Internal Displacement in Mogadishu, Somalia

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1 Spring, 2013 Internal Displacement in Mogadishu, Somalia Abstract This report provides an overview of internal displacement and the internally displaced person (IDP) in Mogadishu, Somalia. It analyses the humanitarian consequences faced by IDPs when they move to an urban environment specifically Mogadishu (the capital), and examines the different actors involved, such as the government, national and international organizations and host communities. Background In 1960, Somali Youth League (SYL) and other Somali political organizations, such as Hisbi Dastur Mustaqbil Somali (HDMS) and the Somali National League (SNL) achieved independence, British Somaliland joined with Italian Somaliland to form the new nation of Somalia. Leaders of the independence movements and colonial administrators were confronted with the need to facilitate rapid economic development and national control; creating sense for a need of relatively centralized political government units to facilitate these. Unfortunately, as many other African countries Somalia had fallen in the trap of believing that the accumulation of power at the center is a must to provide greater security for their country, integrate markets for more rapid growth and to merge the political system to become more unified. This caused power to be accumulated into the hands of a few whom started to grant special rights and privileges to their own ethnic communities, creating dominant clans. This made it easy for a single dominant clan to consolidate power on a centralized government that ruled with little regard for the rights and privileges of other clans and minority groups or the economic benefits of central government. Centralization in the name of efficiency and expediency had become an excuse for abuse and proliferation of favoritism of certain clans over others. Nowhere was this more obvious than in southern regions of Somalia. There, not only centralization in the name of efficiency was an excuse for abuse, but also there was a proliferation of favoritism of certain non-indigenous clans over others. In 1991, Somalia descended into turmoil after the collapse of the central government causing factional fighting, and anarchy. The Northern clans declared an independent Republic of Somaliland, while the clans of Bari, Nugaal, and northern Mudug declared a semi-autonomous state of Puntland whereas the clans of Southern regions and minorities have been suffering abuse and expulsion in the hands of yet another dominant clan and illegal groups such as Al-Shabab. Southern regions have been suffering abuse and expulsion in the hands of yet another dominant clan and illegal groups.

2 Context and causes of displacement The collapse of the central government in 1991 caused factional fighting, and anarchy. Disputes over access to fertile land and water long-present factors in rural life in the southern part of the country, have been exacerbated by the arrival of non-indigenous dominant clans and illegal groups. Minor conflicts which in the past were relatively easy to resolve by traditional methods of negotiation, now escalate rapidly because of the easy availability of arms which resulted a situation where various illegal groups are fighting for territorial control and the civilian population is subjected to direct attacks, forcible recruitment, threats, disappearances, deaths and selective executions. This introduced a coherent and systematic policy of social engineering. Man-made famine, the destruction of farms and food stocks, and the manipulation of access to aid agencies, meant that food became a weapon, and a tool for generating displacement. The outcome was the creation of a large and vulnerable population of dispossessed people with diminished rights. Who are the IDPs? Although displacement caused by armed conflicts and man-made famine are a widespread phenomenon in Somalia, the trend is stronger in some areas than others. This is confirmed by the fact that 96% of all IDPs in the country come from the 6 provinces with the highest expulsion figures (Bay, Bakool, Gedo, Lower Juba, Middle Juba, Lower Shabelle). Currently over 300,000 families are populating the IDP camps in Mogadishu. Overwhelming majority of these families come from the southern farming communities of the Bay, Bakool, and Gedo, Lower Juba, Middle Juba, Lower Shabelle regions 1. Almost 83% of the IDPs in Mogadishu come from rural areas of Lower Shabelle and Bay region in many cases, they have only ever visited the urban centers near where they live and have never been to a big city like Mogadishu. They generally farmed for a living. 1. Nisar Majid and Stephen McDowell, Hidden dimensions of the Somalia famine, Global Food Security, vol. 1, no. 1, December 2012, Somali Institute for Peace Research (SIPR) Members of the Somali Diaspora found Somali Institute for Peace Research (SIPR), SIPR is dedicated to researching methods for lasting peace resolutions for Somalia. It is committed to engaging all Somali stakeholders and to help empower Somali leaders from areas of conflict with the leadership skills required to advance reconciliation and coexistence. SIPR is not the voice of a particular group or social entity, or even a specific region, but it s inspired by the voices of all Somalis wherever they happen to be, in or outside of the country. We are the premier source of balanced, accurate information, civilized discourse and cultural inspiration to millions of Somalis who are voiceless. We reflect the distinctive qualities of our region and operate in efficient and sustainable ways. 2

3 83% of the IDP households in Mogadishu, camps had access to land before they were displaced Consequences of displacement in urban The immediate effect of displacement is asset depletion, as people are forced to abandon farms, crops, livestock and other properties, 83% of the IDP households in Mogadishu, camps had access to land before they were displaced and each household lost an average of three to four hectares of fertile land. Economic consequences All aspects of each IDP household lives are affected by the loss of their assets. Their access to food is limited and they have no peace of mind or hope for the future. It has also given rise to a worrying tendency, particularly in Mogadishu where IDPs often fall victim to crime, and people in the host community sometimes try to cash on the assistance received by IDPs. There have been cases, for example, of IDPs being robbed when they received aid. IDPs are often forced to hand over part of the aid received (including vouchers and food), usually an extortionate amount, in payment for security and transportation of the supplies. IDPs are unable to compete effectively in the labor markets, as their farming skills are not easily transferable to an urban environment and proliferation of favoritism of host clans over IDPs. It is common to see women, children and elderly people begging for money on the street, and outside shopping centers (Suukh). This situation undermines their dignity and selfesteem, although, as they themselves say, it is better to beg than to steal. In conclusion, IDPs are unable to become selfreliant and meet their basic needs in a sustainable manner in Mogadishu IDP camps. Social consequences Some of the consequences of internal displacement are not readily visible. It has emotional and social effects that take toll not only on the displaced, but also on the country as a whole. Displacement has an emotional impact on people, whether it is because they have to put up with host community s discrimination and abuses or because they have had to abandon their way of life, assets, customs and culture. At an individual level, it is manifested as sadness, depression, fear, and despair. Some IDPs live in the city s outlying districts, where they are exposed to the risks of common crime, gangs, and other problems. Adults Their low level of education makes it difficult for them to cope with everyday activities in Mogadishu, such as taking public transport and understanding the leaflets that they are given at different institutions with information on the procedures to be followed to receive assistance. These constraints are of particular consequence when it comes to knowing their rights and options that are available to them such as resettlement or relocation and fall victim in the hands of famine entrepreneurs in the form of some local NGOs which use them through an enriching schema. Children The stigma of IDP status in some cases, displaced children are refused a place by school authorities or are singled out in the classroom; children are often left on their own at home, exposed to the risk of domestic accidents or other dangers, when parents have to go out for work or begging. 3

4 Continues from page 3 The Elderly Because of their age, elderly people are unable to carry out economic activities in Mogadishu and sometimes have to resort to begging, which undermines their dignity. Women Most IDPs fled threats to their physical security from the various armed groups, including open hostilities, threats, and forced recruitment. In most cases, displacement to urban areas results in improved security. However, politically active IDPs acting as leaders of internally displaced communities and women have been increasingly unsafe. It has been widely documented that displacement in Somalia has a particularly damaging impact on women 2. The civil society groups have identified two specific abuses in which affects displace women in Mogadishu, Somalia, the most. These are sexual violence and labor exploitation, which affects women disproportionately as more of them work in unprotected informal sectors such as domestic work. This is of particular concern, given that 48 per cent of IDPs are female, and women head 47 per cent of displaced families. Abuses Former warlords turned military generals and militias turned to national military maintain control on behalf of the federal government on recently liberated areas frequently threaten or attack human rights defenders, journalists, community leaders, displaced person s leaders, and victims seeking land restitution or justice. President Hassan Sheikh s administration showed a greater concern for human rights than the government of former President Sheikh Sharif Sheikh Ahmed, which was racked by scandals over extrajudicial killings by the army, corruption, and abuses by the national intelligence service. However, threats and attacks against community leaders, displaced person s leaders, and victims seeking land restitution or justice continue to grow. Famine entrepreneurs The former warlords turned military generals now maintain extensive ties with local NGOs and local officials in Lower Shabelle and Benadir regions, commit widespread atrocities, hampering aid to IDPs in a form of famine entrepreneurship squandering international aid. Famine entrepreneurs take back aid given to the IDPs by force using local militias turned national military as gatekeepers forcing the IDPs to line up for food when international aid agents are present or when pictures or media videos are needed. Improved government response yet to have an impact on IDPS The Federal Government of Somalia led by president Hassan Sheikh has changed its discourse in favor of those who have suffered human rights violations due the conflict and violence within the country. However, it is yet to translate this into effective action to protect the rights of internally displaced people (IDPs) and other victims. Attacks on IDPs, human rights activists, community leaders, displaced person's leaders, and victims seeking land restitution or justice have continued at the same rate as in previous years. IDPs continue to have only limited access to the basic necessities of life. former warlords turned military generals now maintain extensive ties with local NGOs and local officials in Lower Shabelle and Benadir regions, commit widespread atrocities, hampering aid to IDPs in a form of famine entrepreneurship squandering international aid. 2. UN Security Council, Report of the Secretary-General on Somalia, January 31, 2013,

5 Solution The situation described above poses a series of challenges for different actors, which need to be addressed in order to ensure better assistance for IDPs, and also the sustainability of Mogadishu and Somalia as a whole in the long term in terms of habitability, peace and security. The current policy of relocating IDPs from within to outside Mogadishu led by the Ministry of Interior and National Security, which was campaigned by some local NGOs, is an erroneous policy as it only recycles the current IDPs in Mogadishu. This policy will hamper the habitability and security progress of the city in short and long term; creating shantytowns that will only produce crime, poverty and human rights violation. This policy will also hamper, peace, security, political and economic progress of recent liberated regions of Lower Shabelle and Bay where majority of the IDPs in Mogadishu camps originate. President Hassan Sheikh s six-pillar policy aimed to promote stability, economic recovery, peace building, service delivery, international relations and unity could prove to be the way out for the IDPs and Somalia as a whole but it is ineffective without the right capacity and capability, and without the support of the international community. The most critical issue is helping IDPs to achieve socioeconomic stability in their own original regions since most of these regions are liberated and are in the hands of the Somali Federal Government and AMISOM. The strategy of strengthening the institutional capacity of these newly liberated regions could be effective in assisting IDPs to achieve socioeconomic stability in their own regions. This strategy will also help increase national security, peace building, and economic recovery. This measure should be accompanied by greater efforts to better coordinate between central government and local authorities in these regions, as well as local and international actors in allocation of earmarked resources for local authorities in these regions and for the resettlement of IDPs to these regions in the short term. IDP Security Watch Program Our IDP Security Watch program is a joint project between SIPR and Somali elders from troubled regions as it presents facts and trends on these regions sociodemographic, and governance data. The program was created in the height of recent famine that struck Somalia it served as a key information source for many organizations and individuals. With a partnership forged with independent journalists and IDP families we have assisted several western media outlets with their South Central Somalia coverage specially issues regarding the famine, human rights abuses in these regions and facts about IDP camp abuses in Mogadishu and Puntland. We have also established close collaboration with aid agencies that operate inside these regions.

6 Spring, 2013 About the Author Mohamed Mohamed, Research Fellow Mohamed joined SIPR during 2011 Horn of Africa famine crisis where 13.3 million people were affected. He specializes in analytical integrity and methodology, in the fallibility of expert predictions, and in long-term contingency and scenario planning. He is also the organization s chief analyst for the Horn of Africa and founder of SIPR s IDP Security Watch Program. Before joining SIPR, Mohamed was engaged in a range of relief consultancy in Somalia. His main responsibilities included providing technical assistance, financial and budgetary analyses as well as to prepare aid delivery procedures to the famine targeted areas in Somalia. Mohamed provided technical assistance to the Transitional Government of Somalia for the implementation of the Somali Disaster Management Agency (SDMA) with particular emphasis on its 5 year strategic plan development. Mohamed studied at North Dakota State University in Fargo, North Dakota and specialized in the fields of Emergency Management and Anthropology. Mohamed is fluent in Arabic, English, Somali, and Swahili. Published in 2013 by Somali Institute for Peace Research Rights: Copyright Somali Institute for Peace Research Available for free download at