clients in order to satisfy clients needs rather than being cynical (i.e. being dismissive of clients needs). Even though some research has suggested that job satisfaction is a predictor of burnout (e.g. Dolan 1987; Griffin et al. 2010), other research has found that job satisfaction is an outcome of burnout (Low et al. 2001; Wolpin, Burke & Greenglass 1991; Ybema, Smulders & Bongers 2010). Thus, while it is acknowledged that a reciprocal relationship might exist between burnout and job satisfaction, the interview results from this study are consistent with those studies which have shown that burnout has an impact on employees job satisfaction rather than the reverse. More specifically, this study suggests that adventure tour leaders feelings of emotional exhaustion that they experienced after performing surface acting might have been 150

165 overshadowed by the greater sense of achievement (as opposed to reduced personal achievement) that they experienced. Together with the finding that surface acting was only applied occasionally by adventure tour leaders on the job, the leaders sense of achievement is likely to have prevented surface acting from having a statistically significant negative effect on adventure tour leaders job satisfaction. While most literature on emotional labour has proposed that surface acting produces negative affective outcomes for employees (Hochschild 1983; Schaubroeck & Jones 2000), there is one recent qualitative study (Van Dijk & Kirk-Brown 2008) which might help to explain why adventure tour leaders in this study also experienced some positive outcomes (i.e. a sense of achievement) after performing surface acting on the job. Van Dijk and Kirk-Brown (2008) found that tourism-based service employees were able to manage some of the negative emotional effects of performing surface acting by referring to organisational display rules that they believed were appropriate. In other words, the service employees justified their use of surface acting by perceiving it as an essential part of the job which kept clients happy. This, in turn, made the service employees feel better about deceiving their clients because the end justified the means (Van Dijk & Kirk-Brown 2008). Likewise, many adventure tour leaders in this study did not feel particularly troubled about applying surface acting since it was all in the name of creating a more enjoyable experience for clients, as illustrated by this account: I don t feel I am deceiving the client at all. All I am doing is a bit of showmanship to make their experience better. I never lie, but I present in a manner that gets the best result. I think that modifying my own emotions within the confines of the truth is good practice (Jack, aged 40 44). Instead of focusing on the negative aspects of surface acting, then, adventure tour leaders in this study seemed to have shifted their attention to the benefits that surface acting entailed for their clients. Moreover, some adventure tour leaders also pointed out the benefits that performing surface acting can have for themselves. For example, one adventure tour leader explained how performing surface acting made him feel professional and contributed positively toward his emotional health: It makes me feel relaxed, professional and self-aware. It is good to see oneself using emotions that are more useful and appropriate for the situation at hand. Self-control is a valuable and rewarded social skill in any work that deals with people and highly transferable to a healthy personal and emotional life (John, aged 40 44). 151

166 In other words, he gained great satisfaction from being able to successfully use surface acting to manage his emotions in interaction with clients. This ability to focus on the positive rather than negative aspects of surface acting indicates that adventure tour leaders might be able to uphold both their personal self and their professional self because they are committed to their occupation and organisation, without being cynical and depersonalised, as illustrated by the following example: I never feel I am deceiving clients if I suppress a feeling. I make a distinct division between who I am and who my professional persona is. That said I am an open and honest person, so there is not a massive gap between these two personas; they overlap a lot. I just feel that leaders need to develop a part of them as a leader, and other personal aspects are kept private. Any job requiring working closely with people in challenging situations requires the development of the appropriate skill set, and part of that is being able to select and apply those skills independently of personal emotion for the most part. What I choose to reveal of myself is something I consider carefully (Kevin, aged 40 44). The quote shows that the leader is using surface acting in order to successfully manage his emotions when interacting with clients, without feeling that he is deceiving them. This use of surface acting indicates that he is not being cynical and depersonalised (i.e. treating them like objects), but is rather focusing on what is best for his clients (as people) in the challenging environments that make up an inherent part of adventure tours. The finding that adventure tour leaders appeared to be committed to their occupation and organisation relates to the concept of organisational commitment. According to Mowday, Porters, and Steers (1982, p. 27), organisational commitment can be defined as the relative strength of an individual s identification with and involvement in a particular organization. The concept is characterised by a strong belief and acceptance of the goals and values of the organisation; a willingness to wield considerable effort in the name of the organisation; and a strong wish to maintain membership in the organisation (Mowday, Porter & Steers 1982). Jones (1998) found that organisational commitment strongly reduced the negative effects of surface acting on job satisfaction. Still, it is not clear whether this buffering effect of organisational commitment came about as a result of employees shifting their attention from being detached and cynical in interactions with clients (associated with the burnout dimension of depersonalisation) toward the benefits that organisational display rules represented for their clients, the employer, and themselves (concomitant with the sense of achievement in this study). Hence, more research is needed in order to unravel the role that organisational 152

167 commitment might have in regards to the variables of emotional labour, job satisfaction, and burnout. In summary, it appears that the limited amount of surface acting performed by adventure tour leaders in the first place, together with the reported feeling of achievement, may have overridden some of the negative outcomes of performing surface acting, such as feeling drained. These could be important reasons as to why surface acting did not have a statistically significant negative effect on adventure tour leaders job satisfaction. If, on the other hand, adventure tour leading was an occupation where surface acting was performed more frequently, it is possible that this balance would have been different. Perhaps a stronger feeling of emotional exhaustion would have led to depersonalisation and a reduced sense of achievement in adventure tour leaders. For adventure tour leaders in this study, however, it would seem that their tendency to avoid frequent performance of surface acting has contributed toward them being very satisfied with their job Effects of Performing Deep Acting for Adventure Tour Leaders Table 4.7 shows the pattern of responses that emerged from the interview question where adventure tour leaders were asked how they felt at the end of the day after performing deep acting on the job. Instead of using the term deep acting in the question, adventure tour leaders were asked to describe how managing their true emotions so that they aligned with the emotions that were required of them in their job made them feel at the end of the day (see Appendix 6). Two themes emerged in response to this question: sense of achievement (mentioned by 84% of participants) and drained (mentioned by 68% of participants). Both of these themes also emerged in relation to how the performance of surface acting made adventure tour leaders feel at the end of the day. Hence, the meaning of these themes has already been defined in subsection and need not be restated below. 153

168 Table 4.7 How Does Performing Deep Acting Make Adventure Tour Leaders Feel? Percentages and (numbers) Theme Sense of Achievement Feeling of achievement and pride because able to successfully manage their emotions; contribute toward greater good of the group and client satisfaction; create professional relationship between themselves and clients; committed to clients and organisation; opportunities for professional development. Drained Feel emotionally exhausted and/or frustrated; upset, worn out, emotional, angry, annoyed, stressed, worried, burnt out, tired, fatigued; physical exhaustion reinforcing effect. Total Responses Total Respondents Deep Acting 84% (21) 68% (17) (40) 25 From the adventure tour leaders who participated in an interview, 68% reported that they felt drained (emotionally exhausted and/or frustrated) at the end of the day after performing deep acting. Indeed, more adventure tour leaders stated that they felt drained after applying deep acting than after applying surface acting (40%). For instance, one adventure tour leader described how he found it frustrating that he had to perform deep acting and also that he could not reveal the way that he was performing deep acting to clients: I often wish that I could be free with telling my clients what I really think ( you are an idiot! ) and find it a little frustrating and sad that I was unable to be more overt about the ways that I influenced their attitudes (Oliver, aged 25 29). Another adventure tour leader explained how deep acting can be hard to sustain when you are feeling drained and that implementing breaks or changes in routine could prevent burnout in such situations: When you are really drained it can be hard to keep doing it, and performance can drop off, even if we don t notice it. Having been involved in this work for many years I feel it s important to recognise when you are getting burnt out, and take rest or change what you are doing. There is a perception by some that outdoor leaders do it for fun, and indeed have fun, so people don t associate it with fatigue, or often as hard work, which it can be. I have often thought that outdoor leaders play the role expected of them, take on responsibility and manage risk, be a role model, a mentor, speak appropriately, dress and act the part, so it s no surprise they like to party and let off steam (Kevin, aged 40 44). This quote also shows that adventure tour leading is often perceived by some people to be more fun than it actually is, despite all the different roles that adventure tour leaders are required to take on as part of their job (e.g. risk manager, role model, mentor). This perception 154

169 that adventure tour leading is more fun-filled than exhausting is consistent with research by Urry (2002) and Carnicelli-Filho (2010, 2011) and it suggests that employees in the tourism industry may not consider their work as a job because the organisation they work in is providing leisure experiences to tourists. Yet, the above quote clearly shows that adventure tour leading also involves hard work that could lead to fatigue and the use of heavy partying as a strategy to let go of frustrations associated with the job. This notion that adventure tour leading involves not only fun but also hard work is further reinforced by findings from this study relating to the profile of adventure tour leaders (see subsection 4.2.1). More specifically, the majority of adventure tour leaders in this study (54.7%) looked at their engagement as an adventure tour leader as a job (as opposed to a hobby or leisure activity). These results indicate that most adventure tour leaders in this study, contrary to the above research by Urry (2002) and Carnicelli-Filho (2010, 2011), did in fact consider their work as a job. The above results showing that performing deep acting could lead to emotional exhaustion in adventure tour leaders are inconsistent with much research on emotional labour that has examined the relationship between deep acting and emotional exhaustion. Many studies have found that employees who frequently perform deep acting possess lower levels of emotional exhaustion because they do not experience the same high level of emotional dissonance when performing deep acting as when performing surface acting (Brotheridge & Lee 2002; Johnson & Spector 2007; Lee 2010). Other studies have found no relationship between deep acting and emotional exhaustion (Bono & Vey 2005; Brotheridge & Grandey 2002; Grandey 2003). Hochschild (1983) indicated almost thirty years ago that deep acting could be positively correlated to emotional exhaustion; that is, the more deep acting employees perform, the more emotionally exhausted they become. According to Hochschild (1983), workers who apply deep acting as an emotional labour strategy on the job become more emotionally exhausted because they become emotionally involved with the clients that they serve, which is not the case if surface acting is utilised as a strategy. In fact, some recent research supports this proposition. Monaghan (2006), for example, found that while the difficulty of performing deep acting was positively related to emotional exhaustion, the difficulty of performing surface acting was not related to emotional exhaustion. In a similar vein, Liu et al. (2008) suggested that deep acting may be more psychologically demanding than surface acting for service employees because it takes a great deal of mental energy in the form of motivation, engagement, and role internalisation (the degree to which employees identify with their job role) to genuinely feel the emotions they are required to display to clients. This finding is 155

170 consistent with Brotheridge s (2006a) research, which proposed that deep acting generally requires more sophisticated emotional competence than surface acting. Indeed, Liu et al. (2008) found that employees who possessed a high level of emotional resources (indicated by high emotional intelligence) were more likely than others to deep act on the job. It follows that adventure tour leaders who reported that they felt drained after applying deep acting may have felt this way because it can be tiring to invest emotionally in clients, as illustrated by the following example: It is fairly draining. I find any time that you invest emotionally it can be taxing (Mark, aged 40 44). Adventure tour leaders who felt drained after performing surface acting, on the other hand, are likely to have felt this way due to the negative impact of emotional dissonance that has been associated with this form of emotional labour, as exemplified by the following account: It s hard not to be allowed to speak my own mind (when it comes to controversial matters such as politics). I feel that as a service person I should not speak out, but as a human being it s demeaning to have to accept crap without standing up or speaking out for my own opinion (Craig, aged 40 44). In this example, emotional dissonance is evident as the adventure tour leader feels frustrated that he has to hide his true emotions relating to controversial matters in interaction with clients through the means of surface acting. Hence, these findings correspond with Hochschild s (1983) contention that employees who are surface acting are likely to experience emotional exhaustion due to the emotional dissonance that results from showing emotions outwardly to clients that do not match up with what the employees are feeling on the inside. Deep acting, on the other hand, could lead to emotional exhaustion in employees because this form of emotional labour requires more effort from employees as it involves a more complex emotion management process than surface acting (Brotheridge 2006a; Hochschild 1983; Liu et al. 2008; Monaghan 2006). Even though many adventure tour leaders in this study felt drained after performing deep acting, the results still showed that deep acting had a statistically significant positive effect on their job satisfaction. This relates to the finding that the majority (84%) of adventure tour leaders who participated in an interview reported that they felt a sense of achievement at the end of the day after performing deep acting. This finding is analogous with the survey data 156

171 analysis in subsection 4.2.3, which suggested that deep acting could lead to a sense of achievement in employees. In the interviews, one adventure tour leader explained this sense of achievement: Yes, of course pushing yourself to take the leadership roles certainly does have its rewards. The achievement of the group is a good feeling for all, including the leader. Certainly these milestones are good for the spirit, and go a long way to make one feel they are making a difference, that what they do matters, even when working long hours, in difficult conditions for relatively poor pay. Without these highs I would suggest that the average lifespan for [the career of] an outdoor leader would be dramatically reduced from the few short years it is now. Outdoor leaders in general are an upbeat, gregarious group, and I feel we all enjoy that feedback from groups. I think we need and want to feel accomplishment (Kevin, aged 40 44). From this quote, it is also clear that the sense of achievement that adventure tour leaders felt at the end of the day may compensate for the feeling of being drained that is associated with the job. The above-mentioned notion of making a difference seems to be linked to the feeling of achievement that comes with contributing toward the greater good of the group and client satisfaction through the use of deep acting. In this regard, another adventure tour leader explained how the application of deep acting on the job can be very rewarding when it contributes to client satisfaction: Managing emotions [deep acting] is a core skill of leading a group of tourists. If after five days of guiding a group through the Kimberleys on a harsh bush camping expedition or two days of taking a bunch of Korean language students on a trip around Fraser Island and at the end of the day they ve come up to me and they ve had a great time or experience, well that makes me feel really good (Gordon, aged 25 29). Furthermore, one adventure tour leader pointed out that while successful performance of deep acting could lead to a sense of achievement, unsuccessful performance of deep acting could lead to burnout and turnover of staff: I see the self-management of emotions [deep acting] as a key skill for the outdoor professional, and it s a tool to be proud of. When staff can t do this they become drained quickly and have a high burnout rate, perhaps a key reason to why the industry as a whole has such a high turnover of field staff with client contact (Will, aged 25 29). This belief that deep acting needs to be performed successfully in order to lead to a sense of achievement indicates that adventure tour leaders in this study may be highly successful in their performance of deep acting. As suggested by Hochschild (1983), successful performance of deep acting could help employees to feel satisfied with how personal their service to clients is. Indeed, some adventure tour leaders in this study felt a sense of achievement after performing deep acting because, by successfully managing their emotions in this way, they 157

172 were able to maintain a professional relationship with their clients. For example, one adventure tour leader indicated how successfully managing his emotions through deep acting made him feel professional as it helped him to do what was expected of him in the job in regards to his clients: I feel like I have done a good job; done what I am being paid to do. I find it somewhat rewarding knowing that I am good at my job on those days (e.g. despite my bad mood/painful clients/etc. I did a really good job today ) (Oliver, aged 25 29). Another adventure tour leader emphasised how the use of deep acting made him feel professional in that it contributed toward personal development: I feel lucky to have a job that requires attention to the impact that I have on others, as it helps me grow and develop as a person (John, aged 40 44). Although 67% of adventure tour leaders who felt a sense of achievement after performing surface acting reported that this was linked to a feeling of professionalism, only 19% of adventure tour leaders who felt a sense of achievement after performing deep acting reported that this was due to maintaining a professional relationship between themselves and clients. This difference could be due to the notion that deep acting within the occupation of adventure tour leading generally requires a closer and more personal relationship between employees and clients than the professional distance which may occur when adventure tour leaders occasionally apply surface acting. This may be due to the nature of the job of adventure tour leading, which requires close proximity to clients, often over long time periods and in unpredictable natural environments (Arnould & Price 1993; Sharpe 2005a). As previously discussed, adventure tour leaders may treat their clients as friends rather than as parties in a more superficial service transaction (Arnould & Price 1993). The more attached that employees feel to their clients, in turn, the less they will fake their emotions (Kruml & Geddes 2000). By applying deep acting, then, adventure tour leaders treat their clients in a more authentic way since they are not faking their emotions. As a result, performing deep acting has the potential to create a relationship of trust between adventure tour leaders and clients, which appears to be important when bringing the latter out of their comfort zone through adventure activities that might be perceived as risky or uncomfortable. The results showing that the majority of adventure tour leaders who participated in an interview felt a sense of achievement after performing deep acting are consistent with a number of studies that have found that a positive relationship exists between deep acting and 158

173 personal achievement (Brotheridge 2006b; Brotheridge & Grandey 2002; Brotheridge & Lee 2002, 2003; Grandey 2003). Hence, it is possible that the strong sense of achievement that adventure tour leaders felt after performing deep acting in this study may have compensated for their feelings of emotional exhaustion and/or frustration that were also present. As one adventure tour leader stated: Following major incidents such as evacuations, of which I have had two, I feel totally drained but very proud of myself and relieved that my ill/injured trekker is safe and that the evacuation operating procedures work (Ethan, aged 55 59). It should also be noted that whereas 84% of adventure tour leaders who participated in an interview felt a sense of achievement after applying deep acting, a smaller proportion of 72% felt a sense of achievement after applying surface acting (which, in addition, was only applied occasionally). Thus, given that deep acting requires more sophisticated emotional competence (Brotheridge 2006a) and could be more psychologically demanding than surface acting (Liu et al. 2008), it is also conceivable that performing deep acting leads to a stronger sense of achievement among employees because it represents a more difficult challenge than surface acting which, if overcome, then becomes more rewarding Summary of Interview Findings Figure 4.2 expands the visual representation of the relationships between emotional labour and job satisfaction in Figure 4.1 (which was derived from the survey findings) by incorporating the interview findings discussed in section 4.3. It shows that deep acting had a statistically significant positive effect on adventure tour leaders job satisfaction because this form of emotional labour was associated with a sense of authenticity of self and a feeling of achievement. The thematic analysis of the interview data confirmed that adventure tour leaders in this study experienced a feeling of achievement after performing deep acting on the job. The thematic analysis, however, showed that deep acting also made adventure tour leaders feel frustrated and emotionally exhausted. Since deep acting had a statistically significant positive effect on adventure tour leaders job satisfaction, it was suggested that the positive effects of performing deep acting (sense of authenticity of self, feeling of achievement) might have overridden the negative effects (frustration and emotional exhaustion). 159

174 DA SA Positive: authenticity of self, feeling of achievement Negative: inauthenticity of self, frustration, emotional exhaustion Negative: frustration, emotional exhaustion + - JS Positive: feeling of achievement Figure 4.2 Effects of Deep Acting and Surface Acting on Adventure Tour Leaders Job Satisfaction as Derived from Survey and Interview Findings Predictors: DA = deep acting (M = 3.58); SA = surface acting (M = 2.55). Dependent variable: JS = job satisfaction (M = 4.22). Figure 4.2 also shows that surface acting had a negative effect on adventure tour leaders job satisfaction since this type of emotional labour was linked with a sense of inauthenticity of self as well as feelings of frustration and emotional exhaustion. However, this effect was statistically non-significant (represented by the broken line). The thematic analysis of the interview data confirmed that adventure tour leaders in this study experienced feelings of frustration and emotional exhaustion after performing surface acting on the job. The thematic analysis, however, showed that surface acting also gave adventure tour leaders a sense of achievement. Given that the negative effect of surface acting on adventure tour leaders job satisfaction was statistically non-significant, it was proposed that the positive effect of performing surface acting (feeling of achievement) might have reduced the impact of the negative effects (sense of inauthenticity of self, frustration, and emotional exhaustion), although the relatively low mean of surface acting (M = 2.55) is also likely to have contributed to the non-significant result. 4.4 Conclusion The first research objective was to develop a profile of adventure tour leaders based on statistical descriptive data relating to a number of characteristics. The majority of adventure tour leaders possessed the following characteristics: male; years old; Australian citizen; Bachelor degree; in a relationship; no children living at home; standard employment; look at 160

175 adventure tour leading as a job; working full-time; bushwalking main activity; all-year-round operation; paid work; commercial organisation; receive compensation; easy/beginner tours; 0 to 4 years experience in current organisation, and 5 to 9 years in the adventure tourism industry. The second research objective was to examine the potential effects of surface acting and deep acting on the job satisfaction of adventure tour leaders. Deep acting had a statistically significant positive effect on adventure tour leaders job satisfaction. This finding was consistent with research suggesting that deep acting could help to convey a sense of authenticity of self and a feeling of achievement in employees (Ashforth & Humphrey 1993; Sharpe 2005a; Zammuner & Galli 2005), thus leading to higher levels of job satisfaction (Torland 2010, 2011b). This result was also reflected in the high means of total deep acting scores (M = 3.58; classified as often ) and total job satisfaction scores (M = 4.22; classified as very satisfied ). Whilst surface acting had a negative effect on adventure tour leaders job satisfaction, as predicted, this effect was not statistically significant. One explanation for this non-significant result could be that adventure tour leaders in this study only occasionally performed surface acting on the job, as demonstrated by the relatively low mean of total surface acting scores (M = 2.55; classified as sometimes ). This, in turn, may not have been sufficient to engender a statistically significant negative result. In other words, the non-significant result showed that any negative outcomes of performing surface acting, such as feeling emotionally exhausted, frustrated, and a sense of inauthenticity of self, would only have had a negligible effect on adventure tour leaders job satisfaction. Given the survey findings, it was suggested that adventure tour leading is an occupation that requires employees to perform more deep acting and less surface acting than some other occupations due to the close and personal nature of the relationships with clients. Moreover, it was suggested that the high level of job satisfaction that was found in this study was, in part, due to the positive effects of performing deep acting and the absence of any substantial negative effects of performing surface acting. The interview findings served to expand and complement the insight that was gained through analysing the survey data relating to the effects of surface acting and deep acting on adventure tour leaders job satisfaction. The interview findings confirmed the survey findings which 161

176 proposed that adventure tour leaders acquired a feeling of achievement after performing deep acting. In addition, the interview findings also revealed that adventure tour leaders felt drained (i.e. frustrated and/or emotionally exhausted) after performing deep acting. It was proposed that the sense of authenticity of self and the feeling of achievement that are linked with deep acting might have overridden the feeling of being drained. This, in turn, could have contributed toward the result where deep acting had a statistically significant positive effect on adventure tour leaders job satisfaction. The interview findings confirmed the survey findings which suggested that adventure tour leaders felt drained (i.e. frustrated and/or emotionally exhausted) after performing surface acting. The interview findings also revealed that adventure tour leaders experienced a sense of achievement after performing surface acting. Hence, it was proposed that the feelings of achievement associated with surface acting might have reduced the sense of inauthenticity of self and the feeling of being drained. Together with the finding that adventure tour leaders only occasionally applied surface acting on the job, this could explain why the predicted negative effect of surface acting on adventure tour leaders job satisfaction in this study turned out to be statistically non-significant. Chapter five now provides an overview and critical analysis of the findings relating to situations in which adventure tour leaders in this study applied surface acting and deep acting on the job. 162

177 Chapter Five: Adventure Tour Leaders Application of Emotional Labour 5.1 Introduction This chapter presents and discusses the findings relating to Research Objective Three, which aimed to identify the types of situations on the job in which adventure tour leaders reported they performed either surface acting or deep acting. It is important to identify these particular situations in relation to the overarching aim of this study because they represent the unique context of emotional labour performance within the occupation of adventure tour leading. Even though Sharpe (2005a) identified particular situations in which adventure tour leaders performed emotional labour (as a whole), she did not distinguish between the situations in which adventure tour leaders applied surface acting and those situations in which they applied deep acting. Hence, Research Objective Three fills an important gap in the literature by identifying discrete situations in which adventure tour leaders perform either surface acting or deep acting. Given the differential outcomes that are linked with surface acting and deep acting (e.g. in regards to job satisfaction), the extension of Sharpe s (2005a) research as presented in this thesis contributes toward an enhanced theoretical understanding of what types of situations may lead adventure tour leaders to perform one form of emotional labour over the other. It is also important to identify the particular situations in which adventure tour leaders apply either surface acting or deep acting because understanding why particular forms of emotional labour are performed and in which particular circumstances could assist in the development of training programs for enhancing the emotional competence of adventure tour leaders in the future. Being competent in managing their emotions could positively impact on adventure tour leaders job satisfaction and safety as well as client satisfaction and safety. Very little research has been conducted in regards to situations in which adventure tour leaders perform emotional labour. This is why Research Objective Three was addressed using an exploratory research approach that was based purely on qualitative data collected through the interviews in order to develop an initial understanding of the topic. These data served to complement and expand on the insights gained from the survey as they added more richness of detail in regards to the overall aim of examining the relationships between emotional labour and job satisfaction of adventure tour leaders. The interview data were derived from two questions asking adventure tour leaders to give some examples of specific situations in their job where they would apply either surface acting or deep acting. 163

178 5.2 Analysis of Interview Data Although there is a variety of research that has investigated the different antecedents and outcomes of emotional labour, there is very little research that has identified the particular situations in which employees apply emotional labour apart from noting that it happens during service encounters between employees and clients (Arnould & Price 1993). The frequency with which employees apply surface acting and deep acting depends on the nature of their job and, consequently, the specific situations in which they apply emotional labour may vary across different occupations. Hochschild (1983), for example, found that flight attendants and debt collectors invested a great deal of their time to apply both surface acting and deep acting in order to deal with demanding clients. It is possible, however, that the service encounters between adventure tour leaders and their clients are more complex and, thus, include other types of situations that require the use of surface acting and/or deep acting. This is due to the element of risk that is inherent in adventure tour leading as well as the close and somewhat personal relationships that tend to develop between adventure tour leaders and their clients (Arnould & Price 1993). Risky situations may give rise to a type of emotional labour quite different from the kind arising from situations without the same element of risk. To date only one study, conducted by Sharpe (2005a), explicitly identified situations in which adventure tour leaders tend to apply emotional labour (see section 2.2.7). According to Sharpe, adventure tour leaders in her study applied emotional labour in the following types of situations on the job: ensuring safety; generating fun; and encouraging a sense of community. As mentioned above, however, Sharpe did not distinguish between the situations in which adventure tour leaders applied surface acting and those situations in which they applied deep acting. This is most likely because adventure tour leaders in Sharpe s study did not admit to applying surface acting since this form of emotional labour was viewed as being a less genuine way of managing one s emotions than deep acting. This reluctance to apply surface acting as an emotional labour strategy was also evident in this present study given that 12% of adventure tour leaders who participated in an interview stated that they did not apply surface acting on the job. On the other hand, this also meant that the remaining 88% of adventure tour leaders did perform surface acting on the job (as shown by the examples they provided of specific situations in which they performed surface acting on the job). This finding is further supported by the survey results in this study which show that most adventure tour leaders occasionally made use of surface acting when dealing with their clients (M = 2.55; classified as sometimes ). Hence, it was possible to identify situations in which adventure tour leaders 164

179 applied either surface acting or deep acting, unlike in Sharpe s study, in which this distinction was not made. Table 5.1 shows the distribution of responses for the main themes that emerged from the interview questions where adventure tour leaders were asked to provide details relating to the kinds of situations in which they performed surface acting and/or deep acting. Instead of using the term surface acting in the question, adventure tour leaders were asked to provide some examples of when they might choose to suppress their true emotions and display the emotions that were required of them in their job. Furthermore, instead of using the term deep acting in the question, adventure tour leaders were asked to provide some examples of when they might choose to manage their true emotions so that they aligned with the emotions that were required of them in their job (see Appendix 6). Table 5.1 The Kinds of Job Situations in which Adventure Tour Leaders Perform Surface Acting and Deep Acting Percentages and (numbers) Theme Risk Management Situations which required that they managed risk associated with emergencies/accidents, incidents/close calls or potentially dangerous situations. Create Enthusiasm Situations which required that they stayed positive and generated enthusiasm when interacting with clients to maximise client satisfaction, despite feeling tired, bored and/or miserable. Inexperienced Clients Situations which required that they dealt with clients who were not prepared for an activity mentally and/or physically or who were struggling to pick up the necessary skills due to being new to the activity. Difficult Clients Situations which required that they dealt with clients whose behaviour was particularly problematic and difficult to tolerate. Total Responses Surface Acting 60% (15) 24% (6) Deep Acting 16% (4) 20% (5) - 32% (8) 20% (5) (29) 40% (10) (27) Total Respondents In relation to situations in which adventure tour leaders performed surface acting, three themes emerged in response to this question: risk management (mentioned by 60% of participants); create enthusiasm (mentioned by 24% of participants); and difficult clients (mentioned by 20% of participants). In relation to situations in which adventure tour leaders performed deep acting, four themes emerged in response to this question: difficult clients 165

180 (mentioned by 40% of participants); inexperienced clients (mentioned by 32% of participants); create enthusiasm (mentioned by 20% of participants); and risk management (mentioned by 16% of participants). Overall, there were four different themes, three of which applied to both surface acting and deep acting. A definition of each of these themes is provided below. The theme risk management refers to situations where adventure tour leaders were required to manage risk associated with emergencies/accidents, incidents/close calls or potentially dangerous situations. The theme create enthusiasm is concerned with situations on the job where adventure tour leaders, despite feeling tired, bored and/or even miserable, were required to stay positive and generate enthusiasm when interacting with clients so as to maximise client satisfaction. Regarding the theme difficult clients, this refers to situations in which adventure tour leaders needed to deal with clients on the job whose behaviour they perceived to be particularly problematic and difficult to tolerate. The theme inexperienced clients refers to situations in which adventure tour leaders needed to deal with clients on the job who were not prepared for an activity mentally and/or physically or who were struggling to pick up the necessary skills because they were new to the activity Risk Management The particular situations in which most adventure tour leaders (60%) reported that they performed surface acting were risk management situations. For instance, the following account by one adventure tour leader is an example of how he performed surface acting in order to manage the risk associated with a serious sand-boarding accident: I was tour guiding on Moreton Island off Brisbane and I had a passenger involved in a serious sand-boarding accident. On this particular day I had an English couple who went down in tandem with the lady on top of the man and they came crashing over each other. Straight away I could tell that the lady had hurt herself so I came running down to assess the damage. She was holding her right wrist saying it was broken. At this point I was probably panicking a little however I did suppress those thoughts and quickly had to work out a plan of action. The lady [got] considerably worse as she was complaining of feeling light-headed and was on the verge of fainting. I had to go into super confident mode and was constantly talking to her and reassuring her that everything was going to be alright. I had no choice but to get my group back into the vehicle and drive them to help which was 45 minutes on a bumpy sandy track. Eventually I got them back to help but this was definitely a challenging situation where I displayed the required emotions and suppressed my true emotions (emphasis added) (Gordon, aged 25 29). In this situation, the adventure tour leader appeared to use surface acting as an immediate response to an incident that needed quick action in order to get the client to medical assistance 166

181 before the situation worsened. The panic that the adventure tour leader experienced, together with the suppression of his true emotions, further indicates that there may not have been enough time in this particular situation for him to apply deep acting as an emotional labour strategy. Generally, the use of deep acting to manage one s emotions necessitates more time and planning for employees than the use of surface acting (Gross 1998a). Similarly, another adventure tour leader explained how he suppressed his feeling of fear in two potentially dangerous situations through the means of surface acting: On two occasions I have been trekking along a riverbed and had heavy tropical rain commence falling. The local porters have advised me quietly that unless the group moves very fast we will be trapped in the riverbed due to the high sides. As I have seen a river rise two metres in an hour I fully appreciate the danger, however must convey the urgency to my trekkers in a way that will get them moving immediately but not in a dangerous or panicking manner. At this time I must suppress my personal fears for the good of the group (emphasis added) (Ethan, aged 55 59). Again, it seems like the adventure tour leader is making use of surface acting as an immediate response to a potentially dangerous situation that may develop into a serious accident if speedy action is not taken. This urgency of the situation, in turn, may have left the adventure tour leader with too little time to apply deep acting as an emotional labour strategy. Indeed, only 16% of adventure tour leaders reported that they applied deep acting in risk management situations. However, the same adventure tour leader as above did perform deep acting in another risky situation that required the leader to manage clients emotions as well as his own emotions: I had a trekker that had collapsed from heat stroke and had been carried on a makeshift stretcher by the porters. Due to her condition I had no option but to arrange an urgent medivac by helicopter. The situation was stressful as I was concerned about her health, had to commence planning the evacuation with various parties over an unreliable satellite phone, there was only a few hours of daylight left and I also needed to keep the rest of the group moving in order to reach a village that night. With all of this occurring the ill trekker s husband attempted to negotiate for his wife to continue after a rest, stating that it was important for them to finish the trek together. I had to very delicately manage both my and their emotions as I could appreciate their desire to continue. However, I had to also get them to appreciate the reality of the situation. During this conversation I found myself ignoring her tears and simply stressing the need to get her to a hospital and that there was absolutely no option. The ill trekker and her husband eventually agreed and a successful evacuation occurred several hours later (emphasis added) (Ethan, aged 55 59). This is an example of the deep acting technique of rationalisation (see Table 2.1) in which the adventure tour leader gave an understandable reason as to why the clients were behaving in the way that they were (i.e. they wanted to finish the trek together). 167

182 Overall, the above findings show that many adventure tour leaders (60%), although they did not apply surface acting very often, performed this type of emotional labour in risk management situations. In regards to deep acting, however, only some adventure tour leaders (16%) applied this form of emotional labour in the same type of situations. There is some research that may be able to shed light on why this might be so. According to Lois (2003), for example, the emotional culture of search and rescue volunteers (who might experience similar emergency situations as adventure tour leaders) incorporated the belief that all emotions (but particularly negative ones) should be suppressed during edgework performance, which refers to voluntary risk-taking behaviour which occurs in situations that are physically and mentally out of the ordinary. Hence, it may well be that surface acting could work as a tool to temporarily remove emotions from a risky situation and rather focus on what needs to be done in practice to solve the situation, such as putting up ropes to save someone who is stuck on a cliff ledge. Gross (1998a) supports the notion that surface acting may be used in situations that require immediate, reactive behaviour from employees. He suggested that while deep acting is antecedent-focused or proactive, surface acting is response-focused or reactive. It follows that surface acting might be applied in risk management situations by many adventure tour leaders because such situations often occur rapidly, with little warning, and are sometimes due to environmental circumstances that might be outside the leaders control. For example, one adventure tour leader explained how the sudden occurrence of a potentially dangerous situation caused him to perform surface acting: A situation occurred when we were leading a kayaking group along the river into the ocean. All was going well and then suddenly the group (novices) had to break through a surf zone. A couple of boats nearly capsized, and I was anxious, but I still needed to appear calm and in control to install confidence in the group members (emphasis added) (Rod, aged 30 34). Such risky situations may provide adventure tour leaders with limited time to manage their emotions, which may then need to be suppressed in order to attend to the situation at hand. In other words, surface acting seems to be an immediate response to an unexpected and potentially dangerous situation. Conversely, it could be that only some adventure tour leaders applied deep acting in risk management situations because this form of emotional labour is proactive and thus necessitates more time and preparation to manage one s emotions before a potentially dangerous situation occurs. In this sense, many adventure tour leaders who were applying surface acting in risk management situations can be said to have been reactive rather than proactive in regards to their risk management practices. 168

183 As was discussed in Chapter Four, surface acting (or response-focused emotional labour) could lead to a sense of inauthenticity of self and feelings of emotional exhaustion and frustration in employees (Ashforth & Humphrey 1993; Sharpe 2005a; Zammuner & Galli 2005). More importantly, perhaps, surface acting may also compromise clients safety in some instances as it does not involve the same level of forethought as deep acting. This notion that surface acting may compromise clients safety is further highlighted by the following account of one adventure tour leader who proposed that surface acting is not as good a tool as deep acting when it comes to managing risky situations on the job: I think there is a difference between managing emotions [deep acting], as opposed to suppressing/displaying [surface acting]. Managing, however, is something that requires experiences, and sometimes forethought. For example we train to manage emergency situations or rescues if you do, you plan ahead so that you can then have space to manage your emotions possibly fear, uncertainty, panic, negative feelings of being overwhelmed. I see suppressing emotions as just a bandaid and a short-term solution. Suppression is not as good as management. Management knowing you can handle whatever is presented to you is a confidence builder and will produce a better performance. Proactive is always better than reactive. I run a lot of kayaking programs, and [r]eacting is generally not acceptable, as you need to manage your own feelings and thoughts ahead of running a rapid or dealing with a situation in whitewater reacting means something is wrong and in that environment this can be a massive danger (emphasis added) (Kevin, aged 40 44). This quote reinforces the notion that risky situations may leave adventure tour leaders with limited time to apply deep acting as an emotional labour strategy and, as a result, surface acting may be applied as a temporary solution, a bandaid. This performance of surface acting by adventure tour leaders in risk management situations could have negative consequences in regards to clients safety. More specifically, surface acting is a reactive form of emotional labour that adventure tour leaders may apply in situations that they have not mentally prepared for beforehand and/or they do not have the necessary depth of experience to deal with. Deep acting, on the other hand, is proactive and could potentially increase the levels of safety for adventure tour leaders and their clients because this form of emotional labour requires experience and forethought. Just as students who prepare for an exam are more likely to succeed than students who do not, it is possible that adventure tour leaders who apply deep acting in order to manage their emotions in a risky situation on the job are more likely to succeed than leaders who apply surface acting in the same type of situation. Indeed, in his study on the emotional labour of emergency service workers, Oubari (2007) found that surface acting was negatively related to the performance of these workers. Conversely, deep acting was positively linked to the performance of emergency service workers (Oubari 2007). It follows that adventure tour operators may need to provide training that improves adventure 169

184 tour leaders ability to deep act in risky situations on the job. This proposition of providing training to improve deep acting skills in risk management situations is discussed in more detail in Chapter Seven. Whereas the adventure tour leaders in Sharpe s (2005a) study were reluctant to admit that they performed surface acting on the job, a closer examination of her article shows that some of them actually did make use of this emotional labour strategy in order to ensure safety on the tours. Ensuring safety was one of the situations in which Sharpe suggested that adventure tour leaders performed emotional labour and, importantly, some of the leaders in her study suppressed signs of fear and anxiety even at times when paying attention to such emotions could help to keep their clients safe. One adventure tour leader in Sharpe s (2005a, pp. 37 8) study, for example, stated the following: I understand fear to be a very valuable ally in making decisions but it can lead to chaos and loss of control I don t want people to lose confidence in my ability when I m scared. As such, adventure tour leaders in Sharpe s study suppressed their emotions of fear and anxiety in order to prevent their clients from losing confidence in their abilities as a leader. Similarly, one adventure tour leader in this study confessed that during one of his adventure tours, he performed surface acting in order to cover up what could have developed into a serious accident: When there was an incident where someone was not attached to a rope properly and they could have significantly injured themselves, I downplayed the danger level dramatically, so that the client retained trust in the instructor s abilities (emphasis added) (Peter, aged 45 49). Sixty per cent of adventure tour leaders who participated in an interview in this study occasionally applied surface acting in risk management situations. However, this does not mean that risk management situations require employees to perform surface acting as an emotional labour strategy. On the contrary, a better way of performing emotional labour for the adventure tour leaders who performed surface acting in risk management situations might have been to follow the example of the 16% of leaders who performed deep acting to ensure clients safety in these types of situations. Applying deep acting is likely to be a better emotional labour strategy in risk management situations because deep acting is a proactive way of performing emotional labour. Thus, deep acting represents a safer alternative to manage one s emotions than surface acting, which is reactive and, consequently, a more unsafe way of performing emotional labour (Gross 1998a). The application of deep acting instead of surface acting could also work to ensure that adventure tour leaders occupational health and safety (OHS) needs are met. OHS refers to the physical, physiological and 170

185 psychosocial conditions of an organisation s employees which relate to the work itself and the work context (De Cieri, Cox & Fenwick 2006; De Cieri et al. 2008). If adventure tour operators provided training to increase the number of adventure tour leaders who perform deep acting instead of surface acting in risk management situations, this could reduce the OHS risk of experiencing burnout and low levels of job satisfaction resulting from performing surface acting (Bono & Vey 2005; Grandey 2000; Hochschild 1983; Judge, Woolf & Hurst 2009) Create Enthusiasm In addition to risk management situations, 24% of adventure tour leaders who participated in an interview reported that they applied surface acting in situations where they, despite feeling tired, bored and/or miserable, were required to stay positive and create enthusiasm in interactions with clients in order to maximise client satisfaction. For example, one adventure tour leader described how he used surface acting to create enthusiasm in the group when, in reality, he was feeling tired: I have often had to display a façade of being up and excited when in reality I feel tired and flat. This generally occurs in the morning when breaking camp or at the end of the day when there is still jobs to be done, e.g. cooking (emphasis added) (Mark, aged 40 44). Another adventure tour leader explained how he used surface acting to engender enthusiasm about parts of the client experience that he found relatively uninteresting: Very often I see an animal that while it is locally common, it is something that you only find in my area. I will then pretend to be excited, so that the guests are truly aware that they are seeing a rare creature (emphasis added) (Jack, aged 40 44). The following accounts illustrate how personal issues caused two adventure tour leaders to perform surface acting in order to generate the enthusiasm that was required in their job: I can think back to a time when I was frustrated and angry by the poor performance of a fellow leader, and this caused me some anguish as this was right before a client group was about to arrive, and of course outdoor leaders are there to facilitate upbeat, enjoyable experiences, so there can be some internal turmoil if something is going on personally for you yet the expectation of the group and employer will override and you will perform accordingly (emphasis added) (Kevin, aged 40 44). Emotions from my personal life overflowing into the work place (I am tired/angry/etc but my work calls for me to be vivacious, open and engaging, or even to inject life into the group) (emphasis added) (Oliver, aged 25 29). 171

186 The prevalence of adventure tour leaders who applied deep acting (20%) in order to create enthusiasm among themselves and clients was similar to that of leaders who applied surface acting (24%) for the same purpose. In regards to the former, one adventure tour leader explained that he sometimes struggled to perform deep acting in order to create an atmosphere of enthusiasm on cold mornings when he was leading paddling tours: Providing the right atmosphere on a cold morning when you have almost no clients is always hard. Being happy and excited to get out on the water when all you really want to do is get back into bed. But this is all part of the job and creating the right atmosphere makes all the difference when it comes to clients satisfaction (emphasis added) (Phil, aged 25 29). This requirement for adventure tour leaders to create enthusiasm in interactions with clients has been acknowledged by Holyfield (1999), who proposed that good river guides must embody the excitement they are selling and never let the clients know that their job can be mundane or boring. The interview data, however, did not reveal why adventure tour leaders performed either surface acting or deep acting so as to create enthusiasm among themselves and clients. Thus, more research is needed in order to establish what might influence adventure tour leaders application of surface acting or deep acting in these situations. The interview findings which showed that adventure tour leaders applied emotional labour in situations which required them to create enthusiasm are reflected in Sharpe s (2005a) notion of generating fun. Sharpe (2005a) stated that adventure tour leaders in her study were required to make trips enjoyable for clients, which often involved performance of emotional labour by the leaders. The method that was perceived as being the most effective way of performing emotional labour in order to generate fun was expressive role modelling, where the adventure tour leaders would lead by example so as to generate fun by, for instance, telling jokes, smiling, laughing, and playing around (Sharpe 2005a). This idea of leading by example was also apparent in this study where one adventure tour leader revealed that he was leading by example by actively getting involved in the activities of washing up or cooking so as to create enthusiasm among clients and get them involved too: Working with people from a vast array of backgrounds (age groups, socio-economic, cultural etc.) especially when combined together, is always challenging and testing my ability to manage the social dynamics. Sometimes manipulating the emotions I display in front of the group is needed to gain a desired outcome. An example of this is a tactic lead by example, where I actively get involved in the activity, say, the washing up or cooking and even though I may be really tired from a big day I put on a brave enthusiastic persona to try to get the rest of the group involved. This extra encouragement to get the job done was managed. I ve done the cooking and washing up a thousand times before but if I didn t get the ball rolling then often the task would take a lot longer to complete (emphasis added) (Gordon, aged 25 29). 172

187 In this case, it appears that the adventure tour leader was leading by example by using surface acting rather than deep acting as he put on an emotional display of enthusiasm despite feeling tired. Although the performance of surface acting is associated with the OHS risk of experiencing burnout and low levels of job satisfaction, 24% of adventure tour leaders who participated in an interview for this study still applied surface acting behaviours in order to create enthusiasm among themselves and clients. This could be because unusually high levels of fatigue and/or boredom on occasion may force adventure tour leaders to use surface acting instead of deep acting when creating enthusiasm because the latter requires more emotional effort (Brotheridge 2006a; Liu et al. 2008). Additionally, limited experience in the job may be a contributing factor to the use of surface acting by some adventure tour leaders (see Figure 2.1). In any case, deep acting is likely to be a better option for adventure tour leaders to create enthusiasm on the job as this type of emotional labour was shown in this thesis to have a significant positive effect on adventure tour leaders job satisfaction Difficult and/or Inexperienced Clients Regarding deep acting, 40% of adventure tour leaders who participated in an interview reported that they used this form of emotional labour in situations which required them to deal with difficult clients whose behaviour they perceived to be particularly problematic and difficult to tolerate. One adventure tour leader explained how he applied deep acting in this situation: By day six of an eight-day trek we had run out of coffee due to the group s unusually heavy consumption in favour of other supplied beverages. One of my trekkers at lunch, in front of the entire group reacted badly when advised that the coffee had run out. He berated me and stated that more care should be taken with preplanning of supplies. My initial reaction was of annoyance here we all are on the track, wet and weary and you are upset over the bloody coffee running out!!!!!!! I explained to the group that catering for different people s tastes is difficult and that other groups had been heavy tea drinkers and that we had on occasions run out of tea. General discussion then followed on how we could avoid this situation occurring again. The anger of the trekker and myself was dissipated and we all drank tea and survived. I have noticed that some trekkers, when they are tired and mentally/emotionally challenged often redirect that stress onto me using some excuse, such as running out of coffee. As I have now identified this behaviour I behave in a controlled and supportive manner (emphasis added) (Ethan, aged 55 59). Recalling the methods of performing deep acting presented in Table 2.1, it is clear that this adventure tour leader was making use of rationalisation in order to deal with the difficult 173

188 client. That is, he came up with a reasonable explanation for the client s behaviour (the client was tired and stressed), and as a result he managed to shift his feeling of annoyance into a feeling of empathy. Similarly, another adventure tour leader described how he found deep acting to be an effective strategy when dealing with difficult clients who ignore instructions or who are not very pleasant to be around: In my case, sometimes I get impatient when an issue that is dear to me (e.g. care for the environment) that has been addressed (e.g. no soap in the river) has to be revisited over and over. I manage the emotions because experience has shown me that it is more effective to work with people with emotions that are pleasant to them. Another example of managing emotions is if there are more pleasant clients or more unpleasant clients at the end of the day, they are all people and deserve the same level of attention, despite my personal preferences (emphasis added) (John, aged 40 44). In this situation, the adventure tour leader was applying the deep acting technique of underlying motivation (see Table 2.1), and consequently he was able to manage his emotions to suit the situation based on the underlying motivation that all clients deserve the same level of attention. Thus, he managed to change his initial feeling of dislike into a feeling of respect by focusing on this underlying motivation instead of his clients annoying behaviour. Clients can also present major problems by being inexperienced. Thirty-two per cent of adventure tour leaders also reported that they needed to deal with clients on the job who were not prepared for an activity mentally and/or physically or who were struggling to learn the necessary skills because they were new to the activity. For example, one adventure tour leader explained how she used deep acting to deal with a client who was not physically or mentally prepared for the activity: I had a lady on a walking trip who was not up to a walking trip physically or mentally. I was a bit annoyed with her because she had obviously overestimated her ability. I had to help her through a gorge walk, so I took it as a challenge to get her through the whole day and the entire walk, searching out the easiest possible routes over various sections. By the end of the day I felt quite elated that she had done it with lots of help and I admired her pluck. I did feel a bit guilty when others admired my patience!! (emphasis added) (Anna, aged 55 59). In this situation, the adventure tour leader was utilising the deep acting technique of cognitive change (see Table 2.1); that is, she changed her perception of the situation involving the unprepared client by perceiving it as a challenge rather than a stressful event. Consequently, she managed to change her initial feeling of annoyance into more positive feelings like calmness and patience which, by the end of the trip, triggered other positive feelings of excitement and admiration. 174

189 Another adventure tour leader revealed that he similarly used deep acting to generate a feeling of empathy when dealing with clients who had not prepared properly for a demanding trip: When a client has not prepared properly for a demanding trip and starts to struggle, initially the tendency is for me to be annoyed with them. I force myself to be empathetic toward them and quite often manage to become more genuine in my feelings as the struggle continues and I get to know them and their circumstances better. This has happened a few times (emphasis added) (Mark, 40-44). It is not clear what technique of deep acting the adventure tour leader used to force himself to be empathetic (although it is possible that getting to know clients circumstances could lead to rationalisation); however, what is clear is that deep acting can be utilised as an effective way of managing one s emotions when dealing with inexperienced clients in an adventure environment. Regarding surface acting, only 20% of adventure tour leaders reported that they used this type of emotional labour in order to deal with difficult clients and there were no reports of adventure tour leaders applying surface acting in order to deal with inexperienced clients. The following adventure tour leaders applied surface acting to deal with difficult clients: An example is when people are particular about food (can t eat too spicy, must be low wheat, vegan etc.). While some people may have valid diet requirements for health or religious reasons, others who later turn out to be problem clients, are constantly making issues related to food. I have to pretend to care about this, while in reality it is extremely annoying and I would never accept that kind of behaviour from friends or family (emphasis added) (Craig, aged 40 44). Clashes between world views: where my personal world view must not be spoken, even if I disagree strongly with the client s world view (religious, cultural, social, political, life choices, ways of interacting with others etc.). I might be really angry that a client holds the belief that national parks are a bad idea and a waste of valuable arable/productive land, but in the interests of my employer I will keep my mouth shut (emphasis added) (Oliver, aged 25 29). When I have a client who has expectations that are so unreasonable (e.g. no one told me I would get my feet wet) and this is on the trail, I have to hide what I feel or I would lose it!!!! (emphasis added) (Sam, aged 65 or over). Clients may be irritating for a whole range of reasons; but as these examples show, adventure tour leaders can perform surface acting to deal with them. What the interview data do not reveal, however, is why adventure tour leaders utilised surface acting versus deep acting in situations which required them to deal with difficult clients. There is one study, however, which found that call centre workers who felt more threatened by client aggression tended to 175

190 utilise surface acting, while those who felt less threatened utilised deep acting (Grandey, Dickter & Sin 2004). Even so, none of the adventure tour leaders in this study who performed surface acting in order to deal with difficult clients reported that they felt threatened by their clients and there was only one account from an adventure tour leader who reported that he applied deep acting to deal with verbal abuse from clients: Often clients show much negative behaviour, such as abusive language, and because behaviour is changeable by the client, I force myself to separate the individual from his/her behaviour and not react to her/his behaviour in the normally expected way (emphasis added) (Peter, aged 45 49). Thus, it is not clear how client aggression may impact on adventure tour leaders application of surface acting versus deep acting when dealing with difficult clients on the job. In regards to difficult clients, Williams (2003) in her study from the Australian airline industry found that flight attendants were often required to perform emotional labour in situations which involved difficult passengers. These difficult passengers at times resorted to abuse and sexual harassment against the flight attendants, who found dealing with such situations stressful and taxing (Williams 2003). In the specific context of adventure tourism, however, Sharpe (2005a) did not identify this as one of the overall situations where adventure tour leaders performed emotional labour. It is possible, however, that difficult clients could be incorporated into Sharpe s (2005a) concept of encouraging a sense of community, which refers to situations where adventure tour leaders acted as social facilitators to help develop connections and group cohesion among clients as well as between clients and leaders. In order to encourage a sense of community, adventure tour leaders were sometimes required to integrate clients who were being difficult with the rest of the group (Sharpe 2005a). Similar to this integration of clients, one adventure tour leader in this study reported that he found it difficult to play mediator between clients who had intense arguments and, as a result, he performed surface acting: Something that I find difficult is to play mediator between clients who sometimes have political (or other) arguments that get out of hand. I have to intervene, be impartial and try to change the subject to avoid ruining the atmosphere on a long trip (5 9 days). It s important that I appear neutral and don t take sides in the argument, even if I have very strong views on the subject (emphasis added) (Craig, aged 40 44). Another adventure tour leader explained that he sometimes applied surface acting in order to deal with young clients: 176

191 Troubled children who don t want to participate and decide that it will be better to annoy all the others and make it difficult for the instructor, you really want to set them away from the activity but are unable as they will be unsupervised, you just have to try to capture the others attention and ignore the troubled one (emphasis added) (Simon, aged 30 34). This integration of difficult clients, however, was also apparent for adventure tour leaders who performed deep acting, as illustrated by the following account: When people turn up late for an event and then expect the proceedings to be repeated for their benefit, I have to manage my true emotions as I consider them somewhat selfish. I, however, manage these true emotions and make a real attempt to make them feel welcome and part of the group (and work with the other participants to reduce their animosity toward the latecomers). People who do not follow clear instructions or bring the required equipment also result in me having to manage my true emotions in order to demonstrate effective problem-solving techniques and maintain the friendly ambience which is important for participant satisfaction. In addition, some people talk during guided interpretation stops which influences the ability of other people to hear and so I tend to make light of the fact that some people can obviously talk more than me! (emphasis added) (Jessica, aged 40 44). In this example, the adventure tour leader used deep acting to manage both her own emotions and the emotions of her clients; she attempted to change the feelings of animosity and irritation held by herself and the clients into more positive feelings, such as friendliness and cheerfulness. Unlike in the situations of risk management, it is possible that encountering difficult clients is more regular an occurrence for adventure tour leaders than are emergencies and dangerous situations. This would mean that adventure tour leaders may have more experience dealing with these types of situations and, perhaps, more time to prepare and plan for how they will manage their emotions since a difficult client situation may be more expected than an emergency and does not necessarily involve the same time pressure. In fact, adventure tour leaders in this study reported that difficult clients represented the most frequent situations in which they applied deep acting. Thus, despite the fact that some of the leaders occasionally applied surface acting in these same situations, most adventure tour leaders seemed to be skilful at performing proactive emotional labour when dealing with difficult clients. The other main area where adventure tour leaders appeared to be skilled at performing deep acting was situations that involved inexperienced clients. It is possible that many adventure tour leaders applied deep acting in order to deal with inexperienced clients (while no participants reported using surface acting) because it may be relatively easy to empathise with 177

192 inexperienced clients since everyone has once been a novice adventure tour leaders included. As one adventure tour leader reported: This [deep acting] is continually required in my role as a Kayaking Adventure Tour Guide. An example including the inability of a participant to understand basic kayaking skills, even though they had been told and instructed more than two or three times. This then leads to frustration for me when they can t steer their kayak out of trouble and ultimately end up caught in mangrove bushes. However I need to remain calm, keep smiling and install confidence and control in the group and try to empathise with the participant. Again, when dealing with clients who can t comprehend some paddling instructions, if I m initially frustrated, I process my thoughts, stay relaxed and remind myself of when I was a novice and my ability (or inability) to pick up skills at that stage (emphasis added) (Rod, aged 30 34). The adventure tour leader managed to shift his initial feeling of frustration into feelings of calm and empathy because he reminded himself that novice paddlers often need a lot of practice before they are able to follow instructions and pick up the necessary paddling skills. However, given that the interview data in this study did not reveal why adventure tour leaders chose to apply deep acting rather than surface acting when dealing with inexperienced clients, more research is needed to establish why this might be so No Surface Acting From the adventure tour leaders who participated in an interview, 12% reported that they did not believe that they applied surface acting in any situations on the job. One adventure tour leader explained why he did not perform surface acting in this way: If I had preconceived emotional requirements for my job it would not be fun at all. I would see myself as being schizophrenic. If I was constantly concerned about my emotions, i.e. when to suppress and/or display them, I would be better off seeking employment as an Actor, Psychologist or Politician! (Tim, aged 50 54). It appears here that the adventure tour leader perceived surface acting to be an offence against the occupation of adventure tour leading. However, there were additional reasons cited by adventure tour leaders as to why they did not perform surface acting. For example, two leaders indicated that they did not perform surface acting because they had prepared themselves through training in order to deal with difficult situations arising on the job: It may be the age I am; the respect I have with clients and the team, which means that this is not an issue. If I allow everyone to give clear questions and answers, any emotions on my part are dealt with on the spot not held in. I believe in training to manage difficult situations, e.g. my team and I practice what we do regularly so we are prepared when working with clients (Luke, aged 60 64). 178

193 I do not think that I react in this way [perform surface acting]. I think this is due to my background in the military where you are taught to deal with situations like this [emergencies] (Neil, aged 40 44). The above findings are consistent with Sharpe s (2005a) finding that adventure tour leaders viewed surface acting as a moral flaw to the trip leading process. As previously noted in this chapter, however, 88% of adventure tour leaders who participated in an interview in this study occasionally applied surface acting in some situations (risk management; create enthusiasm; and difficult clients). As has already been discussed, this could be because sometimes unexpected and potentially dangerous situations may arise that leave little time for adventure tour leaders to be proactive in regards to their emotion management. Other factors such as fatigue and boredom may also play a role in adventure tour leaders decision to use surface acting in the above-mentioned situations An Emotional Labour Continuum? In addition to the themes above, there was one further issue that was identified through the thematic analysis of the interview data. This issue related to adventure tour leaders ability to identify whether they were performing surface acting or deep acting in the specific situations already discussed. On the one hand, most adventure tour leaders seemed to be able to clearly distinguish between the concepts of surface acting and deep acting, as illustrated by the following two examples: I guess the distinction is that when you suppress your emotions and display others [surface acting] it could be perceived as like telling a white lie, but when you manage your emotions [deep acting] you are seen as a person skilled in mastering yourself and your situation (Oliver, aged 25 29). Managing [deep acting] is proactive, it s about having forethought or some control or input. Suppression [surface acting] is little more than a short-term bandaid. I do not see this as having any longer term benefit, and I doubt that you can suppress emotion and feeling for extended periods of time. I am not saying I am actually any good at managing emotions, but I know suppressing them is the evil I d rather avoid (Kevin, aged 40 44). On the other hand, there were some adventure tour leaders who indicated that the border between these two dimensions of emotional labour was indistinct and that surface acting and deep acting might overlap to a certain extent, as shown by the following accounts: I am not sure there is too much difference between managing [deep acting] and suppressing [surface acting] emotions. I think one is connected to another! I think you are suppressing them by managing them (Rod, aged 30 34). 179

194 I am finding it hard to put this process into words. This is possibly due to the feeling that managing one s emotions [deep acting] sometimes involves suppressing one s emotions or displaying an emotion [surface acting] (Josh, age unknown). I honestly cannot see much difference between suppressing [surface acting] and managing [deep acting] all suppression has an element of management and vice versa (John, aged 40 44). It is possible that both groups of adventure tour leaders are partly right. On the one hand, surface acting and deep acting have been evidenced as being unidimentional constructs (Brotheridge & Lee 2003) and it makes sense to measure them as separate constructs given the differential effects that they have on employees job attitudes and psychological wellbeing, such as job satisfaction and burnout. On the other hand, surface acting has also been shown to be positively correlated with deep acting (Brotheridge & Lee 2002, 2003). Brotheridge and Lee (2002) suggested that this correlation could be because employees who perform surface acting, due to the discomfort relating to the high level of emotional dissonance associated with this form of emotional labour, may feel a certain pressure to switch to deep acting in order to reduce the level of emotional dissonance. This explanation provides support for the notion of a continuum ranging from surface acting, through deep acting, to genuine emotion display, as previously presented in Figure 2.1. Still, no longitudinal research exists to date which has explored how, exactly, surface acting may transform over time into deep acting and, later, into genuine emotion display. Whilst there is no longitudinal research to date that has explored the existence of an emotional labour continuum, the interview findings from this study suggest that such a continuum may exist. For example, the account from one adventure tour leader indicated that surface acting may develop into deep acting over time: My clients are generally very interested in flora & fauna, something I m not particularly interested in or good at. As this is such a large part of my job I started to pretend I was interested in these things, by for example pretending to be very excited if we found a rare flower. But over time I found that I actually started to be more interested in flora & fauna (Craig, aged 40 44). In addition, there is one recent study that has provided some support for the idea of an emotional labour continuum. In their exploratory study of massage therapists and bodywork practitioners which aimed to test for additional scale distinctions in surface acting and deep acting, Blau et al. (2010) used what they referred to as a difficult client referent in order to identify sub-dimensions of emotional labour. Blau et al. (2010) argued that most employees who perform emotional labour would be exposed to difficult clients and that this experience 180

195 was likely to be more emotionally demanding and require more mental effort from employees than what they called basic emotional labour (similar to the surface acting and deep acting applied in this study). Blau et al. (2010, pp ) identified the following five dimensions of emotional labour: 1) basic surface acting (BSA defined as changing one s display but not the felt emotion ); 2) challenged surface acting (CSA defined as changing one s display but not the felt emotion when dealing with a difficult client ); 3) basic deep acting (BDA defined as changing one s display and also the felt emotion ); 4) perspective taking deep acting (PTDA defined as changing one s display and also the felt emotion by taking the customer s point of view ; based on cognitive change); and 5) positive refocus deep acting (PRDA defined as changing one s display and also the felt emotion by going beyond a difficult client to find something positive ; based on attentional deployment, see Table 2.1). According to Blau et al. (2010), BSA has the most negative outcomes for employees and is the least demanding form of emotional labour, followed by CSA, BDA, PTDA, and finally PRDA, which has the most positive outcomes for employees and is the most demanding form of emotional labour. While Blau et al. (2010) did not explicitly mention that their further refinement of the emotional labour scales provided support for the idea of an emotional labour continuum, their gradual movement from BSA (which they considered the easiest form of emotional labour) up to PRDA (which they considered the hardest form of emotional labour) implicitly supports the idea. In addition to BSA and BDA, which correspond with the dimensions of surface acting and deep acting that were applied in this thesis, the interview findings showed that adventure tour leaders used both surface acting and deep acting (through cognitive change) to deal with difficult clients. Hence, Blau et al. s (2010) emotional labour dimensions of CSA and PTDA were also recognised in the interview findings of this thesis. Nonetheless, although difficult clients were identified as one of the situations in which adventure tour leaders in this study performed emotional labour, the relevance of Blau et al. s (2010) five dimensions could be questioned in the context of adventure tour leading where situations of risk management, creating enthusiasm, and inexperienced clients also required leaders to perform emotional labour. Additionally, Blau et al. (2010) did not clarify in what specific types of situations employees might perform basic emotional labour (BSA and BDA) since this excluded dealing with difficult clients. Furthermore, Blau et al. (2010) did not take other forms of deep acting into consideration in their study, such as imagery, mantras, rationalisation, and underlying motivation (see Table 2.1). Consequently, more research is 181

196 needed to explore the existence of an emotional labour continuum and also how this might be applied to the occupation of adventure tour leading. 5.3 Conclusion The third research objective was to identify the types of situations in which adventure tour leaders applied surface acting and deep acting. Qualitative data were collected through the interviews so as to address this research objective. These data highlighted the complexity of the occupational role of adventure tour leaders. In regards to surface acting, the findings showed that 60% of adventure tour leaders applied this form of emotional labour in risk management situations; 24% performed surface acting in order to create enthusiasm among themselves and clients; 20% applied surface acting in situations which required them to deal with difficult clients; and 12% reported that they did not perform surface acting on the job. When it came to deep acting, the findings showed that 40% of adventure tour leaders applied this type of emotional labour in situations that required them to deal with difficult clients; 32% applied deep acting in situations that required them to deal with inexperienced clients; 20% performed deep acting in order to create enthusiasm among themselves and clients; and 16% used deep acting in risk management situations. It was suggested that surface acting might be applied in risk management situations by adventure tour leaders because this type of emotional labour is reactive, as opposed to deep acting, which is proactive (Blau et al. 2010; Grandey 2000; Gross 1998a). Indeed, risk management situations often occur rapidly, with little warning, and are sometimes due to environmental circumstances that might be outside the leaders control. Consequently, the adventure tour leaders have limited time to manage their emotions, with the result that surface acting may be adopted as an immediate response to an unexpected and potentially dangerous situation. However, surface acting could also compromise clients safety in risk management situations and brings with it the OHS risk of employees experiencing burnout and low levels of job satisfaction. Thus, it was suggested that adventure tour operators could provide training to increase the number of adventure tour leaders who perform deep acting instead of surface acting in risk management situations. It was proposed that adventure tour leaders applied surface acting to create enthusiasm among themselves and clients because they, on occasion, experienced unusually high levels of fatigue and/or boredom on the job. In addition, limited experience in the job may be a contributing factor in the use of surface acting by some adventure tour leaders in these types 182

197 of situations. Furthermore, it was suggested that deep acting might be applied in situations that required adventure tour leaders to deal with difficult clients because these situations may represent more of a regular occurrence for adventure tour leaders than emergencies and dangerous situations. This, in turn, means that adventure tour leaders may have more experience dealing with these types of situations and, perhaps, more time to prepare and plan for how they will manage their emotions since a difficult client situation may be more expected than an emergency and does not necessarily involve the same time pressure. Moreover, many adventure tour leaders applied deep acting in situations which required them to deal with inexperienced clients because it may be relatively easy to empathise with inexperienced clients since all adventure tour leaders were at some time novices. Regarding the performance of surface acting and deep acting, the findings showed that whilst most adventure tour leaders seemed to be able to clearly distinguish between these two types of emotional labour, some adventure tour leaders suggested that the border between surface acting and deep acting was indistinct and that they might overlap to a certain extent. This latter finding provided support for research which has indicated that emotional labour may be better represented as a continuum ranging from surface acting, through deep acting, to genuine emotion display (Brotheridge & Lee 2002, 2003). Yet, it is reasonable to measure surface acting and deep acting as separate constructs given the differential effects that they have on employees job attitudes and psychological well-being, such as job satisfaction and burnout. The next chapter provides an analysis and critical discussion of the results relating to Research Objectives Four and Five. 183

198 Chapter Six: The Effects of Gender and Identity Construction on Adventure Tour Leaders Emotional Labour and Job Satisfaction 6.1 Introduction The effects of performing forms of emotional labour on adventure tour leaders job satisfaction were discussed in Chapter Four. In summary, deep acting had a statistically significant positive effect on adventure tour leaders job satisfaction, while there was no statistically significant relationship between surface acting and job satisfaction of adventure tour leaders. This chapter subsequently investigates how adventure tour leaders gender and their comprehension of their identity construction may impact on the performance of emotional labour and on their job satisfaction. First, the findings relating to Research Objective Four are analysed where the main aim is to examine if there are any gender differences between adventure tour leaders in regards to emotional labour and job satisfaction. Then, the findings relating to Research Objective Five are analysed where the main aim is to explore adventure tour leaders understanding of their identity construction in terms of having one core self and/or multiple identities and how this identity construction may relate to emotional labour and job satisfaction. 6.2 The Effect of Gender on Adventure Tour Leaders Emotional Labour and Job Satisfaction Research Objective Four aimed to examine potential gender differences between adventure tour leaders in regards to surface acting, deep acting, job satisfaction, and the effect of surface acting and deep acting on job satisfaction. This objective is important in relation to the overarching aim of the study because it contributes toward a theoretical understanding of how potential gender differences may impact on the relationships between emotional labour and job satisfaction of adventure tour leaders. As such, Research Objective Four helps to fill a significant gap in the literature because no other research to date has examined the effect of gender on these relationships. In addition, addressing this objective is important for the adventure tourism industry because possible differences in gender have implications for the development of training programs for emotional competence of adventure tour leaders. If there is a significant difference between female and male adventure tour leaders in regards to the above-mentioned variables, this difference needs to be taken into consideration when constructing such training programs. 184

199 Both quantitative data through the survey and qualitative data through the interviews were collected so as to address Research Objective Four. The survey data were derived from the surface acting and deep acting subscales of the Emotional Labour Scale (ELS); the Job Satisfaction Index (JSI); and a closed-end question asking for participants gender (male or female). These survey data related to Hypotheses 2 and 3. Hypothesis 2a proposed that female adventure tour leaders would show higher levels of deep acting than male adventure tour leaders. Hypothesis 2b proposed that male adventure tour leaders would show higher levels of surface acting than female adventure tour leaders. Hypothesis 2c proposed that female adventure tour leaders would show higher levels of job satisfaction than male adventure tour leaders. Hypothesis 3a proposed that the effect of deep acting on adventure tour leaders job satisfaction would be more positive for females than for males. Hypothesis 3b proposed that the effect of surface acting on adventure tour leaders job satisfaction would be more negative for males than for females. The complementary interview data were derived from one question asking if the adventure tour leaders could give some examples of positive or negative comments made to them by clients in relation to their gender when applying hard or soft skills on the job Analysis of Survey Data Survey Results Table 6.1 presents an overview of gendered descriptive statistics of the continuous variables of deep acting, surface acting, and job satisfaction. It shows how these variables were distributed between female and male adventure tour leaders in comparison to the total scores. The possible total mean scores for deep acting and surface acting ranged from 1 to 5. A high mean score (4 or 5) represented the end of the scale with highest frequency of emotional labour performance ( often or always ). A low mean score (1 or 2) represented the end of the scale with lowest frequency of emotional labour performance ( never or rarely ). A mean score of 3 represented the midpoint of the scale where the frequency of emotional labour performance was classified as sometimes. The possible total mean scores for job satisfaction ranged from 1 to 5. A high mean score (4 or 5) represented the satisfied end of the scale ( satisfied or very satisfied ). A low mean score (1 or 2) represented the dissatisfied end of the scale ( very dissatisfied or dissatisfied ). A mean score of 3 represented the midpoint of the scale classified as neither satisfied nor dissatisfied. In relation to gender, then, the mean score of deep acting was 3.80 for females and 3.53 for males. The mean score 185

200 of surface acting was 2.55 for both females and males. Furthermore, the mean score of job satisfaction was 4.30 for females and 4.19 for males. Table 6.1 Gendered Descriptive Statistics of Deep Acting, Surface Acting and Job Satisfaction Dependent Variable Female Male Total Deep Acting M SD N Surface Acting Job Satisfaction p value =.05. M SD N M SD N Table 6.2 presents the results of three separate univariate ANOVAs that were conducted in order to explore the effect of gender (independent variable) on deep acting, surface acting, and job satisfaction (dependent variables). The results show that there were no statistically significant differences between females and males in terms of their scores on the deep acting, surface acting, and job satisfaction scales (p =.230,.999, and.206, respectively >.05). Thus, Hypotheses 2a, 2b and 2c were not supported. Table 6.2 Univariate ANOVAs Dependent Variable Df Error F Sig. Deep Acting Surface Acting Job Satisfaction Categorical independent variable: gender. N = 137 (deep acting and surface acting). N = 134 (job satisfaction). p value =.05. General linear modelling was utilised to explore if there were any differences in relation to gender (independent variable) and the effects of deep acting and surface acting (independent variables) on job satisfaction (dependent variable). Table 6.3 shows that there were no statistically significant differences between females and males regarding the effect of either deep acting (p =.963 >.05) or surface acting (p =.788 >.05) on job satisfaction. Hence, Hypotheses 3a and 3b were not supported. 186

201 Table 6.3 General Linear Model Source Corrected Model Intercept Sex DA SA Sex * DA Sex * SA Error Total Corrected Total Type III Sum of Squares df Mean Square F Sig DA = deep acting. SA = surface acting. Dependent variable: job satisfaction. N = 134 (27 female, 107 male). R Squared =.098. p value = Table 6.4 presents an overview of the analyses of observed power that were conducted in relation to Hypotheses 2 and 3. The observed power for Hypotheses 2a and 2c was low and the observed power for Hypotheses 2b, 3a, and 3b was very low. However, failure to find statistically significant effects in relation to Hypotheses 2 and 3 does not seem to be a question of adequate sample size but rather a reflection of the fact that the expected effects were very small (partial eta squared between ). Contrary to the hypotheses, the effect sizes were very small which, in turn, resulted in low observed power. It would have required an extremely large data set to have found these effects significant, which would not have been practicable to obtain. Consequently, the non-significance of Hypotheses 2 and 3 does not seem to be a problem with reliability or inadequate sample size but rather a manifestation of the fact that the predictions simply did not occur. Thus, the subsamples of 28 female participants and 109 male participants were considered to be adequate for this study. Table 6.4 Tests of Observed Power Statistical Test Hypothesis Variable Partial eta squared Observed Power Univariate ANOVAs 2a 2b 2c DA SA JS General Linear Model 3a 3b Sex*DA Sex*SA DA = deep acting. SA = surface acting. JS = job satisfaction. p value =

202 Survey Data Analysis Hypothesis 2 proposed that female adventure tour leaders would perform deep acting more frequently and have higher levels of job satisfaction than male adventure tour leaders, while male adventure tour leaders were predicted to perform surface acting more frequently than female adventure tour leaders. Hypothesis 3 proposed that deep acting would have a more positive effect on job satisfaction for female than for male adventure tour leaders, whilst surface acting was thought to have a more negative effect on job satisfaction for male than for female adventure tour leaders. Even though descriptive statistics showed that the means of total surface acting were the same for females and males (M = 2.55), the means of total deep acting (M females = 3.80; M males = 3.53) and total job satisfaction (M females = 4.30; M males = 4.19) were slightly higher for females than for males. Contrary to what was hypothesised in this study, however, there were no statistically significant differences between females and males in regards to their levels of deep acting (Hypothesis 2a), surface acting (Hypothesis 2b), job satisfaction (Hypothesis 2c), or the effect of deep acting (Hypothesis 3a) and surface acting (Hypothesis 3b) on job satisfaction (see Torland 2011c). These results were unexpected given the literature on gender differences in emotion cited earlier in the thesis, in which it is suggested that women in general have a tendency to be better at managing their emotions (Baron-Cohen 2002; Ciarrochi, Hynes & Crittenden 2005; Hall 1978; McClure 2000) and more emotionally intelligent than men (Joseph & Newman 2010). Contradicting this research on gender and emotion, it seems that male adventure tour leaders in this study may be just as competent in managing their emotions as female adventure tour leaders. As with female adventure tour leaders, male adventure tour leaders frequently applied deep acting as the preferred strategy of performing emotional labour; they only occasionally used surface acting in interactions with clients; and they were equally satisfied with their job. More briefly stated, deep acting had an equally positive effect on job satisfaction for males and females, while surface acting was not related to job satisfaction of either gender (see Torland 2011c). Although the findings in relation to Hypotheses 2 and 3 of this study were unexpected, there is some existing research that might help to explain these results. In her study on gender and leadership in a wilderness context, for instance, Gondek (2008, p. 1) suggested that adventure tour leaders are shape-shifters whose form and function appear to be determined more by the situation at hand than by their gender. With this she meant that instead of conforming to the 188

203 gender-specific identities that are often associated with being male or female in (Western) mainstream society, adventure tour leaders may be androgynous ; that is, they draw on the best aspects of masculine and feminine traits as they move between different roles associated with their job as adventure tour leaders. For example, adventure tour leaders may provide emotional support (which is traditionally and popularly attributed to females) or instruct clients in technical skills (which is traditionally and popularly attributed to males) in different situations because this is required of them in their job role, regardless of whether they are female or male. As such, it is possible that traditional notions of gender roles in terms of what behaviours, personality characteristics, daily tasks, or occupations that might typically be attributed to males or females do not apply to adventure tour leaders (Gondek 2008). Contrary to research suggesting that women more often than men tend to occupy professions that require a high degree of emotional labour (Erickson & Ritter 2001; Guy & Newman 2004), eighty per cent of adventure tour leaders in this study were men despite research showing that adventure tour leading often involves a large amount of intense emotional labour (Sharpe 2005a). Although this uneven gender distribution may, in part, be due to the fact that outdoor leadership traditionally has been described as a male-gendered role because of its reliance on physical and technical competence (Allin 2000; Humberstone 1994; Jordan 1991; Loeffler 1995; Lugg 2003), today s adventure tour leaders also need to be competent in managing their emotions in order to successfully deal with the different aspects of their job (Jordan 1991; Wittmer 2001). It would seem that adventure tour leading is an occupation where it is accepted and even expected that males be competent in managing their emotions in a similar fashion as females because it makes up an important part of the job role. This need to be emotionally competent regardless of gender serves to show that gender is not a static construct; it is dynamic and active in the sense that it can be renegotiated and changed over time (Griffin 2003). For example, traditional notions of gender indicating that it is inappropriate for males to show certain emotions on the job (e.g. affection, which, as a result, needs to be managed) may change over time if the people involved come to an understanding that it is, in fact, necessary for males as well as females to show their emotions in order to do a good job. Hence, it appears that gender roles established within the occupation of adventure tour leading adhere more closely to the particular requirements of the job role rather than to expectations associated with more traditional gender roles which imply that males should not invest too much feminine emotion into their work (e.g. care and compassion). 189

204 Even though research suggests that males in general have a tendency to be less emotionally intelligent than females (Joseph & Newman 2010), the findings from this study indicate that such a difference in emotional intelligence levels for females and males may not be case for the occupation of adventure tour leaders. While emotional intelligence was not explicitly measured in this study (this is acknowledged as a limitation of the study in section 7.5), emotionally intelligent people tend to apply deep acting rather than surface acting as a positive and productive emotional labour strategy (Brotheridge 2006a; Brotheridge & Lee 2002; Lee 2010). Given that both male and female adventure tour leaders in this study reported high levels of deep acting and low levels of surface acting, then, it is likely that both male and female adventure tour leaders possess equally high levels of emotional intelligence. This claim is supported by the fact that emotional intelligence is increasingly being considered as a crucial ingredient in effective outdoor leadership (Hayashi 2006; Hayashi & Ewert 2006; Martin et al. 2006) Analysis of Interview Data Table 6.5 shows the pattern of responses that emerged from the interview where adventure tour leaders were asked if they could give some examples of positive or negative comments made to them by clients in relation to their gender when applying hard or soft skills on the job. Three themes were forthcoming in response to this question: job-specific views (mentioned by 52% of participants); gender-specific views (mentioned by 32% of participants); and no comments (mentioned by 28% of participants). A definition of each of these themes is provided below. The theme job-specific views refers to adventure tour leaders who believed that their clients held more untraditional views in regards to their perceptions of adventure tour leaders gender roles. More specifically, comments from clients indicated that they perceived and/or expected that adventure tour leaders not necessarily conform to traditional notions of gender roles (in terms of what behaviours, characteristics, or tasks that might typically be attributed to males or females in mainstream society) unless this was required in their job role. In other words, clients appeared to perceive gender as being irrelevant when it came to performing well in the job as adventure tour leaders because the specific requirements of the job necessitate employees to possess the right combination of skills (e.g. hard and soft ), knowledge, and emotional intelligence, regardless of gender. 190

205 Table 6.5 Adventure Tour Leaders Gender Roles Percentages and (numbers) Theme Job-specific Views Clients held untraditional views regarding adventure tour leaders gender roles; clients perceived gender as being irrelevant for adventure tour leaders to do a good job since the specific requirements of the job necessitated the right skill combination regardless of gender. Gender-specific Views Clients held traditional views regarding adventure tour leaders gender roles; clients perceived/expected that adventure tour leaders gender roles conform to traditional gender-specific identities associated with being male or female in mainstream society. No Comments Adventure tour leaders had never received or could not remember having received any comments from their clients regarding their gender. Total Responses Total Respondents Gender 52% (13) 32% (8) 28% (7) (28) 25 The theme gender-specific views is concerned with adventure tour leaders who believed that their clients held fairly traditional views when it came to their perceptions of adventure tour leaders gender roles. That is, clients comments indicated that they perceived and/or expected that adventure tour leaders gender roles conform to traditional gender-specific identities that have often been associated with being male or female in mainstream society (e.g. males excel at technical skills and should not be too emotional; females cook, clean and provide emotional support). The theme no comments refers to adventure tour leaders who reported that they had never received or could not remember having received any comments from their clients regarding their gender. The concept of gender role can be defined as the specific expectations of a particular society about people s behaviours, thoughts and feelings (Lipinska-Groberly & Wasiak 2010, p. 162). There are two main types of gender roles that have been identified in the social psychology literature. On the one hand, masculinity often referred to as instrumentality in the literature is concerned with a cognitive emphasis of getting the job done and includes behaviours and attitudes that are stereotypically masculine, such as assertiveness, competitiveness, independence, and aggressiveness (Bem 1974; Parent et al. 2011; Williams & Best 1982). On the other hand, femininity often referred to as expressiveness in the literature refers to an affective concern in regards to other people s welfare and the synchronisation of the group and includes behaviours and attitudes that are stereotypically 191

206 feminine, such as submissiveness, dependence, deference, cooperation, caring, and nurturing (Constantinople 1973; Spence 2011; Spence & Helmreich 1980). Early research on gender roles suggested that masculinity and femininity were located on opposite ends of a bipolar scale and that women who possessed expressive traits and men who possessed instrumental traits would be optimally adjusted psychologically and physically (Kagan 1964; Kohlberg 1966). Bem (1974) challenged this view by proposing that masculinity and femininity are separate continuums, which means that individuals can possess different levels of both characteristics (i.e. it is possible for people to be both masculine and feminine, instead of necessarily being masculine or feminine). As noted in Chapter Two, Bem (1974) proposed that people can be classified into one of four groups depending on their levels of masculinity and femininity: 1) Masculine (high level of masculinity; low level of femininity); 2) Feminine (high level of femininity; low level of masculinity); 3) Androgynous (high levels of both masculinity and femininity); and 4) Undifferentiated (low levels of both masculinity and femininity). In this context, Bem (1974) developed a self-report instrument called the Bem s Sex Role Inventory (BSRI) which measures these four types of gender roles. While adventure tour leaders gender role orientation was not measured in this study using the BSRI, the survey results indicated that most adventure tour leaders might be regarded as androgynous (or act in a gender-neutral way) because their job requires physical and technical competence (traditionally attributed to masculinity) as well as high levels of emotional competence (traditionally attributed to femininity) (Gondek 2008). In particular, the statistically non-significant results in regards to gender differences between male and female adventure tour leaders suggested that adventure tour leading is an occupation where it is accepted and even expected that males should be just as competent as females in managing their emotions as this makes up a vital part of the job role. Based on this finding, it was proposed that gender roles established within the occupation of adventure tour leading might be more devoted to the specific requirements of the job role than expectations relating to more traditional gender roles. In other words, it is likely that adventure tour leaders could be located in Bem s (1974) androgynous gender role category rather than in her masculine, feminine or undifferentiated gender role categories since adventure tour leading requires high levels of both masculine and feminine characteristics. 192

207 The interview findings provide some support for the notion that adventure tour leaders may be expected to adhere to the particular requirements of the job (e.g. emotion management) rather than traditional gender roles (e.g. males should not show too much feminine emotion like affection). When asked if they had received any positive or negative comments from clients in regards to their gender when applying hard or soft skills on the job, 52% of adventure tour leaders who participated in an interview provided examples of comments relating to their gender that could be considered as being job-specific rather than gender-specific. That is, comments from clients indicated that they held untraditional views of adventure tour leaders gender roles in that they did not perceive and/or expect that the leaders conform to traditional gender roles unless this was required in their job role (i.e. clients may expect a female adventure tour leader to show empathy when dealing with a frightened client, not because she is female but because showing empathy is part of her job role in this situation). In fact, many clients were very positive toward adventure tour leaders who did not conform to traditional gender roles in order to successfully deal with the different aspects of their job, as illustrated by the following account by one adventure tour leader: Everybody appreciates competence. At the end of a job, the professionals that have a meaningful and lasting impact on their clients are the ones who display. Touchy-feely males cause a good impression and hard-skilled females cause a good impression. Both end up working as important vital if we are talking about youth role models in regards to what a good person is/can be (John, aged 40 44). This comment indicates that clients may appreciate the competence of both male adventure tour leaders who are behaving in a stereotypically gender-role incongruent manner by showing their emotional side and female adventure tour leaders who are behaving in a stereotypically gender-role incongruent way by applying hard technical skills on the job. Furthermore, it is suggested that adventure tour leaders who behave in a stereotypically gender-role incongruent manner may, in fact, serve as important role models for young clients who may realise that adventure tour leaders are required to master all aspects of their job regardless of stereotypical notions of gender. This is suggested in this example from an adventure tour leader who reported that her clients seemed to be very positive to her not conforming to traditional gender roles: As a female taking people into bushland areas, I tend to receive compliments for my skills as people usually expect a male to demonstrate these qualities. I find that other women can be inspired and tend to want to participate in more lengthy, challenging activities when they observe a woman being able to guide a group. I have never had a situation arise when people felt unsafe because a female was guiding the group (Jessica, aged 40 44). 193

208 Here, the adventure tour leader is behaving in a stereotypically gender-role incongruent way in that she is guiding groups of people in remote bushland areas, which involves skills that traditionally have been attributed to males (e.g. navigation skills, remote bushwalking skills). Again, it is evident that adventure tour leaders who behave in this manner may serve as role models for clients in this case, for female clients who feel empowered by observing that a female adventure tour leader can safely guide a group of people through isolated and inaccessible terrain in the bush. In a slightly different context, another adventure tour leader explained that he had received wonderful feedback from his clients in relation to showing his emotional side during nonreligious memorial services that he held at different locations along the Kokoda Track: As a trek leader on the Kokoda Track I have to use both soft and hard skills. I have a greater knowledge of the history than my trekkers and feel it is a vital part of my role to impart this history in an impartial manner. This can be especially challenging at several locations where the historical fact is emotionally draining and very sad. The emotion that is expressed by the group and me is intensified if a member of the group has a personal connection to the location. At two battle sites, I talk about the events that occurred and at the completion hold a non-religious memorial service. At this I read a very emotive poem and also provide the opportunity for trekkers to dedicate the service. It is only at these services that I totally relax and can show my emotional side. It is very hard to remain stony-faced when you are standing in swirling mist or pouring rain in front of up to twenty adults who all have tears streaming down their faces and are not ashamed to show their emotions. I have had wonderful reactions and feedback from trekkers following these services. Many have said that the services were the highlight of the trek. Two memorable comments I have had were one young male trekker saying that he had never felt so proud of being an Australian as he did at the service and a mature-aged trekker also hugged me and with tears streaming down her face said that she finally understood why her late father behaved as he did as she now had an insight of what he went through on the Kokoda Track I believe that you cannot achieve this reaction from trekkers by maintaining the hard trek leader persona at a time where you can relax and display your softer self and not worry about losing authority (Ethan, aged 55 59). In this particular setting, the adventure tour leader behaved in a stereotypically gender-role incongruent manner by showing his emotional side, which is a quality that has traditionally been attributed to females. Indeed, it seemed to be necessary for the adventure tour leader in this situation not to adhere to traditional gender roles (i.e. males should not be emotional) in order to do his job and create a better experience for clients. This is further reflected in the positive feedback he received from his clients, indicating that they appreciated his emotional service greatly. Hence, it is clear that the specific requirements of the job of adventure tour leaders may be more important to adhere to in order to create an enjoyable and safe experience for clients than adhering to traditional notions about gender. In fact, in the 194

209 example above it appears that the adventure tour leader actually gained authority, instead of losing it, by showing his emotional side, which helped create a memorable client experience. From the adventure tour leaders who participated in an interview, 28% reported that they had never received or could not remember having received any comments from their clients regarding their gender. While this does not necessarily guarantee that the clients of these adventure tour leaders held an untraditional view in regards to gender roles, their silence could imply that they had not encountered any issues relating to adventure tour leaders gender roles that they considered were worth mentioning. From the adventure tour leaders who participated in an interview, however, 32% had received comments from clients which indicated that they held a more traditional and gender-specific view of adventure tour leaders gender roles. As one adventure tour leader reported: When working with young children, I occasionally receive feedback that suggests that the teachers from the school were surprised that I related so well to young children. Sometimes clients seem surprised at how understanding and supportive male leaders can be in times of extreme stress (common example is the encouraging words offered on the edge of an abseil). There is a common belief that male staff cannot relate to females (of any age) with regard to feminine hygiene issues in an outdoor setting in my experience while the initial barrier to open up about these issues is a little inhibiting, once the issue is open male staff can often relate better than female staff as the female staff tend to have a toughen up attitude to girls who are dealing with these things in the bush for the first time. On the other hand, there is often a perception that rock climbing is too hard for females as they don t have enough upper body strength (Oliver, aged 25 29). This comment indicates that some clients held the view that adventure tour leaders should behave in a stereotypically gender-role congruent manner. That is, they seemed to expect female adventure tour leaders to relate well to children, provide emotional support to clients, and take care of clients in regards to feminine hygiene issues. Male adventure tour leaders, on the other hand, seemed to be expected to deal with hard, technical skills, such as rock climbing. As noted above, clients who held this gender-specific view were sometimes surprised when adventure tour leaders did not behave in accordance with such traditional notions of gender roles. Another adventure tour leader reported that her clients were surprised that she did not behave in a stereotypically gender-role congruent manner: I often get comments like Oh you re a girl and you can mountain bike; I thought we would have a man. I don t hear this as much as I used to, as there are more women in the industry now (Briana, aged 40 44). 195

210 Yet, while some of the clients of adventure tour leaders seemed to be surprised that they did not adhere to traditional gender roles (e.g. males do not relate to young children; females do not mountain bike), the quote above about not receiving this type of comment as often anymore indicates that such gender-specific views from clients might be in the process of changing. Indeed, another adventure tour leader (a female caving instructor) explained how the manager of a football team initially doubted her ability to give the boys a challenging workout, but after using her technical skills in the cave in places where they found it difficult and frightening as non-specialists, their gender-specific viewpoint changed: I had a really difficult confrontation with the manager of a football team who doubted my ability to give the boys (first-graders post-season) a real workout. I am small, female, and in my fifties. I insisted to him that the team was split into two. I could not give them a full-on adventure with too big a group, which is true. I got the point across once we were in the cave by using my technical skills in places they found difficult as non-specialists, until they were getting scared (although any of them were strong enough to just hang on to the rock until instructed if they really couldn t do it). Then they were listening more to me and the adventure developed nicely (Sarah, aged 50 54). Furthermore, one adventure tour leader explained how he believed that gender-specific views from clients were in the process of changing into more job-specific views: I have personally found that from an emotional perspective gender has little effect on the comments from the clients. A male instructor may be able to relate better to boys and vice versa for a female instructor. However, with time in the industry this specific gender-based client relation gets less and less. As long as a group can clearly see that their physical and safety needs (related to hard skills) as well as their emotional needs (related to soft skills) are managed effectively then they are usually very receptive to being guided out of their personal comfort zones (Will, aged 25 29). Overall then, it appears that the clients perceptions of adventure tour leaders gender roles generally were in favour of an untraditional job-specific view or were in the process of gradually changing from a traditional gender-specific view to an untraditional job-specific view. This, in turn, shows that perceptions relating to gender can be renegotiated and changed over time (Griffin 2003). Given the finding that many clients provided positive comments in regards to adventure tour leaders who focused on adhering to the specific requirements of their job rather than traditional gender roles, together with the statistically non-significant results relating to adventure tour leaders gender, it seems to be likely that adventure tour leaders are best described as androgynous as per Bem s (1974) definition. Indeed, studies have found that androgynous employees tend to be more satisfied with their job than employees of other 196

211 gender role orientations (masculine, feminine, and undifferentiated) because they are more adaptable to the different roles they need to take on as part of their job (Chow 2006; Dray 1992; Eichinger, Heifetz & Ingraham 1991). This high level of job satisfaction of androgynous employees could be another reason as to why adventure tour leaders job satisfaction was very high in this study. However, while the interview data revealed clients views of adventure tour leaders gender roles, the leaders were not asked about their view in regards to this same matter. Nevertheless, some adventure tour leaders did present their own views in regards to clients who possessed a traditional view of gender roles and these views indicated that the adventure tour leaders themselves possessed an untraditional view of gender roles. For example, one adventure tour leader described how he felt that a gender-specific view on gender roles was discriminating: I have witnessed many examples where gender has been an issue in regards to females. Perhaps the most common instance is where younger female staff are dismissed as lacking experience, skill or knowledge usually by middle-aged males, typically outdoor education teachers oddly enough. Occasionally this also occurs from other male instructors a perception that females, especially younger ones, are somehow less capable. The reality is that less-experienced leaders will always be less experienced than more qualified or experienced leaders regardless of gender. Personally I find this form of discrimination ill-informed and counterproductive (Kevin, aged 40 44). Thus, it is possible that many adventure tour leaders, like the majority of their clients, hold an untraditional view of gender roles in relation to their job. But as adventure tour leaders gender role orientation was not measured quantitatively in this study, future research could benefit from using the BSRI to confirm whether adventure tour leaders really are androgynous or whether they possess other gender role orientations Summary The fourth research objective was to examine potential gender differences between adventure tour leaders in regards to surface acting, deep acting, job satisfaction, and the effect of surface acting and deep acting on job satisfaction. Both quantitative and qualitative data were collected through the survey and interviews in order to address this research objective. In regards to gender, the survey results showed that there were no statistically significant differences between male and female adventure tour leaders in relation to surface acting, deep acting, job satisfaction, or the effect of surface acting and deep acting on job satisfaction. These results were unexpected given the literature on gender differences relating to emotion which suggested that women in general have a tendency to be better at managing their emotions (Baron-Cohen 2002; Ciarrochi, Hynes & Crittenden 2005; Hall 1978; McClure 197

212 2000) and more emotionally intelligent than men (Joseph & Newman 2010). Contrary to this research, however, male adventure tour leaders in this study may be just as competent in managing their emotions as female adventure tour leaders. While more research is needed, one explanation for these unexpected results could be that adventure tour leaders behave as shape-shifters, to use Gondek s term. That is, they are androgynous; they draw on the best aspects of masculine and feminine traits in order to adhere to the specific requirements of their job role rather than conforming to gender-specific identities that might be associated with being male or female in mainstream society (Bem 1974; Gondek 2008). It is also possible that male adventure tour leaders, like female adventure tour leaders, possess high levels of emotional intelligence given their preference for deep acting as an emotional labour strategy. The statistically non-significant results in regards to gender differences between male and female adventure tour leaders suggested that adventure tour leading may be an occupation where it is accepted and even expected that males should be just as competent as females in managing their emotions since this makes up a vital part of the job role. The interview findings provided some support for the notion that adventure tour leaders may be expected to adhere to the particular requirements of the job rather than traditional gender roles. The results from the interviews showed that the clients perceptions of adventure tour leaders gender roles generally were in favour of an untraditional job-specific view or were in the process of gradually changing from a traditional gender-specific view to an untraditional job-specific view. Given the finding that many clients provided positive comments in regards to adventure tour leaders who focused on adhering to the specific requirements of their job rather than traditional gender roles, together with the statistically non-significant results relating to adventure tour leaders gender, it is likely that adventure tour leaders are, indeed, androgynous. However, more research is required in this area which, for example, measures adventure tour leaders gender role orientation using the BSRI. The next section explores the effect that identity construction may have on adventure tour leaders emotional labour and job satisfaction. 6.3 The Effect of Identity Construction on Adventure Tour Leaders Emotional Labour and Job Satisfaction Research Objective Five aimed to explore how adventure tour leaders comprehend their identity construction in terms of possessing one core self and/or multiple identities. This 198

213 objective is important in relation to the overall aim of the study because there is a possible relationship between the concept of identity and emotional labour. This relationship is indicated by findings suggesting that both the performance of surface acting and a mismatch of employees person identities (i.e. how they view themselves as unique and distinct individuals with idiosyncratic personality attributes) with their jobs could lead to emotional disharmony and a feeling of inauthenticity in employees (Ashforth & Tomiuk 2000; Burke & Stets 2009; Torland 2011a). These negative emotional states, in turn, may have implications for the job satisfaction and human resource management of adventure tour leaders in areas such as recruitment, selection, and training. While some research has been conducted on adventure tour leaders comprehension of their identity construction (Carnicelli-Filho 2011; Sharpe 2005a), no research has been conducted that explores the role that adventure tour leaders identities may play in regards to performing emotional labour on the job from a social psychological perspective of identity as put forward by Burke and Stets (2009). In order to address Research Objective Five, qualitative data were collected through the interviews. Given its exploratory nature, this research objective lent itself to a purely qualitative approach. Hence, the qualitative data collected in relation to Research Objective Five served to develop an initial understanding of the topic under investigation. The data were derived from one question asking if adventure tour leaders believed that they had one core self or many different identities (with each version of themselves being equally true as any other) Analysis of Interview Data Table 6.6 shows the pattern of responses that emerged from the interview question where adventure tour leaders were asked whether they believed that they possessed one core self and/or multiple identities. Two themes were identified in response to this question, including: one core self and multiple identities (mentioned by 79% of participants) and multiple identities (mentioned by 17% of participants). Given that there was only one participant who believed that he possessed one core self (and no multiple identities), this was not identified as an emergent theme in the thematic analysis since a theme needs to be mentioned more than once in order to be considered as recurring. 199

214 Table 6.6 Adventure Tour Leaders Identity Construction Percentages and (numbers) Theme One Core Self and Multiple Identities Adventure tour leaders believed that they had one core self and, at the same time, many different versions of themselves in different situations (multiple identities). Multiple Identities Adventure tour leaders believed that they had many different versions of themselves (multiple identities), but no core self. Total Responses Total Respondents Identity Construction 79% (19) 17% (4) (24) 24 The theme one core self and multiple identities describes adventure tour leaders who believed that they had one core self and, at the same time, many different versions of themselves in different situations (one adventure tour leader identity, one at-home identity etc.). The theme multiple identities refers to adventure tour leaders who believed that they had a number of different versions of themselves (or multiple identities), but no core self. From the adventure tour leaders who participated in an interview, 17% believed that they had multiple identities and no core self, as expressed by this adventure tour leader: It s true that I have personas. I do however tend to let any out as appropriate in the caves. The thing with caves is they are not the usual habitat of humans, beyond the twilight zone. It would not be normal to not be on high alert, if not on the edge of fear for many, even in non-technical passage types. So it does the trip no good if the leader were to pretend they were just a leader, not a real person who understood the on-edge feeling, in fact to pre-empt or to anticipate the development of that feeling and vocalise that to clients as we progress is very reassuring for them. Hence, I do not believe that I have one core self but many different versions of myself. All are true, we are all multi-faceted! (Sarah, aged 50 54). The majority (79%) of adventure tour leaders, however, believed that they had both one core self and multiple identities. For example, one adventure tour leader used the metaphor of a diamond when explaining how he perceived his identity construction: I would say one core self, this is based on a Christian belief system that identifies an individual personality but with a range of different facets, a bit like a diamond (Josh, age unknown). Two other adventure tour leaders referred to many different hats when describing their identity construction: 200

215 I have one core self but I can put on many different hats depending on the situations: instructors hat, family hat, friends hat, partners hat... (Phil, aged 25 29). I think that I have one true self where I wear many different hats. And I may wear those hats interchangeably (e.g. putting on my at home hat at work when I relax with open clients perhaps). It is only one core self, but I can choose to show (or not show) facets of myself. It is more like offering a small window on me and my life that I can choose to let grow with time if I like. Having said that, sometimes I act appearing to be something I am not (matching what I perceive is the needs of the client or the employer). I think I feel like it is one core self because there is no denying that each of those personas is a part of the whole, that the whole is tightly integrated and not distinct components (the adventure guide is not separate to the at home part of me they are strongly connected with each other to make up who I am) (Oliver, aged 25 29). Yet another adventure tour leader compared his identity construction with a box: I believe I am a core self with many different facets. One box with a lot of different things in it as opposed to different boxes (John, aged 40 44). One term that reoccurs in the above quotes to describe multiple identities is facets. There seems to be an understanding by many participants about these different facets of a person, some of which are shown in different situations, while still presenting one core self. This finding is consistent with Burke and Stets (2009) theory of multiple identities, which suggests that individuals can possess both multiple identities and a core self. However, as the following comment by one adventure tour leader in this study suggested, sometimes it could be challenging to maintain multiple identities at the one and same time: I try to avoid worlds colliding by mixing people from my work life and private life as this would be confusing for me and them (Craig, aged 40 44). In contrast to this quote, however, there is one finding from this study that might help to explain how multiple identities may be able to co-exist in a more compatible way. More specifically, a number of adventure tour leaders believed that their core self consisted of their values, morals, ethics and/or principles that guided them through life. For instance, one adventure tour leader explained what he believed to be the constituents of his core self: I have my own values and principles and it doesn t matter who I m with or what I m doing, these underlying principles are always the same (Gordon, aged 40 44). This core self, in turn, may control the activation of adventure tour leaders multiple identities, as illustrated by the following account by one adventure tour leader: 201

216 I believe that there is a core self, and layered around that are various parts of the person professional person, family person, social person, etc. At the core of a person myself at least there has evolved core values that define who and what I am, and from this you shape the other layers of your public personalities. I feel that to have one at odds with the other is a recipe for problems. If, however, the different facets are shaped from your core values you will not only be content with yourself professionally, personally, your family and friendships, but you will project a confident and honest image of yourself (Kevin, aged 40 44). Again, the term facets is used to describe multiple identities. In accordance with these findings, Burke and Stets (2009) proposed that core values and morals represent higher-order person identities that work as chief identities in the previously mentioned identity hierarchy. In this way, higher-order value and moral identities, which are concerned with long-term goals of behaviour for the individual, inform and control the activation of lower-order role and social identities, which has a more short-term orientation regarding goals of behaviour (Burke & Stets 2009). According to recent biometric research, the trait and goal facets of both higher-order and lower-order identities are partly genetic and partly derived from environmental influences (Bleidorn et al. 2010). Still, the higher-order identities which, according to adventure tour leaders in this study, constituted their core self, are more stable and take longer time to change than lower-order identities (Burke & Stets 2009). Figure 6.1 depicts an illustration of Burke and Stets (2009) theory of hierarchical multiple identities as it applies to adventure tour leaders comprehension of their identity construction in this study. For illustration purposes, only three identities have been included here to show how identities within a person work together in a hierarchy. It is acknowledged, however, that people may present any number of identities in that they have a variety of role, social and person identities. In Figure 6.1, Identity A represents the adventure tour leaders core self, which consists of their person identities. The person identities comprise the adventure tour leaders core values and morals which inform and overlook the activation of lower-order role identities represented by Identity B (e.g. taking on the identity as an adventure tour leader) and social identities represented by Identity C (e.g. taking on the identity as a member of an adventure organisation). As described in section 2.6 (see Figure 2.9), each of the identities is composed of four basic components that are arranged in a cycle: 1) an input (refers to people s perceptions of themselves in relation to their environment); 2) an identity standard (refers to people s internal criteria that tell them who their true selves are); 3) a comparator (compares the input meanings with the identity standard and generates an error signal which signifies 202

217 the difference between the two); and 4) an output (refers to the behaviour in the situation based on the error signal from the comparator) (Burke & Stets 2009). Identity Standard A Comparator A Identity A Input Perceptions Identity Standard B Output Comparator B Identity B Person Emotion Output Output Identity Standard C Comparator C Identity C Input Perceptions Social Behaviour Environment Figure 6.1 Hierarchical Model for Three Identities within a Person (Adapted from Burke & Stets 2009, p. 134). While a person may have multiple identities, Figure 6.1 shows that there is only one overall behavioural output stream since there is only one person to act. It should also be noted that the output of Identity A, located at the upper hierarchical level of the model, represents the identity standards of Identity B and Identity C located at the lower hierarchical level of the model. Thus, if there is any conflict between the identities in the hierarchy, higher-level identities will generally take precedence over lower-level identities (Burke & Stets 2009). For example, if a core value of individuals is to always be truthful when interacting with other people, this represents one of their person identities. If their job as adventure tour leaders (i.e. role identity) requires them to be deceitful when interacting with their clients, however, they would generally refuse to do so because the core value of being truthful (person identity) is considered to be more important than the requirement to be deceitful (role identity). 203

218 In the case where two identities at the same hierarchical level are in conflict, the identity with the highest level of commitment will guide behaviour more than an identity with a lower level of commitment (Burke & Stets 2009). This is represented by the Emotion in Figure 6.1 between the two comparators of Identity B and Identity C. As an example, if individuals who have the two identities of adventure tour leaders and parents lead an adventure tour where their children are participants, it is likely that the adventure tour leader identity will take precedence over the parent identity because more people depend on the former identity. As a result, the parent identity is the one to wait in this situation. Sometimes individuals may behave in ways that are somewhat incongruent with their core values and morals (Burke & Stets 2009), as may be the case with the performance of surface acting. For instance, adventure tour leaders may apply surface acting in risk management situations, as discussed in Chapter Five. This performance of surface acting, may, however, have the implication that the adventure tour leaders feel a sense of inauthenticity of self because their core value of being truthful may be contradicted by the level of faking involved with surface acting. In other words, the adventure tour leaders feel a sense of inauthenticity of self because their core self (consisting of their person identities) is not being verified. In order for an identity to serve its purpose, it needs to be verified (Burke & Stets 2009; Vaughan & Hogg 2006). If an identity is to be verified, the perceptions of a person in a particular situation must equate to the person s identity standard meanings (e.g. perceiving oneself as being extroverted as a person) (Burke & Stets 2009). Burke and Stets (2009) suggested that verification or non-verification of different types of identities could lead to different emotional outcomes in relation to people s feelings of self-esteem. As such, selfesteem could be perceived as consisting of three components: self-competence, self-worth, and self-authenticity (Cast & Burke 2002). In relation to identity then, Burke and Stets (2009) posited that verification of role identities, social identities, and person identities would lead to positive feelings of self-competence, self-worth, and self-authenticity, respectively. On the contrary, they also suggested that non-verification of the same types of identities would lead to negative feelings of self-incompetence, self-worthlessness, and self-inauthenticity. Assuming that adventure tour leaders in this study would be interested in doing a good job, it is likely that they would be successful in verifying their role identities as adventure tour leaders and their social identities as employees in a particular adventure organisation; this, in turn, would lead them to feel competent and worthy. However, this does not necessarily mean 204

219 that their person identities are verified which is where emotional labour becomes relevant. For example, if adventure tour leaders perceive themselves as being outspoken people who openly express anger to other people (person identities), having to manage this feeling of anger when dealing with a difficult client and display a feeling of empathy instead through the means of surface acting could lead to a negative feeling of inauthenticity. This feeling of inauthenticity occurs both because the employees person identities are not being verified (leading to a sense of self-inauthenticity) and because of the emotional dissonance involved with performing surface acting (leading to a sense of inauthenticity of self) (Ashforth & Tomiuk 2000; Burke & Stets 2009). Figure 6.2 represents an expansion of the emotional labour continuum that is presented in Figure 2.1 in this thesis. As such, Figure 6.2 depicts a visual representation of how identity and emotional labour could be integrated (see Torland 2011a), and it shows that emotional labour could be envisioned as a continuum ranging from surface acting, through deep acting, to genuine emotion display (Brotheridge & Lee 2002). Imagining employees who have recently been hired as adventure tour leaders with limited experience in the occupation, it is likely that they initially would perform surface acting in order to verify their role and social identities (Brotheridge & Lee 2002). If surface acting is performed successfully, this may leave the employees feeling competent and worthy (Burke & Stets 2009; Wu, Chen & Wu 2005; Zapf et al. 1999). The drawback, however, is that surface acting involves the display of emotions that are not really felt (in order to verify role and social identities) and the suppression of genuine emotions that are inappropriate to display (which are part of the person identities) (Ashforth & Humphrey 1993). This, in turn, could lead to a high level of emotional dissonance (Van Dijk & Brown 2006; Van Dijk & Kirk-Brown 2007), with the associated negative feeling of self-inauthenticity brought about as a result of non-verification of the employees person identities (Burke & Stets 2009; Schaubroeck & Jones 2000) and the sense of inauthenticity of self linked with surface acting (Ashforth & Humphrey 1993; Van Dijk & Brown 2006; Van Dijk & Kirk-Brown 2007). 205

220 Internalising Time Experience SA DA GE Role ID verified feel competent Social ID verified feel worthy Person ID not verified feel inauthentic Role ID verified feel competent Social ID verified feel worthy Person ID nearly verified feel mostly authentic Role ID verified feel competent Social ID verified feel worthy Person ID verified feel authentic High emotional dissonance Person ID Role/Social ID No or low emotional dissonance Person ID Role/Social ID No emotional dissonance Person ID = Role/Social ID Figure 6.2 Integration Model of Emotional Labour and Identity SA = surface acting; DA = deep acting; GE = genuine emotion display; ID = identity. Over time, however, as the employees gain more experience in the field, they may start to internalise their role and social identities (Ashforth & Tomiuk 2000; Van Maanen & Kunda 1989). What this means in practice is that due to the discomfort and feeling of inauthenticity of self that comes with surface acting there may be a certain pressure for the employees to align their person identities with the role and social identities (Ashforth & Humphrey 1993; Ashforth & Tomiuk 2000). In other words, the employees may internalise the role and social identities in order to obtain verification of the person identities along with the concomitant feeling of self-authenticity (Burke & Stets 2009). One way that such internalising could take place is through deep acting, where the employees make an effort to change their true emotions into the ones required by the job (Collishaw, Dyer & Boies 2008; Grandey 2003; Grandey et al. 2005; Van Dijk, Smith & Cooper 2011). By performing deep acting, then, emotional dissonance could be reduced or completely eliminated with the result that the employees person identities are nearly verified and they feel mostly authentic (Brotheridge & Grandey 2002; Brotheridge & Lee 2002). After many years of gaining experience in the job as adventure tour leaders, the employees may come to a point where they do not perform emotional labour anymore because the person identities have completely merged with the role and social identities. This is when the employees display their genuine emotions to clients, with an associated feeling of authenticity of self (and self-authenticity) and no emotional dissonance (Brotheridge & Grandey 2002; Chu & Murrmann 2006; Diefendorff, Croyle & Gosserand 2005). It is the perfect person-job 206

221 fit. It is acknowledged, however, that people who get hired as adventure tour leaders could be positioned at any point along the continuum in Figure 6.2 depending on the composition of their person identities and previous experience. Additionally, it is possible for employees to jump along the continuum, thereby applying surface acting, deep acting, or genuine emotion display depending on situational circumstances (e.g. experienced adventure tour leaders may occasionally perform surface acting). Moreover, the picture may be more complicated if the employees role or social identities are not verified and internalised which, in the worst case, could cause them to leave the occupation or organisation (Elsbach 2003; Knight & Haslam 2010; Morris & Feldman 1997). From the above integration of emotional labour and identity then, it is clear that any effect emotional labour may have on job satisfaction would be closely related to the idea of identity verification or non-verification (see Torland 2011a). The fact that Hypothesis 1a (which proposed that deep acting would have a significant positive effect on adventure tour leaders job satisfaction; see Chapter Four) was supported is consistent with research showing that deep acting could convey a sense of authenticity of self and a feeling of achievement in employees (Diefendorff, Croyle & Gosserand 2005; Grayson 1998; Kruml & Geddes 2000; Zammuner & Galli 2005). This could be linked to the verification of adventure tour leaders role identities as well as the near verification of their person identities. The rejection of Hypothesis 1b (which proposed that surface acting would have a significant negative effect on adventure tour leaders job satisfaction; see Chapter Four) could be explained by the relatively low mean of surface acting scores (M = 2.55), which indicated that adventure tour leaders in this study did not perform this type of emotional labour very often. It is also possible, however, that positive feelings of self-competence and self-worth (derived from role and social identities verification) may have moderated the negative feeling of inauthenticity of self (and self-authenticity) brought about by surface acting and nonverification of person identities. This argument is further supported by the findings from the interviews (see section 4.3) which revealed that many adventure tour leaders who performed surface acting on the job felt a sense of achievement at the end of the day. The possible relationship between emotional labour and identity, then, is thus based on the view that both surface acting and non-verification of person identities could lead to a high level of emotional dissonance and a feeling of inauthenticity in employees (Torland 2011a). It is recognised, however, that more research is needed in order to confirm the relationship 207

222 between emotional labour and identity since it is not clear whether the emotional dissonance and feeling of inauthenticity of self that arises as a result of surface acting (referred to as surface emotional dissonance and surface inauthenticity in Chapter Two) is the same or different from the emotional dissonance and feeling of self-inauthenticity that arises from non-verification of person identities (referred to as deep emotional dissonance and deep inauthenticity in Chapter Two). What is clear, however, is that the verification of person identities might have played an important role in regards to the positive effect that deep acting had on adventure tour leaders job satisfaction which, in turn, has implications for the human resource management of adventure tour leaders in areas such as recruitment, selection, and training Summary The fifth research objective was to explore how adventure tour leaders comprehend their identity construction in terms of possessing one core self and/or multiple identities. In order to address this research objective, qualitative data were collected through the interviews. The interview findings provided insight into adventure tour leaders comprehension of their identity construction in that the majority of adventure tour leaders believed that they possessed both a core self and multiple identities. Consistent with this view, Burke and Stets (2009) identity theory advised that multiple identities could be arranged in a hierarchy where higher-order person identities representing adventure tour leaders core values, morals, and traits informed and controlled the activation of lower-order role and social identities. It was proposed that emotional labour and identity could be integrated by applying identity verification to the continuum of emotional labour. In relation to this continuum, it was suggested that surface acting and non-verification of adventure tour leaders person identities caused them to feel inauthentic due to high emotional dissonance; deep acting and near verification of adventure tour leaders person identities caused them to feel mostly authentic due to no or low emotional dissonance; and genuine emotion display and verification of adventure tour leaders person identities caused them to feel authentic due to no emotional dissonance. The possible relationship between emotional labour and identity was that both surface acting and non-verification of person identities could lead to a high level of emotional dissonance and a feeling of inauthenticity in employees. Given this relation between identity and emotional labour, the verification of person identities might have played an important role in regards to the positive effect that deep acting had on adventure tour leaders job satisfaction in this study. Consequently, this relationship between identity and emotional labour needs to 208

223 be taken into consideration in regards to the human resource management of adventure tour leaders in the future in areas such recruitment, selection, and training. 6.4 Conclusion This chapter presented and discussed the findings relating to Research Objective Four as well as Research Objective Five. While Research Objective Four aimed to examine potential gender differences between adventure tour leaders in regards to emotional labour and job satisfaction, Research Objective Five aimed to explore adventure tour leaders comprehension of their identity construction in terms of possessing one core self and/or multiple identities. Adventure tour leaders gender did not have a statistically significant effect on their performance of emotional labour and levels of job satisfaction. Adventure tour leaders understanding of their identity construction, on the other hand, was important in regards to their performance of emotional labour and their job satisfaction. More specifically, adventure tour leaders performance of deep acting could be linked with a near verification of their person identities which, together, made them feel mostly authentic due to no or limited emotional dissonance. In this sense, verification of person identities is likely to have played a central role in regards to the positive effect that deep acting had on adventure tour leaders job satisfaction in this study. The next chapter presents the conclusions and implications that were derived from the findings in this thesis. 209

224 Chapter Seven: Conclusions 7.1 Introduction The concept of emotional labour has been extensively investigated in the literature since Hochschild (1983) first developed the concept. Within the field of tourism studies, previous research has explored the emotional labour of tour representatives (Guerrier & Adib 2003), zoo guides (Van Dijk, Smith & Cooper 2011), tour guides (Hillman 2003, 2006; Wong & Wang 2009), and adventure tour leaders (Arnould & Price 1993; Holyfield 1997, 1999; Holyfield & Jonas 2003; Sharpe 2005a). However, only one study has linked the emotional labour of adventure tour leaders to their job satisfaction (Carnicelli-Filho 2011) and no systematic research to date has investigated the relationships between emotional labour and job satisfaction of adventure tour leaders through the use of both quantitative and qualitative methods of inquiry. This study therefore addresses a substantive gap in the current research literature by critically examining these relationships. This chapter synthesises the components of this study in order to address the overall research aim, which is to examine the relationships between emotional labour and job satisfaction of adventure tour leaders employed within Australia. A summary of the key findings relating to each of the five research objectives is presented in sections 7.2 to 7.6. This is followed by a synthesis of these research objectives in section 7.7 to show how they collectively address the overall aim of the thesis. The contributions to knowledge and applied implications of the study are discussed in sections 7.8 and 7.9, respectively, before acknowledging and identifying the limitations and avenues for future research that are associated with the research in section The five research objectives in this study were to: 1) Develop a profile of adventure tour leaders based on statistical descriptive data relating to a number of characteristics such as gender, age, nationality, level of education and training, relationship status, children, job-specific factors, and experience, in order to better describe the population under study. 2) Examine the potential effects of the two dimensions of emotional labour, surface acting and deep acting, on the job satisfaction of adventure tour leaders. 3) Identify the types of situations in which adventure tour leaders apply surface acting and deep acting. 210

225 4) Examine potential gender differences between adventure tour leaders in regards to surface acting, deep acting, job satisfaction, and the effects of surface acting and deep acting on job satisfaction. 5) Explore how adventure tour leaders comprehend their identity construction in terms of possessing one core self and/or multiple identities. 7.2 Profile of Adventure Tour Leaders Research Objective One was addressed based on quantitative data from the survey as the creation of a socio-demographic profile of adventure tour leaders required numerical data to be collected and did not necessitate a high level of detail to describe the study participants characteristics. The profile of adventure tour leaders that was developed based on the survey data is presented below. The development of this profile is important because it provides a basis for understanding the characteristics of the participants in this study, which is crucial in order to gain a contextual and holistic understanding of the phenomena under investigation, namely the relationships between emotional labour and job satisfaction of adventure tour leaders. In this study, 79.6% of adventure tour leaders were males, while 20.4% were females. Although all age groups (over the age of 18) were represented, the age group with highest representation was The majority of adventure tour leaders were Australian citizens (84.7%), with the remaining proportion mainly constituting leaders from the UK, New Zealand, Canada and the USA. Regarding education and training, 74.5% of adventure tour leaders had completed a Certificate III/IV or a higher level of education/training. The education group with highest representation was the Bachelor degree with 23.4% of leaders having completed this level of education. Furthermore, 71.6% were in a relationship with a spouse, partner or steady girlfriend/boyfriend, whilst 23.4% were single. On the topic of children, 38.1% of the leaders had children living at home, with a number of 2 children being the group with highest representation (52.9%). In regards to job-specific factors, 70.0% of adventure tour leaders were employed in standard jobs (i.e. non-management positions), 20% were owners/managers, 8.7% were volunteer workers, and 1.3% were trainees/apprentices. In addition, 54.7% regarded their engagement as adventure tour leaders as a job, 13.1% regarded it as a hobby/leisure activity, and 32.1% selected the other category (i.e. they regarded it as a lifestyle, both a job and a hobby/leisure activity, a business, or a passion). The majority of leaders were working full-time (52.6%); 211

226 they were paid (89.8%); they were working all year round (70.1%) as opposed to seasonally; they were working for a commercial employer (i.e. for profit) (78.8%); and they received some type of compensation other than remuneration (61.3%). Concerning type of activities, the activities with the highest representations were bushwalking (23.3%), followed by kayaking (13.6%), and abseiling (11.9%). Regarding levels of difficulty, 44.1% of adventure tour leaders were leading easy/beginner tours, 36.7% were leading medium/intermediate tours, and 19.1% were leading hard/advanced tours. On the topic of experience, many leaders had more experience in the adventure tourism industry (24.4%, 0 4 years; 25.9%, 5 9 years; 19.3%, years) than in the adventure tourism organisation where they currently worked (46.7%, 0 4 years; 22.8%, 59 years; 18.4%, years). 7.3 The Effects of Emotional Labour on Adventure Tour Leaders Job Satisfaction Research Objective Two related to Hypothesis 1, which proposed that while deep acting would have a significant positive effect on adventure tour leaders job satisfaction, surface acting would have a significant negative effect on adventure tour leaders job satisfaction. Both quantitative data from the survey and qualitative data from the interviews were collected in order to address this research objective. The survey findings showed that adventure tour leaders often performed deep acting on the job, sometimes performed surface acting on the job, and were very satisfied with their job. Moreover, deep acting had a statistically significant positive effect on adventure tour leaders job satisfaction, which is consistent with research suggesting that deep acting could help to convey a sense of authenticity of self and a feeling of achievement in employees. The complementary interview data confirmed that deep acting could lead to a feeling of achievement in workers. However, the interview data also showed that adventure tour leaders felt drained (i.e. frustrated and/or emotionally exhausted) after performing deep acting. However, it is likely that the sense of authenticity of self and the feeling of achievement may have overridden the feeling of being drained since deep acting, overall, still had a positive effect on adventure tour leaders job satisfaction. Even though surface acting had a negative effect on adventure tour leaders job satisfaction, as predicted in Hypothesis 1, this effect was not statistically significant. One explanation for this non-significant result could be that adventure tour leaders in this study only occasionally performed surface acting on the job. As a result, any negative outcomes of performing surface acting, such as feeling drained (i.e. frustrated and/or emotionally exhausted) or a sense of inauthenticity of self, would only have had a negligible effect on adventure tour leaders job satisfaction. The interview data confirmed that surface acting could lead to a feeling of being 212

227 drained in employees. In addition, the interview data showed that adventure tour leaders also felt a sense of achievement after performing surface acting. This, in turn, is likely to have reduced the feeling of being drained and the sense of inauthenticity of self and thus contributed toward the non-significant result. 7.4 Adventure Tour Leaders Application of Emotional Labour Because Research Objective Three is exploratory in nature, addressing this object was best served by analysing qualitative data from the interviews. In regards to surface acting, the findings showed that 60% of adventure tour leaders applied this form of emotional labour in risk management situations; 24% performed surface acting in situations which required them to create enthusiasm among themselves and clients; and 20% applied surface acting in situations that required them to deal with difficult clients. When it came to deep acting, the findings showed that 40% of adventure tour leaders applied this type of emotional labour in situations that required them to deal with difficult clients; 32% applied deep acting in situations that required them to deal with inexperienced clients; 20% performed deep acting in order to create enthusiasm among themselves and clients; and 16% used deep acting in risk management situations. It was suggested that adventure tour leaders occasionally may adopt surface acting as an emotional labour strategy in risk management situations as an immediate response to an unexpected and potentially dangerous situation. As a reactive rather than proactive emotional labour strategy, however, surface acting could compromise clients safety in risk management situations and bring with it the Occupational Health and Safety (OHS) risk of employees experiencing burnout and low levels of job satisfaction. Thus, it was proposed that adventure tour operators could provide training to increase the number of adventure tour leaders who perform deep acting instead of surface acting in risk management situations. 7.5 The Effect of Gender on Adventure Tour Leaders Emotional Labour and Job Satisfaction Research Objective Four related to Hypotheses 2 and 3. Hypothesis 2 proposed that female adventure tour leaders would perform more deep acting and be more satisfied with their job than male adventure tour leaders. Hypothesis 2 also proposed that male adventure tour leaders would perform more surface acting than female adventure tour leaders. Hypothesis 3 proposed that deep acting would have a more positive effect on job satisfaction for female than for male adventure tour leaders and that surface acting would have a more negative effect 213

228 on job satisfaction for male than for female adventure tour leaders. Both quantitative data from the survey and qualitative data from the interviews were collected in order to address this research objective. There were no statistically significant differences between male and female adventure tour leaders relating to surface acting, deep acting, job satisfaction, and the effects of surface acting and deep acting on job satisfaction. These results were unexpected given that the literature on gender differences in emotion suggests that women in general have a tendency to be better at managing their emotions (Baron-Cohen 2002; Ciarrochi, Hynes & Crittenden 2005; Hall 1978; McClure 2000) and more emotionally intelligent than men (Joseph & Newman 2010). In contrast, the findings from this study indicate that male adventure tour leaders may be just as competent in managing their emotions as female adventure tour leaders. It was proposed that one explanation for these unexpected results could be that male adventure tour leaders, like female adventure tour leaders, possess high levels of emotional intelligence given their preference for deep acting as an emotional labour strategy. In addition, it was suggested that another explanation for the statistically non-significant results could be that adventure tour leaders behave as shape-shifters (Gondek 2008). That is, they are androgynous: they draw on the best aspects of masculine and feminine traits in order to adhere to the specific requirements of their job role rather than conforming to gender-specific identities that might be associated with being male or female in mainstream society (Bem 1974; Gondek 2008). The interview findings provided some support for the notion that adventure tour leaders may be androgynous as they showed that clients perceptions of adventure tour leaders gender roles generally were in favour of an untraditional job-specific view or were in the process of gradually changing from a traditional gender-specific view to an untraditional job-specific view. 7.6 The Effect of Identity Construction on Adventure Tour Leaders Emotional Labour and Job Satisfaction Given that Research Objective Five is exploratory in nature, addressing this object was best served by analysing qualitative data from the interviews. The interview findings provided insight into adventure tour leaders comprehension of their identity construction in that the majority of adventure tour leaders believed that they possessed both a core self and multiple identities. Consistent with this view, Burke and Stets (2009) identity theory advised that multiple identities could be arranged in a hierarchy where higher-order person identities 214

229 representing adventure tour leaders core values, morals, and traits informed and controlled the activation of lower-order role and social identities. It was proposed that emotional labour and identity could be integrated by applying identity verification to the continuum of emotional labour. In relation to this continuum, it was suggested that surface acting and non-verification of adventure tour leaders person identities caused them to feel inauthentic due to high emotional dissonance; deep acting and near verification of adventure tour leaders person identities caused them to feel mostly authentic due to no or low emotional dissonance; and genuine emotion display and verification of adventure tour leaders person identities caused them to feel authentic due to no emotional dissonance. The possible relationship between emotional labour and identity, then, was that both surface acting and non-verification of person identities could lead to a high level of emotional dissonance and a feeling of inauthenticity in employees. Given this relation between identity and emotional labour, the verification of person identities is likely to have played an important role in regards to the positive effect that deep acting had on adventure tour leaders job satisfaction in this study. This, in turn, has implications for the human resource management of adventure tour leaders in areas such as recruitment, selection, and training. 7.7 Synthesis of the Components of the Study Figure 7.1 depicts visually how the findings from Research Objectives Two to Five can be synthesised so as to address the overall aim of this thesis. Because Research Objective One concerning the profile of adventure tour leaders is descriptive in nature, this objective is not included in Figure 7.1 (as was the case in relation to Figure 2.10 in Chapter Two). The model in Figure 7.1 is an extension of the conceptual framework that was presented in Figure 2.10 (which was developed based on the predictions of this study) in that both the survey findings and the interview findings derived from this study have been incorporated. As such, Figure 7.1 represents a model that can be tested in future studies aiming to examine the relationships between the emotional labour and job satisfaction of adventure tour leaders. 215

230 Situations in which DA is applied: Difficult clients Inexperienced clients Create Enthusiasm Risk Management DA Person ID near verification + Feeling of achievement Drained - emotional exhaustion - frustration + - Sense of surface authenticity Sense of deep authenticity + JS Situations in which SA is applied: Risk Management Create Enthusiasm Difficult clients SA Person ID nonverification - Drained - emotional exhaustion - frustration - + Feeling of achievement - Sense of surface inauthenticity Sense of deep inauthenticity Figure 7.1 Model of the Relationships between Emotional Labour and Job Satisfaction of Adventure Tour Leaders DA = deep acting (M = 3.58). SA = surface acting (M = 2.55). JS = job satisfaction (M = 4.22). ID = identities. Broken line/arrow = statistically non-significant relationship. (Developed based on the results of this study). 216

231 In regards to Research Objective Two, Figure 7.1 shows that deep acting had a statistically significant positive effect on adventure tour leaders job satisfaction. This positive effect was due to the positive sense of surface authenticity which came about as a result of the low surface emotional dissonance associated with performing this type of emotional labour. The positive effect was also due to a positive feeling of achievement, which would have overridden the negative feeling of being drained (i.e. frustrated and/or emotionally exhausted). Figure 7.1 also shows that while surface acting had a negative effect on adventure tour leaders job satisfaction, this effect was not statistically significant (as represented by the broken line). While this non-significant result was partly due to the relatively low mean of surface acting (M = 2.55), it is also likely that the positive feeling of achievement reduced the negative feeling of being drained as well as the negative sense of surface inauthenticity brought about as a result of the high surface emotional dissonance linked with surface acting. In relation to Research Objective Three, Figure 7.1 shows that adventure tour leaders applied deep acting in situations that required them to deal with difficult and inexperienced clients. Adventure tour leaders also applied deep acting in situations which necessitated that they create enthusiasm among themselves and clients and in risk management situations. Regarding surface acting, Figure 7.1 shows that adventure tour leaders applied this type of emotional labour in risk management situations. They also applied surface acting in situations which required them to create enthusiasm among themselves and clients and in situations which involved dealing with difficult clients. Given that there were no statistically significant differences between male and female adventure tour leaders in regards to surface acting, deep acting, job satisfaction, and the effect of surface acting and deep acting on job satisfaction, the findings relating to Research Objective Four are not included in Figure 7.1. In other words, gender did not did not have a substantial effect on adventure tour leaders emotional labour and job satisfaction. Regarding Research Objective Five, the verification and non-verification of one of the types of identities that adventure tour leaders possess, namely person identities, play an important role in regards to the effects that emotional labour had on adventure tour leaders job satisfaction. Figure 7.1 shows that the near verification of adventure tour leaders person identities contributed toward the positive effect that deep acting had on adventure tour leaders job satisfaction in that adventure tour leaders experienced a sense of deep authenticity due to low deep emotional dissonance. Figure 7.1 also shows that the non-verification of 217

232 adventure tour leaders person identities contributed toward the non-significant result relating to surface acting in that adventure tour leaders experienced a sense of deep inauthenticity due to high deep emotional dissonance. Given the relatively low mean of surface acting (M = 2.55), however, it is likely that adventure tour leaders in this study only occasionally experienced deep emotional dissonance. Overall, Figure 7.1 shows how the findings relating to the research objectives are interconnected to form a synthesised model of the relationships between the emotional labour and job satisfaction of adventure tour leaders employed within Australia. The model is not only based on the empirical research derived from this study, but is also an outcome of an extensive and critical review of the literature. As mentioned above, the model can be tested in future studies to further validate the relationships between the variables. Based on the synthesis of the research objectives Figure 7.1, the model presented several conclusions. The findings of this thesis suggest that adventure tour leading is an occupation that requires employees to perform more deep acting and less surface acting than some other occupations due to the close and personal nature of the relationships that frequently develop with clients. The flight attendants and debt collectors in Hochschild s (1983) study were mainly managing their emotions in order to deal with demanding clients. Adventure tour leading, however, is a highly skilled occupation that requires adventure tour leaders to take on a variety of different roles if they are to successfully perform their job. In addition to technical requirements and the need to deal with demanding clients, adventure tour leaders have to be competent in managing their emotions in situations that often involve considerable risk. This complexity of adventure tour leaders job role, in turn, means that deep acting is a more productive approach to emotional labour than surface acting as it helps to create a relationship of trust between the leaders and their clients in the adventure environment. The findings of this thesis also suggest that the performance of deep acting has a substantial positive effect on adventure tour leaders job satisfaction, which was very high. Even though adventure tour leaders who perform deep acting experience feelings of being drained (i.e. frustrated and/or emotionally exhausted), it is likely that the sense of authenticity of self and the feeling of achievement that are linked with deep acting are prevailing over the feeling of being drained. Thus, the positive effect that deep acting has on adventure tour leaders job satisfaction can be explained by the findings showing that adventure tour leaders, despite sometimes feeling drained after performing deep acting on the job, prefer deep acting over 218

233 surface acting as it represents a more authentic way of managing emotions that can be very rewarding, if performed successfully. This preference for deep acting over surface acting is consistent with Sharpe s (2005a) findings, which proposed that adventure tour leaders preferred way of managing their emotions was to mobilise deep acting as this was viewed as a more authentic and real way to interact with clients since it does not involve the same degree of faking emotions as surface acting. Although deep acting represents the preferred way for adventure tour leaders to manage their emotions in this study, most of them do occasionally perform surface acting on the job. This performance of surface acting, however, does not appear to have a substantial negative effect on their job satisfaction. One explanation for this is that adventure tour leaders, despite feeling drained (i.e. frustrated and/or emotionally exhausted) and experiencing a sense of inauthenticity after performing surface acting on the job, also feel a sense of achievement if surface acting is performed successfully. It is likely that this sense of achievement, together with the fact that adventure tour leaders do not perform surface acting very often, has reduced the sense of inauthenticity of self and the feeling of being drained that are associated with surface acting. The absence of any substantial negative effect of surface acting due to these two reasons then, seems to have contributed to the high level of job satisfaction of adventure tour leaders in this study. While the most frequent situation in which adventure tour leaders in this study performed surface acting was when they were required to manage risk relating to emergencies or potentially dangerous situations (i.e. risk management situations), this was the least prevalent situation in which adventure tour leaders performed deep acting. Hence, it is suggested that adventure tour leaders tend to adopt surface acting in risk management situations as an immediate response to an unexpected and potentially dangerous situation that leaves little time to consider deep acting as an emotional labour strategy. However, this is potentially problematic because surface acting is response-focused or reactive, as opposed to deep acting which is antecedent-focused or proactive. This means that deep acting is a safer way of performing emotional labour for adventure tour leaders than surface acting because it involves more forethought and planning, which enhances their performance on the job. Furthermore, deep acting is a less harmful form of emotional labour than surface acting as the latter can be linked with the OHS risks of burnout and low levels of job satisfaction, if performed frequently. Thus, even though surface acting was not performed frequently in this study, it is suggested here that the performance of deep acting is a better option for adventure tour 219

234 leaders than surface acting in risk management situations because it can help to keep clients and adventure tour leaders safe as well as maintaining their high levels of job satisfaction. Finally, the findings of this thesis suggest that there is a relationship between the emotional labour of adventure tour leaders and their identity construction. This relationship is indicated by the notion that both surface acting and non-verification of adventure tour leaders person identities could lead to a high level of emotional dissonance and a feeling of inauthenticity. Conversely, adventure tour leaders performance of deep acting could be linked with a near verification of their person identities, which make them feel mostly authentic due to no or limited emotional dissonance. The establishment of this relationship between adventure tour leaders emotional labour and identity construction indicates that the verification of person identities plays a central role in regards to the positive effect that deep acting has on adventure tour leaders job satisfaction in this study. In conclusion, the job satisfaction of adventure tour leaders is very high due to the substantial positive effect of performing deep acting and the absence of any substantial negative effects of performing surface acting in this study. Whilst adventure tour leaders occasionally perform surface acting in risk management situations, deep acting represents a better strategy of managing their emotions in these situations because it can assist in ensuring the safety of clients and themselves as well as sustaining their high level of job satisfaction. Deep acting is also linked with the verification of adventure tour leaders person identities, which is likely to have contributed to the high levels of job satisfaction in this study due to adventure tour leaders high degree of personal fit with their job role and the organisation in which they work. 7.8 Contributions to Knowledge While a few researchers have examined the emotional labour of adventure tour leaders (Arnould & Price 1993; Holyfield 1997, 1999; Holyfield & Jonas 2003; Sharpe 2005a), there is only one study (Carnicelli-Filho 2011) to date that has linked adventure tour leaders emotional labour to their job satisfaction. Carnicelli-Filho s (2011) study, however, was qualitative in nature and based on purely textual data from a limited number of research participants. He did not measure adventure tour leaders job satisfaction quantitatively and, as a result, it is not clear how satisfied the leaders were with their job or whether there were any leaders who were not satisfied with their job in his sample. Carnicelli-Filho thus did not explore the topic of job satisfaction as it relates to the emotional labour of adventure tour 220

235 leaders in any depth. Furthermore, Carnicelli-Filho s sample of adventure tour leaders consisted entirely of white-water rafting guides, whereas this thesis examines a much wider range of adventure tour leaders. It follows that the empirical study described in this thesis is the first to critically examine the relationships between emotional labour and job satisfaction of adventure tour leaders by including both quantitative and qualitative methods to gain an in depth understanding of the phenomena under study. In other words, this study fills an important gap in the literature in regards to emotional labour and job satisfaction within the occupational context of adventure tour leading. The study makes a number of contributions to knowledge in the study area of adventure tourism, which is located within the broader field of tourism studies. The main contribution to knowledge is represented by the model presented in Figure 7.1, which synthesises the findings relating to the research objectives of the study based on a critical review of the literature. These contributions to knowledge are discussed in more detail below. While the ABS offered some descriptive data on outdoor adventure guides in regards to gender, age, and workload, this study collected descriptive data about adventure tour leaders which previously have not been gathered in regards to nationality; level of education and training; relationship status; children; job type; job perception; type of activities; seasonality; payment; commercial versus non-commercial employer; compensation; levels of difficulty; and experience in the organisation and the industry. These descriptive data could be utilised as a basis for comparison in future studies on adventure tour leaders employed within Australia as well as in other countries. The research findings demonstrated that adventure tour leaders frequent use of deep acting on the job had a positive effect on their job satisfaction, which was very high. Surface acting, on the other hand, was only occasionally applied by adventure tour leaders on the job and was not related to their job satisfaction. Adventure tour leaders use of deep acting in favour of surface acting was concomitant with developing a close and somewhat personal relationship with their clients due to the risky and intense nature of adventure tour leading (Arnould & Price 1993; Sharpe 2005a). This knowledge is important for scholars within the field of tourism studies as adventure tour leaders levels of deep acting, surface acting, and job satisfaction are likely to be different from what tourism workers in other occupational contexts experience, where the employee client relationships may be more superficial and predictable in nature. For example, in cases where employees levels of job satisfaction and 221

236 deep acting are low, and where their levels of surface acting are high, researchers may be able to explain this pattern by referring to the OHS risks of burnout and low levels of job satisfaction that are linked with the performance of surface acting. Although research on other occupational groups than adventure tour leaders has found that deep acting has a positive effect on employees job satisfaction (Ibanez-Rafuse 2010; Ozturk, Karayel & Nasoz 2008; Sheetal 2010), this research has generally attributed the positive effect of deep acting to a feeling of achievement that results from being able to successfully manage one s emotions (Sharpe 2005a) and a sense of authenticity of self stemming from the low emotional dissonance associated with this form of emotional labour (Diefendorff, Croyle & Gosserand 2005; Grayson 1998; Kruml & Geddes 2000; Zammuner & Galli 2005). In this regard, the interview findings of this study created a more nuanced picture. More specifically, the interview findings of this study showed that deep acting can also lead to negative feelings of emotional exhaustion and frustration and that it is too simplistic to assume that deep acting comes at no cost for employees. Further, while surface acting has been shown to have a negative effect on employees job satisfaction (Bono & Vey 2005; Grandey 2000; Hochschild 1983; Judge, Woolf & Hurst 2009), this performance of surface acting has generally been linked with negative feelings of emotional exhaustion and frustration along with a sense of inauthenticity of self due to high emotional dissonance (Ashforth & Humphrey 1993; Hochschild 1983; Van Dijk & Brown 2006; Van Dijk & Kirk-Brown 2007). Again, the interview findings of this study generated a more nuanced picture by suggesting that surface acting can also lead to a positive feeling of achievement in employees. It follows that the contributions to knowledge that have arisen from this study in regards to how deep acting and surface acting contribute to the emotional states of adventure tour leaders, will be important for researchers to bear in mind if they are conducting purely quantitative research in the future, which may not tell the whole story and could lead to incomplete conclusions being made. Regarding the situations in which adventure tour leaders applied emotional labour, only one researcher had examined this topic in some detail before. Sharpe (2005a), however, did not distinguish between surface acting and deep acting when identifying situations in which adventure tour leaders in her study performed emotional labour. Thus, the findings derived from this thesis, which identified the particular situations in which adventure tour leaders performed surface acting and deep acting on the job, represent an original contribution to knowledge within the study of adventure tourism in the specific occupational context of 222

237 adventure tour leading. This contribution to knowledge is important given the differential effects of surface acting and deep acting on adventure tour leaders job satisfaction as well as on client safety. No previous research has been conducted that examines the relationships between the emotional labour and job satisfaction of adventure tour leaders in terms of gender. Hence, the finding that there were no significant gender differences in regards to the variables of deep acting, surface acting, and job satisfaction represents an original contribution to the literature, which is important because it puts the focus on adventure tour leaders as individuals instead of viewing them in terms of assumptions based on gender categories. Finally, this study is the first to synthesise Burke and Stets (2009) identity theory with the concept of emotional labour into one theoretical model where emotional labour is envisaged as a continuum (see Figure 6.2). In regards to this emotional labour continuum, this study provides some evidence supporting this notion since some adventure tour leaders found the border between surface acting and deep acting to be indistinct. Consequently, this study supports research conducted by Blau et al. (2010) and Brotheridge and Lee (2002) in which the authors argue that an emotional labour continuum does, in fact, exist. The existence of such a continuum may have implications for how emotional labour is measured in the future in that surface acting and deep acting may be measured as a continuum rather than as clearcut categories. Furthermore, the relationship between deep acting and the verification of adventure tour leaders person identities contributes to an enhanced understanding of how organisations can obtain an optimal person-organisation fit of existing and future employees. Thus, the theoretical model presented in Figure 6.2 represents an original contribution to the academic literature within the field of tourism studies, although it is also possible that the model may be applicable to other fields of study. 7.9 Implications for Practice This study has practical implications for the way adventure tour operators manage their human resources. Since deep acting, unlike surface acting, has a positive effect on adventure tour leaders job satisfaction, HRM programs that emphasise the fostering of deep acting skills could prove to be helpful when it comes to maintaining a high level of job satisfaction and preventing burnout of adventure tour leaders in the future. This emphasis on deep acting, then, could help to retain adventure tour leaders in the organisation and occupation. Some ways to achieve this could be to provide training for emotional competence (Anderson 1993; 223

238 Brotheridge 2006b; Grandey 2003); to include an item that measures workers emotional labour skills in performance appraisals (Hsieh & Guy 2009); and to apply emotional intelligence (ability and/or trait) tests, such as the Mayer-Salovey-Caruso Emotional Intelligence Test (MSCEIT) (Mayer, Salovey & Caruso 2000), in selection processes (Holland et al. 2007). The appliction of emotional intelligence tests in particular could be useful for adventure tour operators when selecting the right person for the job since emotionally intelligent people tend to choose deep acting as the method of expressing expected emotions in interpersonal interactions (Brotheridge 2006a; Brotheridge & Lee 2002). Since deep acting is proactive and surface acting is reactive, promoting deep acting rather than surface acting in training programs could help to maximise the physical safety of adventure tour leaders and their clients during adventure tours. In addition, deep acting represents the better option due to the OHS risk of employees experiencing burnout and low levels of job satisfaction as a result of largely performing surface acting. Indeed, the provision of training in deep acting skills could help to prevent burnout in employees (Anderson 1993; Brotheridge 2006a; Grandey 2003). Furthermore, employees who receive training in deep acting skills tend to perform more deep acting on the job (Kruml & Geddes 2000). Many adventure tour leaders applied surface acting as an emotional labour strategy in risk management situations and some adventure tour leaders performed surface acting in situations that required them to create enthusiasm or deal with difficult clients, and this finding might need to be taken into consideration when constructing emotional competence training programs that foster deep acting skills. In this connection, one useful idea could be to build on how adventure tour leaders who performed deep acting in the above-mentioned situations went about this and, subsequently, use this information to develop a sensible training program for emotional competence. For example, the findings of this study showed that adventure tour leaders applied the deep acting techniques of cognitive change, rationalisation, and underlying motivation in interactions with clients. These techniques, together with other deep acting techniques that were not reported in this study such as attentional deployment, imagery, and mantras, could be explored as the foundation for developing deep acting training programs. While it is possible to develop training programs that focus solely on enhancing adventure tour leaders deep acting skills, it could also be fruitful to integrate this type of training into existing training programs that may be offered to employees, such as advanced first aid training, risk management training, and technical skills training. Thus, adventure tour 224

239 operators could benefit from conducting a training needs analysis (Piskurich 2003) in regards to emotional competence because employees experience and skills levels as well as the training offered by each individual organisation will vary. It should be noted, however, that a training program focusing on deep acting skills might also need to pay attention to this study s finding that many adventure tour leaders, in addition to feeling a sense of achievement after performing deep acting, felt drained at the end of the day. Given this feeling of being drained, one suggestion for adventure tour operators might be to find some ways, in addition to training, to alleviate the levels of emotional exhaustion and frustration for adventure tour leaders by, for instance, providing flexible work arrangements; breaks during and between tours; sessions for debriefing and feedback in relation to critical incidents; social gatherings to share experiences and unwind; mentoring; counselling; and alternate staff between different types of jobs, tours, client groups and/or activities (i.e. job design methods like job enlargement, job enrichment, and job rotation) (McShane & Travaglione 2005). Since there were no statistically significant differences between male and female adventure tour leaders regarding the way they manage their emotions on the job, the above-mentioned HRM initiatives do not necessarily need to include differential approaches based on employees gender. Instead, it is important to consider each adventure tour leader s individual needs and how these could be accommodated for in regards to the specific requirements of the job role. In regards to adventure tour leaders comprehension of their identity construction, adventure tour operators could benefit from recruiting and selecting adventure tour leaders who possess a blend of identities that closely align with the identity of the organisation (i.e. an optimal organisational fit). One way this could be done is by clarifying organisational values and specific job requirements to job candidates so that they are well informed to make a decision as to whether their person identities fit with the respective job and organisation (Alvesson 2002; McShane & Travaglione 2005). In addition, adventure tour operators could ensure that any emotional competence training that is offered to existing adventure tour leaders facilitates the verification of person identities and the internalising of role and social identities. Moreover, since both the employer and employees in a work relationship could potentially exploit each other (Ashforth & Humphrey 1993; Ashforth & Tomiuk 2000; Du Gay 1996), it 225

240 is crucial for adventure tour operators to negotiate suitable psychological contracts with adventure tour leaders. A psychological contract refers to employees beliefs about the terms and conditions of a reciprocal exchange agreement between the employer and themselves (McShane & Travaglione 2005). Sensible employment agreements have the potential to create a mutual relation of trust between adventure tour operators and adventure tour leaders which, in turn, could have a positive effect on job satisfaction, employee retention, client satisfaction, and future success of the adventure tourism industry Limitations and Avenues for Future Research This study has some limitations that need to be considered. It is conceded that the scales that were used to measure surface acting and deep acting in this study might represent a somewhat narrow view of what potentially are complex constructs. As was discussed earlier in the thesis, the distinction between surface acting and deep acting is most likely better represented as a continuum rather than as clear-cut categories from a longitudinal perspective. Still, it made sense to examine surface acting and deep acting separately rather than as a continuum in this study given the differential effects that surface acting and deep acting have on employee outcomes, such as job satisfaction and burnout (Ashforth & Tomiuk 2000; Brotheridge & Lee 2003). The quantitative data from this study were derived entirely from self-report questionnaires, with associated risks of social desirability bias (participants report what they think the researcher wants to hear) and mono method bias (participants are more concerned about being consistent than accurate in their answers) (Neuman 2006). In addition, the purposive sampling technique of this study meant that the participants who responded to the survey may not have been representative of the whole population (Neuman 2006). Indeed, the research reported in this thesis may only be applicable to adventure tour leaders as defined in Chapter One. However, some of the research findings and implications may be applicable to tour leaders employed within other areas of the tourism industry (e.g. sightseeing, culture and heritage, museums, wining and dining, and zoos), to adventure tour leaders employed outside of Australia, as well as other employees within the tourism industry. Given that adventure organisations were approached instead of contacting adventure tour leaders directly due to privacy issues, it was not possible to calculate a traditional response rate in regards to the survey. This distribution process of the survey meant that non-response bias could not be assessed. Thus, it is unknown whether the views of adventure tour leaders who did not participate in the survey differed significantly from the ones who did. 226

241 Every attempt was made to ensure the trustworthiness of the qualitative data drawn from the interviews through the use of triangulation and peer debriefing. However, it is acknowledged that the application of additional techniques, such as member checks and prolonged engagement (Teddlie & Tashakkori 2009), might have further strengthened the trustworthiness of the qualitative data. Additionally, whilst the researcher attempted to establish a level of trust between herself and the interview participants by highlighting the confidentiality of the research, it is unknown whether all interview participants unconditionally felt comfortable to share information with her about their performance of emotional labour on the job. Follow-up probes were used in the interviews in order to clarify and ask for more details relating to the topics under investigation. Still, it is possible that some participants may have provided more information in a face-to-face situation than via given the time delay between the interviews and probes that is associated with asynchronous interviews. While this study focused on the effects of deep acting and surface acting on the job satisfaction of adventure tour leaders, it is recognised that a variety of other factors could have an effect on job satisfaction (see Figure 2.7 in Chapter Two), which could be incorporated into future studies. It is also acknowledged that employees, in addition to performing surface acting or deep acting, have the option of displaying their genuine emotions during interaction with their clients (Ashforth & Humphrey 1993; Martinez-Inigo et al. 2007). This was not examined in any detail in this study because genuine emotion display was, by definition, not considered as emotional labour (which was the main focus of this study) since it does not involve any acting or emotional dissonance. Hence, future research could benefit from the inclusion of genuine emotion display as a factor alongside emotional labour that could impact on the job satisfaction of adventure tour leaders. Such research could be useful because, even though genuine emotion may not be considered as a dimension of emotional labour, it may still have positive or negative effects on employees job satisfaction. Another avenue for future research could be to explore how adventure tour leaders preference for deep acting as an emotional labour strategy may relate to different types of skills (e.g. hard skills and soft skills) as well as to different types of leadership styles (e.g. task orientation and relationship orientation). As pointed out by Humphrey, Pollack, and Hawver (2008), the relationship between emotional labour and different leadership styles is a fruitful topic where more research could prove to be beneficial to workers as well as employers. It 227

242 could also be interesting to investigate whether adventure tour leaders levels of deep acting align with the levels of deep acting of top level managers in larger sized adventure organisations. It may well be that a large discrepancy between adventure tour leaders and their managers levels of deep acting could cause trouble in relation to client service due to different views of how emotions should be managed on the job. In regards to deep acting, one area of future study could be to examine whether or not the performance of different techniques of deep acting (i.e. cognitive change, rationalisation, underlying motivation, attentional deployment, imagery, and mantras) have differential effects on adventure tour leaders job satisfaction. Moreover, more research is needed to unravel the relationship between cognitive dissonance and emotional dissonance given Van Dijk and Kirk-Brown s (2007) suggestion that emotional dissonance may be a misnomer that merely corresponds to the affective consequences of cognitive dissonance. It could also be useful to examine the emotional labour of adventure tour leaders through a performativity lens that is, examining adventure as a performed kinaesthetic experience from an anthropological and geographical perspective (see, for example, Cater & Cloke 2007). Given the relative paucity of descriptive data relating to adventure tour leaders, future studies could gain from collecting more descriptive data about adventure tour leaders which could then be compared to the profile of adventure tour leaders that was developed in this study. This is important in order to obtain an understanding of the various characteristics of adventure tour leaders employed within Australia. Moreover, while this study managed to identify some situations in which adventure tour leaders applied surface acting and deep acting, more research is required to examine why adventure tour leaders perform one type of emotional labour or the other in these particular situations. In addition, the results from this thesis relating to the particular situations in which adventure tour leaders performed surface acting and deep acting may be used as a foundation for creating a quantitative measure of these variables in a future study. It could also be interesting to explore in more detail what types of experience and training adventure tour leaders have previously received that incorporated the management of their emotions on the job and what impact this could have on their performance of emotional labour. In regards to the emotional labour continuum, more longitudinal research is needed to explore how, exactly, surface acting might shift into deep acting and, later, into genuine emotion display. One variable that may be particularly interesting to examine in this regard is 228

243 experience, as it was proposed that experienced adventure tour leaders are more likely to perform deep acting than surface acting on the job. Adventure tour leaders experience was measured in this study in terms of how many years they had been working for their current employer and in the adventure tourism industry. Due to there being a large number of subsamples (see Appendix 7), in combination with an overall sample size of 137 adventure tour leaders, statistical tests did not engender enough power for the results to be reliable. Thus, future studies could include a larger sample size of adventure tour leaders in order to examine the effect that experience may have on leaders performance of emotional labour. More research is also required in order to confirm the relationship between emotional labour and identity that was proposed in this study since it is not clear whether the emotional dissonance and feeling of inauthenticity of self that arise as a result of surface acting is the same as or different from the emotional dissonance and feeling of self-inauthenticity that arise from person non-verification. Additionally, future research could explore what the consequences may be for employees performance of emotional labour if their person identities are verified, but not their social and/or role identities (i.e. they are behaving in accordance with their real selves but not in accordance with people in the organisation or their job role). Furthermore, this study suggested that the reasons as to why there were no statistically significant differences in regards to adventure tour leaders gender when it came to surface acting, deep acting, job satisfaction, or the effect of surface acting and deep acting on job satisfaction could be that male adventure tour leaders may be just as competent at managing their emotions as female adventure tour leaders. However, future studies could benefit from including a quantitative measure of emotional intelligence (ability and/or trait) in order to provide further support for this suggestion. Future research could also explore whether there might be other explanations than the ones provided in this thesis as to why there were no gender differences among adventure tour leaders relative to their choice of emotional labour strategy and job satisfaction. More research is also needed in order to confirm whether adventure tour leaders really are androgynous, as proposed in this study, or whether they possess other gender role orientations. Such research could, for example, measure adventure tour leaders gender role orientation quantitatively by using an instrument such as the BSRI (Bem 1974). Another interesting area for future research could be to measure the gender role orientation of clients and employers and then compare this to adventure tour leaders gender role orientations so as to identify potential gender role conflicts and explore how such conflicts could be resolved. 229

244 Chapter Seven has provided a summary of the key findings derived from this study, which examined the relationships between emotional labour and job satisfaction of adventure tour leaders employed within Australia. More specifically, this chapter offered a summary of the findings relating to the research objectives presented in Chapter One and a synthesis which showed how these research objectives collectively addressed the overall aim of the thesis. This chapter also discussed the theoretical and practical implications of the research. Furthermore, this chapter acknowledged the limitations of the research and proposed avenues for future research. This thesis has contributed to a better understanding of how adventure tour leaders performance of emotional labour could impact on their job satisfaction. The study s findings represent an original contribution to knowledge within the specific occupational context of adventure tour leading, which is located within the area of adventure tourism. The knowledge generated from this study also has applied implications for how adventure tour operators manage their human resources so as to maximise the satisfaction and safety of clients as well as employees. Given that employment for adventure tour leaders to is expected to grow strongly (DEEWR 2009/2010), further research is important in order to address a variety of issues relating to this occupation. This research will hopefully serve as a foundation for future studies which aim to explore the emotionally demanding and rewarding occupation of adventure tour leading. 230

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275 Appendix 1 Survey Invitation Dear *Name of person and/or organisation*, Please consider my invitation for adventure leaders that work at *Name of organisation* to participate in research relating to my PhD study at Southern Cross University. My invitation has been sent to you in a separate and contains more information about my research. I would truly appreciate it if you could forward this invitation via to all of your adventure leaders with a recommendation that they read the information provided to decide if they would like to participate in my study. If you have any questions or are unable to forward my invitation via to your adventure leaders, please get in touch with me at your earliest convenience for alternative arrangements. For example, I would be more than happy to provide you with hard copies of my questionnaires (including pre-paid return envelopes) if this is more convenient for you. My study is strictly non-commercial and is based on a strong passion for adventure and the outdoors. When I am not doing my PhD, I often go bushwalking or kayaking and spend as much time in the outdoors as I can. In advance, thank you very much for your valuable time. Kind regards, Monica Torland Monica Torland PhD Candidate School of Tourism and Hospitality Management Southern Cross University Lismore Campus 261

276 Are you an ADVENTURE LEADER working in a commercial or nonprofit adventure organisation? Do you lead one or more of the following outdoor adventure activities? - Abseiling (natural surfaces) - Canyoning (natural canyons) - Adventure caving (non-developed natural caves) - Hiking/bushwalking (walks of 2 kms or more in natural environments) - Rock climbing (natural surfaces) - Mountain biking (unsealed tracks) - River rafting (natural rivers) - Canoeing (sea, river, lake) - Kayaking (sea, river, lake) Is your adventure organisation located (or have an office) in Australia and provide adventure tours/trips/courses within Australia? Does your adventure organisation cater for tourists and/or recreationists, including one or more of the following client groups? - Corporate groups - Sporting clubs - Leisure groups - Family and friends - Couples - Individuals (Outdoor education organisations catering for students only are not included in my study) If you answered YES to all of the questions above you are exactly the person I am looking for! I would like to invite you to participate in the first study of its kind in Australia within the field of adventure tourism/recreation. My name is Monica Torland. I am currently doing a PhD at the School of Tourism and Hospitality Management, Southern Cross University, Lismore. The title of my PhD is: An Examination of the Relationships between Emotional Labour and Job Satisfaction of Adventure Tour Leaders. In brief, my study looks at the role of your emotions in your job and its impact on job satisfaction for people just like you - adventure leaders. I would be interested in asking you some questions about your job as an adventure leader and how you feel about doing this type of work. I know how busy you are with work and other commitments however, I would be extremely grateful if you could offer a few moments of your valuable time to complete my on-line survey. Your participation in this survey is important because it could help to improve 262

277 conditions for you and other adventure leaders who work in the Australian adventure tourism/recreation industry. Please assist my study by filling out my questionnaire, which can be accessed by clicking on the following link: 3d The questionnaire will take about 15 minutes to complete. It is easy to fill out just follow the provided prompts and submit your completed questionnaire on-line. The survey will only be available on-line until 15 January 2010 (inclusive), so if possible I would appreciate your response before this date. Thank you very much for your contribution! 263

278 Appendix 2 Survey Questionnaire WHO CAN PARTICIPATE IN THIS SURVEY? This survey is for people working as ADVENTURE LEADERS in adventure organisations WITHIN AUSTRALIA. If you have not received an invitation to participate in the survey, please contact the researcher (see contact details below) to obtain more information about the research and to find out if you suit the criteria of participating in the survey. INSTRUCTIONS This is a chance for you to consider how you feel about yourself and your job as an adventure leader. This is not a test there are no right or wrong answers and everyone will have different responses. Some questions may seem a bit similar however, they are all important for the outcomes of the survey. The survey is anonymous and no information given in the questionnaire will be made public in any form that could identify you or the organisation you work for. If you wish to obtain feedback about any part of this study, please contact me or, alternatively, the research results can be accessed at the Southern Cross University Library at a later stage. Participation in all parts of this study is strictly voluntary and your confidentiality is assured. If you decide to participate, you are free to withdraw and to discontinue participation at any time. Should you decide to withdraw from the study, the information collected from you will be destroyed. No risk above the risks of everyday living is envisaged if you choose to participate in the study. My research is being conducted under the supervision of Associate Professor Kevin Markwell, who is a member of Southern Cross University s School of Tourism and Hospitality Management. If any issues or questions are raised as a result of your participation in this research, please contact Kevin Markwell (Telephone [02] ; kevin.markwell@scu.edu.au) or the researcher: Monica Torland School of Tourism and Hospitality Management Southern Cross University Course: Doctor of Philosophy (PhD) Telephone: [02] monica.torland@scu.edu.au The ethical aspects of this study have been approved by the Southern Cross University s Ethics Committee (HREC). The approval number is ECN If you have any complaints or reservations about any ethical aspect of this research, write to: The Ethics Complaints Officer Southern Cross University Po. Box 157 Lismore NSW 2480 sue.kelly@scu.edu.au Any complaint you make will be treated in confidence and investigated, and you will be informed of the outcome. THANK YOU FOR YOUR PARTICIPATION IN THIS SURVEY :-) 264

279 Emotional Labour and Job Satisfaction of Adventure Tour Leaders Please Note before Starting the Survey If you currently work as an adventure leader in more than one organisation, please fill out this survey focusing on the job that you are most involved in time wise. The term adventure leader is used throughout the survey and also encompasses people who work as adventure guides and adventure instructors. The term adventure tour is used throughout the survey and also includes adventure trips and adventure courses. Thank you for your participation in this survey! 1. Your engagement in the adventure organisation where you currently work as an adventure leader could be classified as (you can tick more than one box): Standard employment Volunteer work Internship Traineeship/apprenticeship Other, please list 2. You look at your engagement as an adventure leader in this adventure organisation as being: A job A hobby/leisure activity Other, please list 3. Your engagement in this adventure organisation is: Full-time and permanent Part-time and permanent Full-time and non-permanent/contract Part-time and non-permanent/contract Casual 265

280 4. What type of adventure activity/ies do you lead for this adventure organisation? (you can tick more than one box) Canyoning Abseiling Rock Climbing Adventure Caving Bushwalking Mountain Biking River Rafting Canoeing Kayaking Other, please list 5. What type of adventure activity do you lead MOST OFTEN for this adventure organisation? (tick one box only) Canyoning Abseiling Rock Climbing Adventure Caving Bushwalking Mountain Biking River Rafting Canoeing Kayaking Other, please list 6. Your work as an adventure leader in this adventure organisation is: Seasonal All-year-round 7. Your work as an adventure leader in this adventure organisation is: Paid Not paid 8. The adventure organisation you currently work for is: Commercial (for profit) Non-commercial (not for profit) 266

281 9. Do you receive any other type of compensation for your work in this adventure organisation (e.g. free accommodation, food, use of equipment etc)? Yes If yes, please list type of compensations No 10. The level of difficulty of the adventure tours that you are leading for this adventure organisation could be classified as (you can tick more than one box): Easy/beginner (no previous experience required from clients) Medium/intermediate (some previous experience required from clients) Hard/advanced (extensive previous experience required from clients) 11. What type of adventure tours do you lead MOST OFTEN for this adventure organisation? (tick one box only): Easy/beginner (no previous experience required from clients) Medium/intermediate (some previous experience required from clients) Hard/advanced (extensive previous experience required from clients) 12. How long have you been working as an adventure leader in the adventure organisation where you currently work? Years Months 13. How long have you been working as an adventure leader in the adventure tourism/recreation industry? Years Months 14. Sex Female Male 15. How old are you?

282 or over 16. What is your nationality? 17. Relationship status Single In a steady relationship Living with partner/de-facto Married Other, please list 18. Do you have any children currently living at home with you? Yes If yes, how many? No 19. What is the HIGHEST level of education you have completed? (Please tick the HIGHEST level you have completed) Postgraduate degree Graduate diploma/graduate certificate Bachelor degree Advanced diploma/diploma Certificate III/IV Certificate I/II Other certificate Other study, please list Year 12 Year 11 Year 10 Year 9 or below 268

283 20. Many jobs require their workers to display particular emotions when interacting with their clients, such as being friendly towards particularly demanding clients or staying calm in risky situations (e.g. height exposure, extreme weather conditions, sick or injured clients). Below are nine statements relating to how you interact with your clients in your present job as an adventure leader. Please select the number for each statement that, on an average day of work, best describes how frequently you perform the following interpersonal behaviours: I make an effort to actually feel the emotions that I need to display to my clients I hide my true feelings about a situation I really try to feel the emotions I have to show as part of my job I resist expressing my true feelings I pretend to have emotions that I don't really have I try to actually experience the emotions that I must show 1 (Never) 2 (Rarely) 3 (Sometimes) 4 (Often) 5 (Always) 21. Some jobs are more interesting and satisfying than others. This question contains eighteen statements about jobs. Please tick the number for each statement which best describes how you feel about your present job as an adventure leader. My job is like a hobby to me My job is usually interesting enough to keep me from getting bored It seems that my friends are more interested in their jobs than I am in my job I consider my job rather unpleasant I enjoy my work more than my leisure time I am often bored with my job I feel fairly well satisfied with my present job Most of the time I have to force myself to go to work I am satisfied with my job for the time being I feel that my job is no more interesting than others I could get I definitely dislike my work 1 (Strongly disagree) 2 (Disagree) 3 (Undecided) 4 (Agree) 5 (Strongly agree) 269

284 I feel that I am happier in my work than most other people Most days I am enthusiastic about my work Each day of work seems like it will never end I like my job better than the average worker does My job is pretty uninteresting I find real enjoyment in my work I am disappointed I ever took this job 1 (Strongly disagree) 2 (Disagree) 3 (Undecided) 4 (Agree) 5 (Strongly agree) 22. WOULD YOU LIKE TO PARTICIPATE IN THE NEXT EXCITING STEP OF THIS ADVENTUROUS STUDY? I would truly appreciate your further participation in the form of a confidential interview conducted face-to-face or over the phone. I am interested in your opinions on how to improve conditions for adventure leaders in relation to the energy and emotion you invest into your jobs. This is your opportunity to make a difference for yourself as well as your colleagues! So why not provide your contact details below, and I will get in touch with you at a later stage (early 2010) with further information. Surname Given Name Phone Number Name of Adventure Organisation 270

285 ALTERNATIVELY, you could send me an with the same contact details as requested above. My address is: THANK YOU FOR YOUR VALUABLE TIME! :-) 271

286 Appendix 3 Interviews Instead of Faceto-Face Interviews Inquiry Dear *Name of person* First of all, THANK YOU so much for filling out my on-line survey some time ago in relation to my PhD study where I am examining how to improve conditions for adventure leaders in relation to the energy and emotion you invest into your jobs. Your contribution has been extremely valuable and I am currently analysing the survey data as well as working to create a list of questions to be used in upcoming interviews. Second, THANK YOU for signing up to participate in a confidential interview in the next exciting step of my study. I am very thrilled to see that so many adventure tour leaders have shown genuine interest for my research by signing up for interviews in fact, the number (97) has exceeded all expectations! Hence, given the time restrictions of my PhD study, along with the fact that I am interested in the opinions of each single one of you in relation to your job as an adventure leader, I have made some changes to the format of the interviews. Instead of conducting the interviews faceto-face or over the phone, I would very much like to conduct the interviews via communication, if possible. This will give you the opportunity to answer my questions at a time that is convenient for you, and you will have time to think about and look over your responses before ing them back to me. Of course, you can contact me at any time if there is something that is unclear or questions that you don t understand. Similarly, I would be very happy if you d allow me to you back if there are some of your responses I don t understand or that I might like you to expand on. The interviews will commence in about 1-2 months time (April/May 2010). At this time, you will receive an from me with the interview questions. Now that you have some more details about the interview process, I would truly appreciate it if you could please get back to me in regards to the following: a) Are you still interested in sharing your valuable viewpoints as an adventure tour leader by participating in an interview? b) Are you ok with the interview being conducted via communication? Thank you very much for your time! Kind regards, Monica Torland Phd Candidate School of Tourism and Hospitality Management Southern Cross University 272

287 Appendix 4 Interviews Invitation Dear *first name*, Some time ago you completed an on-line survey, which considered the role of emotions in your job as an adventure leader. THANK YOU very much for that - your contribution has been extremely valuable in relation to my PhD research study You also agreed to take part in an interview to share your valuable viewpoints and experiences as an adventure leader. This interview will be conducted via communication and considers the issues that arose in the on-line survey in more depth. Please read the following guidelines and, if you are still happy to take part in the interview, please reply to this accordingly. If possible, I would appreciate your response before 30 June I have attached an information sheet in a Microsoft Word document called Info Sheet with further information about my study. Interview Guidelines 1. The interview questions are attached to this in a Microsoft Word document called Interview Qs. Please open the document and save it to your own computer before typing your responses. In this way you are able to save your responses as you go, and do not risk losing your data midway typing. 2. You will be asked four in depth questions in the interview. Each question may be followed up by supplementary questions in a further from me if there are aspects of your answers I don t understand or that I would like you to expand on. 3. It is recommended that you think carefully about each question before providing your answer. A sensible approach could be to fill out the answers over two or more days in order to provide detailed, in depth, and well thought through responses. 4. If any of the questions in the interview does not apply to you, please write N/A and provide a short explanation as to why it does not apply to you. 5. If there is anything in this or the interview that is unclear or that you need a further explanation to before filling out your responses, please do not hesitate to me your questions/enquiries. I will get back to you at my earliest convenience. 6. When you are happy with your typed up answers, please attach your completed interview document to this and return it to me (you can use the reply button). Thank you very much for your contribution! Kind regards, Monica Torland PhD Candidate School of Tourism and Hospitality Management Southern Cross University 273

288 Appendix 5 Interviews Information Sheet PhD Study on Adventure Leaders Information Sheet My name is Monica Torland. I am currently doing a PhD at the School of Tourism and Hospitality Management, Southern Cross University, Lismore. The title of my PhD is: An Examination of the Relationships between Emotional Labour and Job Satisfaction of Adventure Tour Leaders. In brief, my study looks at the role of your emotions in your job and its impact on job satisfaction for people just like you - adventure leaders. I would be interested in asking you some more in depth questions about your job as an adventure leader and how you feel about doing this type of work. Your participation in this interview is important because it could help to improve conditions for you and other adventure leaders who work in the Australian adventure tourism/recreation industry. The interview is anonymous and no information provided by you will be made public in any form that could identify you or the organisation you work for. By filling out your answers and returning them via to me you understand that you are consenting to take part in this next step of my PhD study. If you wish to obtain feedback about any part of this study, please contact me or, alternatively, the research results can be accessed at the Southern Cross University Library at a later stage. Participation in all parts of this study is strictly voluntary and your confidentiality is assured. If you decide to participate, you are free to withdraw and to discontinue participation at any time. Should you decide to withdraw from the study, the information collected from you will be destroyed. No risk above the risks of everyday living is envisaged if you choose to participate in the study. My research is being conducted under the supervision of Associate Professor Kevin Markwell, who is a member of Southern Cross University s School of Tourism and Hospitality Management. If any issues or questions are raised as a result of your participation in this research, please contact Kevin Markwell (Telephone [02] ; kevin.markwell@scu.edu.au) or the researcher: Monica Torland School of Tourism and Hospitality Management Southern Cross University Course: Doctor of Philosophy (PhD) Telephone: [02] monica.torland@scu.edu.au The ethical aspects of this study have been approved by the Southern Cross University s Ethics Committee (HREC). The approval number is ECN If you have any complaints or reservations about any ethical aspect of this research, write to: The Ethics Complaints Officer Southern Cross University Po. Box 157 Lismore NSW 2480 sue.kelly@scu.edu.au Any complaint you make will be treated in confidence and investigated, and you will be informed of the outcome. 274

289 Appendix 6 Interviews Questionnaire Interview Questions Below you will find four questions relating to you in your job as an adventure leader. I would recommend that you think carefully about your answer for each question before typing your responses using the dotted lines provided. Please write as much as it takes to complete each answer the space left for each answer will adjust accordingly. Also, please remember to save the document as you go. Good luck 1. a) Sometimes, your genuine emotions may not automatically match up with the ones required by your job as an adventure leader. Can you give some examples of specific situations in your job as an adventure leader where you would manage your true emotions so they align with the required emotions? (For example: you are required to be empathetic towards a difficult client but initially feel annoyed, so you manage your feeling of annoyance into empathy which means that you do not feel annoyed with the client anymore)... b) At the end of the day, how does managing your emotions in this way make you feel? (For example: it gives you a sense of accomplishment; it makes you feel drained; or it makes you feel proud of yourself)

290 2. a) Other times, when your genuine emotions do not automatically match up with the ones required by your job as an adventure leader, you may choose to suppress your true emotions and display the required emotions (without really feeling the required emotions). Can you give some examples of specific situations in your job as an adventure leader where this might happen? (For example: one of your clients gets bitten by a poisonous snake and you are required to be calm but initially feel scared, so you suppress your feeling of fear and display a feeling of calmness instead despite still feeling anxious on the inside)... b) At the end of the day, how does suppressing and displaying your emotions in this way make you feel? (For example: it makes you feel like you re deceiving your clients; it gives you a feeling of success; or it makes you feel inauthentic) As an adventure leader it is important that you possess both hard skills (e.g. technical, safety and environmental skills) and soft skills (e.g. communication skills, giving emotional support, facilitating group dynamics). When applying these hard and soft skills in your job as an adventure leader, can you give some examples of positive or negative comments made to you by your clients in relation to your gender? (For example: your clients think it is nice with a male instructor who shows his human side; or they feel well supported emotionally with a female leader; or they are impressed that a female can teach rock climbing; or they feel safe with a male leader) As a person, do you believe that you have one core self; or do you believe that you have many different personalities with each version of yourself being equally true as any other (e.g. one adventure leader persona, one at home persona, etc.)? Why?... If you have any other comments in relation to the emotions you invest into your job as an adventure leader, please feel free to write them down below

291 Gender Appendix 7 Detailed Descriptive Statistics of Sample Table A1 Gender Frequencies Valid Cumulative Frequency Percent Percent Percent Female Male Total Figure A1 Gender Distributions Age Table A2 Age Frequencies Frequency Percent Valid Percent Cumulative Percent or over Total

292 Figure A2 Age Distributions Nationality Table A3 Nationality Frequencies Valid Cumulative Frequency Percent Percent Percent Australia UK Dual Other Total Figure A3 Nationality Distributions 278