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Journal of Economic Psychology 20 (1999) 643±656 www.elsevier.com/locate/joep Discriminating the number of credit cards held by college students using credit and money attitudes q Celia Ray Hayhoe a,*, Lauren Leach b, Pamela R. Turner c a Department of Family Studies, University of Kentucky, 315 Funkhouser, Lexington, KY 40506-0054, USA b Department of Human Environmental Sciences, Northwest Missouri State University, Maryville 64468, MO, USA c Consumer Credit Counseling Service of Greater Dallas, Inc., Dallas, TX 75235, USA Received 5 January 1998; received in revised form 21 January 1999; accepted 12 June 1999 Abstract Based on previous studies, a credit attitudes scale [Xiao, J. J., Noring, F. E., & Anderson, J. G. (1995). College studentsõ attitudes towards credit cards. Journal of Consumer Studies, 19, 155±174] and a modi ed version of Furnham's [Furnham, A. (1984). Many sides of the coin: The psychology of money usage. Personality and Individual Differences, 5, 501±509] Money Beliefs and Behavior Scale [Hayhoe, C. R., Leach, L., Turner, P. R., Gross, P. E., Bass, B., & Xiao, J. J. (1997). College studentsõ use of credit cards: A descriptive study. In J. J. Xiao, Proceedings of Association for Financial Counseling and Planning Education (pp. 42±45), San Diego, CA, December 1997] were employed to examine college studentsõ use of credit cards. The money attitudes of obsession and retention and the affective credit attitude were shown to distinguish between students with credit cards and those without credit cards. The money attitude of effort/ability and the cognitive credit attitude distinguished between students with four or more credit cards and students with one to three credit cards. Ordered logistic regression was used to predict students with four or more credit cards. Nine variables were q Some of the descriptive results in this study were reported at the Eastern Family Economics ± Resource Management Conference, February 1998. The ordered logistic regression analyses are only presented in this article. * Corresponding author. Tel.: +1-606-257-7745; fax: +1-606-257-3212. E-mail address: crhayh1@ukcc.uky.edu (C.R. Hayhoe). 0167-4870/99/$ - see front matter Ó 1999 Elsevier Science B.V. All rights reserved. PII: S 0 1 6 7-4870(99)00028-8

644 C.R. Hayhoe et al. / Journal of Economic Psychology 20 (1999) 643±656 signi cant predictors: the affective credit attitude, age, the cognitive credit attitude, gender, having taken a course in personal nance, borrowing from friends or relatives, the retention money attitude, use of money as a reward, and preparing a list before shopping (listed in order of signi cance). Ó 1999 Elsevier Science B.V. All rights reserved. PsycINFO classi cation: 3920; 3120 JEL classi cation: D120 Keywords: Credit card usage; Attitudes towards money; Attitudes toward credit; Consumerattitudes; College students 1. Introduction Interest in the use of credit cards has received much attention in recent years from members of the nancial community and policy makers. Financial planners are interested in understanding how money attitudes relate to investment and savings behaviors. Financial counselors seek to understand more about how and why individuals get themselves into debt. Policy makers want to know why consumer credit card debt and personal bankruptcies have been rising so rapidly. In 1996, the total revolving consumer debt in the United States was $463 billion and 1.2 million Americans led for bankruptcy (Brobeck, 1997). There is increasing evidence that credit card debt has contributed to the rise in family nancial problems and personal bankruptcies (Brobeck, 1997). In the quest to discover why consumer credit card use and debt are increasing it is important to understand an individualõs attitudes towards credit, money and debt. 2. Review of literature 2.1. Credit and debt attitudes research College studentsõ attitudes toward credit were measured by Xiao, Noring and Anderson (1995). The researchers developed a Likert summated rating scale composed of a series of statements relating to credit cards. Fifteen of the statements related to feelings about credit cards (a ective), ten statements dealt with knowledge (cognitive) and twelve statements related to usage of

C.R. Hayhoe et al. / Journal of Economic Psychology 20 (1999) 643±656 645 credit cards (behavioral). Findings indicated that college students had favorable attitudes towards credit. Of those surveyed, 82% of the students had favorable a ective attitudes and 67% had favorable cognitive attitudes. Related research has been conducted on credit and the level of debt an individual is willing to carry. Tokunaga (1993) studied two groups of credit card users ± those who had experienced severe nancial problems and a control group who had not experienced such problems. Attitudes towards money were measured using a money scale similar to the one developed by Yamanchi and Templer (1982). The author found that heavy users of credit cards viewed money as a source of power/prestige, experienced more anxiety about nancial matters than the control group, and were less concerned about retaining money. These individuals also had a lower level of self-worth and tended to feel less internal control over money. Similar ndings in studies have found locus of control to be a signi cant factor in a personõs perception of their nancial situation (Hayhoe, 1994; Dessart & Kuylen, 1986). Control is related to knowledge of credit. Individuals who feel a loss of control tend to have less knowledge of credit, such as knowledge of interest rates (Dessart & Kuylen, 1986). Davies and Lea (1995) examined attitudes towards student debt (student loans, bank overdrafts, credit cards and money owed to family and friends) of college students who where in there nal year at university in the United Kingdom. Their ndings suggest that students with higher incomes tend to have higher debts. Other researchers have had similar ndings among the general population (Prather & Huyer, 1996). A second signi cant nding in the Davies and Lea study was that students in their third year at University had much higher levels of debt than rst or second year students and that their attitudes towards debt changed after their debt levels increased. 2.2. Money attitudes research Several researchers have examined money attitudes and behaviors using di erent attitudinal and behavior measures. Yamanchi and Templer (1982) developed a psychometric Money Attitude Scale that measured ve factors related to attitudes an individual holds towards money. These factors were power/prestige, retention time, distrust, quality and anxiety. The authors found money attitudes to be independent of a personõs income. However, the study did not account for demographic di erences among individuals, such as age and sex.

646 C.R. Hayhoe et al. / Journal of Economic Psychology 20 (1999) 643±656 The most widely used money attitude scale was developed by Furnham in 1984. FurnhamÕs Money Beliefs and Behaviors Scale (MBBS) was a more inclusive scale that was developed to measure money beliefs and behavior in Britain. The scale consisted of 60 items which were rated on a 7-point (agree± disagree) scale. The items were grouped into six factor areas: obsession, power/spending, retention, security, inadequacy and e ort/ability. Furnham noted that money attitudes are multidimensional and that demographic variables in uence a personõs money beliefs and behaviors. Obsession and power/spending were signi cantly related to a personõs sex, age, and education. Males and less educated people tended to be more obsessed with money than their counterparts. Younger people were more likely to use money as a means of power than older people. The scales developed by Furnham have been modi ed and used by several researchers in the United States (Bailey & Gustafson, 1986; Bailey & Lown, 1993; Hanley & Wilhelm, 1992; Hayhoe & Wilhelm, 1998; Wilhelm & Varcoe, 1991). Wilhelm and Varcoe (1991) used a modi ed version of FurnhamÕs scale to study how money attitudes in uence individualsõ perceptions of their economic well-being. They found the money attitudes of inadequacy and e ort/ability were signi cant predictors of nancial satisfaction for men and women. WomenÕs perceptions were also in uenced by the money attitudes of power/spending and retention, whereas obsession was an in uencing factor for men. Compulsive buyers were more likely to be obsessed with money. They see money as a solution to problems and as a symbol of power and status (Hanley & Wilhelm, 1992). Lim and Teo (1997) combined the questions from the Furnham (1984), Yamanchi and Templer (1982), and Tang (1993) money attitude scales to form a new eight-factor scale. They studied undergraduate students in Singapore. The only gender di erence they found was for the evaluation factor that showed males use money more as a standard for evaluation. 3. Purpose The purpose of this study is to examine both credit and money attitudes held by college students to determine how these attitudes in uence the number of credit cards students hold. As research has shown, credit and money attitudes are good indicators of an individualõs spending patterns, perceived economic well-being, and acceptable debt level (Davies & Lea,

C.R. Hayhoe et al. / Journal of Economic Psychology 20 (1999) 643±656 647 1995; Hayhoe & Wilhelm, 1998; Tokunaga, 1993; Wilhelm & Varcoe, 1991; Xiao et al., 1995). The current study will contribute to the base of knowledge and research on an important sector of society-college students. College students of today were raised in a time of easy credit and living beyond oneõs means. This indicates that students may be more likely to view credit and debt with a favorable attitude. Understanding credit and money attitudes is an important step for individuals, nancial counselors and educators in gaining control of nancial well-being. Since a student population has some unique characteristics, several demographic variables were included in the analysis: gender, student status, employment status, income and age. Davies and Lea (1995) showed that year in school made a di erence in credit attitudes. Student status as well as age were included to determine if the di erence carried over to the number of credit cards and to examine whether the di erence was due to being in school longer or actual age since this study included non-traditional undergraduate students. Gender was included to examine whether male or female students, in general, had more credit cards. Being employed and income were included to show if students were using credit because they had no other source or not enough income to make the purchases or payments for services. The ve of the remaining variables (having taken a course in personal - nance, borrowing from friends or relatives, preparing a list when shopping, writing a budget, and use of money as a reward in their family of origin) had been shown in the pilot study to di erentiate between students with credit cards and those without (Hayhoe & Leach, 1997; Leach & Hayhoe, 1998) and were included to determine if the ndings would hold in the larger sample. 4. Methods 4.1. Participants The participants in this study were college students over the age of 18 who attended one of ve state sponsored universities during the Spring 1997 semester. The universities participating in this study are the University of Kentucky, Kansas State University, State University of New York College at Oneonta, the University of Northern Iowa and the University of Rhode Island. Students at these universities come from all socioeconomic levels.

648 C.R. Hayhoe et al. / Journal of Economic Psychology 20 (1999) 643±656 Five hundred students at each university were randomly selected to receive the questionnaire, which was mailed out during the Spring 1997 semester. Due to the sensitive nature of the information, surveys were anonymous. A total of 2500 surveys were mailed. The survey consisted of 13 pages containing 54 questions and took approximately 30 minutes to complete. 4.2. Sample Responses were received from 426 students, a response rate of 17%. There may be several reasons for this low response rate. The primary reason, as mentioned earlier, may have been the sensitive nature of the data being collected. In addition, students move and do not always send change of address forms to the RegistrarÕs o ce. A few students e-mailed the researchers with the following comments: either they did not have the time to complete the survey or that they felt they were inappropriate subjects since they were international students. Since the questionnaires were completely anonymous and not numbered until returned the researchers had no way of knowing which students did not return questionnaires. There were 183 male and 236 female respondents, with 8 students not answering this question. The respondents ranged in age from 18 to 57 with a mean age of 23. Most students had never been married (75%), 15% were married, 6% were living together as a couple, 2% were divorced, and 2% did not respond to this question. Most respondents were undergraduates (340) while 83 were graduate students and 389 were full-time while only 33 were part-time. They usually (300) resided in the state where the university was located. Only 5% of the respondents were students in a college or department similar to Family and Consumer Sciences; 13% were from the College of Business; and the remaining 82% were from other colleges across the campuses. Most respondents (332) were Caucasian, not of Spanish decent with the next largest group being Asian (52). Eighty percent of the students had at least one credit card (339) with two students reporting 18 credit cards. At least one joint credit card with their parents was held by 15% of the students and 10% had a joint card with a spouse. The maximum number of joint cards reported was 12. At least one individually owned credit card was held by 62% of students. The maximum number of individual cards held was 13. The majority of the cards were multipurpose cards. Only 3% of the joint card holders and 16% of the indi-

C.R. Hayhoe et al. / Journal of Economic Psychology 20 (1999) 643±656 649 vidual card holders had department store cards and only 3% of the joint card holders and 9% of the individual card holders had gasoline credit cards. Of those students holding (jointly or individually) at least one credit card, 75% reported carrying a balance on at least one card and 17% reported carrying the maximum balance on at least one card. Only 27% of the respondents to the survey reported having a personal nance class in high school or college. Due to missing data 359 surveys were employed in the logistic regression. Seventy students had no credit cards, 167 held one to three credit cards, and 122 held four or more credit cards. 4.3. Measurement of variables Credit attitudes were measured by a modi ed version of the credit attitude scale (personal communication with J.J. Xiao, 18 March 1996, based on the scale presented in Xiao et al., 1995). The scales were formed from 12 questions rated with a 5-point Likert scale from Strongly disagree (1) to Strongly agree (5). Credit attitudes were measured on three dimensions: a ective, cognitive and behavioral. Each scale consisted of four questions with a maximum score of 20. (Refer Appendix A for the questions that made up each scale.) Money attitudes were measured using a modi ed version of Furnham's (1984) Money Beliefs and Behavior Scale (Hayhoe & Leach, 1997). The scales were formed from 30 questions rated with a 5-point Likert scale from Strongly disagree (1) to Strongly agree (5). (Refer Appendix B for the questions that made up each scale.) Five of FurnhamÕs six original scales were employed in the study: obsession, retention, e ort/ability, security and inadequacy. When the scales were tested during the pilot (Hayhoe & Leach, 1997) the sixth scale, power, was not signi cant and was not employed in this study. The obsession scale represents an emphasis on thinking about di erent aspects of money. This scale contained 12 items for a maximum score of 60. The retention scale represents not wanting to spend money even when it is available. This scale consisted of three items for a maximum score of 15. The e ort/ability scale represents the concept that one does not deserve oneõs income. This scale consisted of two items for a maximum score of 10. A high score on this money attitude implies that the respondents felt they should be paid more for their labor. The security scale represents being knowledgeable about oneõs exact nancial position and being willing to make di cult decisions where money is

650 C.R. Hayhoe et al. / Journal of Economic Psychology 20 (1999) 643±656 concerned, including a reluctance to use credit. This scale consisted of ve items for a maximum of 25. The nal scale, inadequacy, represented worrying about not having enough money. The higher the score on this scale, the lower a personõs feeling of inadequacy. This scale consisted of eight items, for a maximum score of 40. A scale was calculated for perceived economic well-being. Perceived economic well-being is the studentsõ view of their nancial situation. The score was calculated by summing the answers to seven questions. The responses to six questions were based on a 5-point Likert scale with one being terrible and ve being delighted. These six questions describe how the student feels about: (a) level of income, (b) money for necessities, (c) ability to handle nancial emergencies, (d) level of debt, (e) level of saving and (f) money for future needs. The seventh question was a global question on the studentsõ feelings about their economic and nancial security and was based on a 6-point scale with one being extremely insecure and six being extremely secure. Scores could range from a low of 7 to a high of 36 with a high score representing satisfaction with one's economic well-being. The remaining ten predictor variables were from the responses to individual questions. Four of these predictors were descriptive in nature (age, gender, employment status and student status ± undergraduate or graduate). Two of the variables described debt practices (having student loans and borrowing from friends or relatives when short of money). The last four predictor variables referred to nancial planning practices (writing a budget, preparing a list when shopping, having taken a course in personal nance, and use of money as a reward in their family of origin). 5. Results 5.1. Descriptive statistics results The results of the t-tests were as follows. Students who reported not having credit cards were more likely to score higher on the money attitudes of obsession (p < 0.03) and retention (p < 0.01) and lower on the affective credit attitude (p < 0.001) as compared with students with credit cards. Students with 4 or more credit cards were more likely to score higher on the effort/ability money attitude (p < 0.02) and the cognitive credit attitude (p < 0.01) than students with 1±3 credit cards. See Table 1 for two-tailed t- test results.

C.R. Hayhoe et al. / Journal of Economic Psychology 20 (1999) 643±656 651 Table 1 Individual variables that di erentiate students with no credit cards, 1±3 credit cards and 4 or more credit cards. Two-tailed t-test results (only signi cant results are shown) Attitude Number (n) Degrees of freedom t-statistic Students with no credit cards compared to students with credit cards Obsession 419 417 2.15 0.03 Retention 422 420 2.51 0.01 A ective 376 374 6.53 0.00 Students with 4 or more cards compared to students with 1±3 cards E ort/ability 331 329 2.28 0.02 Cognitive 330 328 2.57 0.01 Probability (p <) 5.2. Ordered logistic regression results Ordered logistic regression was used instead of ordinary regression as the dependent variable was categorical. Logistic regression was used instead of discriminant analysis since some of the predictor variables were categorical in nature (Press & Wilson, 1978). A model was tested using all 19 predictors (a ective, cognitive, and behavioral credit attitudes; obsession, retention, inadequacy, security, and e ort/ability money attitudes; gender; perceived economic well-being; student status; employment status; having student loans; income; having taken a course in personal nance; borrowing from friends or relatives; preparing a list when shopping; writing a budget; age; and use of money as a reward in family of origin). The model was ordered so that it described those respondents with four or more credit cards. Logistic regression examines variables individually to determine whether they are signi cant. Eleven variables were individually signi cant: the a ective credit attitude, the behavioral credit attitude, the cognitive credit attitude, the obsession money attitude, the retention money attitude, gender, having taken a course in personal nance, borrowing from friends or relatives, preparing a list when shopping, age, and use of money as a reward in family of origin. (See Table 2 for results). Then, as this was an exploratory analysis, stepwise selection was used to nd the most parsimonious model. Nine of the 19 predictors, listed in order of signi cance, were retained in the nal model: the a ective credit attitude, age, the cognitive credit attitude, gender, having taken a course in personal nance, age, the retention money attitude, borrowing from friends or relatives, preparing a list when shopping, and use of money as a reward in family of origin. The behavioral credit attitude was the next to

652 C.R. Hayhoe et al. / Journal of Economic Psychology 20 (1999) 643±656 Table 2 Standardized parameter estimates of ordered logistic regression models predicting those with 4 or more credit cards Predictor All variable model Restricted model Credit attitudes A ective attitude 0.33 0.37 Behavioral attitude 0.16 Cognitive attitude 0.27 0.27 Money attitudes Obsession 0.13 Retention 0.14 0.15 Inadequacy 0.04 Security 0.02 E ort/ability 0.03 Remaining predictors Gender 0.20 0.22 Perceived economic well-being 0.04 Student status 0.09 Employment status 0.06 Student loan 0.08 Income 0.02 Course in personal nance 0.23 0.22 Borrowing when short 0.17 0.15 List when shopping 0.14 0.13 Writing a budget 0.04 Age 0.21 0.26 Money as reward 0.14 0.12 Chi-squared for model 48.45 32.70 degrees of freedom 20 9 Proportion of respondents correctly assigned to categories (%) 78.1 77.0 p < 0.05, p < 0.01, p < 0.001. enter but it was removed as it did not signi cantly add to the explanatory ability of the model. 6. Discussion and implications Results show that students with four or more credit cards scored higher on the a ective credit attitude. Students without credit cards do not feel an emotional `high' (a ective) using credit cards. This supports the ndings of

C.R. Hayhoe et al. / Journal of Economic Psychology 20 (1999) 643±656 653 Xiao et al. (1995) that students with credit cards score higher on the a ective credit attitudes. The cognitive credit attitude and the retention money attitude were also signi cant which is consistent with the hypothesis that money and credit attitudes do a ect behavior. It is interesting to note that students with 4 or more credit cards thought more about the consequences of using credit (cognitive credit attitude). Based on some of their comments, this may be because they are working to repay balances incurred at an earlier time. These students were also more likely to have taken a course in personal nance and in prior studies were more likely to have sought nancial advice (Hayhoe & Leach, 1997; Hayhoe, Leach, Turner, Gross, Bass & Xiao, 1997). Students apparently seek nancial education and advice in reaction to perceived or actual credit problems. Based on the descriptive statistics, these students also felt they deserved more money for the work they did (e ort/ability). Again this may be brought on by the need for money to support current consumption and repay past credit. The nding that students with four or more credit cards scored lower on the retention money attitude may partially con rm Hanley and Wilhelm's (1992) ndings that compulsive buyers also score lower on that money attitude. A longitudinal study also may detect among those with numerous credit cards higher scores on the obsession and power/spending money attitudes indicative of compulsive buyers (Hanley & Wilhelm, 1992). Older students scored higher on the a ective credit attitude and had more credit cards. This nding seems to support the ndings of Davies and Lea (1995) that the a ective attitude increases as students become used to having credit. Age appeared to be more important than student status. A longitudinal study needs to be done to see if studentsõ attitudes really do change over time and to assure that the ndings are not just a cohort e ect. Students with four or more credit cards were less likely to borrow from friends or relatives to meet nancial emergencies. They were more likely to prepare a list when shopping, and were more likely to have had money used as reward in their family of origin. They were also more likely to be female. It appears that students use nancial counseling and planning reactively rather than proactively. If counselors and educators can reach and educate students before they become accustomed to using credit, perhaps we can keep them from learning the e ects of using too much credit the hard way. Further study is also needed to examine whether students who have received personal nance education have undergone any changes in their money and credit attitudes and whether education a ects their attitudes and use of credit over a period of time.

654 C.R. Hayhoe et al. / Journal of Economic Psychology 20 (1999) 643±656 Appendix A. Credit attitudes survey questions Affective My credit card makes me feel happy. I like using credit cards. The very thought of using credit cards disgusts me. a I love to have a credit card. Cognitive I think it is unwise to use any credit card(s). Heavy use of credit cards results in heavy debt. The cost of using credit cards is too high. Because I use a credit card, my debt rises every day. Behavioral I would like to apply for more credit cards. Even though I know its not easy for college students to acquire credit cards, I always try to apply for one more. I want to possess more credit cards than I now have. I would like to try all kinds of credit cards. a Reverse scored. Appendix B. Money attitudes survey questions obsession Obsession I often use money as a weapon to control and intimidate those who frustrate me. I am proud of my nancial victories ± pay, riches, investments, etc. ± and let my friends know about them. I feel that money is the only thing I can count on. I sometimes feel superior to those who have less money than I do regardless of their ability and achievement. I would do practically anything legal for money if it were enough. I rmly believe that money can solve all my problems. I believe that time not spent on making money is wasted time. Compared to most people I know, I believe I think about money much more than they do. I sometimes buy friendship by being very generous with those I want to like me.

I put money ahead of pleasure. I often buy things that I donõt want to impress people because they are the right things to have at the right time. I feel compelled to argue or bargain about the cost of everything I buy. Retention I often buy things that I donõt want because they are on sale or reduced in price. I often say `I canõt a ord it' whether I can or cannot. I often feel disdain for money and look downed on those who have it. Effort/Ability I believe my present income is about what I deserve, given the job I do. a I believe that my present income is far less than I deserve given the job I do. Security I always know exactly how much money I have in my bank, saving account, or credit union. I prefer to use money rather than credit cards. a I often have di culty in making decisions about spending money regardless of the amount. a I prefer not to lend money. I often feel anxious and defensive when asked about my personal nances. Inadequacy I am proud of my ability to save money. I am better o than most of my friends think. I rarely give money to beggars or drunks when they ask for it. I always pay bills (telephone, water, electricity, etc.) promptly. I am worse o than my friends think. a Most of my friends have more money than I do. a I worry about my nances much of the time and what I could do with it. a I often give large tips to waiters/waitresses I like. a Reverse scored. C.R. Hayhoe et al. / Journal of Economic Psychology 20 (1999) 643±656 655 References Bailey, W., & Gustafson, W. (1986). Gender and gender-role orientation di erences in attitudes and behaviors toward money. In K. Kitt, Proceedings of the Fourth Annual Conference of the Association for Financial Counseling and Planning Education (pp. 11±20).

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