Empowering Europe s Future: Governance, Power and Options for the EU in a Changing World
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1 Empowering Europe s Future: Governance, Power and Options for the EU in a Changing World GIOVANNI GREVI DANIEL KEOHANE BERNICE LEE PATRICIA LEWIS GIOVANNI GREVI DANIEL KEOHANE BERNICE LEE PATRICIA LEWIS Executive Summary Looking to 2030, global change will be occurring at an accelerated pace and in an unpredictable fashion. The world in 2030 will be a more fragile place due to the rise of economic interdependence, the diffusion of power, and the disruptive potential of technological innovation and extreme events. Ten years ago, for example, the SARS outbreak cost businesses $60 billion and caused the loss of about 2% of East Asian GDP. Vulnerability to unexpected events such as the 2010 Icelandic ash-cloud or the 2011 Japanese tsunami will only increase as global supply chains expose states and societies to the effects of political crises and disruptions, even in distant regions. Weak or rigid governance systems will increasingly struggle to respond to these trends. In this less predictable world, power shifts will not be linear, not least due to the proliferation of domestic challenges in emerging economies. Whether they are in relative rise or decline, the risk may be that many governments become more introverted and less inclined to international engagement and compromise, as they cope with increasing turbulence at home. Conversely, a faster-changing world will offer wide-ranging options and new opportunities to more actors both state and non-state who are flexible and quick enough to seize them. Cities may lead efforts to reduce carbon emissions; smaller
2 2 empowering europe s future: governance, power and options for the eu in a changing world states, like Sweden, Singapore or Qatar, may shape international agendas and regional affairs through the use of technical leadership or coalition-building. Power shifts will not necessarily be a zero-sum game; the gains of some need not entail losses for others. Governments, regional organisations and international institutions will struggle to cope with the twin trends of increased interdependence and greater fragmentation. With a larger range of influential state and non-state actors, managing complexity and setting political agendas will become more challenging at both the domestic and international levels. This could result in a deficit of leadership and governance on the global stage. Future influence in international affairs will depend on how state and nonstate actors deploy their respective power assets. As power becomes more diffuse, it will also become more constrained, which will put a premium on the ability to partner and build political coalitions. THE VULNERABILITY OF INTERDEPENDENCE Deepening economic interdependence will heighten systemic vulnerabilities in the global economy and reshape geopolitics. Intensified South-South trade will bring new patterns of interdependence and contribute to a new balance of power. Meeting the needs of population growth and urbanisation by 2030 in particular the consumer demands of a burgeoning global middle class, which will account for over half of the global population by 2030 will depend in part on the continuation of an open global trading system, which will however face serious challenges. The World Bank estimates that by 2025 climate change will cause 1.4 billion people across 36 countries to face crop or water scarcities. Insecure supplies of energy, food or water in many regions could inspire beggar-thy-neighbour politics, leading to protracted trade disputes, intra-state or regional conflicts. Several suppliers of raw materials, such as China and Indonesia, have introduced export controls as part of a broader shift toward more interventionist industrial policies. A shift in power to the East or at least a fast catch-up is likely in the areas of military capacity, science and innovation. By 2030, the non-oecd world is projected to represent over half of global GDP, with China expected to overtake the US as the largest economy in the late 2020s. The US will remain the pre-eminent military power but, for budgetary, political and geo-strategic reasons, it may reduce its global military presence, or at least act more parsimoniously. China s defence spending looks set to overtake that of the US by 2030, but it is unclear whether this will imply a more global reach for the Chinese military, which has ongoing local security concerns. By then, the world may look increasingly tri-polar (China, EU, US) in terms of scientific output and R&D spending.
3 empowering europe s future: governance, power and options for the eu in a changing world 3 Dependence on fast-developing technologies, such as super-computing, synthetic biology and cyber- and space-based assets, will grow. Breakthroughs in basic and applied science will deliver change in all areas of everyday life by 2030 in nanotechnology, biotechnology, advanced materials, robotics, automated manufacturing and information systems. Global internet data flows have increased by a factor of eight in the last five years and they will increase nearly fourfold in the next five years. Many countries possess space capabilities, and almost every country has a stake in space-based meteorological and communications assets. The general trend is toward ever-more connected and intelligent systems, which creates greater dependence on this electronic and space-based infrastructure. CONFLICTS NEW, CONFLICTS OLD Disruptive technologies threaten to diminish state control over the means of violence. Non-state actors, including individuals and small groups, will have increasingly better access to lethal and disruptive technologies such as precision-strike capabilities, cyber instruments and bioterror weaponry. Manufacturing methods such as 3D printing will make it easier for new actors to produce lethal weapons. Civilian uses for technologies such as robots and drones will increase considerably, introducing the risk that they could be modified for violent use. Terrorism and transnational organised crime will remain serious challenges in 2030, given the ease with which non-state actors ranging from criminal gangs to financial institutions can exploit opportunities provided by the globalised economy and its easy means of transport and communications. The risk of inter-state conflict will rise in the coming decades, while both intra-state and regional conflicts are expected to persist. The drivers of such conflict, including the disruptive effects of climate change, persistent economic and social inequality, mass migration, high and volatile commodity prices, and religious or ethnic divisions, will likely intensify in the future. Intra-state wars could spill over from one country to another, potentially disrupting energy supplies, blocking trade routes or exacerbating large inter-state power tensions. There are strong incentives for large powers to avoid direct military clashes and use non-military means of coercion, whether through cyberattacks, economic sanctions or support for proxies. However, a major inter-state war before 2030 cannot be ruled out, particularly in regions of instability such as South Asia, North-East Asia and the Middle East. Plus, there is a risk that more countries will obtain and use nuclear weapons. The geopolitics of access and denial will shift. To sustain or revive economic growth and to ensure political survival, most countries will need increasing access to resources, trade and technologies such as cyber- and space-based networks. However, the emerging
4 4 empowering europe s future: governance, power and options for the eu in a changing world geo-strategic context may create heightened tensions and new geopolitical flashpoints including blocked maritime straits, land grabs and territorial disputes. Resource-dependent rising powers, including China and India, are set to continue to increase their commercial, political and perhaps military presence beyond their immediate regions. GOVERNANCE WITHOUT LEADERSHIP The continuing redistribution of power may not be matched by a reassignment of responsibility from incumbents to newcomers. There is a risk that the power of denial, or veto, will grow stronger than the power to achieve results. This will require all actors, including the largest ones, to increasingly operate via networks and coalitions. Power skills may become more important than material assets in determining the future balance of power and the trajectory of different powers. The coming decades will see the emergence of novel approaches to international governance and norm-setting, spearheaded by coalitions of the committed on specific issues, whether on climate change or nuclear security. The West versus the Rest paradigm is unlikely to prevail since rising powers do not form a homogeneous and cohesive bloc, and countries align differently depending on the policy issue. The growing number of actors will make international cooperation more difficult and less ordered. No single level or model of cooperation will prevail but various ones will intersect, which will complicate collective action but may also engender innovation. For example, some regional bodies may gain significance and influence. Effective international governance will therefore rest on collective bargaining among multiple influential actors, whether governments, companies, transnational networks or non-governmental organisations. Progress will depend on striking a balance between inclusiveness and effectiveness. New mechanisms are needed to leverage the legitimacy of international organisations, chiefly the UN, with the initiative and agility of smaller coalitions. EUROPE S OPTIONS IN AN UNCERTAIN WORLD Current economic, demographic and military spending trends point to the downsizing of the EU s relative weight in the international system by However, only the US and perhaps China will have combined resources comparable to those of the Union (if taken as one) on a 2030 horizon. The gap between the demand and the supply of international cooperation may be widening. The EU will face a major challenge in trying to both temper geopolitical tensions and advance a rules-based global order.
5 empowering europe s future: governance, power and options for the eu in a changing world 5 The EU could become more a super-partner than a superpower. The EU s experience of managing rules-based integration uniquely positions it within a more interconnected and competitive global operating system. Managing a more congested and rapidly changing world implies developing new methods of political engagement. The EU may not evolve into a superpower in this emerging world, but by building on its strengths and experiences it could become a super-partner for other countries and regions, as well as with its own member-states. This would mean fostering a broader and more flexible diplomatic approach covering a wide range of issues from trade and resourcemanagement to climate, energy and security based on cooperative rather than coercive power. It would also mean ensuring consistency between different levels of engagement (bilateral partnerships, coalitions, inter-regional groupings) in pursuing the EU s strategic goals. The EU s ability to act autonomously where necessary and its agility to partner where possible will be equally important in determining its influence in its neighbourhood and beyond. In a polycentric world, the EU and the US have a strong mutual interest in fostering their strategic partnership; the conclusion of the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Pact (TTIP) may prove an important step in that direction. Concurrently, it will be important for the EU to invest in deeper partnerships with a range of global and regional actors that will be major players in international affairs by These include China, India, Brazil and Japan, as well as key neighbours Turkey and Russia. Patterns of European military spending point to the further reduction of EU capacity to provide for its own security and stabilise critical regions, especially in Europe s broad neighbourhood. Reductions in military power will further limit the effectiveness of autonomous EU action and hamper European ability to work with the US through NATO. Beyond pooling and sharing more of their military assets, European countries need to consider making more targeted investments in aerospace and naval capabilities, along with advanced technologies for communications, intelligence and surveillance. The effectiveness of European external action will be most tested in its strategic neighbourhood. To the South, deficits in domestic political and economic governance, demographic expansion and severe resource stresses may combine with state power rivalries, conflicts and sectarian dynamics driven by both state and non-state actors. Turkey will play a critical role at the intersection of East and South, with scope for much cooperation with the EU. The Eastern neighbourhood faces the combined challenges of demographic decline and political and economic reform against the backdrop of geopolitical competition between Russia and Western actors. Across the strategic neighbourhood, the activism of middle powers and the engagement of other large global actors, notably China and India, will test the influence of the EU but also offer new opportunities for cooperation on shared challenges.
6 6 empowering europe s future: governance, power and options for the eu in a changing world The EU could make a distinctive contribution to global security in a more multi-polar, unpredictable and interconnected world. Conflict-prevention may become a higher political priority in the future, given the persistence of state fragility and the spread of transnational challenges such as illicit trafficking and radicalisation. The EU could partner with key states, including middle powers, in developing plurilateral security negotiating forums. It could also deepen security dialogues with China, India and Brazil, alongside partners such as Japan and South Korea, on issues such as counter-piracy, cyber-security, maritime and resource security and state fragility. But Europeans will also need to invest in advanced technologies to shore up infrastructure resilience and guard against disruption. The EU can take concrete steps to help its companies compete in the global marketplace. The EU can work to increase transparency by promoting the sharing of data on production, trade and stock levels for metals. It can also balance multilateral and bilateral trade relations to limit trade disputes. Both of these steps will help European companies stay competitive. Global energy and climate security will be vital to the EU. This will require continued energy transformation within the EU as well as the creation of new alliances with other importer and exporter countries. Investment decisions made in the next five years will shape energy, climate and resource pathways out to A pathway approach to future EU energy policy could help manage the risks inherent in new technologies and sources of energy; such an approach would involve early agreement on a clear set of binding 2030 targets for low-carbon energy and energy efficiency. Internal energy transformation will need to be matched by external diplomatic action. The EU could lead or help strengthen rules-based governance for energy resources; it could also be a leader in the multilateral climate negotiations, which aim to produce a comprehensive international agreement in Future prosperity in Europe will depend on the EU s ability to become a technology powerhouse. Harnessing technological capability will depend on market regulation, business models and enabling infrastructure. With diffused innovation capacity, European companies will need to collaborate internationally in order to remain competitive. To bolster innovation in high-value manufacturing and services and to achieve sufficient scale and scope, European investment in R&D will need to rise toward the 3% of GDP envisaged by the Europe 2020 strategy. A risk management strategy could help the EU solidify its position as a technology powerhouse. Such a strategy would include early action to assess the risks and benefits of rapidly evolving and new technologies (such as 3D printers and autonomous vehicles) to ensure that effective regulation can be put in place. It would also entail engagement with trading partners and manufacturing countries to ensure that emerging global standards will reflect best practice.
7 empowering europe s future: governance, power and options for the eu in a changing world 7 The EU can be a pathfinder. Europeans will need unity of purpose to uphold their interests and values in the emerging world order. Given its emphasis on rules-based cooperation, the EU may appear to be an exception in a more competitive international system with more assertive powers. However, its experience of consensus-building will be a valuable asset in a world where power is more constrained and international actors are increasingly interdependent. By becoming a super-partner with a variety of state and non-state actors on a wide range of issues, the EU may prove to be a pathfinder in defining new rules and shaping the world ahead. Chatham House and FRIDE were commissioned to produce the report Empowering Europe s Future: Governance, Power and Options for the EU in a Changing World by the European Commission at the request of an inter-institutional task force, with full respect for their intellectual independence. The findings of this Trend Report are the responsibility of Chatham House and FRIDE, and do not necessarily express the opinions of the EU institutions.
8 8 empowering europe s future: governance, power and options for the eu in a changing world
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