Extrinsic vs. Intrinsic Life Goals, Psychological Needs and Life Satisfaction

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1 Extrinsic vs. Intrinsic Life Goals, Psychological Needs and Life Satisfaction Majda Rijavec, Ingrid Brdar, and Dubravka Miljković Delle Fave, A. (Ed.) Dimensions of well-being. Research and intervention. Milano: Franco Angeli, 2006, pp Introduction What is happiness, and how can we attain it? As Schmuck and Sheldon (2001) state since ancient times people have been pondering a question of existential importance for each of us: What makes humans truly happy? Do we gain happiness from striving for power or wealth, from controlling the passions, from promoting the welfare of other creatures, or is happiness to be found somewhere else? The concept of well-being refers to optimal psychological functioning and experience. Current research on well-being has been derived from two general perspectives. First is the hedonic approach, which focuses on happiness and defines well-being in terms of pleasure attainment and pain avoidance. The second is the eudaimonic approach, which focuses on meaning and selfrealization and defines well-being in terms of the degree to which a person is fully functioning (Ryan & Deci, 2001). Evidence from a number of studies has indicated that well-being is probably best conceived as a multidimensional phenomenon that includes aspects of both the hedonic and eudemonic conceptions of well-being (Compton, Smith, Cornish & Qualls, 1996; King & Napa, 1998). According to Self-Determination Theory (Deci & Ryan, 1991; Ryan, 1995; Ryan & Deci, 2002), personal well-being is a direct function of the satisfaction of basic psychological needs. These are the needs for autonomy, competence, and relatedness. Factors in the person or situation that facilitate autonomy, competence, and relatedness are expected to enhance well-being, whereas factors that detract from fulfilment of these needs should undermine well-being. Competence refers to the feeling that one is effective and able in one's behavior, rather than ineffective and inapt (White, 1995); autonomy refers to the feeling that one's behavior is selfchosen and meaningful, as opposed to coerced and pressured (De Charms, 1968) and relatedness refers to the feeling that one is connected to or in harmony with important others, rather than alienated or marginalized (Baumeister & Leary, 1995). Sheldon and Elliot (1999) proposed that the accumulation of these three types of experiences over time leads to an increase in longitudinal well-being. Within the domain of well-being, characteristics of personal goal systems have been explored as precursors of life satisfaction and long-term positive and negative affective states. In their review of the characteristics of happy people, Myers and Diener (1995) argue that personality is a prime determinant of long-term happiness and well-being. A meta-analysis by DeNeve and Cooper 1

2 (1998) suggested that goal strivings represent additional personality influences on well-being. Goal attainment is a major benchmark for the experience of well-being. When asked what makes for a happy, fulfilling, and meaningful life, people spontaneously discuss their life goals, wishes and dreams for the future (Emmons, 2003). For many people the primary goal in life is to be happy. Yet research indicates that happiness is most often a by-product of participating in worthwhile projects and activities that do not have as their primary focus and attainment of happiness. Whether they focus primarily on basic research or intervention, psychologists also see goal-striving as vital to the good life (Frisch, 1998; Klinger, 1998; Lawton, 1996) Two basic research traditions tackle the question of how people's life goals affect their wellbeing. One tradition focuses on an individual's competence in pursuing goals and assumes that people who believe that they can attain their life-goals are usually happier (Bandura, 1997; Rotter, 1966), that actually attaining one's goals makes one happy regardless of what the goals are (Carver & Scheier, 1990) and that moving closer to goals is inherently rewarding (Karoly, 1991). The other tradition, including organismic, existential, and humanistic perspectives, focuses on the quality of life goals. It is important what goals one pursues or why one pursues them. From this perspective, as Schmuck and Sheldon (2001) state, a person who succeeds very well in a particular goal may be no happier than before, if that goal concerns asocial or even antisocial outcomes, or if the person pursues them because of a sense of pressure from others (Schmuck & Sheldon, 2001.). Research on personal goals has shown that the possession of and progression toward important life goals are intimately tied to long-term well-being (Brunstein, 1993; Diener & Fujita, 1995; Emmons, 1986; Little, 1989). Having more autonomous, or self-determined, motives for goal pursuit is associated with general life satisfaction and vitality, as compared to those "controlled" goals that are oriented toward other people's desires (Deci & Ryan, 1987; Sheldon & Kasser, 1995). Kasser and Ryan (1993, 1996, 2001) distinguish between intrinsic goals (such as those involving emotional intimacy, community service, and personal growth), whose contents are hypothesized to be naturally consistent with human nature and needs, and extrinsic goals (such as those involving financial success, physical attractiveness, and social fame/popularity), whose contents are hypothesized to be less directly consistent with positive human nature. Extrinsic goals are assumed to be strongly shaped by culture, and typically involve obtaining symbols of social status and popular approval. In contrast intrinsic goals are assumed to emerge from natural growth tendencies, in which individuals move towards expanded self-knowledge and deeper connections with others and the community. People who strive for intrinsic goals are assumed to be "in touch" with their deeper nature, and to have a greater chance of finding happiness and well-being (Ryan, Chirkov, Little, Sheldon, Timoshina & Deci, 1996). In contrast, people focusing strongly on extrinsic goals make themselves dependent on the circumstances of the time and society in which they were born and may even become prisoners of such things as fashion, status symbols, leisure activities and so forth. As a consequence, they may ignore innate needs mentioned above, so that pursuing their goals may not necessarily enhance their well-being. Extrinsic goals can also be instrumental for satisfaction of the basic needs, but according to self-determination theory, if extrinsic goals 2

3 become particularly strong and out of balance with intrinsic goals, then negative well-being consequences are likely to result (Sheldon, Ryan, Deci & Kasser, 2004). Several lines of research supported this framework (Kasser & Ryan, 1993, 1996, 2001; Ryan et al., 1999; Sheldon & Kasser, 1998). They have shown that investment in, or success at, so-called intrinsic goals (those closely related to basic needs) is associated with enhanced well-being. On the other hand, investment in and/or success at extrinsic goals (those presumes to be unrelated to basic needs) does not enhance, and often detracts from, well-being. The aim of this study was to examine the relationship between intrinsic and extrinsic goals, satisfaction of basic psychological needs, and life satisfaction and vitality. Path analysis will be used to examine potential relationships between three groups of variables (extrinsic and intrinsic goals, psychological needs and well-being). To compare the relationships between all groups of variables for goal importance and present goal attainment, all paths were included in the hypothetical path-model. It was hypothesized that intrinsic goals would predict life satisfaction and vitality indirectly through satisfaction of basic psychological needs. Extrinsic goals, on the other hand, would not be related to well-being. Sample and Procedure Method The participants were 377 first-year students, 18 to 20 years old (173 male and 204 female). 200 students were from Teachers Academy and 173 from School for economy of entrepreneurship in Zagreb. Trained research assistant tested participants in groups during regular classes. Instruments Aspiration Index (Kasser & Ryan, 1996). The Aspiration Index was developed to assess people s aspirations. There are 7 categories of aspirations with five specific items within each category. The seven categories include: the extrinsic aspirations of wealth, fame, and image; the intrinsic aspirations of meaningful relationships, personal growth, and community contributions; and the aspiration of good health which turned out not to be clearly either extrinsic or intrinsic. Participants rated (1) the importance to themselves of each aspiration, and (2) their beliefs about the likelihood of attaining each. Various approaches to data analyses can be found in research articles such as Kasser and Ryan (1996). Health subscale was excluded from intrinsic category because we wanted to consider only psychologically oriented variables. Principal factor analysis with oblimin rotation confirmed the six-factor solution for both importance and likelihood ratings. A higher order factor analysis verified that the six aspirations do fall into two groups, extrinsic (financial success, fame, and appealing image) and intrinsic (personal growth, affiliation, and community contribution), as had been found in previous studies (Kasser & Ryan, 1996; Scmuck, Kasser & Ryan, 2000). The correlations between intrinsic and extrinsic factors were: 0.15 for importance and 0.34 for present attainment of aspirations. Cronbach alphas ranged from 0.83 (importance of intrinsic aspirations) to 0.91 (importance of extrinsic aspirations). 3

4 The Basic Psychological Needs Scale. This scale was adapted from a measure of need satisfaction at work (Ilardi, Leone, Kasser, & Ryan, 1993). The original scale has 21 items concerning the three needs for competence, autonomy, and relatedness. Subjects indicate on a 7-point scale the extant to which the psychological needs of autonomy, relatedness, and competence are generally satisfied in their life. Examples of items are, I feel like I am free to decide for myself how to live my life (autonomy), I really like the people I interact with (relatedness), and I often do not feel very capable (competence). Principal factor analysis with oblimin rotation confirmed three factors. One item was moved from autonomy to relatedness (People I interact with on a daily basis tend to take my feelings into consideration), and one item was excluded because of the low correlation with the scale. Cronbach alphas were 0.66 for autonomy (6 items), 0.74 for relatedness (8 items), and 0.67 for competence (6 items). The Satisfaction With Life Scale (Diener, Emmons, Larsen & Griffin, 1985). The scale measures life satisfaction as a cognitive-judgmental process. It consists of five statements with a sevenpoint rating scale ranging from strongly disagree to strongly agree. Coefficient Cronbach alpha was.73. Subjective Vitality Scale (Ryan & Frederick, 1997). Seven items measure feelings of aliveness and energy on 7-point scales. It can be completed in either state or trait formats, though only the trait format was used for this research. Coefficient Cronbach alpha was.78. Results Descriptive statistics and correlations for the variables used in the analyses are presented in Table 1. Intrinsic goals were generally rated as more important than extrinsic (6.07 compared to 3.66). Present attainment of goals was also higher rated for intrinsic goals (6.36) than for extrinsic (3.77). An examination of the correlation patterns revealed several interesting insights. The correlation between two measures of well-being was.59. The correlation between extrinsic goals was moderately high (.74). Compared to correlation between intrinsic goals (.67), it is somewhat higher. Psychological needs and well-being variables (life satisfaction and vitality) correlated higher with intrinsic then intrinsic goals. 4

5 Extrinsic Goals Intrinsic Goals Psychol. Needs Table 1 - Intercorrelations, means and standard deviations between variables Variables 1. Importance - 2. Present attainment Importance Present attainment Extrinsic Intrinsic Psychol. Needs Well-Being Goals Goals Autonomy Relatedness Competence Well-Being 8. Life satisfaction Vitality Note: Italics p<.05 Bold p<.01 Gender differences M SD Gender differences are presented in Table 2. Female students had higher values for intrinsic goals. For extrinsic goals, one difference was significant - male students rated higher their present achievement of extrinsic goals. Females rated higher their need for relatedness. Male and female students did not differ in their well-being. Table 2 - Gender differences in extrinsic and intrinsic goals, psychological needs and well-being Variables Females Males t Extrinsic Goals Importance Present attainment * Intrinsic Goals Importance ** Present attainment ** Psychological Needs Autonomy Relatedness ** Competence Life satisfaction Vitality Note: * p<.05 ** p<.01 5

6 Path models Path models were tested by LISREL (Jöreskog & Sörbom, 2002). Model parameters were estimated using the maximum likelihood method. First we tested the hypothetical model for goal importance and present goal attainment. The initial model failed to produce significant match between the data for both goal importance and present goal attainment (Table 3). Therefore some adjustments to the model were necessary. Three paths were added: the path from relatedness to competence, from vitality to autonomy, and from life satisfaction to vitality. These modifications produced good fit for both goal importance and present goal attainment (Table 3). Nonsignificant paths were not eliminated, because we wanted to compare models to see if same relationships are significant. Table 3 Goodness-of-fit statistics for hypothetical and modified path-models Path-model Situation χ 2 df p RMSEA CFI Hypothetical Goal Importance < Present Goal Attainment < Modified Goal Importance Present Goal Attainment Note: RMSEA Root-mean-square error of approximation, CFI comparative fit index As can be seen on Figure 1 (for goal importance) and Figure 2 (for present goal attainment), both path-models were almost the same. Only one path appears to be significant for present goal attainment, but not for goal importance from relatedness to life-satisfaction. Figure 1 - Path models for goal importance (only significant path coefficients are presented) AUTONOMY.99 EXTR. GOALS -.80 VITALITY.98 INTR.GOALS LIFE SATISF. RELATEDNESS COMPETENCE χ 2 = 0.11, df =1, p = 0.74, RMSEA =

7 It was hypothesized that intrinsic goals would predict well-being indirectly through satisfaction of basic psychological needs, and that extrinsic goals would not be related to well-being. These hypotheses were partly confirmed. Intrinsic goals did predict well-being indirectly, through two out of three psychological needs (relatedness and competence). But there was also one direct relationship - from intrinsic goals to life satisfaction. For extrinsic goals, only one path was significant - from extrinsic goals to competence, indicating that extrinsic goals have an indirect effect on well-being. The relationship between vitality and autonomy is reciprocal. Figure 2 - Path models for present goal attainment (only significant path coefficients are presented) AUTONOMY.96 EXTR.GOALS -.74 VITALITY INTR.GOALS.43 LIFE SATISF RELATEDNESS Discussion COMPETENCE Χ 2 = 0.49, df = 1, p = 0.48, RMSEA = 0.01 The present research proposed and tested a model of relations among personal goals, basic psychological needs, and well-being. Factor analysis of Aspiration Index items showed seven factors as suggested by authors (Kasser & Ryan, 1996). These factors include aspirations of wealth, fame, image, meaningful relationships, personal growth, community contributions, and good health. The last one, aspiration of good health, was excluded from further analysis being neither exclusively extrinsic nor intrinsic aspiration. The second order factor analysis revealed two factors intrinsic and extrinsic goals. The same structure was found for goal importance and for present achievement of goals, and is in line with previous research (Kasser & Ryan, 1996, Schmuck et al., 2000; Williams, Cox, Hedberg & Deci, 2000). According to Schmuck (2001), intrinsic goals satisfy innate psychological needs whereas extrinsic goals do not. That is why intrinsic goals should be valued generally higher as compared to extrinsic ones. Our data supported this hypothesis intrinsic goals were rated generally as more important than extrinsic, thus replicating in a different culture the results found in USA (Kasser & Ryan, 1996), Russia (Ryan et. al. 1999), and Germany (Schmuck, 2001). Ratings of present goal fulfilment were also higher for intrinsic goals. 7

8 The correlations between goals and well-being were all positive and higher for intrinsic than extrinsic goals. Some authors found relationship between extrinsic goals and well-being to be negative, and stronger than the positive relation between intrinsic contents and well-being (Kasser & Ryan, 1996, Sheldon et al., 2004). For our subjects, placing value on extrinsic aspirations neither helped nor hurt their well-being. Sheldon et al. (2004) claimed that it is important whether extrinsic goals are out of balance with intrinsic goals, and that the overvaluation of extrinsic goals produces reduced well-being. Relations between goals, basic psychological needs, and well-being It was hypothesized that the relation of intrinsic goals and well-being would be mediated by psychological needs. This hypothesis was partly confirmed this was true for relatedness and competence, but not for autonomy. There was also one direct relationship - from intrinsic goals to life satisfaction. The results supported the hypothesis that placing importance on intrinsic goals will lead to greater satisfaction of basic psychological needs. The satisfaction of these needs will in turn result in enhanced well-being. The only exception was need for autonomy, which was not related to intrinsic goals. It was also hypothesized that extrinsic goals would be unrelated to satisfaction of basic psychological needs and well-being. As can be seen from path-models, only one path from extrinsic goals was significant - to the need of competence, so extrinsic goals have an indirect effect on well-being through satisfaction of the need for competence. There were no direct relationships between extrinsic goals and indicators of well-being. Previous research has shown similar pattern of results. For example, Kasser and Ryan (1993) found that mental health and well-being were negatively associated with strong investment in materialistic goals, relative to more intrinsic goals such as interpersonal relatedness, personal growth and community service. They also showed (Kasser & Ryan, 1996) that placing a strong emphasis on extrinsic goals (such as fame, image and money) resulted in lower well-being. Lapierre and her co-workers (Lapierre, Bouffard, Dubé, Labelle, & Bastin, 2001) found out that in old age well-being was related to long-term aspirations and to an intrinsic goal profile characterized by aspirations oriented toward self-development and altruistic contact. Other research has shown that need fulfilment is functionally related to intrinsic motivation, an important psychological growth process (Deci & Ryan, 1991), and to personality integration (Ryan, 1995). Results from the study by Kasser and Ryan (2001) indicated that extrinsically oriented individuals have more difficult and less satisfying relationships. In addition to that, extrinsic goals are associated with acting in a relatively narcissistic (Kasser & Ryan, 1996) and competitive (Sheldon & McGregor, 2000) manner with others, which does not support the development of high quality relationships. While the needs for competence and relatedness in our research had similar relationship to goal preferences and well-being as in research citied above, that was not true for the need for autonomy. Although intrinsic goals were positively correlated with the need for autonomy, the need itself was reciprocally related to vitality. Why is this so? This may be due to the fact that our subjects were college students. Although conventional wisdom and decades of psychological research have linked the provision of choice to increased levels of intrinsic motivation, greater persistence, better performance, and higher satisfaction, recently some researches started to question that assumption. Schwartz (2000) 8

9 suggested that adding options for people can make the choice situation less rather than more attractive and that sometimes people prefer it if others make the choices for them (Beattie, Baron, Hershey, & Spranca, 1994). He argues that freedom, autonomy, and self-determination can become excessive, and that when that happens, freedom can be experienced as a kind of tyranny. Too much choice can bring more stress and dissatisfaction to our lives. It is possible that our subjects (first year university students) had more choice and freedom than they had while living with their parents and thus experienced more autonomy. But, at the same time, that autonomy probably brought more problems and responsibility to their lives resulting in lower vitality. It is also possible that our subjects had more unstructured free leisure time than they used to have as high school students. In general, free-time activities have been identified as involving great freedom, intrinsic motivation, and positive affect (Kleiber, Larson, & Csikszentmihalyi, 1986). However, being unstructured and free, these activities can easily be associated with apathy and dissatisfaction. (Delle Fave & Bassi, 2000). Gender differences The data showed that female students placed greater importance on intrinsic goals and rated higher their current perceived attainment than male students. On the other hand, males rated higher their present achievement of extrinsic goals. Prior studies suggest that U.S. female college students express a greater intrinsic orientation than do their male counterparts (Kasser & Ryan, 1996). In the study comparing American and Russian college students (Ryan et al., 1999) the negative relationship between extrinsic goal and life satisfaction was found but not for Russian female students (Ryan et al., 1999). In attempting to interpret them, they have located many analyses of the situation of women in Russia and other Eastern European nations experiencing economic transition (Einhorn, 1993; Funk & Mueller, 1993). A trend accompanying these economic transitions has been a rapid increase in gender-based inequalities that have particularly affected the type of high achieving women (which university female students probably are). In all these countries, as well as in Croatia, public sector funding of functions that formerly supported women's pursuits such as childcare, maternal leaves and reproductive rights, have suffered from dramatic cuts. Conclusions It can be concluded that the constructs of intrinsic and extrinsic aspirations show similar structure in the population of Croatian college students as in other studies conducted in USA, Germany and Russia, with intrinsic goals generally valued more then extrinsic ones. But the claim that an emphasis on extrinsic goals yields negative well-being was not supported. Intrinsic goals were positively related to well-being both directly and indirectly through satisfaction of basic psychological needs (with the exception of autonomy). On the other hand, placing value on extrinsic aspirations neither helped nor harmed well-being. Extrinsic goals were only indirectly related to well-being through the need for competence. It seems that in our sample both extrinsic and intrinsic life goals contributed to well-being, but intrinsic ones were far more important in that process. In view of these results future research should focus more on cultural, gender and age differences. 9

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