Marie Laurence Knittel Université de Lorraine & ATILF

Marie Laurence Knittel Université de Lorraine & ATILF (In)definiteness in Nominalizations 1. Introduction Aim of this talk: article selection with Complex Event Nominals (CENs). CENs: deverbal nominals displaying event structure and argument structure. - Grimshaw (1990) about English: CENs are [+definite] - In French: - most CENs can be [±definite]; some can only be [+definite] - Definite CENs are Long Weak Definites (LWD) Hypotheses: (i) CENs qualify as Possessive DPs, which are LWD (ii) [±definite] CENs are [+count]; [+definite] CENs are [-count]; (iii) The mass / count distinction for CENs encodes outer aspect (i.e. (im)perfectivity) in the nominal domain. (iv) The [±count] feature of CENs depends on the semantic properties of the base verbs and their internal arguments. 2. Deverbal Event nominals 2.1. Grimshaw's hypothesis Grimshaw (1990): distinguishes 3 classes of deverbal nominals: - Complex Event Nominals (CENs): 1. a. La construction d'une cabane (par Paul) the building of a cabin (by Paul) b. La découverte de l'amérique (par Christophe Colomb) the discovery of America (by Christopher Columbus) - Simple Event Nominals (SENs) : 2. a. Les physiciens ont fait une découverte. the physicists have made a discovery b. Ils ont fait une entrée discrète. they made a discreet entrance - Result (/Referential) nominals (RN) 3. a. Cette construction en béton est très solide. this building in concrete is very firm 'This concrete building is very firm.' b. L'entrée de la caverne est murée. The entrance of the cave is bricked up 'The entrance of the cave is bricked up.' => Simple and Complex ENs have an aspectual structure; => Only CENs have an argument structure. 4. Tests CEN SEN Results Aspectual Structure + + - availability of aspectual PPs + + introduced by for / in. - availability of frequency + + adjectives [+Nsg] [+Npl] Argument Structure + - obligatory arguments + - agentive / manner modifiers + - agentive by phrases + - control of purpose clauses + 5. a. la construction d'une cabane par Paul en deux mois pour y ranger the building of a cabin by Paul in two months to store ses outils [CEN] his tools b. une construction en bois (*par Paul) (*en deux mois) (*pour y ranger a building in wood (*by Paul) (*in two months) (*to store ses outils) [RN] his tools) 6. a. la conduite de la voiture (par Max) pendant deux heures [CEN] the driving of the car (by Max) for two hours b. la conduite {fréquente / répétée} de cette voiture (par Max) [CEN] the driving {frequent / repeated} of the car (by Max) 7. a. l'expression délibérée *(de sentiments d'agressivité) par les patients the expression deliberate *(of agressive feelings) by the patients [CEN] b. l'expression *(de sentiments de colère) pour évacuer son agressivité the expression *(of feelings of anger) to eliminate one's agressiveness [CEN] c. l'expression (des patients) est encouragée [SEN] the expression (of the patients) is encouraged 1

2.2. Morphosyntactic properties Grimshaw (1990): - CENs are introduced by the definite article or by ø ; - CENs cannot be pluralized. 8. a. They studied assignments. [RN] b. They studied {the / one / that / an} assignment. [SEN] c. They observed the assignment of the problem (by the teacher). [CEN] d. *They observed assignments of the problem (by the teacher). [CEN] e. Assignment of long problems always causes difficulties. [CEN] f. They observed {the / *one / *that / *an} assignment of the problem. [Grimshaw 1990:17] [CEN] Grimshaw offers no explanations as to the necessity of the definite article / the absence of number variation. => Are these requirements proper to CENs as a class of nouns? French: (i) Pluralization: Knittel (2011) 9. a. *Les constructions d'une cabane (par Paul) (pour y ranger ses outils) the building-pl of a cabin (by Paul) (to store his tools) b. *Les conduites d'un véhicule puissant par de jeunes conducteurs the driving-pl of a powerful car by young drivers c. *Les expressions délibérées de sentiments d'agressivité par les the expression-pl deliberate of agressive feelings by the patients patients 10. a. Les invasions successives de l'europe (par les Barbares) the invasion-pl successive of the Europe (by the Barbarians) se sont répétées pendant des siècles. Refl-be recurred for centuries 'The successive invasions of Europe (by the Barbarians) have recurred over centuries.' b. Les bombardements répétés de la ville (par les Alliés) the bombing-pl repeated of the town (by the Allies) ont détruit toutes les habitations. have destroyed all the houses 'The repeated bombings of the town (by the Allies) have destroyed all the houses.' (ii) Article selection: 11. a. *Une construction d'une cabane par Paul pour y ranger ses outils a building of a cabin by Paul to store his tools b. *Une conduite d'un véhicule puissant par de jeunes conducteurs a driving of a powerful car by young drivers c. *Une expression délibérée de sentiments d'agressivité par les patients an expression deliberate of agressive feelings by the patients 12. a. Une (première) invasion de l'europe (par les Barbares) a (first) invasion of the Europe (by the Barbarians) a eu lieu en 382. Refl-be occurred in 382 'A first invasion of Europe (by the Barbarians) occurred in 382.' b. En 1944, un bombardement de la ville (par les Alliés) In 1944 a bombing of the town (by the Allies) a détruit de nombreuses habitations. has destroyed many houses 'In 1940, a bombing of the town (by the Allies) has destroyed many houses.' 13. Newspaper examples (L'Est Républicain) a. "On s'oriente vers [une démolition de la barre Montaigne]", we are heading towards a demolition of the building Montaigne" livre J.-G. D.. says J.-G. D.. "We are heading towards a demolition of the Montaigne building", says J.-G. D.. b. Le trésorier du club a obtenu le quitus après the treasurer of-the club has obtained the agreement after [une présentation des comptes]. a presentation of-the accounts 'The treasurer of the club obtained the quietus after a presentation of the accounts.' c. La réunion s'est terminée par [une dégustation des produits the meeting Refl-be end by [a tasting of-the products locaux]. local] 'The meeting ended by a tasting of the local products.' 2

d. Les soldats du feu ont procédé à [une ventilation des locaux]. the soldiers of-the fire have proceeded to an airing of-the premises 'The firemen proceeded to an airing of the premises. e. [Un renforcement de la réglementation] est à l'étude indique Y.R. a strengthening of the regulation is at study points Y.R. '"A strengthening of the regulation is under study", Y.R. points out. f. Ils proposent [une modification d'un texte de loi de 1991 afin they propose a modification of a text of law of 1991 in order to d'interdire purement et simplement le stockage souterrain]. forbid purely and simply the storage underground 'They propose a modification of a 1991 bill in order to purely and simply forbid underground storage.' => Contrary to English, French in some cases admits plural and indefinite articles in CENs. Observations: (i) The indefinite CENs are those that can occur in the plural: 14. a. [Des présentations Pl des comptes] ont permis aux trésoriers d'obtenir le quitus. 'Presentations of the accounts enabled the treasurers to obtain the quitus. b. Les réunions se terminent toujours par [des dégustations Pl des produits locaux]. 'The meetings always end by tastings of the local products.' c. Les soldats du feu ont procédé à [plusieurs ventilations Pl des locaux]. 'The firemen proceeded to several airings of the premises'. d. [Des renforcements Pl de la réglementation] sont à l'étude indique Y.R. '" Strengthenings of the regulation are under study", Y.R. points out'. e. Ils proposent [des modifications Pl d'un texte de loi de 1991 afin d'interdire purement et simplement le stockage souterrain]. 'They propose modifications of a 1991 bill in order to purely and simply forbid underground storage.' Exception: 15. *On s'oriente vers [des démolitions de la barre Montaigne] We are heading towards (Indef.Pl) demolitions of the M. building] (ii) In examples (13), the CENs can also appear definite: 16. a. "On s'oriente vers [la démolition de la barre Montaigne]", livre J.-G. D.. "We are heading towards the demolition of the Montaigne building", says J.-G. D.. b. Le trésorier du club a obtenu le quitus après [la présentation des comptes]. 'The treasurer of the club obtained the quietus after a presentation of the accounts.' c. La réunion s'est terminée par [la dégustation des produits locaux]. 'The meeting ended by the tasting of the local products.' d. Les soldats du feu ont procédé à [la ventilation des locaux]. 'The firemen proceeded to the airing of the premises. e. [Le renforcement de la réglementation] est à l'étude indique Y.R. '"The strengthening of the regulation is under study", Y.R. points out. f. Ils proposent [la modification d'un texte de loi de 1991] afin d'interdire purement et simplement le stockage souterrain. 'They propose a modification of a 1991 bill in order to purely and simply forbid underground storage.' => 2 classes of CENs: Class 1: invasion, bombardement, cf. also (13): CENs can be [±plural] - Class 1 CENs can be modified by ordinal adjectives (17)[=(12a)], nouveau (new), autre (other) (Meinschaefer 2005): 17. Une {première / seconde / autre / nouvelle} invasion de l'europe a {first / second / other / new} invasion of the Europe par les Barbares a eu lieu en 382. (by the Barbarians) Refl-be occurred in 382 'A {first / second / other / new} invasion of Europe by the Barbarians occurred in 382.' => Iterativity, resting on event plurality => CENs of Class 1 behave as count nouns => CENs of Class 1 are [±definite] Class 2: conduite, expression; CENs cannot be [plural] nor introduced by Sg. Indefinite un(e); => CENs of Class 2 behave as mass nouns. => CENs of Class 2 are always [+definite] 3

In both Class 1 and Classe 2: definite articles occur since first mention. - no familiarity requirement (Heim 1982). => The definite article used with CENs is weak. => Since CENs necessarily appear as complex DPs (N + argument), they qualify as long weak definites (in the sense of Corblin to appear, Zribi-Hertz & Jean-Louis 2014) Questions: (i) Why should CENs be introduced by the definite article? (ii) What is exactly the interaction between number an definiteness? (iii) What is the difference between definite and indefinite CENs? 3. Definiteness in CENs Hypothesis (Knittel 2010): - CENs occur as possessive DPs. - the definite article is a feature of possessive DPs. 3.1. Possessive DPs Morphosyntactic properties of possessive DPs: 18. (i) le/la/les Possessee de Possessor (ii) Possessive DPs implie a predication relationship between Possessee and the Possessor (iii) DP2 (the Possessor) cannot be pronominalized (iv) [de DP2] alternates with a possessive determiner (v) The definite article appears since first mention (vi) Only de (vs other prepositions) can occur in Possessive DPs. (i) Structure: 19. Def.Art. N1 de [D NP2] DP2 N1 : Possessee N2 : Possessor 20. a. la voiture des (=de les) voisins the car of-the neighbours b. les livres de Max the books of Max c. l'odeur de ces fleurs the smell of these flowers (ii) Possessive DPs implie a predication relationship between N1 and DP2, and can be paraphrased by a sentence containing have or be where DP2 (the Possessor) is the subject and N1 (the Possessee) part of the predicate (Szabolcsi 1994, Zribi- Hertz 1998): 21. a. Def.Art. N1 Possessee de [D NP2] DP-Possessor <=> b. DP2 Possessor Vêtre/avoir D NP1 Possessee 22. a. la voiture des voisins <=> b. Les voisins ont une voiture the car of-the neighbors the neighbors have a car 23. a. les livres de Max <=> b. Max a des livres the books of Max Max has some books 24. a. l'odeur de ces fleurs <=> b. ces fleurs ont une odeur the smell of these flowers these flowers have a smell (iii) DP2 cannot be pronominalized (Milner 1982): 25. a. *la voiture d'eux the car of them b. *les livres de lui the books of him c. *l'odeur d'elles the smell of them (iv) [de DP2] alternates with a possessive determiner (Milner 1982, Godard 1996): 26. a. la voiture des voisins i / leur i voiture the car of-the neighbors their car b. les livres de Max i / ses i livres the books of Max his books c. l'odeur de ces fleurs i / leur i odeur the smell of these flowers their smell (v) The definite article appears since first mention (Vendler 1967, Vergnaud 1985, Zribi-Hertz 1998, 2003), cf.(i); the indefinite article (when possible) produces a partitive reading. 27. a. une voiture des voisins => une des voitures des voisins a car of-the neighbors => one of the neigbors'cars b. des livres de Max => des livres parmi ceux de Max Indef-Pl books of Max => some books of Max's c. *une odeur de ces fleurs a smell of these flowers 4

(vi) Only de is possible in possessive DPs (Milner 1982); if it is replaced by another element (preposition), the properties listed in (16) disappear. 28. a. {une / la} lettre pour Marie < > Marie a une lettre {a/the} letter for Mary Mary has a letter => no predicative relationship N1/N2 [vs. (ii)] => la cannot be used in first mention [vs. (v)] => une has no (salient) partitive reading [vs. (v)] b. {une / la} lettre pour elle => pronominalisation possible [vs. (iii)] {a/the} letter for her c. sa i lettre (pour Marie j ) => cooccurrence poss.d / complement {his/her} letter (for Mary) => Poss.D does not pronominalize the complement [vs (iv)] => Milner (1982): de is not a preposition, but a genitive case marker. Semantics of the possessive construction - Heller (2002); Vikner & Jensen (2002): the possessive construction has the property to introduce an argument position into DPs. => The possessive construction turns simple nouns into relational nouns, i.e. they become an argument-taking category. => Szabolcsi 1994, Kayne 1994, Knittel 2009: Possessive DPs contain an (Agreement) projection able to assign case to the Possessor DP. Definiteness in Possessive DPs: Barker (1995), Corblin (to appear): Possessive weak definites (or 'Full relational definites') require: (i) the presence of a relational head noun. (ii) the presence of an overt genitive prepositional phrase argument / of de. => Possessive DPs are Possessive weak definite in the sense of Barker (1995) / Full relational definite (FRD) in the sense of Corblin (to appear). 3.3. CENs as possessive DPs Hypothesis: - CENs have the form of complex DPs (N + argument) - CENs can always / must appear definite since first mention => CENs are Possessive DPs / FRDs. 29. a. La construction d'une cabane (par Paul) [=(4a)] the building of a cabin (by Paul) b. La conduite d'un véhicule puissant (par de jeunes conducteurs) [=(5a)] the driving of a powerful car (by young drivers ) c. L'expression de sentiments d'agressivité (par les patients) [=(6a)] the expression of agressive feelings (by the patients) Tests: 30. a. La construction d'une cabane (i) the building of a cabin <=> b. Une cabane est {construite / en construction} (ii) a cabin is {built / being built} c. *La construction d'elle (a pris deux mois) (iii) the building of it (took two months) d. Sa construction (a pris deux mois) (iv) its building (took two months) e. *Une construction d'une cabane (v) a building of a cabin f. La construction {*avec / *par / *pour / dans /...} une cabane the building {with / by / for / in /...} a cabin (vi) 31. a. La conduite d'un véhicule puissant (i) the driving of a powerful car <=> b. Ces véhicules puissants sont souvent conduits par de jeunes (ii) conducteurs 'These powerful cars are often driven {dangerously / by young drivers / too fast}.' c. *La conduite d'eux (est dangereuse) (iii) the driving of them (is dangerous) d. Leur conduite (par de jeunes conducteurs) (est dangereuse) (iv) their driving (by young drivers) (is dangerous) e. *Une conduite d'un véhicule puissant (v) a driving of a powerful car f. La conduite { sans / dans / contre /...} un véhicule puissant the driving {without / in / against /...} a powerful car (vi) 32. a. L'expression de sentiments d'agressivité (i) the expression of agressive feelings <=> b. Des sentiments d'agressivité sont exprimés (ii) Indef.pl agressive feelings are expressed c. *L'expression d'eux (est nécessaire) (iii) the expression of them (is necessary) 5

d. Leur expression (par les patients) (est nécessaire) (iv) their expression (by the patients) (is necessary) e. *Une expression de sentiments d'agressivité (v) an expression of aggressive feelings f. L'expression { avec / sans /?? contre /...} des sentiments the expression { with / without /??against /...} aggressive feelings d'agressivité (vi) => CENs behave as Possessive DPs. 3.4. Why do CENs occur in possessive DPs / as FRDs? => CENs are argument-taking nominals; they need a device to legitimate syntactically their argument. => the (Agreement) projection of the Possessive DP enables the argument of CENs to get case. Other argument-taking nominals appear as possessive DPs: deadjectival nominals (Beauseroy & Knittel 2007; Beauseroy 2009). - Deadjectival nominals have the subject of the corresponding adjective as their argument. 33. a. La patience *(de Paul) est remarquable 'The patience *(of Paul) is outstanding.' <=> b. Paul est patient 'Paul is patient.' - The Possessive construction enables deadjectival nominals to legitimate their argument: 34. a. la patience de Paul (i) the patience of Paul <=> b. Paul a de la patience / Paul est patient (ii) Paul has patience / Paul is patient c. *la patience de lui (iii) the patience of him d. sa patience (iv) his patience e. *une patience de Paul (v) a patience of Paul Even Result nominals can appear as possessive DPs, cf. (35) [=(3)]: 35. a. l'entrée de la caverne (i) the entrance of the cave b. La caverne a une entrée (ii) the cave has an entrance c. *l'entrée d'elle (iii) the entrance of it d. son entrée (iv) its entrance f. une entrée de la caverne => une des entrées (v) an entrance of the cave one of the entrances => The definite article is not directly imposed by CENs themselves (contra Grimshaw), it is required by the possessive construction. => With CENs, the possessive construction is required by the argument-taking character of the head-noun and the presence of its argument. 4. Value of the mass/count distinction for CENs 4.1. Traditional view Mourelatos (1878), Bach (1986), Krifka (1989): [±count] is parallel to [±bounded] - atelic events / mass nouns are unbounded; - telic events / count nouns are bounded. Problem: activity nominals (both Simple (37) and Complex (38)[=(13c)]) can be count (Haas, Huyghe & Marin 2008, Haas & Hughe 2010, Heyd & Knittel 2009): 36. a. Il a {voyagé / couru / discuté} [pendant 2 heures] b. {un / des} voyage(s) ; {une / des} course(s) ; {une / des} discussion(s) 37. a. La réunion s'est terminée par une dégustation des produits locaux [pendant 1 heure]. 'The meeting ended by a tasting of the local products for one hour.' b. Une ventilation des locaux [pendant deux heures] a du être organisée par les pompiers. 'An airing of the premises for two hours had to be organized by the firemen.' => Atelic events can be referred to by [+count] nominals in French. 6

4.2. Count CENs as perfective Hypothesis: - Count nouns describe bounded entities - Events can be bounded in two ways: - inner (i.e. lexical) boundedness: telicity (presence of a natural final endpoint to the process) - outer (i.e. grammatical) boundedness: perfectivity (Smith 1991: situation presented as a whole) => In French, count CENs are used to describe event nominals in the perfective viewpoint. Arguments for perfectivity of count CENs (i) Smith (1991): a perfective situation is presented as a whole, with both the initial and final endpoints included. => Since the situation is presented as a whole, its duration can be assessed. Count CENs can appear with [de x time]: 38. a. On s'oriente vers une démolition [de deux semaines] de la we are heading towards a demolition of two weeks of the barre Montaigne. building Montaigne We are heading towards a two-week demolition of the Montaigne building. b. Le trésorier du club a obtenu le quitus après une the treasurer of-the club has obtained the quietus after a présentation des comptes [de 30 minutes]. presentation of-the accounts of 30 minutes 'The treasurer of the club obtained the quietus after a 30-minute presentation of the accounts.' c. La réunion s'est terminée par une dégustation des produits the meeting Refl-be end by a tasting of-the products locaux [de deux heures]. local of two hours The meeting ended by a two-hour tasting of the local products' d. Les soldats du feu ont procédé à une ventilation des the soldiers of-the fire have proceeded to a airing of-the locaux [de deux heures]. premises of two hours 'The firemen proceeded to a two-hour airing of the premises.' => The duration of indefinite CENs can be assessed by [de X time] vs : 39. a. On s'oriente vers la *W/S démolition [de deux semaines] de we are heading towards the *W/S demolition of two weeks of la barre Montaigne. the building Montaigne We are heading towards the *W/S two-week demolition of the Montaigne building. b. Le trésorier du club a obtenu le quitus après la *W/S the treasurer of-the club has obtained the quietus after the *W/S présentation des comptes [de 30 minutes]. presentation of-the accounts of 30 minutes 'The treasurer of the club obtained the quietus after the *W/S 30-minute presentation of the accounts.' c. La réunion s'est terminée par la *W/S dégustation des the meeting Refl-be end by the *W/S tasting of-the produits locaux [de deux heures]. products local of two hours The meeting ended by the *W/S two-hour tasting of the local products' d. Les soldats du feu ont procédé à la *W/S ventilation des the soldiers of-the fire have proceeded to the *W/S airing of-the locaux [de deux heures]. premises of two hours 'The firemen proceeded to the *W/S two-hour airing of the premises.' => If the CEN +[de X time] is definite, it can only be strong definiteness; => Weak definiteness is not compatible with duration expressed by [de X time]; => the duration of WD CENs cannot be assessed because they are imperfective. Contextual evidence (ii) Smith (1991): perfective viewpoint frequently used for events belonging to a series; + Ferret, Soare, Villoing (2010): perfective ENs can be introduced by après (after): 40. a. [Le trésorier du club a obtenu le quitus] Event2 après [une the treasurer of-the club has obtained the agreement after a présentation des comptes] Event1. presentation of-the accounts 'The treasurer of the club obtained the quietus after a presentation of the accounts.' 7

b. [Les cas de récidive] Event2 après [une annulation du permis pour [the cases of second offence] after [the cancellation of-the license for conduite sous l'empire d'un état alcoolique] Event1 sont également légion. driving under the influence of a state alcoholic] are also legion 'The cases of second offence after cancellation of the driving license for drinking and driving are numerous.' c. [(Elle) est actuellement condamnée au fauteuil roulant] Event2 [(She) is actually condemned to-the wheelchair] à la suite d' [une amputation du pied droit] Event1. following [an amputation of-the foot right]. '[(She) is currently condemned to a wheelchair] following [an amputation of the right foot].' (iii) Indefinite CENs are often used as arguments of commencer (to begin) and se terminer (to end): 41. a. La réunion s'est terminée par une dégustation des produits locaux. the meeting Refl-be end by a tasting of-the products local 'The meeting ended by a tasting of the local products.' b. Les recherches des élèves ont donc débuté au CDI avec the researches of-the pupils have thus begun at the CDI with une étude des proverbes en rapport avec la notion de vérité. a study of-the proverbs in relation with the notion of truth. 'The research of the pupils thus began at the resource centre with a study of the proverbs dealing with the notion of truth.' => CENs presented as parts of a series of subevents / subparts of larger events. => Both [de X time] and contexts are consistent with the idea that count CENs convey a perfective viewpoint. => Parallelism between CEN and V: perfectivity linked to inflection (Number for nouns, Tense/Aspect for V). 5. The interaction between Number, articles and (in)definiteness (39): Definite CEN + [de X temps] => *Weak / Strong definites => Weak definiteness signals imperfectivity, which is not compatible with [de X temps]; => Weak definiteness relies on the mass use of CENs; => Plural weak definites should be excluded: 42. a. Ces réunions se sont terminées par les *W/S dégustations des produits locaux. 'These meetings ended by the tastings of the local products.' b. Les pompiers ont procédé aux (=à les *W/S ) ventilations des locaux. 'The firemen have proceeded to the airings of the premises.' c. On a procédé aux (=à les *W/S ) modifications d'un texte de loi de 1991. 'They have proceeded to the modifications of a 1991 bill.' d. Les *W/S assouplissements des conditions d'admission ont été mis en place. 'The relaxation of the conditions of admission have been set up.' e. Ils ont obtenu le quitus après les *W/S présentations des comptes. 'They obtained the quietus after the presentations of the accounts.' Consequences for Number: - indefinite CENs can be singular or plural, depending on the number of events under consideration; - weak definite CENs are mass, they cannot occur in the plural 1 ; - strong definite CENs can be singular or plural because they inherit their number specification from previous mentions. Consequence for article selection: - French Indefinite Mass nouns (±eventive) are introduced by the partitive article du Masc (= de le) / de la Fem : 43. du lait / du courage / du jardinage / de la patience Part.Art milk / Part.Art courage / Part.Art gardening / Part.Art patience - The partitive is never allowed with CENs, even when they denote activities: 44. a. (faire) de la conduite [SEN] do Part.Art driving 'to do some driving' 1 Weak definites can however be made pluractional by the means of frequency adverbs: L'utilisation répétée de la voiture par différents conducteurs 'The repeated use of the car by various drivers' 8

b. *de la conduite d'une voiture puissante (par de jeunes conducteurs) Part.Art driving of a powerful car (by young drivers) => The weak definite article is used instead of the partitive with CENs. Properties of [-count] CENs Two kinds of [-count] CENs. (i) Nominalizations of once-only predicates + singular object: cf. (13) demolition : 45. *{des/les} démolitions de la barre Montaigne lit.: 'demolitions of the Montaigne building' - demolition is a once-only predicate (de Swart 1991, Laca 2006a,b): it refers to an action that can affect its theme only once. => Plural is impossible for [démolition de la barre Montaigne] because it is a unique event, vs (46): 46. L'espace sera gagné par des démolitions de bâtiments lit.: 'Space will be saved by demolitions of buildings' => Plural possible in case of multiple events. - Singular indefinite: 47. a. On s'oriente vers une démolition de la barre Montaigne. "We are heading towards a demolition of the Montaigne. vs: b. *J'ai assisté à une démolition de la barre Montaigne. lit.: 'I attended a demolition of the Montaigne building.' => The indefinite is licensed by the irrealis context. (ii) Nominalization of 'push-verbs' (9c,d): conduite, expression 48. a. *{Une / les} conduite(s) d'un véhicule puissant {a / the-pl} driving(pl) of a powerful car par de jeunes conducteurs by young drivers b. * {Une / les} expression(s) délibérée(s) de sentiments d'agressivité {a / the} expression(pl) deliberate(pl) of agressive feelings par les patients by the patients => CENs of 'push-verbs' (Verkuyl 1993): verbs that remain atelic with [+Specified Quantity] objects. 49. a. Il a conduit une voiture {*en deux heures / pendant deux heures} 'He drove a car {*in two hours / for two hours}.' b. Il a conduit des voitures {*en deux heures / pendant deux heures} 'He drove cars {*in two hours / for two hours}.' => Atelic with [±SQ] 50. a. Il a exprimé son sentiment d'agressivité {*en deux heures / pendant deux heures} 'He expressed his agressive feeling {*in two hours / for two hours}.' b. Il a exprimé des sentiments d'agressivité {*en deux heures / pendant deux heures} 'He expressed agressive feelings {*in two hours / for two hours}.' => Atelic with [±SQ] vs. 'Usual' case: [+telic] if [+SQ] / [-telic] if [-SQ] 51. a. Il a mangé une pomme {en deux minutes / *pendant deux minutes} 'He ate an apple {in two minutes / *for two minutes}' b. Il a mangé des pommes {*en deux minutes / pendant deux heures} 'He ate apples {*in two minutes / for two minutes}' => The mass character of CENs relies on the properties of the underlying verbal predicate (VP). 6. Conclusion While most CENs can be [± count], some require to be [-count], namely those derived from push-verbs. [±count] for CENs conveys outer (vs inner) aspect : [-count] are imperfective / [+count] are perfective. The WD article indicates that a CEN is [-count] (imperfective). It differs from SD, which is used with [+count] (perfective) CENs. The WD article is available for CENs because they appear as heads of Possessive DPs; Possessive DPs are similar to LWD, i.e. they display the definite article. Mass nouns are normally introduced by the partitive article in French; in CENs, the WD article appears as a counterpart of the partitive article, which seems unavailable, for reasons that remain to be defined. 9

REFERENCES BARKER, C. 2005. Possessive weak definites. In Possessives and Beyond: Semantics and Syntax. J.Y. Kim, Y. Lander & B. Partee, (eds.). Amherst, MA: GLSA Publications. BEAUSEROY, D. 2009. Syntaxe et sémantique des noms abstraits statifs. Des propriétés verbales et adjectivales aux propriétés nominales. Thèse de doctorat, Nancy-Université. BEAUSEROY, D. & KNITTEL M.L. 2007. Nombre et détermination : le cas des noms abstraits de qualité. Rivista di linguistica 19.2 : 231-262. CORBLIN, F. (to appear). Weak definites are bound relational definites, RLV. DE SWART, H. 1991. Adverbs of quantification. A generalized quantifier approach. Thesis, University of Groningen. FERRET, K., SOARE E. & VILLOING, F. (2010). Les noms d'événements en -age et en -ée : une différenciation fondée sur l'aspect grammatical. In Actes du Congrès Mondial de Linguistique Française 2010, F. Neveu et al. (eds). 945-968. Paris: Institut de la Langue Française. GODARD, D. 1986. Les déterminants possessifs et les compléments de nom. Langue Française 72 : 102-122. GRIMSHAW, J. 1990. Argument structure. Cambridge MA: MIT Press. HAAS, P. & HUYGHE R. 2010. Les propriétés aspectuelles des noms d'activités. In Temps, Aspect et Modalité en français, Cahiers Chronos 21, E. Moline and C. Vetters (eds), 103-118. Amsterdam: Rodopi. HAAS, P., HUYGHE, R. & MARIN, R. 2008. Du verbe au nom : calques et décalages aspectuels. In Actes du Congrès Mondial de Linguistique Française, J. Durand et al. (eds), 2051-2065. Paris: Institut de Linguistique Française. HEIM, I. 1982. The semantics of definite and indefinite noun phrases. Ph.D diss., University of Massachusetts. HELLER, D. 2002. Possession as a lexical relation: evidence from the Hebrew Construct State. In WCCFL 21 Proceedings L. Mikkelsen et C.Potts (eds), 127-140. Somerville MA: Cascadilla Press. HEYD, S. & KNITTEL M.L. 2009. Les noms d activité parmi les noms abstraits: propriétés aspectuelles, distributionnelles et interprétatives. Lingvisticæ Investigationes XXXI-1: 124-148. KAYNE, R. S. 1994. The Antisymetry of Syntax, Cambridge MA: MIT Press. KNITTEL M.L. 2009. Le statut des Compléments du Nom en [de NP]", Revue Canadienne de Linguistique 54-2, 255-290. KNITTEL M.L. 2010. Possession vs incorporation in the nominal domain; evidence from Fench event nominal dependencies. The Linguistic Review, 27-2: 177-230. KNITTEL M.L. 2011. French Event Nominals and Number Inflection. Recherches Linguistiques de Vincennes 40:127-148. LACA, B. 2006a. Pluriactionnalité. In Sémanticlopédie: dictionnaire de sémantique, D. Godard, L. Roussarie and F. Corblin (eds). GDR Sémantique & Modélisation, CNRS, http://www.semantiquegdr.net/dico/. LACA, B. 2006b. Indefinites, quantifiers and pluractionals: What scope effects tell us about event pluralities. In Non-definiteness and plurality, L. Tasmowski and S. Vogeleer (eds), 191 217. Amsterdam: John Benjamins. MEINSCHAEFER, J. 2005. Event-oriented adjectives and the semantics of deverbal nouns. In Silexicales 3: Actes du colloque de Villeneuve d Ascq, B. Fradin (ed), 118-125. Villeneuve d Asq: Presses Universitaires du Septentrion. MOURELATOS, A.1978. Events, Processes and States. Linguistics and Philosophy 2: 415-434. MILNER, J.-C. 1982. Ordres et raisons de langue. Paris : Seuil. SMITH, C. S. 1991. The parameter of Aspect. Dordrecht: Kluwer. SZABOLCSI, A. 1994. The Noun-Phrase. In Syntax and Semantics 27: The syntactic structure of Hungarian, de F. Kiefer & K. E. Kiss (eds), 179-274. New York: Academic Press. VENDLER, Z. 1967. Linguistics and Philosophy. New York: Cornell University Press. VERGNAUD, J.R. 1985. Dépendances et niveaux de représentation en syntaxe, Amsterdam/Philadelphia: John Benjamins. VERKUYL, H.J. 1993. A Theory of Aspectuality. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. VIKNER, C. et JENSEN P.A.. 2002. A semantic analysis of the English genitive. Interaction of lexical and formal semantics. Studia Linguistica 56-2: 191-226 ZRIBI-HERTZ, A.. 1998. Les syntagmes nominaux possessifs en français moderne : syntaxe et morphologie. In La grammaire de la Possession, J.Guéron & A. Zribi-Hertz (eds) 129-166. Nanterre : Publidix. ZRIBI-HERTZ, A. 2003. La syntaxe de l'article défini : de la structure à l'interprétation. Communication présentée au Colloque Modèles Syntaxiques, Bruxelles. ZRIBI- HERTZ, A. & JEAN- LOUIS, L. 2014. From Noun to Name: On definiteness marking in Modern Martinikè. In P. Cabredo-Hofherr & A.Zribi- Hertz (eds.) Crosslinguistic studies on Noun Phrase Structure and Referentiality. 268-315.Leiden/Boston: Brill. 10