Climate Change: When Fiction Becomes Reality By Gabriela De Cicco

Transcription

1 e_home Design by orbell Updated: August 03, 2007 Climate Change: When Fiction Becomes Reality By Gabriela De Cicco The classic speculative fiction story, "The Long Rain" by Ray Bradbury, tells the story of astronauts who visit the planet Venus, where it is always raining and a few special domes provide a place for people to rest and recover. The crew members desperately travel from one shelter to another to find that they have all been completely destroyed and no longer provide protection. One by one they die or go insane under the bombardment of the rain. Anti-globalist Movement By Darko Panich Anti-globalist movement takes tradition and belongs to the new social movements. Unlike other new social movements, it is not one issue movement. It is comprised of many organizations and many themes: civil rights, labour, feminist, peace, anarhist... The movement is reaction on emergence of neoliberal logic and dying of welfare state. (IN SERBIAN) The 2007 World Social Forum By Kathambi Kinoti, AWID The seventh annual World Social Forum (WSF) ended in Nairobi, Kenya with thousands of delegates marching from the city's Korogocho slums to Uhuru Park. This year's Forum drew together an estimated 60,000 participants from all over the world and was said to be the 'most international' of the forums, partly because African delegates were able to attend in large numbers because of this year's location. Importing marginalization? Gender, work and globalization: Sri Lankan experience By Sriyani Mangalika Meewalaarachchi CONFERENCES & EVENTS 14th Conference Technology, Culture and Development Context: Western Balkans on the Road to the European Union Theme: Where We Are, and Where We Are Going: to the Centre or to the Periphery of the EU Organizers: Association Technology and Society Faculty of Electrical Engeneering, Podgorica Mihailo Pupin Institute, Belgrade Faculty of Economics, Subotica August 27-31, 2007 Igalo, Montenegro Contact: Phone/fax: [email protected] Call for papers 5th EuPRA General Conference "Challenges of Peace and Democracy in Europe" Sakarya, Turkey August 21-24, 2007 The conference of the European Peace Research Association (EuPRA) in coperation with Sakarya University, Department of International Relations [email protected] Making Sense of a Pluralist World: Sixth Pan-European Conference on International Relations University of Turin, Italy September 2007 Beyond the Nation?: Critical Reflections on Nations and Nationalism in Uncertain Times School of Politics, International Studies & Philosophy Queen's University Belfast Northern Ireland September Inclusive Security, Sustainable Peace: A Toolkit for Advocacy and Action Authors: Women Waging Peace; International Alert Produced by: Women Waging Peace, Cambridge Available online at: Globalization, with regulation of economies, has the potential to be a powerful contributor to gender equality, as a creator of new economic opportunities for women. However, these positive effects are still only potential and need to be unleashed. Therefore there is much controversy surrounding the actual impact of globalization, particularly in terms of gender equity. Women and Economic Changes, By Mirjana Dokmanovic While the other so-called transition countries in the CEE and NIS have started building market economy immidiately after the fall of the Berlin wall, the economic transition in Serbia is late. The reasons are many-sided, and lag behind the process of (1 van 3) :37:06

2 e_home guided non-development during 1980s (IN SERBIAN) An international democracy movement By Kathambi Kinoti, AWID The majority of the world community recognizes democracy, with all its flaws and loopholes, as the best form of governance. Democracy and human rights are intertwined, and patriarchy cannot coexist with democracy. The Architect and Engine of Neoliberal Globalization What is the G8 and why should civil society engage with it? By Kathambi Kinoti, AWID The Group of Eight otherwise known as the G8 is a forum of the leaders of eight of the richest and most powerful nations in the world - Britain, Canada, France, Germany, Italy, Japan, Russia and the United States. They meet annually to discuss global economic and political issues. The Mexico 2006 Know How Declaration Weaving the Information Society; A Gender and Multicultural Perspective August 23-25, 2006 We, the Know How community, ( ) are dedicated to the creation and dissemination of information and new knowledge for the empowerment of women and the promotion of gender justice. Our goal is to advance gender justice and respect for every nation s cultural diversity within the information society, and to promote access to information and communication as a fundamental women s and human right. Globalization, Poverty and Food Security: The Linkages of Gender Inequality and Agricultural Growth in Africa: Conceptual and Empirical Issues By Bola O Akanji This paper draws on the extensive but mixed discussions around the concepts of globalization and liberalization with a view to exploring their linkages with gender inequality and economic growth in the specific context of developing countries of Africa. The G8 Summit 2006 and global economic justice By Kathambi Kinoti, AWID The richest countries set the economic policies that govern the world. Can women look to this year's pledges by the Group of Eight to facilitate economic justice? World Health Assembly Adopts Resolution Tying Public Health To Trade Policy The World Health Assembly on 27 May 2006 adopted a resolution that urges member states to improve coordination at the national level between international trade and public health, requesting the World Health Organization (WHO) to help its member states to do this. It also calls on countries to consider new laws and policies to address negative impacts on public health from trade policies, as well as potential opportunities. The Western Balkans from the leopard skin to European Union By Ilija J. Jombic (2 van 3) :37:06

3 e_home The situation in the Western Balkans is the result of the socalled leopard skin politics of the international community. The consequences of this politics are a great number of small states with significant national identity, among those there are still problems due to undefined mutual borders, and all of them lagg behind the realization of the market and democratic reforms. (IN SERBIAN) (3 van 3) :37:06

4 Climate Change: When Fiction Becomes Reality Climate Change: When Fiction Becomes Reality By Gabriela De Cicco The classic speculative fiction story, "The Long Rain" by Ray Bradbury, tells the story of astronauts who visit the planet Venus, where it is always raining and a few special domes provide a place for people to rest and recover. The crew members desperately travel from one shelter to another to find that they have all been completely destroyed and no longer provide protection. One by one they die or go insane under the bombardment of the rain. During the last week of March, something very similar happened in the city of Rosario in the Santa Fe province in Argentina and several other cities and towns in the Santa Fe and Entre Ríos provinces. It rained for a whole week, without stopping, and the cities' preventative measures-really, too late for prevention, but rather reaction-seem obsolete in the face of climate change and the tropicalization of the climate in this part of South America. The floods have displaced approximately 49,000 people counting those who were evacuated or self-evacuated still in shelters and the few people who are beginning to return to their homes. There are an estimated 25,000 evacuees in Santa Fe, and more than 3,500,000 hectares were devastated by the flooding. More than 500 millimeters of rain fell during that week; the average annually is 900. Rosario was isolated, for the first time in many years, from other cities. Its main entrances were beyond flooded; in fact 60% of the city streets have been destroyed or partially destroyed. The first areas of the city to feel the effects of the disaster were the poorest areas, and the majority of the women, girls and boys who were sent to evacuation centers came from these areas. More than 4,000 people used evacuation centers in Rosario, which were set up in response to sanitary issues. Although most of the assistance provided was helpful, the patriarchal logic that shaped its planning and implementation was inescapably obvious: for example, women with five children were given one diaper at a time because if she were provided with five at one time she might sell them; sanitary napkins, donated by companies, were among the last of the supplies distributed, although we learned about women who went almost three days without changing their pads. It is incredible to see how the different municipalities, which should have acted in response to these circumstances, failed to coordinate. Rosario is a pioneering city with many laws on women's rights and this type of assistance to women who needed a very different type of assistance should be unimaginable. The soy bean industry, one of the industries hit hardest by the flooding, estimates its losses at $900 million, and Rosario has requested 30,000,000 pesos to begin rebuilding the devastated areas. This region is one of the richest in the country, a center for dairy production and large plantations that are driving economic growth in Argentina after the 2001 crisis. These numbers (evacuees plus costs) reveal only one aspect of the problem and merely demonstrate global apathy towards climate change, which has global effects and touches every aspect of life: the economy, the environment, migration, health. Currently, the first migratory displacements caused by climate change are occurring in a mangrove swamp in Bangladesh. The geographer Mudood Elia, a specialist in internal displacement, has said, "If climatic pressure continues in Bangladesh, we will see massive displacements of populations... International organizations such as the UN and UNHCR will play a decisive role in planning for these predicted mass migrations. I believe that countries with more land are going to have to change their migration policies. Global warming is a global problem, and as such, we must find global solutions." [1] The issue is very difficult when we look at geopolitical maps, and how some countries manage to coexist with others and other countries do not. Appendix: Climate change threatens millions Climate change threatens the living conditions of billions of people. It will mainly affect the poorest and most disadvantaged people, according to experts who are in Brussels to present the conclusions to the second part of the IPCC's fourth report on climate change. After six years of work, the UN Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change published this alarming document, which was approved after long and difficult confrontations over some of its contents, according to DPA. The chairman of the IPCC, Rajendra K. Pachauri, warned that climate change will have negative consequences for agriculture and will lead to rising sea levels. Practically all regions of the planet will suffer from these negative effects. (1 van 2) :37:20

5 Climate Change: When Fiction Becomes Reality "The consequences will be felt on all continents," said Pachauri's co-chair, Martin Parry. Small islands or coastal areas could disappear from the map. At least a fifth of the world's flora and fauna are in danger of extinction. The Mediterranean, polar regions and Sub-Saharan Africa could be especially affected. Note: Translation to English by Nicole Lisa Source: Resource Net Friday File Issue 321 Friday, April 13, 2007 The Association for Women's Rights in Development [email protected] Web: [1] "The first climate refugees" by Donatien Garnier, in Le Monde Diplomatique, April 2007, South American Edition. (2 van 2) :37:20

6 Pokret antiglobalista Pokret antiglobalista Darko Paniæ, student, Fakultet politièkih nauka, Beograd, Srbija Osnovne crte Poèetne stihijske borbe protiv kreatora ''novog svetskog poretka'' odnosno nosilaca i predvodnika neoliberalne globalizacije, u poèetku krajnje spontane i èesto rušilaèke, nestrukturirane i neuoblièene sada su prošlost. Ako smo do sada mogli da govorimo o kratkotrajnim izlivima nezadovoljstva amorfne mase sada gubimo pravo na takve konstatacije. Naime, posle dogadjaja iz Londona, Sijetla i naposletku Ðenove možemo sa pravom da zakljuèimo da je na delu jedan novi pokret èiji su obrisi sada veæ sasvim vidljivi. Za antiglobalistièki pokret se može reæi da preuzima tradiciju i ujedno pripada kompleksu novih društvnih pokreta (mirovni, feministièki, ekološki ), i ne samo to. Antiglobalistièki pokret, za razliku od drugih novih društvenih pokreta, nije pokret jedne teme (one issue movement) veæ se za njega može reæi da predstavlja sabirni centar za glavninu novih društvenih pokreta i politièkih grupa leve orijentacije. On pod svojim kišobranom obuhvata i borce za zaštitu životne sredine i branitelje civilnih prava, i mirovne organizacije i anarhistièke grupe, i borce za prava radnika i neofeministe. Pre no što nastavim izlaganje o karakteristikama antiglobalistièkog pokreta dužan sam da postavim definiciju društvenih pokreta, i tom prilikom æu se poslužiti odreðenjem koje daje V. Pavloviæ: Društveni pokret je kolektivna, javna, dobrovoljna, masovna, manje ili više spontana akcija ljudi koja izrasta iz nezadovoljenih potreba, izražava odreðene sukobe interesa, pokreæe rešavanje znaèajnih društvenih pitanja i stremi manjim ili veæim društvenim promenama. (Pavloviæ, 2003: 107). Pokret antiglobalista, za razliku od nedovoljne meðunarodne povezanosti novih društvenih pokreta jedne teme, je u pravom smislu reèi transnacionalan s obzirom na povezanost grupa i organizacija u razlièite promotivne mreže i praksu održavanja periodiènih globalnih foruma. Pripadnici pokreta rado istièu da je njihov otpor internacionalan kao i kapital. Valja istaæi još jednu znaèajku antiglobalistièkog pokreta usmerenost na sistemsku promenu svetskog i nacionalnog društva. Èak i zahtevi pojedinih grupa unutar pokreta za reformisanjem takvih kolosa kao što su MMF, Svetska banka ili STO imaju i više nego revolucionarno znaèenje. Antiglobalizam je politièko stanovište koje se decidno protivi negativnim konsekvencama procesa globalizacije. Sledeæi Bekovu (Beck) definiciju, globalizacijom æemo nazvati proces smanjenja uloge nacionalnih država ujedno poveæanjem uloge i uticaja internacionalnih aktera svih vrsta (Bek, 2003). Antiglobalizam stoji u protivstavu ideji vladavine svetskog tržišta odnosno naèinu ražmišljanja koje u realizaciji globalnog tržišta nalazi rešenje za veæinu problema savremenog sveta, a to su pre svega pitanja pospešivanja ekonomskog razvoja i otklanjanja siromaštva u zemljama Treæeg sveta. Sam termin antiglobalisti je prilièno sporan jer je on potekao od mainstream i korporativnih medija i obièno ga koriste protivnici pokreta. Treba naglasiti da antiglobalisti nisu protivnici globalizacije po sebi, oni su u opoziciji kapitalistièkoj, globalizaciji odozgo pa se njihov pokret može nazvati i antikapitalistièki ili antikorporativni. Možda afirmativni pojam alterglobalisti najbolje odslikava nastojanja pripadnika pokreta za jednom novom, drugaèijom globalizacijom globalizacijom odozdo, iz srca društvenog biæa, imajuæi pred sobom cilj ostvarivanja globalne socijalne pravde i solidarnosti, fer trgovine izmeðu razvijenih i zemalja u razvoju. Najbolji dokaz mondijalistièke opredeljenosti antiglobalista upravo su njihove stalne kampanje sa ciljem približavanja ljudi razlièitih kultura kao i zalaganja za prava emigranata i azilanata u razvijenim zemljama zapadne hemisfere. Verovatno su jedini istinski antiglobalisti zapravo pripadnici nacionalistièkih grupa i pokreta. Kvalifikacija iz srca društvenog biæa na najbolji naèin izražava samonikli karakter pokreta, politièko osvešæivanje i akciju obiènih graðana suprotstavljenih birokratskoj okoštalosti velikih organizacija recimo politièkih partija i ignorantnosti zvaniènih institucija. U ovom radu æe termini antiglobalisti i alterglobalisti biti korišæeni kao sinonimi jer se termin antiglobalisti, premda kreiran od strane protivnika pokreta, odomaæio u politièkom, medijskom i kolokvijalnom smislu. Društveni uslovi koji su pogodovali raðanju antiglobalistièkog pokreta dovode nas u osamdesete godine prošlog veka kada je došlo do pomeranja politièkog klatna u desno posebno u zemljama zapadne Evrope i SAD. Dolazak na vlast Margaret Taèer i Ronalda Regana oznaèava poèetak ere gašenja i dezavuisanja socijaldemokratske ideje države blagostanja koja se zbog praktiènih promašaja našla u velikoj krizi. Pojava i uspon nove desnice išla je uporedo sa procesom zavšetka hladnoratovske, blokovske podele sveta i potvrðivanja zapadnog, liberalnog modela ureðenja društva kao superiornijeg u odnosu na sovjetski, realkomunistièki. Otvorila se moguænost da zapadnevropske zemlje, a pre njih SAD utièu da ostatak sveta prihvati dominantni zapadni modeli pa makar se to uradilo i problematiènim, nedemokratskim sredstvima. Naglo se menja uticaj i znaèaj pojedinih meðunarodnih institucija iza èijih kulisa stoje interesi i model politièkog mišljenja SAD. Neoliberalnu logiku slobodnog tržišta konzistentno definišu autori Elizabet Martinez (Martinez) i Arnald Garsija (1 van 6) :37:28

7 Pokret antiglobalista (Garcia), a navodi D. Šimleša u delu Snaga utopije. Zbog znaèaja komentara koje daje Šimleša ovom prilikom navodim integralnu verziju iz dela: Najvažniji postulati neoliberalizma... su sledeæi: 1. Vladavina tržišta; to znaèi smanjiti uticaj vlade (politièke) na najmanju moguæu meru. Zagovaranje meðunarodne trgovine i ulaganje po obrascu NAFTA-e. Smanjenje plata uništenjem sindikata i ustrajanje na trendu smanjenja opštih prava radnika. Ukratko, totalna sloboda kretanja kapitala, novca i usluga. 2. Smanjenje javnog izdatka za socijalnu pomoæ; smanjuju se izdaci za školstvo i zdravstvo, kao i za pomoæ siromašnima, komunalne potrebe...naravno, ne odbija se državna pomoæ za razvoj biznisa. 3. Deregulacija; smanjenje državne regulacije u bilo kojem pogledu ili smeru koji bi mogao ugroziti profit, kao što su na primer oèuvanje okoline ili sigurnost na poslu. 4. Privatizacija; oznaèava težnju da se privatizuju sva dobra i uslužni servisi, kao što su banke, najvažnije industrije, ceste, škole, bolnice pa èak i voda tamo gde se veæ oseæa oskudica u vodi. Èesto sakrivena iza potrebe za veæom efikasnošæu, privatizacija završava u koncentraciji bogatstva kod sve manje ljudi i poveæanju poreza za njihove potrebe. 5. Eliminisanje koncepta ''javnog dobra'' ili ''potreba zajednice''; ovi koncepti se zamenjuju s konceptom ''individualne odgovornosti'' èime se prebacuje krivica na siromašne za njihovo stanje.'' (Šimleša, 1999: 110) Neoliberalna politika globalizacije je na stanovištu da smanjenje javne regulacije i uspešnost uspostavljanja sistema slobodne trgovine na globalnom nivou može samo pogodovati nerazvijenim zemljama èemu se antiglobalisti protive odgovarajuæi da je u pitanju utakmica nejednakih s obzirom na ogromnu prednost razvijenih u tehnologiji i intelektualnoj svojini. Za alterglobaliste, viðenja kljuènih aktera neoliberalne globalizacije odavno su izgubila prefiks ''demokratska'', s obzirom na vidljiv gubitak demokratskog kapaciteta unutar meðunarodnih institucija. Posle dogaðaja od 11. septembra i ratnog odgovora SAD pojavljuje se novi front na liniji nosioci neolibrealne globalizacije alterglobalisti. Invazija na Irak, umotana u ''ideološku oblandu'' borbe protiv meðunarodnog terorizma, odagnavanja pretnje biološkim i hemijskim oružjem i misija širenje demokratije, izazvala je ogorèeno protivljenje alterglobalista koji su amerièke ''otkopane ratne sekire'' okarakterisali namerom kontrole iraèkih naftnih resursa od strane krupnog biznisa kao i željom nametanja jednog društvenog modela i duhovne klime èitavom svetu. Iz prethodno reèenog može se zakljuèiti da su glavne crte ciljne orijentacije antiglobalistièkog pokreta: zalaganje za uspostavljanje globalne socijalne pravde i solidarnosti, oèuvanje životne sredine i protivljenje amerièkom neoimperijalizmu. No, tu se spektar tema kojima se bave antiglobalisti ne iscrpljuje što æemo najbolje videti na stranicama koje slede odnosno u narednom poglavlju. Ideologija i strategija Antiglobalisti su uverenja da osnovne poluge moæi leže u transnacionalnim korporacijama i da su mainstream mediji, vlade zemalja zapadne hemisfere i meðunarodne finansijske institucije samo produžene ruke ovih korporacija - glavnih krivaca za održanje i produbljivanje jaza izmeðu razvijenih i nerazvijenih, Severa i Juga. Kao protagonisti neoliberalne globalizacije opaženi su MMF, Svetska banka, Svetska trgovinska organizacija (STO) i Organizacija za ekonomsku saradnju i razvoj (OECD), pre svih. Antiglobalistièka žaoka uperena je i protiv sporazuma o slobodnoj trgovini kao što su Severnoamerièki sporazum o slobodnoj trgovini (NAFTA), Opšti sporazum o trgovini i uslugama (GATS), Multilateralni sporazum o investicijama (MAI) i Zona slobodne trgovine obe Amerike (FTAA) jer, po mišljenju antiglobalista, ovi sporazumi idu u prilog razvijenom Severu. Slièno, negativno se gleda na skupove, federacije biznisa kao što su Svetski ekonomski forum (WEF ) ili Azijsko pacifièki ekonomski forum (APEC). Ipak, meðunarodne finansijske institucije, trgovinski sporazumi i biznis forumi samo su pojavni oblici interesa zaèaurenih u multinacionalnim korporacijama. Multinacionalne kompanije, za razliku od bilo kog pojedinca ili grupe, imaju nesmetanu moguænost da se kreæu slobodno preko granica, da iskorišæavaju prirodne resurse, eksploatišu radnu snagu domicilnih zemalja i irevrzibilno utièu na biodiverzitet ekosistema. Antiglobalisti se s pravom pitaju, ako multinacionalne korporacije imaju ista prava kao i svaki graðanin, u smislu moguænosti posedovanja svojine i zakljuèivanja ugovora, kako je moguæe da su granice otvorene za kapital, a zatvorene za imigrante i izbeglice i za njihovo pravo na izbor mesta stanovanja i života. O ogromnoj moæi MNK (multinacionalnih korporacija) reèito govore sledeæi podaci: najveæih MNK kontroliše 42 odsto svetskog bogatstva s tendencijom rasta. - Od sto najveæih ekonomija 51 odsto èine MNK, a 49 odsto države. - Ako izuzmemo devet najbogatijih država po bruto nacionalnom dohotku (SAD, Japan, Nemaèka, Francuska, Italija, Velika Britanija, Brazil, Kanada, Kina), 200 najbogatijih korporacija je ekonomski moænije od ostatka sveta (182 države). (2 van 6) :37:28

8 Pokret antiglobalista - MNK drže 90 odsto tehnologije i patenata. - MNK su ukljuèene u 70 odsto svetske trgovine. Više od treæine te trgovine se odvija unutar jedne te iste MNK država u celom svetu ostvaruje veæu dobit od Shella i Exxona zajedno. - Shell poseduje 400 miliona rala zemlje (otprilike kao 40 površina Hrvatske). - Najvažnije svetske industrije (auti, avioni, elektronika, èelik, nafta, kompjuteri, mediji ) poseduje u 40 procenata sluèajeva pet ili manje MNK- a (Šimleša, 1999: 111) Ako ovome dodamo i èinjenicu da multinacionalne kompanije neretko podržavaju autoritarne režime koji im omoguæavaju nesmetano bogaæenje slika o MNK se upotpunjuje. Svoje protivljenje korporativnom carstvu antigloblisti plastièno izražavaju sloganima : Planeta nije na prodaju ili Planeta i ljudi pre profita. Koliko su teme veæine novih društvenih pokreta (antinuklearni, feministièki..) zapravo sadržane u antiglobalistièkom pokretu pokazuje spisak ciljeva za koje se zalažu razlièite grupe unutar antiglobalistièkog pokreta. Navodeæi skupno to su sledeæa nastojanja: zaštita ljudskih prava, podupiranje socijaldemokratske alternative nasuprot kapitalistièke ekonomije, zaštita ekosistema planete od negativnih efekata globalizacije, zalaganje za radnièka prava, slobodu migracija, prava žena, bio i kulturni diverzitet, kvalitet ishrane odnosno protivljenje upotrebi genetski modifikovane hrane, kao i namera ukidanja ili reformisanja kapitalizma. Posebno se posle napada SAD na Irak formirala antiratna koalicija unutar pokreta pokazavši svoju moæ na demostracijama tokom Evropskog socijalnog foruma u Firenci. Svoju kritiku predstavnièke demokratije alterglobalisti temelje na èinjenici da uprkos protivljenju veæine graðana u zemljama kao što su Italija i Španija rukovodstvo je podržalo i uèestvovalo u operacijama protiv Iraka. Noam Èomski (Chomsky) smatra da su tim èinom lideri demokratskih zemalja iskazali svojevrstan prezir prema demokratiji. Premda protivnici pokreta konglomeratu ovih ciljeva pripisuju unutrašnje protivreènosti, mišljenja sam da su ovi ciljevi neodvojivi jedan od drugog i da se jedan ne može ostvariti a da se ne ostvare svi. Biblija antiglobalistièkog pokreta je delo No logo autorice Naomi Klajn (Klein) koje na neponovljiv naèin pristupa problemu funkcionisanja multinacionalnih korporacija, specijalno u zemljama Treæeg sveta. Klajnova akcenat stavlja na kritiku svitšopova (sweatshops), fabrika u kojima radnici, èesto i deca rade za niske nadnice proizvodeæi odevne predmete, igraèke i slièno (Klein, 2001). Reè je o fabrikama u kojima radnici rade u nepodnošljivim uslovima oskudevajuæi u èistom vazduhu ili su izloženi dvanaestoèasovnom radnom vremenu. To su fabrike koje zabranjuju sindikalno organizovanje i u kojima se, neretko, praktikuje psihièko i seksualno zlostavljanje radnika odnosno radnica. Naomi Klajn u svom radu upire prstom na odreðene kompanije, na primer Nike ili Shell, oznaèavajuæi ih glavnim vinovnicima ovakvih dela. Drugi znaèajan rad koji je uticao na idejnu poziciju alterglobalistièkog pokreta je ''Biopiracy'', indijske nauènice i feministkinje Vandane Shive (Shiva). Shiva govori na koji se naèin znaèajni ekoregioni pretvaraju u svojinu krupnog kapitala i kako se zajednièko blago nedirnute prirode iscpljuje i nepovratno kontaminira. Liènosti kao što su Dejvid Korton, Džon Stiglic i Noam Èomski, pored brojnih teorijskih radova na temu neoliberalne globalizacije, uzeli su i aktivno uèešæe u mnogim akcijama pokreta. Najznaèajniji u tom pogledu, svakako je Ignasio Ramonet, direktor èuvenog Le Monde Diplomatique, inaèe osnivaè prvog antiglobalistièkog udruženja francuskog ATTAC a. Grupe i organizacije, èlanice pokreta, u mnogome su raznorodne (viðenja globalizacije, politièke vizije, naèini politièke borbe). Ipak, na skupovima i demostracijama one deluju prilièno uigrano pri èemu se može primetiti zavidan kompromisni i tolerantni potencijal pripadnika razlièitih struja u pokretu. Poreklo antiglobalistièkog pokreta je u dešavanjima iz studentskim protestima koji su uzdrmali svet, i u mirovnim aktivnostima amerièke omladine povodom rata u Vijetnamu. Premda je socijalni profil pristalica pokreta šarolik može se istaæi da glavninu èini mlaða populacija, pretežno studentska, dobar deo zaposlene i nezapošljive radnièke omladine i deo novih srednjih slojeva (tercijarne delatnosti). Ne treba zanemariti ni ulogu nezavisnih intelektualaca u pokretu koji su nešto poput idejne lokomotive. U zemljama Treæeg sveta pokret èine eksploatisani radnici i seljaci no njih ne možemo zvati nosiocima pokreta jer sve inicijative dolaze, pre svega sa Zapada. Antiglobalistièki pokret je sveobuhvatan i iz razloga što sažima i materijalne i postmaterijalne vrednosti, i zalaganje za socijalnu pravdu kod kuæe i težnju za uspostavljanjem globalne pravde, i za oèuvanje svetskog ekosistema i za mir meðu narodima. Možda æe vreme najbolje pokazati koliko je socijalna osnova pokreta stabilna, a koliko je u pitanju jedan novi sukob generacija. Organizacija i taktika Osnovni vid organizovanja pristalica antiglobalistièkog pokreta je u promotivnim mrežama kao što je recimo People Global's Action (Opštenarodna akcija) koja nastoji da poveže organizacije i grupe razlièitih profila iz (3 van 6) :37:28

9 Pokret antiglobalista meðusobno udaljenih zemalja u celinu nastojanja promene sveta. Ovakvo povezivanje pospešuje solidarnost u pokretu stoga što se ukazuje na meðuzavisnost naizgled razlièitih ciljeva u jedinstvenoj borbi. Ove grupe nisu organizacije u klasiènom smislu sa èlanovima, hijerarhijom i liderima. Odluèivanje je u potpunosti decentralizovano i zasniva se na procesu stvaranja konsenzusa. Time se želi izbeæi otupljivanje revolucionarne oštrice, lidersko zastranjivanje i dogmatizam unutar pokreta. Opštenarodna Akcija je oblik saradnje, a ne organizacija. Nju èini mnoštvo grupa od kojih su najznaèajnije : Direct Action Network (Mreža direktne akcije), Reclaim the Streets (Zauzmimo ulice), Black Block (Crni blok) i White Overalls (Bela odela). Mreža direktne akcije je anarhistièka skupina eksplicitno suprotstavljena kapitalizmu naglašavajuæi znaèaj modela direktne demokratije i konsenzualnog odluèivanja. ''Bela odela su grupa èiji se aktivisti oblaèe u belo, sa klovnovskim maskama, naoružani automobilskim gumama i kartonima koje policijski kordoni ne mogu da zaustave'' (Grubaèiæ, 2002: 8).Reè je o grupi èije delovanje zauzima prostor izmeðu nasilja i nenasilja. ''Aktivista je postao homo ludens, neposlušni graðanin koji se igra i svojom igrom osmišljava nove oblike graðanske neposlušnosti'' (Grubaèiæ, 2002: 8). Zauzmimo ulice je kolektiv nastao u Londonu godine sa ciljem ustajanja protiv auto industrije kao olièenja kapitalistièke filozofije. Zalažuæi se za vožnju bicikala, smanjenje kolièine automobila aktivisti kolektiva organizuju zabave na ulicama velikih gradova gde se pleše i svira. U PGA recimo ulaze i Sindikat seljaka iz države iz države Karnataka u Indiji, poštanski radnici iz Kanade ili Severnoamerièka mreža domorodaèkih žena. Da bih pojasnio koliko je PGA široka koalicija poslužiæu se navoðenjem obeležja ove promotivne mreže : 1. Veoma jasno odbacivanje kapitalizma, imperijalizma i feudalizma, svih trgovinskih sporazuma i vlada koje promovišu destruktivnu globalizaciju. 2. Odbijanje svih sistema tlaèenja i diskriminacije, posebno (ali ne i samo) patrijarhata, rasizma i verskog fundamentalizma svake vrste. Zahtevamo neokrnjeno dostojanstvo svih ljudskih biæa. 3. Borbeno držanje, pošto ne verujemo da lobiranje ima ozbiljan uticaj na pristrasne i nedemokratske organizacije, u kojima je transnacionalni kapital jedini pravi donosilac odluka. 4. Poziv na direktnu akciju i graðansku neposlušnost, podrška borbama društvenih pokreta i svim formama otpora koje uveæavaju poštovanje života i dostojanstvo potlaèenih ljudi; kao i izgradnja lokalnih alternativa globalnom kapitalizmu. 5. Organizaciona filozofija zasnovana na decentralizaciji i samoupravi (People's Global Action Manifesto). Baš kao što i preporuèuju u svom manifestu, direktna akcija i graðanska neposlušnost ostaju primarne taktike pokreta. No, aktivisti opupljeni oko Black Blocka ne prezaju ni od drugih sredstava borbe ukljuèujuæi nasilje. Ova anarhistièka grupa razlikuje neopravdano fizièko nasilje (sem u sluèaju samoodbrane) od nasilja nad imovinom korporacija koje ima politièko opravdanje. Aktivisti se obièno organizuju u vidu grupa afiniteta (affinity groups), nehijerarhijskih grupa sastavljenih od ljudi iz istog kraja ili susedstva koji dele zajednièke politièke ciljeve. Grupe afiniteta su najpre praktikovali španski anarhisti u devetnaestom veku, da bi se sedamdesetih godina dvadesetog veka ovaj naèin organizovanja javio u antinuklearnom pokretu u SAD. Ove grupe su korisne zato što su jako male (5 20 ljudi koji se poznaju) i time onemoguæavaju policijsku i doušnièku infiltraciju. Najbolji primer taktike antiglobalista su dešavanja u Pragu gde su se tri razlièite grupe protestanata sa razlièitih destinacija približavale mestu konferencije koristeæi tri razlièite taktike : prva, upražnjavajuæi razlièite oblike graðanske neposlušnosti (tzv. Žuti marš), druga, zadužena za taktiku zbunjivanja protivnika (tactical frivolity) koja ukljuèuje festivalski otpor, otpor kroz igru (kostime, ples, muziku, umetnost) Pink / Srebrni marš i treæa, angažovana u fizièkim sukobima sa policijom (Plavi marš) (Anti globalization, Wikipedia). Veliku ulogu u povezivanju antiglobalistièkih grupa igra korišæenje informacionih tehnologija. Sajtovi kao što je, recimo, Infoshop danas su uticajniji nego mnoge objavljene knjige i predstavljaju idealan naèin za širenje ideja pokreta. U novije vreme osnovan je i Independent Media Centar, udruženje èiji je zadatak objektivno informisanje o aktivnostima pokreta s obzirom da mainstream mediji neretko pristrasno izveštavaju javnost o dogaðajima vezanim za pokret. Najznaèajniji skup antiglobalista je Svetski socijalni forum, simbolièni opozit èuvenom Svetskom Ekonomskom Forumu. U pitanju je periodièno okupljanje nastalo na osnovu predloga vlasti brazilskog grada Porto Alegrea, održano i u istoimenim gradu konferencija je održana u Mumbaiu, u Indiji s namerom da se ideje skupa prošire na populaciju Azije i Afrike. Skup se u prvo vreme održavao kad i Svetski Ekonomski Forum i imao je nameru da ukaže na alternativne modele globalizacije. Uporedo sa SSF- om organizovali su se i regionalni samiti tako da je Evropski Socijalni Forum prvi put održan u Firenci sa sloganom ''Protiv rata, protiv rasizma i protiv neoliberalizma'' da bi naredna dva skupa bila održana u Parizu i Londonu. Pored toga što bacaju veliku medijsku pozornost na pokret, ovi skupovi su dobra prilika za obiène ljude da postanu svesni problema globalizacije i idealna podloga za koordiniranje i planiranje daljih aktivnosti. Tri su skupa zadobila epitet mitski i ušla u istoriju alterglobalistièkog pokreta : J18, Sijetl N30 i Ðenova J18 se odigrao 30. juna (otuda naziv) godine u nekoliko gradova sveta, a najmasovnije u Londonu i Oregonu (SAD) bez nekog znaèajnog povoda, za razliku od druga dva pomenuta skupa koji su bili protestna okupljanja povodom skupštine Svetske Trgovinske Organizacije (N30) i samita G8 (sedam najrazvijenijih država sveta i (4 van 6) :37:28

10 Pokret antiglobalista Rusija) u Ðenovi. U Sijetlu su demostranti onemoguæili ulaz delegata na mesto konferencije što je izazvalo žestoke sukobe na ulicama grada uz uništavanje izloga MNK. Epilog je viðen u produženju konferencije do 3. decembra. Samit u Ðenovi je imao tragièan epilog. Revoltirani napadom od strane policije protestanti su jednako uzvratili što je rezultiralo velikim brojem povreðenih sa obe strane i gubitkom života mladog italijanskog anarhiste Karla Ðulijanija. Aktivnosti mnogih uhapšenih demostranata okvalifikovane su kao ''udruživanje radi neprijateljske delatnosti'' i potpale su pod italijanske anti - teroristièke zakone. Danas je jedan broj policijskih zvaniènika pod sudskom istragom zbog prekomerne upotrebe sile i napada na demostrante dok je nekolicina podnela ostavke. Namere aktivista antiglobalistièkog pokreta da zaustave konferencije stigmatizovanih meðunarodnih organizacija obièno se završava neuspehom. Sem odlaganja rada i neprijatnosti koje delegati imaju nema drugog opipljivog cilja ovih akcija. Na momenat se na ulicama zemalja Zapada oživljava slavna prošlost revolucionarnih pokreta. No, veliko je pitanje kakav bi uticaj protesti ovakvog tipa imali u situacijama veæe društvene krize i nestabilnosti. Za antiglobaliste, to je pionirski pokušaj, eksperiment buduæih borbi i promena. Ocena pokreta Premda pripada levoj strani politièkog spektra pokret antiglobalista trpi kritike kako sa desna tako i sa leva. Vodeæi privrednici, njihova isturena politièka krila i mainstream mediji ne štede reèi u osudi pokreta. Moramo primetiti da se ne štede ni na delu što su pokazale brutalne akcije policije protiv demostranata u Sijetlu i Ðenovi. Antiglobalisti smatraju da takve kritike i reakcije pokazuju ništa drugo do strah privilegovane manjine i njihovih saigraèa u sistemu - predvodnika politièkih stranaka takozvane levice. Vladajuæi krugovi zapadnoevropskih zemalja èesto su isticali da antiglobalisti nemaju jasne, usklaðene ciljeve niti organizaciju tako da se ne zna s kim i o èemu pregovarati. U pokretu su, èini se, svesni ovog ogranièenja ali je evidentno da pristalice udružuje borba protiv istih rivala aktera neoliberalne globalizacije. Vodeæi ekonomisti zameraju pristalicama pokreta da, ako se veæ zalažu za podizanje nadnica i poboljšanje radnih i životnih uslova radnika i seljaka u zemljama Treæeg sveta, zašto onda brane uvoðenje sistema slobodne trgovine koji bi otklonio barijere zemalja Severa prema robi sa Juga, spoèitavajuæi aktivistima da protivljenjem uvoðenju slobodne trgovine štite interese radnika u svojim zemljama. Sledbenici pokreta odgovaraju da se oni ne zalažu za slobodnu veæ za poštenu i pravednu trgovinu koja bi štitila interese svih, a ne radnika jedne ili druge hemisfere. Pojedini novinari i politièari su gledišta da antiglobalisti, èak i ako se slože oko osnovnih ciljeva, samo su u stanju da negiraju, oni ne nude rešenja. Moram primetiti da ova primedba ne stoji stoga sto su poslednji Svetski Socijalni Forumi ponudili mnoštvo odgovora i predloga za rešenje goruæih pitanja globalnog razvoja. No, to je daleko od sveobuhvatne vizije alternativne stvarnosti. Desna kritika optužuje proponente pokreta za licemerstvo stoga što se pozivaju na graðansku neposlušnost i mirne demostracije, a gotovo svaki veæi protest završi se sukobima sa policijom. Taèno je da su fizièki sukobi aktivista i policije èesti ali je isto tako taèno da se policijski agenti neretko ubacuju u redove demostranata sa namerom da provociraju sukobe. Infiltrirani agenti italijanske policije su èak priznali da su bacali molotovljeve koktele na bi li prizvali racije na objekte u kojima su se skupljali i organizovali demostranti. Manjina unutar pokreta, grupa kao što je Black Blok istièe i glorifikuje svoju nasilnost no ogromna veæina podržava mirne proteste, i to se ne sme prevideti. Vrlo znaèajan za buduænost pokreta može biti odnos prema pripadnicima jevrejskog naroda. Ako pristalice antiglobalizacije smatraju da jevrejski lobi utièe na odluke amerièke spoljne politike možemo se složiti sa tim. Ako pristalice antiglobalizacije ocenjuju nekoga eksploatatorom i ''kapitalistièkim zlikovcem'' samo zato što je pripadnik jednog naroda, u ovom sluèaju jevrejskog, ovu kvalifikaciju moramo odbaciti kao izrazito regresivnu. Ovde se javlja prilièno paradoksalna situacija ''levièarskog antisemitizma''. Ako se ocena politike izraelskog rukovodstva prema palestinskoj manjini ne razgranièi od neprimerenih simplifikacija za koje smo mislili da ih je napredni svet ostavio za sobom, antiglobalistièki pokret može krenuti stranputicom i time izgubiti demokratski naboj. Kritika s leva, pak, istièe da pokretu nedostaje revolucionarna oštrica i da glavni ciljevi pokreta jesu reformisanje i demokratizacija meðunarodnih institucija bez dovoðenja u pitanje osnovnih socijalnih odnosa kapitalizma. Veliko je pitanje da li su ovi zahtevi antiglobalista umereni s obzirom da, kako je ranije reèeno, svaki napad na ''osinje gnezdo'' neoliberalnog poretka može imati revolucionarne konsekvence. Ipak, aktivizam ''dok ne bude prekasno'', bez jasne teorijske i idejne podloge može biti ''tapkanje u mraku'' i gubljenje vremena i energije. Jasna vizija buduænosti je nešto što zaista nedostaje antiglobalistièkom pokretu uprkos nekim pokušajima projektovanja alternativne buduænosti uèinjenim tokom zasedanja Svetskog Socijalnog Foruma. Naposletku, možemo zakljuèiti da æe vreme pokazati koliko je socijalna osnova proponenata pokreta stabilna, da li æe se buntovništvo mlaðe, samosvesne populacije pretvoriti u trajni otpor buduæih pripadnika nove srednje klase ili æe to buntovništvo ostati sukob generacija, kratkotrajna boemija onih èije je mesto u sistemu unapred zagarantovano. Èak i ako socijalna podloga ostane netaknuta, bez sveobuhvatne i opšteprihvaæene projekcije buduænosti u okviru pokreta i pogoršanja socijalnih uslova u zemljama zapadne hemisfere ne može se govoriti (5 van 6) :37:28

11 Pokret antiglobalista ozbiljno o moguænosti družtvene promene. Do tada, ideološke zamke i kozmetièke promene tipa procenat ljudi u nerazvijenim zemljama koji zaraðuju manje od dolara dnevno se prepolovio u poslednjih dvadeset godina, ili procenat smrtnosti dece se smanjio u svim regionima sveta ostaju dovoljan razlog da se i dalje stoji na barikadama. Summary Anti-globalist movement takes tradition and belongs to the new social movements. Unlike other new social movements, it's not one issue movement. It is comprised of many organizations and many themes: civil rights, labour, feminist, peace, anarhist...anti globalist movement is also a global groups and organizations network. Term anti-globalist could be replaced with term alterglobalist because members of the movement support alternative way of globalisation with global social justice and solidarity, and fair world trade as main principles. The movement is reaction on emergence of neoliberal logic and dying of welfare state, too. Activists resist to MNK (Multinational corporations), global institutions (IMF, World Bank, G8) as multilateral economic agreements (MAI, NAFTA, GATS..). They are mainly younger, students and middle - age middle class members. The bible of the anti-globalist movement is Naomi Klein's book ''No logo'', work about MNC exploitation of the Third world countries. The most important promote network is People' s Global Action which includes Direct Action Network (tactic of civil disobedience), White Overalls (tactical frivolity), Black Block (violent action)...world Social Forum, main anti-globalist movement meeting, opposites World Economic Forum with accentuation on alternative globalization project. Many analysts suppose ideological and organizational heterogeneous is movement fault, but activists claim its priority. The future will show who was right. Napomena: Seminarski rad na Fakultetu politièkih nauka u Beogradu (2005). Mentor: prof. dr Vukašin Pavloviæ O autoru: Darko Paniæ je završio Fakultet politièkih nauka u Beogradu, diplomirao na politikološkom smeru; postdiplomac je na istom fakultetu, odsek politièka sociologija. Ispoljava zanimanje ka teorijsko analitièkom i istraživaèkom radu, osobito na temama sociologije politike i savremenih politièkih sistema. Kontakt: [email protected] LITERATURA 1. Anti globalization, Wikipedia, the free encyklopedia ( ). 2. Bek Urlih (2003), Rizièno društvo, Beograd, Filip Višnjiæ. 3. Gidens Entoni (1998), Posledice modernosti, Beograd, Filip Višnjiæ. 4. Global Civil Society Yearbook (2001), Oxford, Oxford University Press. 5. Grubaèiæ Andrej (2002),''Globalizacija odozdo'' u Lokal Global newsletter, Beograd, Ung dsm. 6. Klein Naomi (2001), No logo, London, Flamingo. 7. Pavloviæ Vukašin (2003), Društveni pokreti i promene, Beograd, Fakultet politièkih nauka, Udruženje za politièke nauke Jugoslavije. 8. People s Global Action Manifesto. 9. Sen Amartja (2003), Razvoj kao sloboda, Beograd, Filip Višnjiæ. 10. Turen Alen (1982), Sociologija društvenih pokreta, Beograd, Radnièka štampa. 11. Šimleša Dražen (2000), Snaga utopije, Zagreb, ZAP. 12. White overalls, Black Blocs, in Sojourners Magazine, July, August (2002). 13. Èomski Noam (1995), Šta to (u stvari) hoæe Amerika? Beograd, Institut za politièke studije. (6 van 6) :37:28

12 The 2007 World Social Forum The 2007 World Social Forum By Kathambi Kinoti, AWID The seventh annual World Social Forum (WSF) ended in Nairobi, Kenya yesterday with thousands of delegates marching from the city's Korogocho slums to Uhuru Park. This year's Forum drew together an estimated 60,000 participants from all over the world and was said to be the 'most international' [1] of the forums, partly because African delegates were able to attend in large numbers because of this year's location. Nevertheless, the start of the Forum saw demonstrations by some Kenyans who said that they were disqualified from participating as they were unable to afford the registration fees. Their action, with its rallying call of 'Free Everything' persuaded the Forum's organizing committee to allow them free entry. Order amidst chaos? The World Social Forum is held to coincide with the annual World Economic Forum in Davos, Switzerland, where major global economic policies are shaped without the input of the majority of the global population. The World Social Forum is synonymous with anti-globalization and anti-neoliberalism. While some people would like to see this Forum come up with concrete counter-measures against the prevailing global economic order, others celebrate the Forum's mish-mash of events on different aspects of social justice. This year's meet featured about 1500 different workshops, cultural performances, dialogues and other events. The Nairobi Forum was characterized by chaotic schedules. There were delays in the registration process which was disorganized. Many of the events were cancelled, rescheduled or moved to different venues without adequate notification to participants. Sometimes translation was not available for people who did not speak English. One of the criticisms raised about the WSF is the absence of a clear unified agenda from the globe's civil society for the way forward. Altaf Ali Bhimji says the Forum needs direction and 'if it attempts to be all things for everyone it can end up being nothing for anyone.' [2] According to Beate Wilhlem of the Swiss Agency for Cooperation and Development, it is alright to discuss concerns over social injustices, but it is also now necessary to develop possible solutions. [3] On the other hand, since the first Forum in Porto Alegre, there has been a tension between the Forum being a space for the mobilization of direct action against all that Davos stands for, and it being a space for reflection and debate. [4] Like its predecessors, this year's Nairobi gathering took the latter path. It did not 'seek adherence to one central idea capable of attacking the dominant ideology. Rather it accomplished its basic objective of respect and appreciation for the diverse citizen's initiatives and ideas.' [5] For some, the World Social Forum serves as a space to affirm a sense of solidarity with other movements around the world. In a speech on the final day of the Forum, Nobel laureate Wangari Maathai said 'When you work with poor people, you get discouraged but that changes when you meet other people who face the same challenges as you are dealing with. You know then that you are not alone.' [6] Ironies The Nairobi meeting was not without its contradictions. Not only were prospective participants who could not afford the entry fee initially barred from the Forum, less well-off food vendors were allocated less than prime spots at its venue, the vast Kasarani Sports Complex. Hunger and thirst during the five day event were 'costly'. [7] The best spot at the Forum was secured by Nairobi's Windsor Hotel, whose owner, Kenya's Minister for Internal Security is nicknamed 'Kimeendero" [the Crusher] for his notorious role as a British colonial collaborator. The five star prices that the hotel was charging for food and drinks were out of the reach of most participants. [8] Most other food vendors were allocated a place at a food court on the periphery of the meeting place, which many participants did not know existed. Some participants also found the registration procedure an irony; participants were required to buy Celtel mobile telephone lines and airtime. The PIN number for the line then became the participant's registration number. The Women's Question As in many other spaces, women's issues continued to inhabit the margins of the World Social Forum. One observer states that the 'feminist struggle still seems to be something by women for women.' [9] Although women were about half of the participants, like in previous Forums, women's rights were not cross-cutting issue in most of the discussions. Workshops on feminism or gender equality were attended mostly by women, and other events were more often than not led by male panelists. At the Feminist Movement Building session, which was cosupported and organized by the coordinating group of the Feminist Dialogues, participants resolved to attend sessions on topics other than gender and women's rights, and push the feminist agenda there. A major concern at past World Social Forums, echoed in the just concluded one, is the levels of violence and (1 van 3) :37:36

13 The 2007 World Social Forum insecurity that female participants encounter including sexual harassment and rape. Prior to the Nairobi Forum, Onyango Oloo, the national coordinator of the Kenya Social Forum and a member of the WSF 2007 Secretariat proposed that there be a concerted effort to campaign against rape and violence against women within and among WSF delegates. He urged that all Forum delegates be sensitized about rape and violence against women as a 'manifestation of sexism, misogyny and patriarchy- concepts that are totally alien to the WSF charter.' [10] However, this did not happen. For the third time, the Feminist Dialogues were held for a few days prior to the opening of the World Social Forum. A number of young feminists appreciated their inclusion in this year's Dialogue. Fernanda Grigolin, a Brazilian and member of RedLac, a Latin American young women's feminist organization which was on the Feminist Dialogues organizing committee said that the space created by the Dialogues was vital in informing the participation of feminists in the WSF. She also believes that the feminist voice is growing more audible within the World Social Forum even though there is some way to go. WSF direction Despite the divergence of activities and areas of focus, at the closing of this year's World Social Forum one recurrent call was for debt cancellation by rich countries. Saida Ali of the Young Women's Leadership Institute in Kenya says that many of the young people she interacted with at the Forum repeated the call, saying that they should not have to pay for debts incurred on their behalf sometimes even before they were born by undemocratic and despotic regimes. She says that moreover, repayment conditions are oppressive. This year's forum saw the active participation of a large number of young people. During the closing ceremony there were a number of artistic performances highlighting the injustice of the global economic order. The World Social Forum is regarded as the antithesis of the World Economic Forum and there have been calls for a clear anti-neoliberalist agenda and plan of action to emerge from the WSF. While not everyone agrees that it is necessary for the annual event to have such a clear focus, many agree that it serves as an important space for dialogue and sharing of experiences. According to Jean Rossiaud the results of the World Social Forum will be seen in the future, since 'basically, the most important things happen between forums.' [11] Source: Resource Net Friday File Issue 310, Friday, January 26, 2006 The Association for Women's Rights in Development [email protected] Web: [1] 'Swiss not convinced by World Social Forum,' NZZ online, March 26, article html. [2] 'VI World Social Forum: A constructive criticism.' [3] Ibid 1. [4] [5] Ibid. [6] 'From Kasarani to Uhuru Park.' Daily Nation. Friday, January 26, 2007 [7] A menu of protest.' Terraviva. Wednesday, January 24, [8] Ibid. [9] Daniel, Patricia. 'Is another world possible without the women's perspective?' Peace Journalism, January 18, [10] Oloo, Onyango. 'Gendering the WSF Nairobi 2007 Process.' A paper presented at a public forum on 'Gendering the WSF process,' on May 25, [11] Ibid 1. (2 van 3) :37:36

14 The 2007 World Social Forum (3 van 3) :37:36

15 Importing marginalization? Gender, work and globalization: Sri Lankan experience Importing marginalization? Gender, work and globalization: Sri Lankan experience By Sriyani Mangalika Meewalaarachchi, doctoral student, Department of International development in University of Nagoya, Japan Abstract Sri Lanka offers an interesting paradox of social advancement and economic stagnation in the context of globalization. Sri Lankan women in spite of enjoying better status and position compared to other developing countries, have low levels of participation in economic activity. In such a setting, this study aims to take a fresh look at the current situation of gender equality in the labour market in Sri Lanka. This is particularly important in view of the fact that in developing countries like Sri Lanka the potential gender implications of economic contribution are arguably more important than all others. In this study, the author shows that globalization has led to marginalization and has created gender inequality in the labour market in Sri Lanka. Key words: globalization, gender equality, marginalization 1. INTRODUCTION Globalization, with regulation of economies, has the potential to be a powerful contributor to gender equality, as a creator of new economic opportunities for women. However, these positive effects are still only potential and need to be unleashed. Therefore there is much controversy surrounding the actual impact of globalization, particularly in terms of gender equity. It has been said that the globalization of production has meant a feminization of the global labour force. But increasing feminization of poverty over the past few decades is much visible. What then has happened to the contribution of the huge feminized labour force to economies? Perhaps it is no coincidence that of the 1.3 billion people living in poverty worldwide, 70 percent are women. Women constitute the bulk of the labour force in global production, economic activity rates rising over the past thirty years. Yet, they are still concentrated in lowpaid positions at the lowest rungs of the occupational hierarchy. Producers around the world have aimed to maximize their profits and have been introducing production techniques that change skill and job structures by deskilling or upgrading. In other words there has been a trend of skill polarization. In that sense, a minority of workers are required to possess specialist skills while the majority are required to possess minor training and skills. This has automatically led to fewer workers in progressive jobs, while more are in static jobs involving little upward occupational mobility. How has this trend shaped the gender division of labour? According to standing (1989), women have a high labour turnover. If there were less benefit to enterprises from workers on-the-job experience, that reason for discrimination would be removed. Indeed for many monotonous jobs high labour turnover may have a positive value for employers, since maximum efficiency may be reached after only a few months, thereafter plateauing or declining. This may be one reason for resorting to casual or temporary labour. This paper will give insight into whether the impact of globalization has been to marginalize women workers in Sri Lanka through the above mentioned polarization effect. The remainder of this paper is organized as follows. Section 2 summarizes an overview of the situation of Sri Lankan women. The paper then turns to section 3 where attempts are made to present the theoretical background of the study. Section 4 presents the methodology and the fourth section discusses about major findings. The final section concludes with further suggestions. 2. OVERVIEW OF SRI LANKAN WOMEN In its country reports for Sri Lanka, the Asian Development Bank describes the situation of Sri Lankan women as follows: the situation of women in Sri Lanka has been influenced by patriarchal values embedded in traditional, colonial and post independence societies, by relatively liberal traditional laws and gender inequality reflected in the legal system, and by norms introduced during the British colonial administration (p. 1). Sri Lanka women have traditionally played an important role in economic contribution to the whole economy, to their families /households income as well as to Gross National Product (GNP). When compared to other South Asian counterparts, Sri Lankan women are enjoying higher life expectancy (74 years) and nearly universal literacy rate (above 80%) that is unmatched in the rest of the subcontinent. Sri Lankan women are less vulnerable to discrimination by societal oppression like son preference, dowry deaths, and widow immolation. Traditionally Sri Lankan women have not been subjected to repugnant socio-cultural practices such as purdah (female seclusion), (1 van 8) :37:46

16 Importing marginalization? Gender, work and globalization: Sri Lankan experience circumcision, foot binding, and child marriage or polygamy, which have been and continue to be prevalent to various degrees in several countries of the region (United Nations, 1997). Table 1 provides a profile of the gender gap in measures of success in education, comparing Sri Lanka with West and South Asian countries in year When considering the combined gross enrolment ratio for primary, secondary and tertiary level, Sri Lankan females are better than all other South Asian counterparts and also better off than Sri Lankan males. Nevertheless, Sri Lankan women are not significantly better off in terms of ratio of estimated female to male income. A skilled and educated work force is widely believed to be a pre-requisite for economic development. When we compare the distribution of Sri Lankan female undergraduate s university entrants over different fields during the past 25 years or so, women have made considerable headway in entering those fields of studies traditionally dominated by men. Table 1 Gender Gap in Measures of Success in Education: Sri Lanka Comparison with West and South Asian Countries-2005 Gender Development Gender Empowerment Index Adult Literacy Rate Combined Gross enrolment ratio for primary, secondary and tertiary level Ratio of estimated female to male income Index Rank Value Rank Value Female Male Female Male Bhutan n.a. n.a. n.a. Bangladesh India n.a. n.a Iran, Islamic republic of Maldives Nepal n.a n/a n.a. 0.5 Pakistan Sri Lanka Source: Human Development Report-2005 Sri Lankan women also constitute a very significant proportion of students enrolled in various post graduate level courses. One important conclusion that emerges from the discussion in the preceding sections concerns the relation between occupation status in the female work force and the educational achievement of the women. If the return to the education is low, it acts as a barrier to investment in the education of female children. Hence education has to be viewed as a dynamic factor which acts as a major agent in the perpetuation of women s economic disadvantage in the labour market and their contribution to the development. The overall labour force participation rates or persons in the labour force as proportion of the population aged 10 years and over are given in Table 2. It is evident that while the overall participation rate for males declined with some fluctuations, from 69.3 per cent in 1963 to 65.3 percent in 1996, that female participation increased almost steadily, from 20.0 to 33.5 percent in the same time period. In recent years an important factor responsible for the rapid expansion of female labour force participation rate is the establishment of export processing zones in Sri Lanka. Table 2 Overall Labour-Force Participation Rates of Persons Aged 10 years and Over by Sex: Censuses of 1963 to 1981 and Labour Force Surveys of 1885/86, 1992, 1995, 1996, and 2003/2004 Year and data source Overall labour-force participation rate (Percentage) Both sexes Male Female 1963 census census census /86 Labour Force Survey Labour Force Survey Labour Force Survey Labour Force Survey /2004 Labour Force survey Sources: Department of Census and Statistics, Reports of the Censuses of Population and Housing of 1963, (2 van 8) :37:46

17 Importing marginalization? Gender, work and globalization: Sri Lankan experience and 1981; and Reports of the Sri Lanka Labour Force Surveys of 1985/86, 1992 and 1996, 2003/2004 In Sri Lanka as in most other developing countries, unemployment is reported to be a problem affecting educated persons. An analysis of unemployment rates by level of educational attainment of the unemployed (Table 3) indicates that these rates are increasing among females more than males. As noted by the following figures, for instance, female unemployment rates are significantly higher than males in the GCE advanced level and higher educated group. Thus, contrary to the general perception that education helps upward occupational mobility, educated women in Sri Lanka experience greater difficulty in finding employment than their male counterparts. Table 3 Unemployment Rates by Educational Level and Sex: 1985/86 and / Educational Level Both Male Female Both Male Female sexes sexes No schooling School years School years GCE (Ordinary Level) GCE (Advanced Level), Degree, Postgraduate degree All educational levels Sources: Department of Census and Statistics, Sri Lanka Labour Force Surveys of 1985/86 and 1994 (First Quarter). 3. THEORETICAL BACKGROUND A theoretical connection between globalization, employment and women s status has been central to macro theories of social change and gender stratification. Thus the basic modernization arguments suggest that modernization leads to women s emancipation from traditional subordinated roles by integrating with new job opportunities in the industrial and service sectors (Caldwell, 1982; Goode, 1963). Meanwhile, the gender literature has often disagreed with modernization theory as Boserup (1970) and others have argued that industrial capitalism displaces and marginalizes women from productive activities in the market and importance at home. Generally the theories regarding female labour Force and development can be classified into three categories: the marginalization approach, the exploitation approach, and the dependency/world-system approaches (Elliot, 1977: 1-8; Taplin, 1989: 7-45; Tiano, 1987: ). The marginalization and the exploitation approaches have made considerable contributions to the women-gender and development literature. The marginalization thesis says that women are isolated from production and political control. This leads to a disadvantaged status for women. According to the marginalization thesis, despite the ideology of egalitarianism, development has generally increased women s economic and social marginality. There is now a widespread recognition of gender dimensions of globalization, and liberalization in developing countries, and a growing literature explores both conceptual and empirical aspects of this issue. Important contributions to this literature have been made by, among others, Berik and Cagatay (1990), Elson (1996), Joekes (1995), Ozler (1999), Pearson (1998), and Standing (1989). Some of the most significant works have been concerned with the relationship between exports, female employment and women s wages in developing countries. There is evidence of increasing participation of women in the industrial labour force. Particularly in export-related industries, women concentrated in low grade, low-paid work and the persisting, and substantial, sex differential in earnings. 4. METHODOLOGY The author argues that women s opportunities are said to be restricted by ideas among employers that only certain low level limited jobs can be performed by women. Women are thus said to be crowded into certain segments of the employment markets where wages and conditions are lower than their male counterparts. This situation has been increased by the pressure from globalization. This phenomenon can be called marginalization of female labour. It is widely believed that female workers have been affected much more than male by the rapid expansion of export processing zones (EPZs) with the huge flow of foreign direct investments to the developing countries. In Sri Lanka EPZs is one of the main components of the foreign investment-led export-oriented industrialization strategy. They can be thought of as the vehicle of globalization. When global production networks or chains are constructed, EPZs provide this link (ILO, 1998). The use of mainly female labour in export assembly industries appears to be a widespread phenomena in developing countries and is often seen as part of the international search for cheap labour by industries which are labour intensive (Safa, 1980). Due to above reason EPZs in Sri Lanka are considered as a major study area for analyzing impacts of globalization. The data for this study come from mainly 3 types of sources. First-hand data were collected by questionnaire survey from all the multinationals (3 van 8) :37:46

18 Importing marginalization? Gender, work and globalization: Sri Lankan experience investing in three major EPZs since Secondary data are utilized from various published and unpublished reports. Macro data come from the Report on Consumer Finances and Socio Economic Survey in Sri Lanka. This is island wide representative survey gathered 6-9 years times using a multistage method. 5. RESULTS AND DISCUSSION The data were used to measure the female intensity in various sectors in nationally as well as in the EPZs. The calculations compared the trends in female intensity by occupational status. Results are presented in two steps; first introduce the macro analysis of national data, and secondly analysis of the EPZs. In Sri Lanka the economy responded to the new liberalization economic policy reforms started in 1977 and corresponding to this performance, employment increased for both men and women. But labour absorption patterns reported in the data indicate a significant contrast between men and women in different occupational strata s. Figure 1 shows the occupational distribution of the female work force under different categories. The total number of women workers employed at the administrative level has diminished over time while the total number of females employed at a low occupational status has increased dramatically. After 1986 the gap between these two has widened in nationally. It is evident from the relevant data that the majority of women workers are employed in low level jobs. Figure 2 indicates the same trend for the male workers in the labour market. While the female trend shows widening gap between the decision-making positions and the low level occupational level male trend show a much parallel line. After 1985 the elementary low level trend shows a slight decline in male labours. Figure 1 Evolution of the Distribution of the Female Work Force (Percentage) in the Occupational Hierarchy since 1971 Source: Author s Computations Based on the Macro Level Data Employment creation for the growing labour force has been a major problem confronted by successesive governments in Sri Lanka since independence. During the past five decades, the slowest growth in employment was observed in the period. The annual growth of employment during that period was 0.9 percent. The liberalization of the labour market brought benefit for unemployed Sri Lankans. The unemployment rate was estimated to be around 24.5 percent in 1973, and declined to 15 percent by 1982 (Central Bank, 1982). Figure 2 Evolution of the Distribution of the Male Work Force (percentage) in the Occupational Hierarchy Since (4 van 8) :37:46

19 Importing marginalization? Gender, work and globalization: Sri Lankan experience Source: Author s Computations Based on the Macro Level Data Youth unrest was the trump card of the United National Political Party [1] in the pre-1977 period in Sri Lanka, and social crisis prevalent at the time paved the way for the introduction of EPZs as the very practical solution to huge unemployment (around 24 percent). The EPZs provided 175, ,000 new employment opportunities during the period of , and labour force was increased at an average of 138,600 persons per annum (Central Bank, 1995). The direct local employment provided by the EPZs enterprises increased from 261 in 1978 to 241,970 in Out of them 65 percent were employed in the textile and garment product group. Colombo, Biyagama, and Koggala EPZs alone have provided 86,182 employment opportunities while other enterprises have provided 155,788 employment opportunities (Central Bank, 1999). Gender-wise 80.5 percent of EPZ workers represent the female labour. In 1978/79 EPZ firms contribution to total labour force in Sri Lanka was percent, and this increased drastically in 2001 up to 6.1. The ratio of this number to total industrial labour force was percent. Another dimension of the employment front can be observed in relation to the status of employment. Among other implications, this tendency illustrates the increasing insecurity of employment for women working in these EPZs. Data presented in Figure 3 show that with time the unskilled female labour force has increased far more than the unskilled male labour force. This imbalance of labour market position once criticized by Jayaweera (2000) as While women are thus concentrated at the bottom of the occupational hierarchy, the access of qualified women to the highest decision making position in the private and public sectors continues to be impeded by the Glass ceiling created chiefly by gendered norms and consequently by conscious or unconscious gender bias (pp 99). Figure 3 Evolution of the Gender Composition of Labour in EPZs since 1988 (Low level occupational strata) Source: Authors computations based on Data collected from the Survey While there has been a dramatic increase in unskilled female labour force in the EPZs, decision making positions (5 van 8) :37:46

20 Importing marginalization? Gender, work and globalization: Sri Lankan experience such as managerial and professional level jobs are offered for males. As shown in Figure 4 the proportion of employed males under these higher-level occupational categories has increased significantly with time. Women have responded to the demand for low-cost females labour created by the major shift to export industrialization while they concomitant developments and face the underscore working condition that has drive to expand these multinationals had an exclusive profit. As cited by Gunatilaka, (1999). It appears that in the context of the Sri Lankan economy, globalization has led to employment gains for women relative to men in EPZs. At the same time women continue to be employed in low skill and low paid jobs. This condition affects the whole economy in a negative way. If women are crowded into industries that produce price elastic good, and this practice may have implications for trade patterns and economic growth. As an example if these industries are concentrated where price elasticities of demand are relatively high, this may artificially lower women s wages, due to their restricted bargaining power.however, women are mainly concentrated in low-skilled, menial, and repetitive jobs and in the lower echelons of the industrial hierarchy in what is virtually an extension of their household activities. Lack of education and training opportunities, employer biases, and limited mobility due to social responsibilities combine to keep them at these lower echelons. Figure 4 Evolution of the Gender composition of Labour in Higher-Level Occupational Hierarchy in EPZs since 1988 Source: Authors Computations based on Data Collected from the Survey Those above analysis proved that women are underrepresented in the decision making positions in the national labour market in the Sri Lanka. When consider the political representative position women are in unfavourable condition. This condition has discussed in details in the chapter 3 in this theses. As Leitan, (2000) said Regrettably, there does not seem to be an appreciable increase in female representation even after more than 68 years of universal franchise and 50 years of independence (pp 118). 6. CONCLUSIONS The female share of paid employment has steadily increased over the last two decades. Unfortunately; those new economic opportunities for young women are based on conditions and treatment inferior to male workers. Despite the growth in female employment opportunities with the impact of globalization, available data and information clearly indicate that women workers are generally concentrated in low skill-low status and low paid jobs both nationally and in export multinational companies. It appears that gender equality in formaleducation has not yet contributed to women s acquiring an equal or fair share in the labour market in the Sri Lankan case. It is obvious from the study from macro and micro level analysis that globalization has automatically led to fewer female workers are in progressive jobs while more in static jobs involving little upward occupational mobility. In sum, the Sri Lankan experience over the past three decades points out that globalization has led to marginalized female labour and has widened gender inequality. Note: Original paper presented at the Gender, Work and Organization Conference 2005 at Keele University, UK About the author: Sriyani Mangalika Meewalaarachchi is a doctoral Student attached to Department of International development in University of Nagoya, Japan. She pursued B.Sc degree in the field of Agriculture and MBA degree form University of Peradeniya Sri Lanka Currently her research interest is on impact of globalization on gender in Sri Lankan labour market. Her address is: [email protected]. Contact address is , Umemoriso (6 van 8) :37:46

21 Importing marginalization? Gender, work and globalization: Sri Lankan experience 312, Umemorizaka, Meito ku, Nagoya, Japan. [1] The opposite political party at that time. This was elected as the new government in REFERENCES Asian Development Bank, 1999 Women in Sri Lanka, ADB Country Briefing Paper. Berik, G., & Cagatay, N. (1990) Transition to export led growth in Turkey: Is there a feminization of employment? Review of Radical Political Economics, 22, Boserup, E. (1970) Women s Role in Economic Development. New York: St Martin s press. Cagatay, N Trade, Gender and Poverty, UNDP. Background Paper for UNDP (2003) Making Trade Work for People. Caldwell, J. C. (1982) Theory of fertility Decline. London: academic Press. Central Bank,1982, 1995,1999, Annual reports, Central Bank of Sri Lanka, Colombo, Sri Lanka Department of Census and Statistics, Sri Lanka (various years) quarterly report of the Sri Lanka labour force survey, Reports of the Censuses of Population and Housing of 1963, 1971 and 1981; 1985/86, 1992 and 1996, 2003/2004 Ministry of Finance and Planning, Colombo, Sri Lanka. Elliot, C Theories of Development: An Assessment, in Wellesly Editorial. Elson, D. (1996) Appraising recent developments in the world market for nimble fingers. In A. Chhachhi, & R. Pittin, Confronting state, capital and patriarchy: women organizing in the process of industrialization. Basingstoke: Macmillan. Goode, W.J. (1963) World Revolution and Family Patterns, New York Free press of Glencoe. Gunatilaka, R Labour legislation and female employment in Sri Lanka s manufacturing sector, IPS, Colombo, Sri Lanka. Human Development Report 2005 ILO (1998) Labour and social issues relating to export processing zones, Report for discussion at the Tripartite Meeting of Export Processing Zones-Operating Countries, International Labour Office, Geneva. Jayaweera, S Trends in Employment Post Beijing reflections: Women in Sri Lanka, CENWOR. Sri Lanka. Joekes, S. (1995) Trade-related employment for women in industry and services in developing countries. Occasional Paper No. 5, United Nations Research Institute. For Social Development (UNRISD), Geneva. Leitan, T Women political participation and decision making.post Beijing reflections: Women in Sri Lanka, CENWOR. Sri Lanka Ozler, S. (1999) Globalization, employment and gender. Background paper prepared for the UNDP Human Development Report. Pearson, R. (1998) Feminist visions of development: research analysis and policy. London: Routledge. Safa, H. I. (1980) Export processing and female employment: The search for cheap labour, Paper for Burg Wartenstein Symposium no.85 (New York:warner-Gren Foundation for anthropological research). Standing, G. (1989) Global feminization through flexible labor: A theme revisited. World Development, 17, (7 van 8) :37:46

22 Importing marginalization? Gender, work and globalization: Sri Lankan experience Taplin, R Economic Development and the Role of Women, Great Britain. Tiano, S Gender, Work, and World Capitalism: Third World Women s Role in Development, in B.B. Hess and M.M. Ferree (Eds), Analyzing Gender: A Handbook of Social Science Research, Newbury Park, CA: Sage publication. United Nations, (1997) Women in Sri Lanka. New York: United Nations. United Nations, (1999) World Survey on the role of women in Development. New York: United Nations. (8 van 8) :37:46

23 Žene i ekonomske promene, Žene i ekonomske promene, mr Mirjana Dokmanoviæ, Ženski centar za demokratiju i ljudska prava, Subotica, Srbija Sažetak Rad se bavi analizom ekonomskog i socijalnog položaja žena u okruženju ekonomskih reformi u Srbiji zapoèetih godine. Ispituje se da li strukturalno prilagoðavanje i privatizacija koja se sprovodi ima rodnu dimenziju odnosno da li razlièito pogaða muškarce i žene, kao što su to iskustva svih drugih zemalja u tranziciji u Centralnoj i Istoènoj Evropi. Kljuène reèi: tranzicija, ekonomske reforme, ekonomsko-socijalni položaj žena, diskriminacija žena. Kratki pregled ekonomskih kretanja u Srbiji Dok su ostale tzv. tranzicione zemlje u Centralnoj i Istoènoj Evropi i bivšim republikama Sovjetskog saveza zapoèele gradnju tržišne ekonomije odmah nakon pada Berlinskog zida krajem osamdesetih, ekonomska tranzicija u Srbiji kasni. Razlozi su višeslojni i nalaze se u procesu 'dirigovanog ne-razvoja' osamdesetih (Ðuriæ Kuzmanoviæ, 2002), nepostojanju politièke volje, oružanim sukobima na prostoru bivše Jugoslavije i ekonomskoj izolaciji zemlje od strane meðunarodne zajednice za vreme perioda konflikata. NATO bombardovanje godine dokrajèilo je veæ iscrpljenu ekonomiju tako da je nova vlast koja je došla tokom burnih politièkih promena godine nasledila razorenu ekonomsku infrastrukturu. Sa takvom ekonomskom zaleðinom pokrenut je program strukturalnog prilagoðavanja privrede uz treæi talas privatizacije [1], diktiran od strane Meðunarodnog monetarnog fonda i Svetske banke, u osnovi slièan sa drugim programima ovog tipa u regionu. Program se zasniva na zahtevima za uklanjanjem svih prepreka za meðunarodnu trgovinu i strane investicije, privatizacijom javnih usluga, fleksibilizacijom tržišta rada i smanjenjem svih socijalnih troškova. Odreðeni su prioriteti reforme domaæeg sektora, ukljuèujuæi primenu privatizacije i strukturalnih reformi kao i politike, sa ciljem ohrabrivanja stranih direktnih investicija, eliminisanja neobuèenosti tržišta rada, smanjivanja rigidnosti legislative u ovoj oblasti, unapreðenja liberalizacije trgovine, smanjenja javnog sektora i opšteg nivoa javne potrošnje. [2] Za ciljeve privatizacije proklamovani su efikasna privreda koja æe garantovati ekonomsku rast i stabilnost, jasna svojinska struktura, funkcionalna berza akcija i snažna korporativna uprava. Pet godina posle - ekonomija Na izmaku petogodišnjeg perioda ekonomski pokazatelji [3] su, izmeðu ostalog [4], sledeæi: BDP po glavi stanovnika je porastao sa 829 USD u godini na 2938 USD u godini. Procenjeni rast BDP za godinu je 6,1%. U istom periodu devizne rezerve zemlje su porasle sa 500 mil. USD u godini na 5 milijardi USD u avgustu godine. Strane direktne investicije su porasle sa 50 miliona USD u godini na 1360 miliona USD u godini, a za godinu procene su da æe dostiæi miliona USD. U periodu od do septembra godine privatizovano je ukupno preduzeæa u društvenoj svojini sa ukupno 227 hiljada zaposlenih u prodatim preduzeæima. Preduzeæa u strateškim granama, kao što su cementna, naftna i duvanska industrija, prešle su u vlasništvo stranih kompanija i multinacionalnih korporacija. Ukupne investicije u ova preduzeæa dostižu blizu 900 miliona EUR, dok je u socijalni program uloženo nešto manje od jedne treæine ove sume (272 miliona EUR). Uprkos ovakvih pokazatelja, pojedini ekonomisti ocenjuju da se srpska privreda nalazi u stagnaciji. Tzv. velika privreda opada i dalje, dok autohtoni privatni sektor, koji se ne nalazi u statistikama, raste, ali nedovoljno brzo (Mijatoviæ, 2003, 35). I Svetska banka, uz procenu dobrog progresa Srbije u mnogim oblastima reforme, istièe da nisu otklonjene duboke strukturalne slabosti te da pozitivni efekti nisu održivi bez daljeg i bržeg sprovoðenja strukturalnog prilagoðavanja, jaèanja politièke stabilnosti, poveæanja investicija, poboljšanja produktivnosti i zapošljavanja, što je takoðe važno za postizanje drugih ciljeva, kao što su ukljuèivanje neformalnih aktivnosti u formalni sektor i integrisanje domaæe ekonomije u evropske strukture (Svetska banka, 2004, vii). Privatizacija i prestruktuiranje državnih i društvenih preduzeæa praæena je i brojnim steèajevima i otpuštanjem viška radnika. Sporo rastuæi privatni sektor ne može da asimilira bujicu novonezaposlenih, što dovodi do rasta nezaposlenosti. U periodu godine usvojeno je 264 zakona, od èega se 122 zakona odnosi na finansijsku sferu. Sistemski zakoni koji regulišu zapošljavanje, rad i radne odnose, socijalnu zaštitu, penzijsko, zdravstveno i socijalno osiguranje uvode mnoge novine sa ciljem stvaranja novih ekonomskih uslova, privlaèenja stranog kapitala i investicija i razvijanja privatnog sektora. Novi Zakon o radu iz godine pojaèao je fleksibilizaciju zapošljavanja i otpuštanja radnika, smanjio otpremnine otpuštenim radnicima i u znatnoj meri olabavio obaveze poslodavaca prema zaposlenima. Fleksibilizacija rada dovela je do ukidanja 'garantovanog' radnog mesta i smanjenja rada neodreðeno vreme, a do porasta ugovornih, sezonskih, povremenih i privremenih poslova. Pet godina posle - stanovništvo Promene u ekonomskoj sferi praæene su gibanjima u socijalnoj sferi. Stanovništvo tranziciju oseæa kao: (1 van 7) :37:58

24 Žene i ekonomske promene, Poveæanje ekonomske, politièke, socijalne i liène nesigurnosti; Poveæanje korupcije; Poveæanje nezaposlenosti (zvanièna stopa je 32 procenata, dok je stvarna stopa znatno viša); Poveæanje broja ljudi koji su primorani da izvor prihoda nalaze u neformalnoj ekonomiji ; Poveæanje troškova života ; Gubitak besplatnih ili jeftinih usluga u zdravstvu, obrazovanju i komunalnoj oblasti. Ovakve ekonomske tendencije doprinele su raslojavanju društva, poveæanju siromaštva i polarizaciji bogatstva u rukama malog broja ljudi. Broj onih kojima je potrebna socijalna pomoæ [5] je u porastu i ukljuèuju 1,2 miliona penzionisanih, 400 hiljada porodica koje dobijaju deèji dodatak, porodica koje uživaju novèanu pomoæ, 100 hiljada korisnika pomoæi za ishranu (od strane Svetske organizacije za hranu FAO) i 77 hiljada invalida. Uprkos ovim visokim potrebama, budžetska podrška za ugrožene porodice i osobe pala je sa 16,7% koliko je iznosila u godini na 11,7% u godini, dok je udeo budžeta u socijalnoj zaštiti drastièno opao sa 22,2% na 13,3%. Socijalna pomoæ se uglavnom obezbeðuje iz donacija razvijenih zemalja. Rezultat smanjenja socijalne zaštite je slabija zdravstvena zaštita i zdravstvene usluge i smanjenje kvaliteta života graðana i graðanki. Položaj žena u tranzicionoj ekonomiji Gde su u ovim statistikama pojedinac/pojedinka, stari, mladi, bolesni, invalidi, stanovnici grada/sela, pripadnici odreðenih nacionalnih/etnièkih/religijskih manjina? I da li se njihov ekonomski, socijalni, društveni i politièki položaj razlikuje zavisno od toga da li je reè o muškarcu ili o ženi? Sve dosadašnje analize, i pored toga što nema sistematskog vladinog pristupa istraživanjima, pokazuju da je odgovor na ovo pitanje potvrdan, te da se 'naša' tranzicija ni po ovome ne razlikuje od iskustava drugih zemalja. Tranzicija, s jedne strane, dovodi do rasta nesigurnosti posla, nezaposlenosti i siromaštva, a s druge strane, otvara nove moguænosti vezane za demokratizaciju i razvoj privatne inicijative. Iskustva država koje su prešla ili prelaze ovaj put potvrðuju da su rizici i šanse veoma neravnomerno rasporeðeni, a da je rodnost tu glavna dimenzija (Ruminska-Zimny, 2002, 17). U veæini zemalja žene plaæaju neproporcionalno visoku cenu sistematskim promenama, dok im moguænosti za poboljšanje kvaliteta života ostaju na niskom nivou [6]. Žene su u disproporcionalnoj veæoj meri nego muškarci pogoðene negativnim posledicama strukturalnog prilagoðavanja i delovanja tržišta: gubitkom radnog mesta i steèenih prava i beneficija iz prethodnog perioda, poveæanjem troškova života, nezaposlenosti i siromaštva, smanjivanjem nadnica, i otežanim pristupom zdravstvenim uslugama, socijalnoj zaštiti, obrazovanju i resursima. Pored mladih i neškolovanih, žene su u najtežem položaju na formalnom tržištu rada, te su usmerene ka upošljavanju u neformalnom sektoru (World Bank, 2004, xi). Ovakva zapažanja potvrðuju se i u sluèaju žena u Vojvodini, kako to pokazuju i Godišnji izveštaj pokrajinskog obudsmana za godinu i Godišnje informacije o položaju žena u Vojvodini [7]. Žene èine veæinu u profesijama koje su od ranije zahvaæene procesom feminizacije radne snage. To se prvenstveno odnosi na zdravstveni i socijalni sektor u kome žene uèestvuju sa 78,40 procenata zaposlenih, zatim obrazovanja (70,80 procenata), finansijskog posredovanja, a u industrijskim granama u preraðivaèkoj industriji, poljoprivredi, trgovini i ugostiteljstvu. Dakle, u delatnostima i granama koje su na dnu lestvice po nadnicama. Uprkos visokom nivou obrazovanja i profesionalnim kvalifikacijama, žene ulaze na tržište rada pod nejednakim uslovima i u proseku duže èekaju na posao od muškaraca u svim stepenima struène spreme. Ocena je da talas novog otpuštanja ženske radne snage tek treba da stigne. Prva faza privatizacije obuhvatila je veæe privredne kolektive i metalsku industriju gde su veæinom zaposleni muškarci. Dalje kresanje administracije i stalno smanjivanje zaposlenih u javnom sektoru, kao i privatizacija tekstilne industrije [8] i manjih preduzeæa, više pogaða žene, te æe dalja privatizacija, bez specifièno usmerenih preventivnih programa, naroèito negativno uticati na žene (Vladisavljeviæ, Zuckerman, 2004, 18). U naroèito nepovoljnoj situaciji su majke sa decom [9]. Žene se više nego muškarci suoèavaju i sa starosnom diskriminacijom. Poslodavci izbegavaju da zapošljavaju žene koje imaju više od 40 godina, te one, nakon gubitka prethodnog radnog mesta, skoro da nemaju šansu da naðu novo zaposlenje. S obzirom da u veæini sluèajeva ne ispunjavaju uslove za penzionisanje, ostaju bez redovnih liènih primanja. U ovakvoj egzistencijalnoj nesigurnosti je više od 40 procenata žena. S druge strane, žene koje rade u proseku zaraðuju 15 procenata manju platu od muškaraca za isti posao. Potplaæenost žena je više izražena u prosveti, zdravstvu i socijalnom osiguranju gde su žene zaposlene u velikom broju. Razlike u plati su se poslednjih godina proširile u svim kategorijama zaposlenosti [10]. Položaj žena pogoršava i slabljenje mehanizama zaštite prava radnika kao što je inspekcija rada. Posledica je da poslodavci masovno nesmetano i nekažnjeno krše prava radnika iz radnog odnosa, koji se nemaju kome obratiti za zaštitu. U strahu od gubitka radnog mesta, mnogi trpe ovakvo ponašanje [11]. U privatnom sektoru sindikat slabo uticajan ili ga uopšte nema, pa su zaposleni bez ikakve sindikalne zaštite. Ekonomsko-socijalni položaj žena odreðuje i èinjenica da je znatno više žena-radnica nego žena-poslodavaca. Žene su praktièno izostale iz procesa privatizacije kao subjekti, slièno drugim zemljama tranzicije. Zanemarljiv je broj privatizovanih preduzeæa kupljenih od strane žena. Prema statistikama skoro svaka treæa privatna firma je na imenima žena, ali su one uglavnom ili suvlasnice ili se, što je najèešæi sluèaj, firma samo forme radi vodi na imenu žene, dok je stvarni vlasnik njen suprug ili neki drugi muški èlan porodice. (2 van 7) :37:58

25 Žene i ekonomske promene, Ove tendencije doprinose porastu feminizacije siromaštva, što potvrðuje i Strategija za smanjivanje siromaštva Vlade Republike Srbije. U njoj se ocenjuje da zbog nižih kvalifikacija i kraæeg radnog staža žene u proseku imaju za 15% nižu zaradu od muškaraca, dok se najveæi rizik siromaštva javlja se kod starih žena na selu, samohranih majki, domaæica, Romkinja, izbeglica, neobrazovanih i nezaposlenih žena, bolesnih i žena sa invaliditetom, i žena žrtava nasilja [12]. Znaèajno je istaknuti da su ženske organizacije na samom poèetku ekonomskih reformi upozoravale na neizbežnost nastupanja ovakvih negativnih posledica po žene ukoliko kreatori ekonomske politike ne uzmu u obzir specifiènost njihovog položaja na tržištu rada [13]. Naime, žene u ogromnoj veæini ne poseduju liènu imovinu - stanove, placeve, radnje, njive, stoku - koja je uglavnom vlasništvo muškaraca, muževa, oèeva, braæe (Puzigaæa, 2001) - tako da nemaju moguænosti, kada izgube posao u društvenom sektoru, ni da otpoènu neki samostalan biznis. Sve banke i finansijske organizacije, da bi dale kredite za otpoèinjanje samostalnog posla, traže garanciju u vidu vlasništva nad nekretninama. To znaèi da æe otpuštene žene biti èak lišene moguænosti da se same snalaze (Vujatoviæ Zakiæ, 2001). Rodna dimenzija ekonomskih reformi Zašto tranzicione reforme više pogaðaju žene nego muškarce, i zašto žene manje od muškaraca uživaju pogodnosti od razvoja privatnog sektora, novih tehnologija, informacija i komunikacija, stvaranja novih radnih mesta i drugih beneficija koje otvara tržišna privreda? Odgovor se nalazi u patrijarhalno utemeljenim odnosima meðu polovima i prirodi tržišne ekonomije: Žene su podložnije otpuštanju kako zbog rodnih predrasuda, tako i zbog toga što veæinom rade na jednostavnijim i manje struènim poslovima ili u administraciji, ili u privrednim granama i delatnostima koje najviše pogaðaju strukturalne promene odnosno u kojima je privredni život kratak zbog investicionih ili tehnoloških gibanja. Žene trpe zbog nekompatibilnosti ekonomske i reproduktivne uloge u promenjenim ekonomskim uslovima. Kresanje budžetskih izdvajanja za zdravstvo, obrazovanje, deèju zaštitu, socijalnu sferu znaèi, izmeðu ostalog, kraj besplatne ili jeftine brige o deci, èiji teret sada u potpunosti pada na ženu. Mnoga privatizovana preduzeæa primorana su da ukinu ili smanje obim usluga i beneficija za svoje zaposlene, ukljuèujuæi i objekte za brigu o deci. Dvostruki pritisak na žene, na poslu i u kuæi, poveæava se sa pritiskom društva da naprave izbor i da posvete svoje vreme ili plaæenom radu i karijeri ili deci. Tim pre što privatni poslodavci oèekuju veæu produktivnost i zalaganje na poslu i dobrovoljni, neplaæeni prekovremeni rad. Ekonomija zasnovana na mobilnosti radne snage ne vodi raèuna o manjoj pokretljivosti ženske radne snage, èija je geografska i obrazovna mobilnost vezana brigom o deci i porodici. Rod je kljuèna odrednica podložnosti siromaštvu. Iako gubak radnih mesta pogaða i muškarce, ženama je teže da se ponovo zaposle ili samozaposle zbog nedostatka odreðenog obrazovanja i kvalifikacija, životnog ciklusa (poslodavci favorizuju mlaðe žene) i nedostatka nezavisnog pristupa kapitalu, imovini, kreditima, resursima, novim informaciono-komunikacionim tehnologijama i slièno. Rodni stereotipi otežavaju vertikalno napredovanje žena na radnom mestu i prohodnost na bolje plaæene poslove. Ova diskriminacija žena dovodi do njihove koncentracije na najslabije plaæenim poslovima i delatnostima, u neformalnom sektoru i kao «fleksibilna» radna snaga. Žene se suoèavaju sa neravnopravnim tretmanom i marginalizacijom. Liberalizacija ekonomije i privatizacija usluga i javnih dobara kombinovana sa drastiènim socijalnim reformama poveæava jaz izmeðu bogatih i siromašnih, kao i izmeðu muškaraca i žena. U osnovi pogoršanja položaja žena je intenzifikacija njihove diskriminacije [14] na tržištu rada, na radnom mestu, u zapošljavanju, visini nadnica i socijalnoj zaštiti, odnosno rodna segregacija u ekonomiji i celom društvu (Karadenizli, 2002, 35). Feminizacija rada se dešava u uslovima rodne neravnopravnosti i pristustva patrijarhalnog obrasca. Bolje obrazovanje stoga ne pomaže ženama da steknu bolju platu. Poslovni sektor koji stereotipizira «ženske» poslove ukazuje na tešku prohodnost žena ka dobro plaæenim poslovima (Gabriæ Molnar, 2002, 179). Politika trgovinske liberalizacije može doprineti poveæanju moguænosti zapošljavanja i preduzetništva za žene, ali u preovlaðujuæoj patrijarhalnoj kulturi u Srbiji, u kojoj muškarci dominiraju u procesima odluèivanja, takva politika može dovesti i do poveæanja rodnih nejednakosti (Ðuriæ Kuzmanoviæ, 2005). Cena strukturalnog prilagoðavanja je razlièito rasporeðena na pojedine socijalne grupe. Rodnu dimenziju odnosno razlièiti uticaj na žene i muškarce imaju i drugi segmenti tranzicionih reformi: javne potrošnje, zdravstva, penzijskog sistema, obrazovanja, energije i socijalne zaštite, kao i zajmovi Svetske banke namenjeni strukturalnom prilagoðavanju [15]. Troškovi tranzicije su èesto skriveni jer su absorbovani putem poveæanja neplaæenog rada žena u kuæi i smanjenja izdvajanja za hranu i energiju. Ovo stvara potencijalne dodatne velike troškove za ženu u smislu njenog zdravlja i kvaliteta života. Posredno utièe na poveæanje ženskog siromaštva, jer siromašne majke zadržavaju æerke u kuæi radi pomoæi u radu u domaæinstvu, gazdinstvu ili u neformalnom sektoru, i tako im uskraæuju pravo na obrazovanje i, naknadno, moguænost zapošljavanja na bolje plaæenom radnom mestu (Baden, 1997). Kontekst neplaæene ekonomije nege i niske ženske nadnice dalje snižavaju tržišne troškove i time doprinose poboljšanju komparativnih prednosti na trošak žena (Ðuriæ Kuzmanoviæ, 2005). Siromašne žene naroèito pogaða ukidanje subvencija, poveæanje cena i naknada za usluge (npr. zdravstvene), smanjivanje državnog ulaganja u infrastrukturu (voda, kanalizacija, putevi itd.) èime sve dublje zalaze u siromaštvo. (3 van 7) :37:58

26 Žene i ekonomske promene, Zbog svog marginalizovanog položaja, žene imaju ogranièeni uticaj na kreiranje ekonomske politike i uoblièavanje novih zakona, politika i institucija i time na popravljanje svog položaja. One su znatno više nego u prethodnom socijalistièkom periodu iskljuèene, izolirane ili odstranjene sa mesta odluèivanja. Ovo se vidi u smanjivanju broja žena u parlamentima i na položajima odluèivanja [16]. Zakljuèak Demokratski procesi otpoèeli promenama godine otvorili su prostor za rešavanje mnogih društvenih pitanja, meðu kojima i pitanje rodne ravnopravnosti i martinalozovanog položaja žena. Ovaj prostor, meðutim, do sada nije pokriven politièkom voljom na nacionalnom nivou za menjanje stvarnog stanja, integraciju rodnog aspekta u javnu politiku i eliminisanje diskriminacije žena. Naprotiv žene su sada u gorem položaju (Gabriæ Molnar, 2002, 183). Sve gore navedeno, kao i zapažanja ženskih organizacija u Vojvodini, ukazuju da su srbijanska i vojvoðanska ekonomija zasnovane na rodno utemeljenom tržištu rada, sa asimetriènim odnosima roda i moæi, i patrijarhalnom ideologijom koja unapred definiše prava, ulogu i položaj žena i muškaraca i relativnu vrednost njihovog rada na tržištu. Nepovoljan položaj žena u društvu i u ekonomiji nedovoljno je vidljiv, izmeðu ostalog, i zbog nepostojanja rodno razvrstane statistike, neukljuèenosti ekonomije nege i brige u zvaniènu ekonomiju i pretežnog prisustva ženske radne snage u 'sivom' sektoru. Statistièki pokazatelji i brojke (o zaposlenosti, nezaposlenosti, novom zapošljavanju, proseènim platama, radnim satima, BND itd.) stoga ne pokazuju pravo stanje stvari. Ženama ne ide u prilog ni rasprostranjeno pojednostavljeno shvatanje tržišne ekonomije kao objektivnog, a samim tim praviènog mehanizma, prema kojem postoje brojne moguænosti da pojedinac napreduje u društvu, a koliko æe napredovati zavisi iskljuèivo od njegovog rada i zalaganja. Pojedinac (dakle, i žena) je odgovoran/na za svoju ekonomsku sudbinu koju može da usmerava ulaganjem u svoje znanje, veštine, obuèenost i prilagodljivost tržižnim promenama. Ovakvo pojednostavljeno tumaèenje tržišta zanemaruje èinjenicu da se na tržištu ne takmièe bezlièni «privredni subjekti», veæ ljudi koji pripadaju odreðenoj klasi, rasi, naciji, a feministièka ekonomija je ovde dodala i kategoriju roda i starosne grupe (Bujišiæ, 2001). Ove grupe su nejednake moæi, pripadanje svakoj od grupa nosi odreðenu prednost ili ogranièenje, te na tržištu startuju sa nejednakih pozicija. Tržište verno odslikava odnose u društvu, a žene su najbrojnija marginalizovana grupa. Uslov za fer tržišnu konkurenciju je ustanovljavanje principa jednakih moguænosti putem ustanovljavanja afirmativnih akcija, zaštitnih mehanizama, mehanizama za unapreðenje položaja žena, uklanjanja stereotipa i rodnih predrasuda u svim segmentima društvenog života, i preduzimanja drugih mera koje državi nalaže kao obavezu Konvencija o eliminaciji svih oblika diskriminacije žena [17] i Konvencije Meðunarodne organizacije rada [18]. Prethodno navedene ocene vezane za pogoršavanje ekonomskog, socijalnog i društvenog položaja žena, rastuæu diskriminaciju prema ženama i jaèanje patrijarhalnog društva jasnije se detektuju kada se ukloni 'terminološka magla' koja se koristi radi otežavanja sagledavanja prave prirode procesa, a time i njegovog ishoda i posledica. Naime, ukoliko umesto izraza «tržišni model privreðivanja zasnovan na privatnoj svojini» koristimo njegov eufemizam: «kapitalizam», stvari postaju mnogo jasnije. Time i «ekonomske reforme» dobijaju jasniji smisao da se radi o reformama kojima se stvara kapitalistièki sistem, a kapitalizam poèiva na eksploataciji, prisvajanju viška vrednosti tuðeg rada i neravnomernoj raspodeli moæi, bogatstva i resursa. «Kapitalizam pruža praktièno neogranièene moguænosti za sticanje, ali i za demonstraciju moæi pojedinaca ili kolektiva. Dokazano je da onaj ko raspolaže sredstvima za proizvodnju i znaèajnijiim finansijskim sredstvima, praktièno raspolaže i mnogo veæom snagom nego što je to vidljivo na prvi pogled: diktira uslove raspodele, kreira sistem javnog informisanja, upravlja organizacijama i institucijama kulture i sporta, pa na taj naèin, posredno i neposredno, utièe na javno mnjenje i moralne standarde društva. U tom, za naše prilike novom, moralnom kodeksu, nejednakost se podrazumava, kao prirodna posledica preduzimljivosti i spretnosti, pošto se licemerno pretpostavlja da su, u startu, uslovi za sve uèesnike bili jednaki. (Cvjetiæanin, 2004, 33). Kapitalistièki ekonomski odnosi stoga zahtevaju stvaranje, zadržavanje i jaèanje društvenih odnosa koji æe ih omoguæiti. A patrijarhalni sistem je prirodan okvir neoliberalnog kapitalizma, u kojem su žene po prirodi stvari diskriminisane, a njihov rad eksploatisan, potcenjen i potplaæen. U tom smislu, svaki napor na ustanovljavanju rodne ravnopravnosti i socijalne pravde može da da tek sporadiène i privremene rezultate. Sistem dozvoljava i dozvoliæe da doðe do pozitivnih pojedinaènih efekata takvih mera upravo radi sopstvenog održavanja. Rodna ravnopravnost i neoliberalni kapitalizam potiru jedno drugo, jer se odnosi koje podrazumevaju meðusobno iskljuèuju. Sve nabrojane tendencije prisutne u Srbiji i u drugim zemljama u regionu, uoèavaju se i u razvijenim državama. Èak i tamo gde je dobro razvijena legislativa i gde postoje mehanizmi u oblasti rodne ravnopravnosti, kao u Evropskoj uniji, oèiti je sve širi jaz izmeðu proklamovanog i stvarnog stanja [19]. Produbljavanje feminizacije siromaštva i repatrijarhalizacija društva omoguæava i rezultat je nove 'preraspodele' moæi u korist velikih, bogatih i moænih /tržišta, nacija, korporacija, slojeva, grupa, pojedinaca/. U kapitalistièkom ekonomskom okruženju moguæe je ublažiti neravnopravnost i diskriminaciju žena politièkom voljom i odgovarajuæim mehanizmima i afirmativnim akcijama, no postizanje stvarne ravnopravnosti zahteva premeštanje fokusa ekonomije i društvenog razvoja sa nacije, države i profita na domaæinstvo, porodicu i ekonomiju nege. Rezime Iskustva tokom pet godina sprovoðenja sistematskih ekonomskih reformi pokazuju da one više pogaðaju žene nego muškarce. Žene su znatno osetljivije na negativne efekte tranzicije kao što su gubitak radnog mesta, steèenih prava iz prethodnog perioda i smanjivanja socijalne uloge države zbog dvostruke uloge na poslu i u porodici, rastuæe diskriminacije, neuvažavanja doprinosa ekonomije nege nacionalnoj ekonomiji, jaèanja (4 van 7) :37:58

27 Žene i ekonomske promene, patrijarhalnih vrednosti i propusta države da legislativom i drugim merama zaštiti ranjive grupe. Posledice su rast feminizacije siromaštva i iskljuèenost žena iz javnog, ekonomskog i politièkog života. Mirjana Dokmanovic Kontakt: [email protected] Napomena: Rad je iz elektronske publikacije Zavoda za rodnu ravnopravnost AP Vojvodine Pet godina posle Ženski pokret u Vojvodini izdate godine. Kontakt: Zorana Sijacki, direktor, [email protected] Literatura Baden, Sally, Economic Reform and Poverty: A Gender Analysis, BRIDGE, Brighton, Dostupno na: Pristupljeno Bajic, Vesna, Position of Women on the Labour Market in Serbia, Dostupno na: ECONOMIC/serbia_research.htm, Pristupljeno Bujišiæ, Branislava, Žene i tržišna konkurencija, Indok centar, AŽIN, Beograd, jun Dostupno na: Pristupljeno Cvjetiæanin, Danijel, Oslonac na ekonomiju destrukcije, u Mijatoviæ, Boško (ur.), Prizma, Centar za demokratsko-liberalne studije, Beograd, juli 2004., str Ðuric Kuzmanovic, Tatjana and Dokmanovic, Mirjana, The Enlarged European Union and its agenda for a wider Europe : What consideration for gender equality? EU neighbouring countries: the Western Balkans, Information sheet, WIDE, Brussels, December 2004, Dostupno na: Prevod dostupan na: Pristupljeno Ðuriæ Kuzmanoviæ, Tatjana, (2002). Gender and Development in Serbia - From Directed Non Development to Transition. Novi Sad, Buduænost, Ženske studije i istraživanja. Ðuriæ-Kuzmanoviæ, Tatjana, Rodni efekti globalizacije na srpsku ekonomiju: Sluèaj industrije odeæe Novitet, u Dokmanoviæ, Mirjana (ur.), Globalizacija.com, Ženski centar za demokratiju i ljudska prava, 2005 [Online: www. globalizacija.com], Dostupno na: Pristupljeno Ðuriæ-Kuzmanoviæ, Tatjana, Transition, Privatisation and Gender in Serbia Impact on Labour Market, u Dokmanoviæ, Mirjana (ur.), Transition, Privatisation and Women, Ženski centar za demokratiju i ljudska prava, Subotica, 2002, str European Economy, The Western Balkans in Transition, European Commission, Directorate General for economic and financial affairs, Occasional Paper, No. 5, January 2004, Dostupno na: economy_finance/publications/occasional_papers/occasionalpapers5_en.htm Gabriæ Molnar, Iren, Presence of the Patriarchal Pattern in the Market Economy and Business Sphere, u Dokmanoviæ, Mirjana (ur.), Transition, Privatisation and Women, Ženski centar za demokratiju i ljudska prava, Subotica, 2002, str Godišnji izveštaj pokrajinskog ombudsmana za godinu, Novi Sad, ILO, Women s Employment: Global Trends and ILO Responses, ILO contribution, 49th Session of the Commission on the Status of Women United Nations, New York, 28 February 11 March 2005 Konkurentnost žena sa decom na tržištu rada, Glas razlike, Beograd, 2002 Mijatoviæ, Boško, Ekonomija: gde smo i šta nas èeka, u Mijatoviæ, Boško (ur.), Prizma, Centar za demokratskoliberalne studije, Beograd, januar 2004., str Pokrajinski sekretarijat za rad, zapošljavanje i ravnopravnost polova, Informacija o položaju žena u Vojvodini godina, Novi Sad, 2004 Puzigaæa, Milka, Ekonomski i socijalni položaj žena u Jugoslaviji, SCAN Agencija, Novi Sad, 2001 Republièki zavod za statistiku, Žene i muškarci u Srbiji, Beograd, 2004 Ruminska-Zimny, Ewa, Gender, Privatisation and Structural Adjustment in Transition Countries: Trends and (5 van 7) :37:58

28 Žene i ekonomske promene, Issues in the UNECE region, u Dokmanoviæ, Mirjana (ur.), Transition, Privatisation and Women [Tranzicija, privatizacija i žene], Ženski centar za demokratiju i ljudska prava, Subotica, 2002, str Strategija za smanjivanje siromaštva, Vlada Republike Srbije. Dostupno na: Pristupljeno UNICEF, Women in Transition: A Summary, The Monee Project, Regional Monitoring Report Summary, No. 6, 1999 Vlada Republike Srbije, Ministarstvo finansija, Pet godina ekonomske tranzicije u Srbiji, 5. oktobar 2005., Dostupno na: Pristupljeno Vladisavljeviæ, Aleksandra, and Zuckerman, Elaine, Structural Adjustment's Gendered Impact: The Case of Serbia and Montenegro, Gender Action, 2004 Vujatoviæ Zakiæ, Zorka, I deo: Primedbe na predlog zakona o radu, AŽIN, Dostupno na: org.yu/srp/arhiva/elbtext3.htm, Pristupljeno WIDE, The Enlarged European Union and its agenda for a wider Europe : What consideration for gender equality? WIDE, Brussels, 2005 World Bank, Serbia and Montenegro, Republic of Serbia, An Agenda for Economic Growth and Development, Report No , December 6, 2004, Dostupno na: Pristupljeno [1] Prethodna dva neuspela pokušaja privatizacije uz donošenje sistemskih zakona desila su se i godine. [2] Opširnije: European Economy, The Western Balkans in Transition, European Commission, Directorate General for economic and financial affairs, Occasional Paper, January 2004 [3] Izvor: Vlada Republike Srbije, Ministarstvo finansija, Pet godina ekonomske tranzicije u Srbiji, 5. oktobar 2005., Dostupno na: Pristupljeno [4] Zbog ogranièenog prostora u ovom radu je naveden tek deo oficijelnih podataka navedenih u izveštajima Ministarstva finansija (dostupno na: i Ministarstva za privredu i privatizaciju (Dostupno na [5] Izvor: Ministarstvo za socijalnu politiku. Pristupljeno aprila [6] Ovo je zakljuèak brojnih studija o efektima tranzicije na žene u Centralnoj i Istoènoj Evropi: UNICEF, Women in Transition: A Summary, The Monee Project, Regional Monitoring Report Summary, No. 6, 19; Dokmanoviæ, Mirjana, 2002, New World Order Uticaj globalizacije na ekonomska i socijalna prava žena, Ženski centar za demokratiju i ljudska prava, Subotica, 2002, str ; Dokmanoviæ, Mirjana (ur.), Transition, Privatisation and Women, Ženski centar za demokratiju i ljudska prava, Subotica, 2002., ILO, Women s Employment: Global Trends and ILO Responses, ILO contribution 49 th Session of the Commission on the Status of Women United Nations, New York, 28 February 11 March 2005 [7] Godišnji izveštaj pokrajinskog obudsmana za godinu, str Web stranica: org.yu. Pokrajinski sekretarijat za rad, zapošljavanje i ravnopravnost polova, Informacija o položaju žena u Vojvodini godina, Novi Sad, 2004 [8] O uticaju tranzicije na žene u tekstilnoj industriji: Ðuriæ-Kuzmanoviæ, Tatjana, Rodni efekti globalizacije na srpsku ekonomiju: Sluèaj industrije odeæe Novitet, u Dokmanoviæ, Mirjana (ur.), Globalizacija.com, Ženski centar za demokratiju i ljudska prava, 2005 [Online: Dostupno na: globalizacija.com/doc_sr/s0047lit.htm. Pristupljeno [9] Videti rezultate istraživanja: Konkurentnost žena sa decom na tržištu rada, Glas razlike, Beograd, 2002 [10] Za detaljnije podatke koji ilustruju nepovoljan položaj žena na tržištu rada, potplaæenost ženskog rada, vertikalnu diskriminaciju žena, i neravnopravan pristup zapošljavanju i bolje plaæenim radnim mestima videti: Bajiæ, Vesna, Position of Women on the Labour Market in Serbia, Dostupno na: ECONOMIC/serbia_research.htm, Pristupljeno (6 van 7) :37:58

29 Žene i ekonomske promene, [11] Najèešæi razlogzi obraæanja žena besplatnom pravnom savetovalištu u oblasti radnih odnosa i privatizacije Ženskog centra za demokratiju i ljudska prava u Subotici tokom perioda bili su neisplata zarada, naknada i doprinosa za penzijsko osiguranje, nezakoniti otkazi i diskriminacija prilikom zapošljavanja zbog pola ili starosne dobi. U veæini sluèajeva radnice nisu imale potpisan ugovor o radu ili je ugovor bio manjkav, a svoja prava nisu uspele zaštititi obraæanjem inspekciji rada. [12] Izvor: Vlada Republike Srbije, Strategija za smanjivanje siromaštva. Dostupno na: Pristupljeno 22. decembra [13] Vidi zbornik radova sa meðunarodne konferencije Uticaj privatizacije i strukturalnog prilagoðavanja u zemljama tranzicije na ekonomski i socijalni položaj žena (februar 2002.): Dokmanoviæ, Mirjana (ur.), Transition, Privatisation and Women, Ženski centar za demokratiju i ljudska prava, Subotica, 2002: Dostupno na: AŽIN (Asocijacija za žensku inicijativu), Beograd, je èak predlagao odlaganje primene Zakona o radu i Zakona o privatizaciji do usvajanja novog Ustava ili ustavnih amandmana koji bi uzeli u obzir poziciju ženske radne snage po ugledu na nemaèka ili slovenaèka rešenja. [14] Primera radi, na konferenciji za štampu u Medija centru 6. jula godine, istaknuto je da žene zaposlene u Valjaonici aluminijuma Impol Seval sa istim radnim stažom kao i njihove kolege, po socijalnom programu dobijaju manju otpremninu. Vlada je potvrdila da je u pitanju diskriminacija. Izvor: yu/code/navigate.asp?id=718#2209. Pristupljeno [15] Rodnu analizu ove problematike vidi u: Vladisavljeviæ, Aleksandra, and Zuckerman, Elaine, Structural Adjustment's Gendered Impact: The Case of Serbia and Montenegro, Gender Action, 2004 [16] Videti podatke iz: Pokrajinski sekratarijat za rad, zapošljavanje i ravnopravnost polova, Informacija o položaju žena u Vojvodini 2002/2003 godina, Novi Sad, [17] G.A. res. 34/180, 34 U.N. GAOR Supp. (No. 46) at 193, U.N. Doc. A/34/46 [18] Konvencija C156 o jednakim moguænostima radnika sa porodiènim obavezama (1981.), Konvencija C100 o jednakim naknadama (1951.) Konvencija C111 protiv diskriminacije u zapošljavanju i profesije (1958), Konvencija C183 o zaštiti materinstva (2000) [19] Videti izveštaj sa javnog saslušanja o ovoj problematici organizovanog u Evropskom parlamentu 2. decembra godine. WIDE, The Enlarged European Union and its agenda for a wider Europe : What consideration for gender equality? WIDE, Brussels, (7 van 7) :37:58

30 An international democracy movement An international democracy movement By Kathambi Kinoti (AWID) The sixth International Conference on New or Restored Democracies (ICNRD) was held recently in Doha, Qatar. It brought together governments, parliaments and civil society from hundreds of countries, from kingdoms with hereditary leaders to those with elected representatives at the highest level. The majority of the world community recognizes democracy, with all its flaws and loopholes, as the best form of governance. Democracy and human rights are intertwined, and patriarchy cannot coexist with democracy. One of the ideas agreed upon at the ICNRD was that with the diversity of cultures and historical contexts it is impossible to agree upon one model of democracy. On the other hand, there are several critical and core elements to any democratic system; equal participation and representation, the upholding of human rights, the rule of law and gender equality. Democracy is often equated with the holding of free and fair elections without a critical appraisal of whether or not its other elements are present. The ICNRD is one of the few forums that bring governments, parliaments, civil society and the United Nations (UN) together on an equal footing. The Doha conference acknowledged that civil society is a key partner in democratization. Civil society is often regarded as a service delivery backstop to make up for government deficiencies or a thorn in the flesh of governments, reminding them of their obligations. However the ICNRD process considers civil society an integral part of the movement for democracy, not only by being a service provider but also by providing valuable policy input based on their experience on the ground. Democracy has been identified as the vehicle best equipped to deliver human and women's rights. The United Nations, particularly under the leadership of former and present Secretaries-General Boutros Boutros Ghali and Koffi Annan have advanced the cause of democracy and role of the UN in encouraging democracy. Apart from being part of the ICNRD, the UN has set up the United Nations Democracy Fund (UNDEF) to support democracy initiatives. International human rights standards, codified in various conventions such as the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR) and the Convention on the Elimination of All forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW) have been regarded as the standards to which states should aspire. By agreeing to a common set of standards and reporting mechanisms, states have agreed to ascribe and simultaneously be subject to the standards set by their peers at an international level. While internationally set norms, particularly human rights norms, do not carry very strong punitive measures for non-compliance, they nevertheless impact on individual countries. Not only do countries desire to be part of the community of nations, they are also amenable to lobbying and pressure from human rights activists who base their demands on these international instruments. The tripartite nature of the ICRND strengthens civil society's role by acknowledging its crucial role in human rights protection. The international finance institutions of the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund have had an important and controversial role to play in the democratization of countries who wish to receive their financial assistance. On the one hand their insistence on certain economic policies has meant that economically dominated countries have had to implement measures to eliminate corruption of they hope to receive assistance. On the other hand measures such as the Structural Adjustment Policies imposed upon poor countries have been detrimental to health and education systems, with women bearing the brunt of their negative effects. Donor countries have also grudgingly been allowed a say in the governance of their beneficiary countries. This has meant that certain aspects of democratic governance have been pegged to financial gain and not necessarily on a real commitment to democratic principles. The culture of economically dominant countries has often prevailed with the definition of democracy being based on their understanding of democracy. While at an international level individual countries are subject to scrutiny of their democratic practice, the movement for international democracy is not as strong. Although the UN employs a one nation one vote system, according to Kumi Naidoo of CIVICUS, the powerful Security Council is based on the geopolitics of Criticism has been leveled against countries such as the United States of America which is said to regard itself as an exporter of democracy yet has taken upon itself the role of waging the war in Iraq which is widely seen as unjust and lacking the approval of the international community. Power at the international level is closely linked to economic (and military) dominance. The ICNRD is one effort to promote the international and multi-sectoral promotion of local democracy. The International Civil Society Forum for Democracy (ICSFD) which brought together civil society organizations for the ICNRD made several recommendations for a working relationship with the UN, governments and parliaments for the promotion of democracy. One of these recommendations was that governments and parliaments should create an enabling environment for civil society, including a legal framework. The UN has been at the forefront of encouraging co-operation and partnership between civil society and government, but the relationship has remained largely separate and based on mutual suspicion. The New Partnership for Development (NEPAD) of the African Union and its peer review mechanism make provision for the participation of civil society organizations in (1 van 2) :38:07

31 An international democracy movement appraising the economic and political situations of African countries. African non-governmental organizations have complained that NGOs which have been accepted as part of the process have been hand-picked by governments. Civil society organizations likely to offer a critical evaluation of governments are sidelined. This highlights the uneasiness with which government and civil society regard each other. The ICNRD process seeks to bring together the two parties on a basis of equality. Civil society has had a major role to play in the advancement of women's rights from their articulation to their promotion and implementation. However it has often had to do so from an adversarial position, and as a service provider, and commonly a 'fire-fighting' provider. The ICNRD movement provides a chance for civil society to provide input on policy at an international level. As democracy is inextricably linked to women's rights this process provides an opportunity to women's rights organizations to advance their cause on another front that provides a framework for their equal participation. For more on the International Conference for New and Restored Democracies visit Source: Resource Net Friday File Issue 299 Friday, November 3, 2006 Association for Women s Rights in Development (2 van 2) :38:07

32 The Architect and Engine of Neoliberal Globalization The Architect and Engine of Neoliberal Globalization What is the G8 and why should civil society engage with it? By Kathambi Kinoti, AWID What is the G8? The Group of Eight otherwise known as the G8 is a forum of the leaders of eight of the richest and most powerful nations in the world - Britain, Canada, France, Germany, Italy, Japan, Russia and the United States. They meet annually to discuss global economic and political issues. Russia is the newest member, having joined in 1994, and it does not participate in all the economic and financial discussions. The G8 without Russia is referred to as the G7 and it first came together in The president of the European Commission has observer status at G8 summits and the heads of the UN, the WTO, the World Bank and the IMF also attend as observers. The proceedings of their meetings are not made public, but the G8 usually issues communiqués at the close of their Summits, summarizing their discussions, which usually focus on economics. Although they discuss security and terrorism, the environment and global political issues, their underlying objective is to promote and sustain neoliberal globalization. [1] Every year, in advance of the Summit, the Finance and Foreign ministers of the G8 nations meet and whatever they agree upon is discussed at the Summit. Each of the member nations of the G8, with the exception of Russia chairs the group for a year and this year s chair is British Prime Minister, Tony Blair. Mr Blair has said that the upcoming Summit, which will be held in June in Scotland, will prioritize climate change and Africa as topics for discussion. What is the level of civil society engagement with the G8? [2] Civil society engages with the G8 in two ways; some movements seeking to improve the performance of the G8 and influence its decisions and some movements seeking to discredit it. Encounters with the G8 have undergone several stages. In the 1970s and early 1980s the G7 and civil society more or less ignored each other, neither recognizing the relevance of the other to its own objectives. In 1984, civil society began to see the need to engage with the G7, both by lobbying it and by opposing it. Initially this engagement was not issue-specific. Civil society organizations (CSOs) would run an alternative summit at the same time as the G7 Summit, complete with a counter-communiqué. Over the years however, CSOs began to adopt a more issue-specific approach, lobbying primarily around environmental issues and debt relief. It was not until the Halifax Summit of 1995 that the G8, on the other hand, began to acknowledge civil society. That year s communiqué recognized the importance of an active civil society and its role in promoting sustainable development and the reform of international financial institutions. In other Summits that followed, the G8 increasingly expressed its recognition of the vital role that CSOs play in economic and structural reform and good governance, and particularly expressed the need for the WTO to be responsive to civil society. Why should civil society engage with the G8? The G8 is not an implementing body of any sort. However its role in influencing global economic policy and practice is immense. The World Bank, IMF and the WTO are seen as the agencies through which G8 decisions are made operational, and it is said that nothing of real importance happens in these institutions without the endorsement of the G8. The countries that form the G8 also wield enormous power in the UN Security Council and the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development. The G8 therefore effectively designs the global economic agenda, and implements it through international finance institutions and other international bodies. The G8 has in the past made several commitments which have not been followed through; debt relief, fair trade terms for countries in the South, and the reform of the World Bank and the IMF have been the subject of several communiqués. The failure of the group s governments to effectively implement these commitments has undermined its credibility. It is seen as a club that exists to maintain the economic and political status quo, enabling the rich nations to get richer at the expense of poor nations. Civil society involvement in global economic policy and international trade issues has focussed less on the G8 as a forum than on the World Bank, IMF and WTO. The fact that the G8 Summits are closed meetings is one of the reasons for this. Although there are civil society initiatives targeting the group directly, both by lobbying and by discrediting it, there is a clear need for CSOs to intensify their focus on the G8. (1 van 2) :38:14

33 The Architect and Engine of Neoliberal Globalization Source: Association for Women s Rights in Development [1] The term architect and engine of neoliberal globalization has been used to describe the G8 in What is the G8? Alberta Council for Global Cooperation p. 2 [2] The source of the information in this section is Hajnal, Peter I.: Partners or Adversaries? The G7/G8 Encounters Civil Society University of Toronto, (2 van 2) :38:14

34 The Mexico 2006 Know How Declaration The Mexico 2006 Know How Declaration Weaving the Information Society; A Gender and Multicultural Perspective Hosted by Programa Universitario de Estudios de Género (PUEG) and UNAM, in cooperation with the Know How Secretariat August 23-25, 2006 Preamble We, the Know How community, women and men from 60 countries gathered together at Palacio de Mineria in Mexico City, are a part of the global community of information and communication specialists, librarians, archivists, academics, journalists, politicians, activists, media specialists and representatives of indigenous women s movements, excluded groups and sectors, and rural women s information initiatives. We are dedicated to the creation and dissemination of information and new knowledge for the empowerment of women and the promotion of gender justice. Our goal is to advance gender justice and respect for every nation s cultural diversity within the information society, and to promote access to information and communication as a fundamental women s and human right. 60 years after the Declaration of Human Rights and 31 years after the first United Nations World Conference on Women that took place in this same historic venue that is Mexico City, we recognize that some achievements have been made, but that lack of data disaggregated by sex, gender, ethnicity and age, the failure to leverage information and the lack of access of women around the world to information are key factors contributing to the inability of States to achieve the objectives of the Beijing Platform for Action. Global democracy can only be obtained when equality, justice and respect exist. At present, social and economic inequality between sectors and regions is growing, and fundamentalism has increased. However, women have gained experience and have opened spaces for economic and cultural participation. There are new opportunities developing in health, education, economics, human and reproductive rights. The capacities and tools for making positive contributions in every single sphere of human action exist. The women s movement has fostered legislative reforms and created platforms of action for women s progress. We the Know How community have accumulated historical capital that enables women as leaders of national, regional and international programmes to close the gendered digital gap, design social politics and produce information that can be transformed into knowledge by the appropriation of the ICT`s. We have constructed networks that connect women and enable the circulation of useful information to solve urgent needs. Worldwide, increases in social inequality, discrimination, social exclusion, racism, discrimination based on class, caste, ethnicity, sex and gender are developing at an alarming rate. Women from all social sectors face political, cultural, religious and economic conservatism that prevents them from reaching their full potential. This gap inhibits the access of women to better life conditions. Corporate capital has gained such power that it determines the direction of social policies of many governments. Globally, women's contribution to economies and to political life is neither recognized nor documented. Women continue to face grave familial, institutional, military, and criminal violence. Women face other violations of their basic rights with impunity, including those caused by persistent armed conflict and gender based violence, lack of property rights, and physical and sexual violence. Women continue to bear the brunt of the HIV/AIDS crisis, carrying the burden as care givers and as those who are infected. Despite these grave injustices women have limited mechanisms to record, capture, publicize and redress damages caused by these violations. As a result, there is no reliable sex disaggregated data to inform public policy makers. Despite their knowledge and experience, women are marginalized, making it impossible for them to promote their dignity and transform their lives. In all regions of the world, refugees, internally displaced persons, migrants, women who have been trafficked for sex, indigenous and rural peoples, Afro-Caribbean women, women with disabilities and lesbian women continue to be deprived of their basic freedoms and continue to face discrimination. Such marginalization is aggravated by the lack of access to relevant information. Throughout the world, low-income working women face exploitation and marginalization in the informal economy and in the so-called Export Processing Zones that offer long hours for little pay, domestic slavery and in the informal work sector. The problems are exacerbated by corporate strategies such as just in time technologies and short-term contracts that avoid corporate responsibilities for pregnant workers. (1 van 6) :38:23

35 The Mexico 2006 Know How Declaration Because of all the above, we demand the full implementation of Section J of the Beijing Platform Action, and of the agreements taken in the World Summits on the Information Society (WSIS -Geneva 2003 and Tunis 2005), which call on nations to take measures and actions to transform the role of women as mere subjects of public opinion, into producers of communicative interactions, defenders of human rights and citizens demanding major participation in every single sphere of human action. The WSIS served as an important platform to put forward women s media, information and communication issues. It was a valuable space to lobby and advocate for women s rights to communicate including the use of peoplecentred media such as community radio, as well as overall access to information. However WSIS failed to adequately develop policies that would close the gender digital divide as the agreements on the utilization of information and communication technologies (ICTs) for development did not extend beyond the borders of globalized markets. For example, women entrepreneurs utilizing ICTs for small business, migrant care workers staying in contact with their families back home by using Internet and mobile telephones, women peasants sharing their realities and experiences for learning purposes, all of which contribute to poverty alleviation, are not addressed in the final WSIS documents. We recognize the enormous effort of women to close persistent global and gender digital divides that disproportionately exclude women. We further recognize the imperative of challenging inequalities in access to and participation in information mechanisms and generation of knowledge at the national, regional and international levels and the need to hold accountable the private corporations, governments, and civil society organizations in redressing these imbalances. We recognize the value of information in the indigenous and rural peoples struggle to preserve biodiversity and the health of the planet and recognize that, for the future of our planet, indigenous and rural knowledge must be preserved. We recognize the value of information in the indigenous and rural people s struggle for selfdetermination. We recognize the multiple ways in which ICTs support people with disabilities to participate actively in generation of knowledge and sharing of information and experiences. ICTs could also open up a new world of possibilities and opportunities for women with disabilities worldwide. This scenario underscores the need to generate, reproduce, distribute and share information and knowledge including reliable data and statistics that would enable women to assert their rights and demand justice. With urgency, the Know How Conference 2006 demands that the United Nations and other international and regional institutions, funding bodies, national and local governments, private sector civil society organizations and media take the following immediate actions to close the gendered digital and non-digital divide, and ensure that women and girls are able to exercise their right to communicate and generate, repackage and disseminate information in such a way that they have full access to information and knowledge that will transform their lives and allow them to enjoy their fundamental human rights. Context Recognizing that the World Summit on the Information Society (WSIS) highlighted the information economy and markets more than social development and that it missed the opportunity of adequately addressing gender issues and divides in the information society, and being instrumental in eradicating global poverty, Reaffirming the commitments made through the following United Nations agreements and resolutions: Indigenous Women beyond the Ten-year Review of the Beijing Declaration and Platform for Action resolution adopted at the 49th session of the Commission on the Status of Women, 2005 The Indigenous Peoples and Information Society the Plan of Action adopted at WSIS, Geneva, 2003 The eight Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) of the United Nations which range from halving extreme poverty, to reduction of maternal mortality and halting the spread of HIV/AIDS and providing universal primary education, The Declaration from the Asia-Pacific UNESCAP Workshop on Women and Disability in Bangkok, Thailand, August 2003 The Report from the Expert Group Meeting, United Nations Economic and Social Commission for Western Asia (ESCWA) and United Nations Division for the Advancement of Women (DAW), Beirut, 2002, The Report of the Expert Group Meeting, Seoul, Republic of Korea, 2002, United Nations Division for the Advancement of Women (DAW), International Telecommunication Union (ITU) and UN ICT Task Force Secretariat, The Platform for Action of the United Nations 4th World Conference on Women, Beijing, 1995, in particular Section J, Women and Media section and the outcomes document of Beijing (2 van 6) :38:23

36 The Mexico 2006 Know How Declaration The Declaration of the United Nations Conference on Population and Development, Cairo, 1994 The Convention on the Elimination of all forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW), 1979 The Universal Declaration of Human Rights, particularly Article 19, 1948, Underlining the recognition of information and communication as an instrument for women s and human rights in the following civil society declarations: The Declaration of Montreal on Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual and Transgendered Human Rights, 2006 The outcomes of the Third Session of the UN Permanent Forum on Indigenous Issues on Indigenous Women, 2004 The Declaration of the Kampala 2002 Know How Conference, and the Declaration of the Amsterdam 1998 Know How Conference on the World of Women s Information The Declaration of the International Indigenous Women s Forum, New York 2000 The Bangkok Declaration from the Women Empowering Communications Conference held in Bangkok, Thailand, 1994 The People's Communication Charter, Rio de Janeiro, 1992, Noting with concern that there have been backward steps and lack of coherence in policy implementation in the area of media, information and communication as was evident in the exclusion of the women and media section (Section J) in some of the processes of the 10-year review of the Beijing Platform for Action, Noting that access to ICTs and the media is more than a tool in the achievement of the Millennium Development Goals as these cut across various women s issues and concerns including health, violence against women, armed conflict, economy and governance, Emphasizing that the achievement of the Millennium Development Goals depends on the availability of, and access to, the generation, availability, sharing and leveraging of information, Recognizing the importance of the ongoing UN reform process and the need to ensure that the women s architecture in the UN system is strengthened and that any new independent women s agency that is created must have a broad mandate, led by a director with Under-Secretary-General (USG) status and with greatly enhanced resources, Acknowledging that funding for gender mainstreaming, which includes the creation of and dissemination of information towards the attainment of gender justice, must be carried out at a national level under the highest government office and be subject to monitoring. While women s information organizations must continuously ensure that their services meet the needs of their stakeholders, Recognizing the need to gather qualitative and quantitative statistics and data to influence policy making and hold governments accountable for the implementation of global policies impacting women, Recommendations and plan of action The 2006 Know How Conference adopts the following plan of action to enhance the access to, the affordability of, and the ability of women to generate, share and leverage information and knowledge to transform their lives. The participants in the 2006 Know How Conference put forward the following recommendations to corresponding stakeholders: UN Support Free and Open Source Software programs, and ensure women are involved in developing the programs. In particular, free software, with its freedoms of use for any purpose, study, modification and redistribution should be promoted for its unique social, educational, scientific, political and economic benefits and opportunities. Its special advantages for developing countries, such as low cost, empowerment and the stimulation of sustainable local and regional economies, easier adaptation to local cultures and creation of local language versions, greater security, capacity building etc., need to be taken advantage of, recognized and publicized. Demand that States formulate public policies and legislation that facilitate the use of and access to communication media by indigenous and rural peoples according to international instruments and conventions in force. (3 van 6) :38:23

37 The Mexico 2006 Know How Declaration Demand that States adopt international instruments which recognize indigenous peoples rights such as the UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples, adopted by the Human Rights Council. Demand that States adopt international instruments such as the Indigenous and Tribal Peoples Convention (ILO Convention 169), Ensure that a strongly mandated UN women s agency support the implementation of the Mexico 2006 Know How Declaration. Governments Honour conventions, treaties, declarations and all local, national, regional and international instruments, as noted in the context of this Declaration. Construct national and regional programmes, to counter the growing power of multinational corporations in public policy processes by introducing gender mainstreaming at all levels, in all sectors. Governments must agree to develop, implement and monitor these initiatives at national and international levels, while making all relevant information available to women. Formulate public policies and legislation that facilitate the use of and access to communication media by indigenous and rural peoples according to international instruments and conventions in force. Respect and protect indigenous customary laws, in particular protocols and cultural responsibilities and the ethical standards of traditional indigenous knowledge. Ensure, in addition to traditional library practices, wider access to virtual libraries by harnessing existing communication technologies and the new ICTs. Ensure that women s organizations, including women s health organizations, have adequate funds to fulfil their tasks. This must include information dissemination activities. Promote the use of free software in schools and higher education and public administration. Formulate public policies and legislation in consultation with indigenous peoples especially indigenous women, in order to facilitate the use of and access to communication media, according to international instruments and conventions in force. Repeal repressive laws relating to media and television that inhibit the freedom of information and expression for women. Participants of the Know How Conference support the demand of the Mexican hosts to the repeal of the recently approved media law (Television Law) by the Mexican Council of Representatives which dramatically inhibits the development of community radio and limits the access to the airwaves. Ensure that the regulation media is in the hands of independent institutions and its focus is to promote the public interest, including the establishment of measures that encourage diversity and plurality of views on a broad range of issues. Promote the creation of communications media that respond to the linguistic and cultural realities of indigenous and rural peoples, respecting the autonomy and the ways of using these media, ensuring strategies for long-term continuity and sustainability. Create communication media that help preserve peoples mother tongue and minority languages and increase access to materials in those languages. Ensure that women have the right to communicate, access and control information and share knowledge for their self-determination. Adopt and implement policies, laws and regulation supporting community and independent media initiatives including women s community media initiatives. Ensure that the regulation of the media is by independent bodies and that media regulation is aimed at promoting public interest including the setting up of measures that encourage the diversity and plurality of views on a broad range of issues. Respect and promote the freedom of expression the right to seek, receive, express views and impart information and ideas. It is a fundamental human right that is integral to the struggle for women s rights and attainment of gender justice. It is a key element in enabling women and all other marginalized groups to have access to information and allows them to express their views and to influence public action. End repression of media and communicators, in particular community media, alternative media and independent (4 van 6) :38:23

38 The Mexico 2006 Know How Declaration media. Protect the rights of journalists and communicators and ensure that the appropriate authorities prosecute those who commit crimes and violent acts against them. Support the Digital Solidarity Fund as recommended by WSIS and specifically support women's ICT initiatives. Enforce standards for media that respect women s and human rights. Support gender research as a basis for policy change. Private sector Corporations must ensure that production and services policies take cognisance of their effect on women, their rights and well-being. The private sector must commit resources in support of governments to set up universal access funds that promote equitable distribution of information and communication infrastructure and services in rural and urban areas. Funding bodies Support sustainable development of local organizations by Respecting and engaging with local organizations to undergo research and provide services and develop products, rather than perform the tasks themselves. Promoting the financing of indigenous peoples projects, giving special consideration to those of indigenous women, respecting diversity. Avoiding short-term approaches such as outsourcing to commercial agencies activities that are otherwise undertaken within NGO organizations which in the end inhibits the sustainability of our organizations. Avoiding the multi-stakeholder model as an imposition that determines the conditions of funding provided to women organizations. Support initiatives (such as the Know How Conference) that bring together women communicators, librarians, media practitioners and information activists. Provide long term support to women s information organizations. NGOs and civil society Develop programmes of training in organizational transparency, organizational structure and funding strategies. European civil society organizations must pressure their governments and the European Union to continue supporting women s (information and communication) organizations in Latin America, Africa, Asia and the Pacific. Women s organizations throughout the world must continue to communicate with funding and potential funding organizations to ensure they are not forgotten in the funding rounds. Media Produce and distribute media materials that project balanced, positive and non-stereotypical images of women and men. Information must be generated that strengthen and dignifies women, free of gender stereotypes that humiliate women, violence, discrimination and racism. Particular effort must be made to eradicate the image of indigenous women as exotic objects and merchandize. Know How Community Enlarge the capacity of francophone women to actively participate in the Know How processes. Develop and share innovative databases that include ethnic, gender and age indicators. Develop training programmes in organizational transparency, organizational structure and funding strategies. Train women s information organizations in developing fundraising strategies, which will include self-financing through product development. (5 van 6) :38:23

39 The Mexico 2006 Know How Declaration Collaborate with women-only organizations working and mixed-membership organizations to ensure that they develop adequate communication and information strategies for women. These strategies must include training on how to write and disseminate online information as well as other traditional channels. Create a database of funding organizations that will support women s information and communication organizations. European women s information and communication organizations must pressure their governments and the European Union to continue supporting women s (information and communication) organizations in Europe, Latin America, Africa, the Middle East, Asia and the Pacific. Document the everyday human rights abuses experienced by all women, acknowledging where necessary discrimination based on gender, sexuality, disability, race, ethnicity, caste, civil status etc. and make these available to governments and UN bodies. Document the lives of migrant women. Continue to support initiatives (such as the Know How Conference) that bring together women communicators librarians media practitioners and information activists. Increase the participation of women, and especially rural, indigenous, poor and marginalized women (including those from under represented countries and territories) in the Know How conference, and ensure their contributions to the outcomes and recommendations of critical intergovernmental meetings such as the WSIS and the Internet Governance Forum. Ensure participation in the Know How community of women activists from politically isolated countries or territories and countries where women activists face security threats for their work. Promote the implementation of recommendations and plan of action. (6 van 6) :38:23

40 Globalization, Poverty and Food Security Globalization, Poverty and Food Security: The Linkages of Gender Inequality and Agricultural Growth in Africa: Conceptual and Empirical Issues By Bola O Akanji, Ph.D., Nigerian Institute of Social and Economic Research, Ibadan, Nigeria Abstract This paper draws on the extensive but mixed discussions around the concepts of globalization and liberalization with a view to exploring their linkages with gender inequality and economic growth in the specific context of developing countries of Africa. The equity considerations of globalization allow us to link the touted macro impacts with micro impacts with respect to employment, income, food production and food security. These are expressed via household level responses in the process of agricultural commercialization and export led industrialization. Putting the expectations from liberalization and structural adjustment policies through the gender lens allows us to deconstruct stylized facts about globalization impacts on developing countries human development indicators especially poverty, food security and gender relations of production as well as on macroeconomic indicators such as income, employment, wages and so on. Empirical evidences that either support or deconstruct these stylized facts are presented to show the many facets of globalization on the lives of women and men in agrarian and semi-industrialized countries. The conclusion is that understanding and eradication of feminized poverty in sub-sahara Africa must be based on a heterodox feminist, rather than a neoclassical analysis of not only the macro but also the micro dynamics of responses to globalization and liberalization policies. 1. Dimensions of Globalization According to UN-DAW (1999), Globalization has become the catch-all term used to refer to those various phenomena and processes that are brought about by changes towards world economic integration. It therefore lacks a neat definition. Its economic dimensions, however, cover the closely related but distinct concepts of openness or liberalization, integration and interdependence of nations. From this statement, many faces of globalization are widely recognized with varied expectations. These include capital expansion, trade expansion or trade liberalization, cultural integration, financial liberalization, increased information and technology flows, increased labour mobility, changing consumption patterns and so on. Central to all these is increased exchanges or trade. Thus trade liberalization is one of the most touted features of globalization. In the agricultural sector or in other primary production or craft economies, trade liberalization was jumpstarted by structural adjustment policies (SAPs). To these economies, SAPs continue to be the major face of globalization and has been analyzed more than other facets. In this regard, it is always difficult to disentangle trade effects from other globalization effects. In these discussions of the micro level analysis of globalization, we shall also focus on the liberalization policies that have shaped agricultural growth process in Africa. Central to this is the theory of inequality as it affects unequal partners. Globalization effects are expected to be positive for all trade participants, and although there will be net gains and net losses; it is propounded that the net gain will outweigh the net loss (World Bank, 2001). But in recognizing the inherent equity considerations in the response to the same set of opportunities by different (unequal) actors, it remains doubtful that the net gain will augur well for long term human development especially in poorer countries or between different groups within the same country. According to Elson (1989), adjustment means change and change means costs as well as benefits, losers as well as winners. Change must therefore be managed so as not to leave inequities in is distribution of costs and benefits. And according to ADB (1992), all must be carried along into the income-growth process that liberalization offers, if Africa is to achieve the self-sustaining growth that has always eluded it. As stated by Elson and quoted in Gladwin (1991) And if greater reliance is to be placed on private enterprise, we need to ask, whose enterprise? The enterprise of the woman farmer (on whom household subsistence is hinged) or the enterprise of (male-managed, household, market-bound) agribusiness and merchant with monopoly power? The enterprise of women cooperatives or that of a multinational corporation? These diametric concerns symbolize the lack of synergies between the macro and micro impacts of liberalization and central to this is the creation rather than the eradication of (feminized) poverty and food insecurity in Africa. 2. Poverty and Food Insecurity in Africa In sub-saharan Africa, a large and increasing proportion of the population subsist on per capita income of less (1 van 10) :38:32

41 Globalization, Poverty and Food Security than one dollar a day. The share of the population falling below the poverty line is as high as 50 per cent. Although all indices of poverty are well manifested in sub-saharan Africa s Human Development Indices (World Bank 1999), the heart of the problem is food insecurity. From statistical projections (Badiane and Delgado, 1995), aggregate cereals demand and supply balances for African countries indicate a likely increase in imports from 9 million metric tons in 1990 to 27 million metric tonnes by And given the obvious difficulties in mobilizing resources to finance imports and the implications on local food availability (IITA, 1993), deterioration in the food security will result, unless revolutionary departures are made from current production patterns. Agriculture is not only the primary source of food in Africa; it is the principal means of livelihood in its predominant rural settlements. The challenges then are, not only to drastically reduce net import demands and make agriculture a major source of export earning, but more critically, to achieve agriculture-led industrialization towards the attainment of structural reforms as are called for by increasing world integration. Although the problems are both policy-induced and structural in nature, our concern is on the structural challenges that tend to constrain the desired social and economic transformation of agriculture and that reinforce poverty and food insecurity. 3. Food Security and Poverty: A look at Measurement Issues The evidences of poverty and food insecurity have never been so clear and alarming in their proliferation as in the last decade. But more worrisome is the conflict in the manifestations. The World Food summit secured international commitment, in 1990, to reduce the number of undernourished people by half by the year Five years on, statistics show that an increasing number of people remain food insecure (800 million by 2000) (World Development Report, 2000). Yet this contracts with the supposed progress being made to reduce by half the world s population living in absolute poverty over the same period, which indicates that the international development community is on track (Meyers, 2001). This implies that different indices are being measured or equally likely that progress in one area is negatively affecting the other. So, is hunger or food insecurity a symptom of poverty and in what ways are they linked? The above paradox makes a clear distinction between food production and food access. Here is where poverty comes into the equation of food security. A poor nation may increase its food production, national food selfsufficiency and economic growth to lift itself upward in the poverty statistics, but sections of its people may remain food insecure because of other factors that affect their access to the food. Suffice it, then, to say that development indices that focus on increased production of food alone are inadequate to capture the pattern of its distribution between populations and within populations (Akanji, 2002) Poverty characteristics are important in the construction of poverty indicators. Therefore, the relevance of human development indicators (HDI) rather than money-metric or income measures, GDP measures or other macroeconomic structure have been seen to be more appropriate (Human Development reports). The characteristics of the poor are also contextual and so are the manifestations of poverty in different populations. The need for the voice of the people in poverty assessment and the design of poverty reduction measures therefore remain very valid. The PRSP strategy is aimed at streamlining the objectives of macroeconomic growth with those of human development. It also emphasizes the contextual sing poverty knowledge and reduction strategies. The gender dimension of poverty is particularly reinforced in agrarian economies where the poor are characterized by landlessness, invariable (inelastic) supply of labour, likely to live in female-headed households, likely to be farm labourers rather than farm owners, remote form development assistance due to time constraints, hunger as well as literacy and health constraints and so on (Akanji, 1998). As a result, the consonance of gender development indicators with other human development measures is a necessary condition in poverty assessment. The relationship of growth with poverty has been shown not to be a foregone conclusion, as nations, which recorded high economic growth especially during structural adjustment, also recorded high levels of poverty incidence and high-income concentration. The distributional aspects of growth are therefore more relevant to the measurement of poverty. This view is reinforced by the fact that there is considerable correlation between the trends in Human Development Indicators, Gender Development Indicators and Human Poverty Indices (Table 1). Table 1: Poverty Indicators for Selected Countries (1998) Human Development Indicator Gender Development Indicator Human Poverty Index Macroeconomic Growth (GDP per capita) $/year Norway Thailand Ghana Nigeria Source: Human Development Report, 2000 The Table above shows dimensions of the linkages of gender development with growth and poverty reduction. It shows synergy, not only between growth and poverty reduction, but also between the human development indices (2 van 10) :38:32

42 Globalization, Poverty and Food Security and gender development indices. This implies that growth is a necessary but insufficient condition for poverty reduction. Sub-Saharan Africa has lagged behind both in its macroeconomic structure, human development and gender development indicators, compared with other developing and developed areas. It would then be tempting to say that the problem of poverty in SSA is induced both by slow growth and social inequalities and that progrowth policies like liberalization are insufficient to achieve balanced and sustainable growth with equity. Liberalization policies, in their standard prescription will need to be looked at through a different kind of lens. 4. Expectations from Liberalization for African Agriculture: how shall it address poverty and food security (ST Theory) The perspective goal of market liberalization worldwide and especially in Africa, as embodied by different forms of economic (structural) adjustment, is structural transformation (ST) (Killick 1990). This is hinged on marketled growth strategies rather than protectionist soft government for Africa s predominant agricultural sector. ST entails the development of manufacturing and service sectors, such that the relative importance of agriculture declines (over time). That is, the percent of labour-force in agriculture and the percent of GNP from the sector decline as labour specialization proceeds (O Brien, 1991). An interrelated set of changes in economic structure, including internal consumption, production mechanism, external trade and capital flows, domestic savings and investment behaviour are necessary mechanisms that must catapult the primary production system into a higher technological realm which is required to sustain industrial development (Chenery 1979, Bates 1983, Seikler 1992, Eicher 1986). In short, globalization as epitomized by liberalization policies is expected to be the cure-all for Africa s poverty and food insecurity, if and only if Africa s economic structure can be modified towards more efficient production system, systemic industrialization, modernization of agriculture via increased commercialization, specialization, based on comparative advantage and a gradual shift from agricultural-led to industrial-led macroeconomic development. In assessing the linkages, Kanji (2002) identifies two main approaches, which may yield different results. Mainstream economic approach and Socio-economic approach. The former takes the neoclassical view of liberalization whereby potential effects of SAPs for instance are beneficial: Free movement of goods and services Increased specialization based on comparative advantage Increased allocative efficiency in resource use Increased technical efficiency by using more capital and technology rather than inefficient labour Enhanced production towards export-led growth Appropriate pricing leading to positive supply response Increased aggregate production leading to increased food security Increased farm income leading to poverty reduction (at least in money-metric terms). However, these standard response parameters do not consider the way that policies are specified and their differential outcomes, if all cannot respond according to these standards. As a result, the poor and other vulnerable groups may not benefit. Also the perspective of food security is over-generalized. Food security is not about the food or the commodity but about people and hunger (IFPRI, 1991). Nominal production of food does not guarantee affordability to the poor or accessibility to non-producers. In the last two decades, world output of food has doubled but the world s population of the hungry has also doubled. As empirical proof, SSA s dependence on trade, as measured by share of GDP from trade increased from 38% to 43% between 1988 and At the same time, her share of world trade had declined in real terms. Its dependence on primary goods still remained above 80% from oil and non-oil, mainly agriculture. Price volatility of primary commodities led to declining terms of trade which was 21% below its 1970 level. Over the same period, the percentage of poor people remained the same in 1998 as it was in 1987, in spite of increased trade volume. Social indicators also showed a decline, going by HDI estimates. The conclusion is that growth effects need to consider other related social variables, mainly distribution effect of increased income. Growth in the poor s income need to be decomposed into growth and distribution effect. The socio-economic approach introduces the realities of capabilities, vulnerabilities and sustainability of livelihoods. Desirable outcomes, therefore, go beyond income gains to welfare gains, reduced vulnerability, improved food security and sustainable use of natural resources, which have strong equity considerations and therefore work up from micro to macro. 5. Inequality Concerns in the analysis of globalization Divergence is a feature of current globalization. The inherent equity consideration in the implementation of (3 van 10) :38:32

43 Globalization, Poverty and Food Security globalization policies lies in: (i) use of rules that benefit the powerful countries at the expense of he weaker nations or regions, leading to unequal rate of economic and social development which shows as deepening poverty of developing countries compared to developed ones (Human Development Reports) (ii) its human expression which hinges on the extent to which all groups within a nation can participate in its income growth process. Unequal participation of people and groups in the new trade opportunities created by globalization bring about the paradox of income growth and increasing poverty, of segments of the same population. In many instances especially in agrarian economies of SSA, equality of participation, equality of response to opportunities is something that cannot be guaranteed. Therefore, while many of the earlier analysis of liberalization effects have been positive on growth, more recent studies have shown that these benefits of globalization are not automatic and are contingent on the management of other evolving phenomena, the two principal concerns being inequalities and market volatility. Thus a people-centred analysis of globalization effects cannot take a purely neoclassic view of economic growth but rather, a human development approach. Neoclassical economic analysis assesses outcomes of policy in a gender neutral or household or per capita unit of analysis. Distributional effects are considered or emphasized. Resultant inequalities are seen as incidental rather that the cause and effect of mainstream policies. Emphasizes aggregates of growth, efficiency, income and consumption. Heterodox (feminist) economic analysis goes beyond the unitary analysis to a disaggregated view of society to answer the question: are these outcomes equal for all groups or socio-economic groups. If not, growth and efficiency have been attained at the expense of social justice and equity or at the price of inequity. That is why the theory of inequality is central to the analysis of poverty effects of macro policies such as liberalization. 6. Some Perspectives on The Nature and Measurement of Gender Inequality First let us look at the dimensions of inequality with a view to situating gender inequality. Inequality exists in a development system which concentrates opportunities. It results in distributional imbalances in development outcomes such as economic well being, paucity of it or simply lack of it. Its measurement is usually a measure of concentration, which is estimated as the Gini Coefficient a measure of the level of evenness of distribution. Amartya Sen identifies several faces of inequality, with gender inequality being the most profound, being that it crosscuts other forms of inequality. At the micro level therefore, gender inequality has been seen as that which mostly undermines human development. At the macro level, such inequalities transmit their effects either to enhance or to constrain growth. In the latter, where inequality enhances growth, this has been termed the capitalist accumulation effect, while in the former, it has been termed the underdevelopment effect. Either way, inequality manifests as varying levels of lack or poverty, food insecurity (hunger) being a major manifestation. Gender inequality reinforces the structural dimension of poverty which has also been a concern in the measurement of poverty. The major types of Gender Inequality that are mostly related to economic production are: Employment Inequality reflected often as increased labour feminization without increased gender development or economic empowerment of women; Persistent wage gaps between men and women in employment; Ownership Inequality reflected often as resource constraints for women in the same production system; Household Inequality reflected as unequal power relations and underlies other derivatives such as employment inequality and political inequality. Causes of Gender Inequality Gender role differentiation imposed by the traditional society on time, ability, availability of men and women to respond to changing opportunities; Gendered entitlement systems imposing disparities on access of men and women to common property resources, especially productive assets; Gendered nature of production which imposes differential outcomes not only on productivity of men and women but also on returns to production due to valuation bias on outputs of production (productive and reproductive work outputs). (4 van 10) :38:32

44 Globalization, Poverty and Food Security How large is gender inequality Some schools of thought maintain that gender inequality is not as much of a problem as it is made out to be. So how large is gender inequality? Ravi Kanbur s analysis of the size of gender inequality is very explicit. It posits that there is sub-distribution of gender categories since gender crosscuts all other dichotomies. Total size of inequality is therefore the overall distribution of inequality (V) within each sub group. Eboh (2003) recognizes the presence of multiple gender categories, each one exerting a gendered impact on the development process. An estimation of the size and effect of inequality must decompose along these structural lines. First to effectively capture all facets and two to assess differences in the impact on sub-categories a distinction or decomposition of the within and the between effects. To this extent, intra-gender power structures have been found to be significant in the analysis of gender relations in primary production systems (Akanji, 1994) 7. Gender Analysis of Liberalization Policies Inequality becomes a relevant force in globalization because it sets the initial position of men and women at the onset of changing policies of liberalization. This initial position of advantage or disadvantage determines the responsiveness to the opportunities that liberalization present. On the aggregate, the outcome of liberalization in a production system depends on the gender structure of the actors (producers) and their aggregate supply response. In the next section, we carry out a gender analysis of liberalization impacts in cross-country studies. Going by its own doctrines of survival of the fittest and capitalist accumulation, liberalization itself initially reinforces inequalities although it is also believed to potentially have the ability to close gender gaps and other forms of inequalities over time. Another possible outcome of liberalization is to move an economy or nation from one kind of inequality to another. Thus different forms of inequality would impose adversities or negative impacts on lives of both men and women. Inequalities of different forms that become self-reinforcing culminate in poverty of those affected and underdevelopment in spite of broadening opportunities for growth. 7.1 Gender analysis of liberalization policies is a gendered deconstruction of Stylized Facts around its doctrines as it affects women and men and as it affects macroeconomic growth indicators. Impact of Gender Inequality on Economic Growth, Poverty and Food Security: Stylized Facts and Empirical Evidences around the developing world Impact of gender inequality on efficiency and output of agriculture The broad macroeconomic outcomes of liberalization are as follows: Increased commercialization, increased specialization and concentration, expanded market for output export promotion via the availability of farm surplus, industrial linkages are promoted. The effects on macroeconomic variables are enhanced price of commodities, increased farm income, increased flow of private investment, increased savings and increased paid employment. However, feminist analysis has brought out other unintended likely and documented outcomes, which are the effects of gender inequalities in the agricultural work force: Increased feminization of the labour force, increased wage inequality, pressure on women s time budget, pressure on household subsistence, negative impact on health and nutrition, negative environmental consequences as women and the poor exploit natural resources, net shortfalls in consumption. Several Micro studies in agriculture largely support these outcomes. Quinsumbing et al (1995) tested the assumption of pareto efficient household allocation of production resources in Burkina Faso. They found that farm level output was shortchanged by up to 10% due to allocative inefficiency in household productive resources a result of differential gender entitlement, even in households where farm plots were evenly distributed between male and female farmers. The assumption of pareto efficiency in outcome was debunked. Thus inequality impedes agricultural growth and household food security. In Cameroun, gender inequality in technological capability and access as shown by unequal power relations in the control of yield-enhancing technology, led to substantial income loss to poor households. Women farmers persisted in growing sorghum in spite of higher returns on rice and household poverty profiles worsened (Jones 1986). In Zambia, women farmers refused to intercrop female crop (beans) with male crop (maize) despite potential savings of 50% on weeding labour and cost. This was related to land (Poat, 1991). Macro studies often give contradictory evidence. Kanbur, 2002 argues that findings are mixed and the jury is out. In spite of some empirical evidences to the effect of positive benefits of gender equality for growth, the groundswell of opinion is not strong enough. He concedes that inequality impedes growth and redistribution releases constraint on growth and production, leading to welfare gains, although more from he economic and (5 van 10) :38:32

45 Globalization, Poverty and Food Security social dimension and less on the power dimension. Nonetheless, it is shown that pro-growth policy choices are promoted when endowments and capabilities are more equally distributed between women and men. The evidence against the relative importance of power inequalities needs to be reassessed against the above evidences from Zambia and Cameroun!! Biliamoune (2002) on the other hand, supports the hypotheses that increased inequality between countries of north and the south are stronger for African women than they are for African men. While globalization has favoured certain nations at the expense of others, many African countries have lost potential markets, potential foreign capital flows and globalization has forced non-competitive producers out of the market. The results show that globalization has an ambiguous effect on gender inequality in a mixed sample of developing countries, but does have a negative effect on gender inequality in Africa. This implies that gender inequality in Africa is rising as globalization proceeds Impact of Liberalization on Employment The normal stylized argument is that as liberalization progresses, income growth in the productive sector leads to massive entry of women into the labour force (Feminization of the labour force). However as income growth progresses, the rate of feminization changes depending on the stage of development. This is the theory of the Feminization U. Many empirical studies support this theory but the study by Darity and Ertuk clarifies the segmented effect in different countries at different stages of economic growth Changes in feminization ratio can apply through two different effects: Buffer hypothesis: women s labour is secondary due to lower labour value and so as industrialization proceeds, female labour declines Substitution hypothesis: SAP induced substitution of female labour for male labour as a cost reducing strategy. Feminization enhances economic growth. In the craft economy (agrarian), at the initial stage of market expansion, there is massive feminization (Darity and Ertuk, 2000). Feminization rate however falls with rising income due to greater competition with (male) skilled labour. Job losses result for women. In middle income (semi-industrialized) countries, feminization rate proceeds at the same rate as income growth because net job loss tends to equate net job gains as women s education and skill increases. In high income countries, feminization rate increases with increasing income (economic growth) because the opportunity cost of women s time is now higher than its subsistence value. You may find the phenomenon of sitat-home-husbands. Recent efforts towards conceptualizing gendered impacts of openness (liberalization) through price, income and employment have verified this U-shaped feminization effect in many newly industrializing nations. Export promotion and trade liberalization have led to massive movement of women into the labour force (Wood 1991, Cagatay and Osler, 1995, Floro 1992). Whether this is good for women or good for growth has also been a subject of further analysis. Ertuk and Darity (2000) showed that the new global division of labour between the North and the South could thwart economic benefits normally associated with trade liberalization. In one likely effect, female unpaid labour in the household subsidizes the reproduction of labour. This is a cost on women, which diminishes and passes to the market as higher cost of household welfare and food security as labour force feminization proceeds. On the other hand, wage discrimination against women in the paid employment is a net gain on growth. Floro examines the same effect in agricultural households in the Philippines and notes substantial substitution of labour between men and women as agricultural export increases, putting pressure on subsistence and welfare. In Nigeria, the substitution effect on household welfare and nutrition was evident during the structural adjustment programme (NISER/CBN, 1991) Impact of liberalization policies on value of labour The reproduction of labour is normally subsidized by women via domestic roles of nurturing, welfare provisioning etc. As income growth proceeds and labour force is feminized, cost of reproducing labour becomes positive as industrialization proceeds. In a craft economy, the burden of care falls on the market and because of infrastructural deficiencies and underdeveloped goods and services markets, the value of labour increases as labour quality is compromised leading to inefficiency in production, declining output, declining income, high food prices and food insecurity (Floro (1992) in the Philippines, Dolan and Sutherland (2002) in Kenya). In an industrialized economy, the cost of labour is minimized due to efficient goods and services market. Thus liberalization may leave the value of labour unchanged. (6 van 10) :38:32

46 Globalization, Poverty and Food Security Effect on composition of output With industrialization, composition of output changes from primary products to industrial goods and export-led industrialization. Female labour has been seen to subsidized production of industrial goods as unionization breaks down (sweatshop effects) (Ozcan and Ozcan, 1999). Economies change production to industrial goods at the expense of women s sweat. The phenomenon has been noted in Export Processing Zones (EPZ) and in Commodity Value Chains (Kenya), although they have been shown to provide great opportunities for women to benefit from globalization, with short-term benefits for income and household poverty Impact on Investment and Savings Where the substitution effect is higher, labour force feminization is efficient. Investment increases due to the minimal cost incentive. In a cross country analysis (Sequino, 2000), empirical data not only shows that GDP growth is positively related to gender wage inequality but that part of the impact is transmitted through its positive effect on investment. During liberalization such as SAP, women s work burden increases due to cut down in governments social spending. The share of household goods that substitutes for market defeminization, leading to desaving. But the higher the household provisioning, the higher the savings. Poverty management and food security occurs at the expense of women. Higher subsistence leads to higher savings and declining poverty. On the other hand, higher market income leads to increasing opportunity cost of female labour, decreasing subsistence and decreasing savings. Liberalization may affect savings negatively Increased Paid work leads to economic empowerment for women Again, findings are highly mixed and contextual. While in agrarian economies, the economic opportunities are enlarged for women, in other subsistence and newly industrializing economies, there are often less clement effects on women s position in the workforce. Changes in the conditions of (paid) work due to more informalisation of work, less unionization have led to depressed wages and the sweatshop syndrome. Wage differentials are reinforced. In developed countries, there is evidence of drop in gender wage gaps, given enhanced competition between men and women skilled workers in the work place. In developing countries, wage gaps are exacerbated due to low skill of new female market entrants, high supply of labour and low bargaining power of the unskilled vis a vis the skilled. Work normalization and feminization of work rather is the norm to the advantage (capitalist accumulation) of the market economy. Occupational segregation also persists due to skill differentiation and because skill upgrading is costly for women. Net job creation effects may be unclear. Net job creation increases for women irrespective of skill category. But net job destruction is also rising in high technology-intensive environment. Volatility of employment and income is therefore on the rise for female labour. For large industrial firms, the above picture is clearer. Extensive studies in South East Asia and Latin America have been more amenable to the analysis (Ozler, Seguino, Ozan and Ozcan etc). For agriculture, the informal nature of employment, smaller firms, and high-unpaid work burden makes t more difficult to show the effects from cross-sectional data because of preponderance of unskilled workers. Net job creation may appear to be higher. However income effect is usually negative while wage gap effects are reinforced. Trend analysis of agricultural data shows the structural effect more clearly as the sector is being transformed in size and technology and income. Income effect becomes lower and wage gap between skilled and unskilled jobs increases. In developed economies, the reverse is usually the case. So in agrarian economies, the stylized feminization U shows up only at the later stages of structural transformation Impact on Agricultural Growth via Small Farmer Commercialization (SFC) Increased commercialization of agricultural production is seen as a positive response to adjustment policies. The optimal response is expected to hasten the process of structural transformation. Therefore, any constraints to supply-response would naturally show down the rate of commercialization. Conversely, optimal trends in the factors that are critical determinants of supply-response should be positively related to the pace of commercialization. In the sense that such factors or the availability of factors of production vary by gender, it is expected that rate of commercialization will vary by gender. An identification of the critical determinants of supply response and differentials in these parameter estimates for male and female farmers (degree and dimensions of gender inequality in assets ownership, capabilities and accessibility) will lead to different set of outcomes than projected by policies. Priorities for bridging gender gaps are called for in hastening the process of agricultural commercialization and growth. Some of the determinants of commercialization have been analyzed conceptually and empirically and gender (7 van 10) :38:32

47 Globalization, Poverty and Food Security differentials are estimated (Akanji, 2003). The critical determinants are largely related to the macroeconomic growth variables, albeit at the micro level. Level of investment which may derive from capital accumulation from women in terms of inelastic labour demand is shown to be important. Gender inequality in labour utilization may enhance commercialization for men. On the aggregate, the gross investment is likely to be shortchanged. Credit (Leff and Sato, 1988) becomes crucial in an analysis of investment behaviour of commercial farmers. Therefore, what credit volume is available to male and female farmers is a determinant of commercialization. Land Asset is another critical factor, and consistent with the financial hierarchy hypothesis, bigger financial (asset) base predisposes to higher access to credit and better supply-response or rate of commercialization, inter alia. Land is the most important asset base in small-scale agriculture. To the extent that access of farmers to land vary significantly by gender (Akanji, 1991, 2002) this variable is crucial to the analysis of commercialization. Cropping pattern as a derivative of land size is also important. Land, on its own, may be insufficient, rather the optimal land use within the framework, of commercialization is more important. In this sense are the allocation of land to commercial and non-commercial production and the ratio of traded to non-traded crops on male and female farms become critical. Inequalities in these initial positions during Small Farmer Commercialization (SFC) have been seen to negate the expected aggregate outcomes from SFC. Food security objectives are still paramount with small farmers (Kunze, 2003). In a study of several African countries, the following patterns were observed: Box 2: Impacts of Small farmer Commercialization in Africa SFC is part of a more comprehensive change in rural livelihoods which include off-farm activities especially wage labour for women. Evidence is also given that it is part of a long-term transition from traditional peasant life to new rural lifestyles (globalization effect). A major finding in the process of SFC is short-term food shortages at the household level due to spontaneous development of a market economy. Intensification of staple crop production does not translate into food availability, rather, enhanced income from a variety of livelihood options buttress food security in the medium term. Food price hikes are common in a SFC environment. Diversification, rather than specialization was therefore observed. More plot fragmentation took place rather than land amalgamation. Therefore, the food security objective is stronger in Africa s SFC than themercerization objective. (FAO Workshop on Gender and Agricultural Commercialization in Africa, IITA, 2003) Impact of Socio-cultural variables In the sense that the socio-cultural variables exert particular power structures between men and women in rural communities (Bari, 2001), they are all expected to produce differential gender effects on investment behaviour and level of farm commercialization. Variables like literacy will enhance participation in the market economy via greater access to information and higher technological learning (Koffi-Tesso, 2001). The age and gender of the farmer are important power variables in a rural community. Even among women, age crosscuts with gender to exert particular influences. An older woman in a farm household has the status of a man among other women while her position among the wives may confer her privileges such as greater access to land and other communal property resources. The nature of employment is also important. Being primarily engaged in a particular crop production confers social capital, which is found in commodity-based social institutions, like farmers associations or cooperatives. Other (part-time) growers may lack such influence while on the other hand, having another source of income apart from rice farming could be a boost to investment capacity. These are contentious issues and contextual in manifestation and therefore need to be empirically validated. Conclusion The foregoing has shown the extent that liberalization policies impact of different people in different sectors of an economy. While liberalization policies will be gender-neutral in their indication, they are hardly gender-neutral in their outcomes. It takes an analysis of such outcomes by gender categories to see the differential impact. It has also been shown that such outcomes of gender inequality do impact on the overall economy, mostly in negative ways. One, disincentives are set up, productivity is shortchanged, discrimination in wages either fuel growth of profit-oriented firms but against unethical operating standards and/or creates disenfranchised population of workers. Inequalities in liberalization effects affect productivity and output especially in agricultural systems, thereby worsening food security. It takes a gender analysis framework to unpack these effects. Gender analysis instruments are an important tool for interrogating reform policies in order to provide a framework to mainstream gender in the workings of policies themselves. (8 van 10) :38:32

48 Globalization, Poverty and Food Security BIBLIOGRAPHY Akanji. Bola Globalization, Poverty and Food Security: Some Conceptual Linkages. Paper Presented at the International Conference of Poverty and Food Security ECOWAS Secretariat, Abuja. Akanji, Bola O Determinants and Indicators of Commercialization on Male-managed and Female-managed Rice Farm in Nigeria Paper Presented at International Conference on Gender and Agricultural Commercialization IITA. Ahmed Ismail and Michael Lipton. Impact of Structural Adjustment on Sustainable Rural Livelihoods: A review of the literature. Amartya Sen Many Faces of Gender Inequality. The frontline, India November 9, Baden Sally Economics Reform and Poverty: A Gender Analysis. Report Prepared for the Gender Equality Unit, Swedish International Development Cooperation Agency (SIDA). Baliamoune Mina Globalisation, Economic Growth and Gender Inequality What Fate awaits African Women? Conference on Globalization Economic Liberalization and the Role of Women in Economic Growth and Development of Africa. Wakeforest University, Winston Salem, North Carolina. Cagatay Nilufer and Sule Ozler, Feminization of the Labour Force: The Effects of Long Term Development and Structural Adjustment World Development Vol.23, No.11 pp Chinkin, Christine Gender and Globalization. Dorlan, Christine S and Kirsty Sutherland. Gender and Employment in the Kenya Horticulture Value Chain Globalization and Poverty. Elson Diane 1989 The Impacts of Structural Adjustment on women: Concepts and Issues The IMF, World Bank and the African Debt, Vol 2 Bade Onimode ed London/New Jersey Zed Books Erturk K. and William Darity Jr Secular Changes in the Gender Composition of Employment and Growth Dynamics in the North and South. World Development Vol. 28, No. 7, pp Floro, Maria S.2002 Women, Work and Agricultural Commercialization in the Philippines. Fontana Marzia, Susan Joekes and Rachel Masika Global Trade Expansion and Liberalization: Gender Issues and Impacts. Department of International Development (DFID) UK. Gladwin Christina H 1991 Structural Adjustment and African Women Farmers. University of Florida Press. Center for Afrian Studies, Gainsville. IIED Gender, Markets and Livelihoods in the context of Globalization: A Study of the Cashew Sector in Mozambique. International Institute for Environment and Development. Kanbur Ravi Education, Empowerment and Gender Inequalities. Kanji N and Barrientos S Trade Liberalization, Poverty and Livelihoods: Understanding the Linkages. IDS Working Paper 159 Institute of Development Studies, Sussex. Kanji Nazneen and Sarah Salway Promoting Equality Between Women and Men. Social Development Department. SD Scope Paper No 2. Ozler, Sule Export Orientation and Female Share of Empowerment: Evidence from Turkey World Development vol. 28, No.7, pp Seguino, S The Effects of Structural Change and Economic Liberalization on Gender Wage Differentials in South Korea and Taiwan. Cambridge Journal of Economics, 24, Seguino, S Gender Inequality and Economic Growth: A cross-country Analysis. World Development Vol. 28, No 7 pp Udry, Christopher, John Hoddindtt, Harold Alderman and Lawrence Haddad Gender Differentials in Farm Productivity: Implications for Household Efficiency and Agricultural Policy Food Policy vol. 20, No.5, (9 van 10) :38:32

49 Globalization, Poverty and Food Security UN. DAW World Survey on the Role of Women in Development, Globalization, Gender and Work. United Nations, New York. Webb Patrick and Katinka Weinberger Women Farmers: Enhancing Rights, Recognition and Productivity. Development Economics and Policy. (10 van 10) :38:32

50 The G8 Summit 2006 and global economic justice The G8 Summit 2006 and global economic justice By Kathambi Kinoti, Association for Women s Rights in Development (AWID) As this year's G8 Summit came to a close on July 17, economic justice advocates were not impressed by the grouping's progress report on last year's pledges, although they acknowledge that there was some progress. The 2005 Summit focused on measures to reduce poverty and support sustainable development in the world's poorest continent. This year the agenda was global energy security, the fight against infectious diseases and education. All these focus areas have implications for the realization of women's rights, although the G8's primary objectives may not have much to do with the universal realization of human rights. Oxfam International had this to say about the communiqué from St. Petersburg: "There has been progress on Africa in the last year but it is far from substantial, despite what the G8 leaders said today. We're pleased that they've agreed to regular performance reviews on Africa and we hope they can give the world a performance to be proud of in Germany next year." [1] Although last year's Summit paid special attention to Africa, it is not only the poor in Africa who are adversely affected by many of the economic policies shaped by the world's richest group of nations and enforced by the international finance institutions. The economic gap between rich and poor nations continues to grow and the feminization of poverty continues to be evident. G8 pledges for 2006 In St. Petersburg this year, the G8 made several pledges [2], among them to: - enhance global energy security by making efforts to 'increase transparency, predictability and stability of the global energy markets, improve the investment climate in the energy sector, promote energy efficiency and energy saving, diversify energy mix, ensure physical safety of critical energy infrastructure, reduce energy poverty and address climate change and sustainable development; - co-operate with development partners and stakeholders to achieve high quality basic education, literacy and gender equality in accordance with the Millennium Development Goals and to facilitate the wider use of ICTs; - seek to enhance international capacities to monitor and respond to outbreaks of infectious diseases; - work further with other donors to mobilize resources for the Global Fund to Fight AIDS, Tuberculosis and Malaria and to continuing to pursue as closely as possible to universal access to HIV/AIDS treatment for those who need it by 2010' and to further develop the Global HIV Vaccine Enterprise; and - improve the effectiveness of international response to emergencies and of action to mitigate health consequences of natural and man-made disasters, including through effective use of rapid response teams. What about debt cancellation, fair trade and aid? Although the statements and pledges made by the G8 leaders seem to attempt to portray the Group's policies as being aimed at fostering balanced global economic growth and prosperity, economic justice advocates think otherwise. They call for total cancellation of debt for poor countries and for the G8 to stop counting debt-cancellation as aid. [3] They say that aid should be viewed as justice, not charity, and call for a qualitative and quantitative increase in aid. The repayment by poor countries of their debts owed to G8 countries, the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank force these countries to cut down on public spending on healthcare, education, water and other basic services. Women end up having to take on the burden that their governments should be bearing, as they fill the gaps and provide basic services to their families and the society by extension. [4] Without providing total debt cancellation, G8 pledges on infectious diseases, education and energy security will not amount to much. The way that aid is currently disbursed to poor countries fails to make significant differences in the lives of poor people and also tends to perpetuate gender inequalities. The current international trade regime is another area that is considered to further impoverish the poor. While the St. Petersburg Summit was pushing for a conclusion to the Doha round of the World Trade Organization negotiations, many welcomed its collapse as they considered that the talks were likely to push poor nations into accepting adverse trade conditions, with women inevitably bearing the brunt. In many countries, hunger and poverty are being perpetuated by the insistence that cash crops are grown instead of the crucial food crops needed for daily sustenance and food security. For instance, as MADRE reports, increasingly, G8 corporations, rather than African women, control Africa's food supply. US-based Monsanto, for example, controls 52 percent of South Africa's maize seed, the country's staple food. [5] Last year in Gleneagles, the G8 set itself some concrete goals aimed at reducing poverty in Africa, a continent (1 van 2) :38:40

51 The G8 Summit 2006 and global economic justice where women form the majority of the poorest of the poor. Although some pledges were fulfilled to an extent, overall there were many promises broken. This year in St. Petersburg, the G8 set fewer concrete goals for itself and focused less on poverty alleviation. In doing so, however, for women's rights advocates, the group of wealthy nations has shattered no illusions. Source: Resource Net Friday File Issue 285 Friday, July 28, 2006 The Association for Women's Rights in Development Web: [1] [2] See official website of the G8 presidency of the Russian Federation in [3] Ibid. 1. [4] See Susskind, Yifat. 'Make G8 Policy History,' MADRE, [5] Ibid. (2 van 2) :38:40

52 World Health Assembly Adopts Resolution Tying Public Health To Trade Policy World Health Assembly Adopts Resolution Tying Public Health To Trade Policy The World Health Assembly on 27 May 2006 adopted a resolution that urges member states to improve coordination at the national level between international trade and public health, requesting the World Health Organization (WHO) to help its member states to do this. The resolution calls for governments to promote a better dialogue on trade and health, and gives health ministries a place at the table with other government agencies involved in trade issues, establishing mechanisms to enable this. It also calls on countries to consider new laws and policies to address negative impacts on public health from trade policies, as well as potential opportunities. The agreement was reached on the final day of the May assembly of the 192 member states of the World Health Organization. The agreement came after several developing countries agreed to rework or drop their proposed changes to the draft resolution in order to comply with concerns, including from Australia and the United States. India modified its proposal for more explicit reference to flexibilities for developing countries from international trade rules on intellectual property rights, Turkey dropped an effort to add text on transition countries, and Venezuela abandoned the prospect of creating an intergovernmental working group on trade and health. The new resolution International Trade and Health (EB117 R5) - was unanimously agreed to at the January WHO Executive Board meeting, and it came as a surprise to many delegates that three countries suggested amendments to the draft resolution when the item was discussed on 26 May. India suggested adding a new paragraph urging member states, to reflect all the flexibilities permitted under international trade agreements in national laws to address public health concerns. It also suggested adding multi-stakeholder in to make the resolution read: to promote multi-stakeholder dialogue on trade and health. The United States said the issue of flexibilities in the World Trade Organization Agreement on Trade-Related Aspects of Intellectual Property Rights (TRIPS) was already more than adequately covered in other resolutions, including the research and development resolution that also was adopted today (see related story). It proposed deleting the Indian paragraph. Australia also said that India s proposal was already dealt with other places in the resolution. Moreover, it said that the TRIPS Agreement offered the member countries the opportunity to take up flexibilities but does not require them to do so. As a compromise, India proposed adding its point, in a somewhat watered-down version, to another paragraph referring to trade agreements, then reading: using the flexibilities inherent in them. The US suggested adding, considering where appropriate to be added before this. This was agreed and the resolution was adopted. The final version (not yet available) urges WHO member states to adopt, where necessary, policies, laws and regulations that deal with issues identified in that dialogue and take advantage of the potential opportunities, and address the potential challenges that trade and trade agreements may have for health, considering where appropriate using the flexibilities inherent in them. Venezuela agreed before the final day s debate to drop its suggestion to set up an intergovernmental working group on the issue, sources said. On 27 May, the WHO secretariat distributed a new draft including the changes but in the meantime Venezuela had withdrawn its proposal. Therefore, there was no discussion of the Venezuelan proposal on 27 May. Turkey also agreed to drop a suggestion to add to a paragraph on the challenges and opportunities of trade, also taking into account the special problems of countries through which health goods and services transit. After some debate involving the United States seeking clarification, Turkey withdrew its proposal for the sake of consensus, it said. Two WHO sources told Intellectual Property Watch that the 26 May discussion of the draft resolution showed that there was very good support across the board, and many countries were already doing what the resolution suggested. The member countries are now looking to the WHO to help increase their capacity in this area, they said. The comments also showed that this is a new issue for the World Health Assembly but not for the individual countries making up the assembly, they said. The idea for the resolution came from Thailand at the May 2005 Executive Board meeting. Some members had argued that trade issues should remain primarily with the World Trade Organization, but acknowledged that (1 van 2) :38:52

53 World Health Assembly Adopts Resolution Tying Public Health To Trade Policy governments want advice from the WHO as well, the WHO officials said. Source: Intellectual Property Watch Update on Trade and Health WHA resolution, from (2 van 2) :38:52

54 Zapadni Balkan od "leopardove kože" do Evropske unije Zapadni Balkan od "leopardove kože" do Evropske unije mr Ilija J. Džombiæ, viši asistent, koordinator nastave na Fakultetu za poslovni inženjering i menadžment, Banja Luka, Bosna i Hercegovina Podruèje Balkana se èesto definiše kao "bure baruta" i predstavlja podruèje koje je èesto bilo u ratnom požaru, a koje je svakodnevno optereæeno svaðama i prošlošæu. O karakteristikama ovog podruèja najslikovitije govori Èerèilova izreka:"ako zapoènemo svaðu izmeðu prošlosti i sadašnjosti, uvidjeæemo da smo izgubili buduænost". Situacija na Balkanu je posledica tzv. politike "leopardove kože" od strane meðunarodne zajednice. Posledice takve politike su veliki broj malih država u kojima je u velikoj mjeri izražen nacionalni identitet, izmeðu kojih još uvijek postoje problemi nedefinisanosti meðusobnih granica, a koje se suoèavaju sa zaostajanjem u realizaciji tržišnih i demokratskih reformi. Cilj ovakve politike je politièka i ekonomska destabilizacija regiona i stvaranje nacionalne zavisnosti. Cilj stvaranja politièke i ekonomske destabilizacije ovog podruèja za rezultat ima moguænosti uslovljavanja i vršenja pritisaka pojedinaèno na svaku od država regiona i projekciju politike koja je u interesu svjetskih moænika. Zemlje bivše Jugoslavije evropski su opredeljenje. Svaka od njih uspostavila je Sporazum o stabilizaciji i pridruživanju Evropskoj uniji, a neke od njih nadaju se skorom pozivu za pristupanje Evropskoj uniji. Meðutim, sve zemlje još uvek su optereæene prošlošæu i dogaðajima koji su se desili u vremenu koje je iza nas. Meðu zemljama vlada politièko nepovjerenje i još uvijek politièki interesi pojedinaca stavljaju se iznad interesa društva kao cjeline, a sve to doprinosi da se razvija i vlada veliko nepovjerenje izmeðu država koje su nekoliko decenija èinile jednu državnu cjelinu. Stoga, možemo reæi da Evropska unija sa dozom rezerve i velikim oprezom realizuje svoju politiku prikljuèenja zemalja Zapadnog Balkana Evropskoj uniji. Takoðe, odgovor na pitanje zašto se proces pridruživanja zemalja Zapadnog Balkana Evropskoj uniji odvija sporo, možemo potražiti u èinjenici da je na podruèju Balkana uveliko prisutna politika i interesi SAD-a, koji su zainteresovani za ovaj prostor. Da je ova èinjenica taèna govori i podatak da su svi ratovi i krize sa kraja XX vijeka, koji su se odvijali na Balkanu - riješeni ukljuèivanjem i angažovanjem SAD-a. Stoga, zemlje Zapadnog Balkana same moraju uvjeriti Evropsku uniju da su zaista evropski opredijeljene i da je vrijeme ratova i kriza prošlost za region. Da bi uvjerili Evropsku uniju da smo evropski opredijeljeni, da je vrijeme ratova, kriza i nestabilnosti iza nas i da ovo podruèje može biti region stabilnosti i prosperiteta -neophodno je da zemlje regiona same iniciraju i kreiraju svoj put ka Evropskoj uniji, ali i svoj put ekonomskog oporavka i razvoja. U stvaranju evropskog puta moraju zajednièki nastupati. Danas je jedini put razvoja ovih zemalja bez alternative - èvrsta ekonomska saradnja izmeðu država i stvaranje jedinstvenog ekonomskog prostora. Opredeljenost za èvrstom ekonomskom saradnjom izmeðu zemalja Zapadnog Balkana je stvaranje Zone slobodne trgovine i jedinstvenog tržišta (Hrvatska, Srbija i Crna Gora, Bosna i Hercegovina, Makedonija i Albanija). Sve ove zemlje suoèavaju se sa velikim ekonomskim problemima. Neki od tih problema su hronièna nezaposlenost koja se danas kreæe u rasponu od 20% u Hrvatskoj do 43% u Bosni i Hercegovini, veliki spoljnotrgovinski deficiti, nedostatak investicionog kapitala, tehnološka neopremljenost, slaba infrastruktura, nedostatak obrazovnog kadra, pravno-ekonomska neureðenost itd. Svi ovi nedostaci rezultat su nestabilnosti koja vlada u regionu, a koja je posljedica nedostatka politièkog konsenzusa izmeðu ovih država. Da je ekonomska saradnja jedini put razvoja ovih država, pokazuje èinjenica da je juna godine u okviru Pakta za stabilnost Jugoistoène Evrope potpisan sporazum o razumijevanju izmeðu ovih država, kao i Rumunije, Bugarske i Moldavije. Od tada, do danas potpisan je 31. bilateralni trgovinski sporazum u regionu Zapadnog Balkana. Meðutim, bilateralna saradnja, kao i mnogi bilateralni ugovori ne zaživljavaju u potpunosti, te je neophodno da prerastu u multilateralnu trgovinsku saradnju koja bi stvorila jedinstveno tržište Zapadnog Balkana. Da je ovo podruèje talac nepromišljene politike pojedinih politièara koji sebe smatraju liderima i spasiocima svog naroda i da nepromišljene odluke donose u izbornoj godini - u prilog govori ponovno uvoðenje carinske stope za proizvode iz Srbije, Crne Gore i Hrvatske, a koji se uvoze u Bosnu i Hercegovinu. Ako bi zaista ove države bile iskrene u opredijeljenosti za Evropski put, jedinstven tržišni prostor okupio bi oko 25 miliona potrošaèa sa prosjeènom stopom rasta BDP od oko 4,5%. Prostor je ogromna razvojna potreba sa trgovinskim deficitom od oko 22 milijarde dolara. Stvaranje jedinstvenog tržišnog prostora zahtijeva mnogo uloženog napora i vremena koje mora biti rezultat mukotrpnih i dugotrajnih multilateralnih pregovora izmeðu država Zapadnog Balkana. Ako su najviša rukovodstva ovih država zaista evropski opredeljena i zaista žele ekonomski razvoj svoje države, rezultat takvih pregovora neæe izostati. (1 van 3) :38:59

55 Zapadni Balkan od "leopardove kože" do Evropske unije Stvaranje jedinstvenog tržišnog prostora doprinijelo bi bržem i lakšem pristupanju ovih država Evropskoj uniji, u odnosu na današnju individualnu praksu pristupanja Evropskoj uniji s jednu stranu, a istovremeno doprinijelo poboljšanju položaja i uloge ovih država na polju meðunarodnih ekonomskih odnosa s drugu stranu. Stvaranjem Zone slobodne trgovine regulisalo bi se kretanje radne snage, kapitala, roba i usluga unutar regije. Takoðe, regulisali bi se mnogobrojni i usložnjeni trgovinski propisi, carinska i poreska politika, itd. Takoðe, to bi doprinijelo stvaranju zajednièke ekonomske politike u nastupu prema treæim državama i još više bi naglasilo evropsku opredeljenost ovog regiona i želju za pridruživanjem Evropskoj uniji. Danas svijet misli na krupni kapital. Ukrupnjavanjem kapitala i liberalizacijom trgovine ukloniæe se sve ono što ne valja, a stvoriæe se povoljniji preduslovi za neophodna finansijska ulaganja. Meðutim, ekonomski interesi koji govore u prilog stvaranju Zone slobodne trgovine su suprotni politièkim interesima pojedinih država regiona, ali i dijela meðunarodne zajednice koji su referendumom i izglasavanjem nezavisnosti Crne Gore nastavili realizaciju politike "Leopardove kože" zapoèete u poslednjoj dekadi XX vijeka. Želja za ekonomskim prosperitetom i boljim životom može da zaustavi proces dezintegracije ovog podruèja, ali samo postojanjem èvrste volje i opredijeljenosti za uspjehom od strane politièkog vrha svake od malih država regiona. Iskustvo zemalja Evropske unije koje su najpre stvorile Evropsku ekonomsku zajednicu je više nego dovoljan pokazatelj da ekonomski interesi mogu pobijediti politièke interese. Takoðe, èinjenica je da su Francuska i Njemaèka bile osnivaèi Evropske ekonomske zajednice, a da su pre toga bile sukobljene strane u oba svjetska rata. Stoga, ne treba da postoji nikakav strah u Hrvatskoj ili Srbiji ili Bosni i Hercegovini ili Makedoniji od stvaranja zajednièke ekonomske organizacije ako su zaista opredeljene za ekonomski i privredni razvoj. Potrebno je samo sjesti za pregovaraèki sto, razgovarati i kreirati najefikasnije modele razvoja ovog regiona, jer narod koji živi na ovim prostorima zaslužuje bolji i kvalitetniji život. Takoðe, stvaranje jedinstvenog tržišta Zapadnog Balkana je test za ovaj region o moguænostima usaglašavanja i harmonizacije tržišnih i ekonomskih propisa i meðusobne saradnje, jer ako zemlje regiona nisu u moguænosti da se meðusobno dogovore oko zajednièkih interesa - zašto bi ih Evropska unija prihvatila kao ravnopravnog partnera? Nemoguænost dogovora ili izbjegavanje stvaranja ovakve organizacije je pokazatelj da zemlja ili zemlje nisu spremne za širu multilateralnu saradnju i kao takve mogu biti samo izvor nestabilnosti i kriza unutar odreðene organizacije. Buduæi odnosi moraju se graditi na povjerenju. Ne smemo dozvoliti da živimo u prošlosti. Naravno, prošlost ne smemo zaboraviti, ali ne smemo je ni unositi u buduænost. Moramo imati na umu da se Zapadni Balkan smatra podruèjem nestabilnosti i izvora kriza. Tu sliku koja vlada u svijetu moramo promijeniti. Kako æe mo je promijeniti zavisi od nas. Ako smo opredijeljeni za ekonomski i privredni razvoj, ako želimo privuæi strane investitore i inostrani kapital ili tehnologiju moramo sami sjesti za pregovaraèki sto i sami kreirati politiku ekonomskog razvoja ovog regiona. Moramo pokazati svijetu da smo zaista prevazišli prošlost i da smo èvrsto opredeljeni za buduænost u kojoj nema mejsta za ratove, podjele, krize i meðusobne optužbe. Takoðe, moramo stvoriti sliku da smo zaista sposobni preuzeti odgovornost i obaveze za izgradnju buduænosti regiona. Meðusobna optuživanja, politièke igre, stavljanje minornih politièkih interesa iznad ekonomskih interesa i interesa društva, opstruisanje bilateralnih dogovora, meðusobna udaljavanja i cijepanja ne samo da æe usporiti naš put ka Evropskoj uniji što nam je zajednièki cilje, nego æe nas ostaviti po strani u siromaštvu i bijedi. Meðusobna saradnja za rezultat æe imati brži razvoj cjelokupnog regiona. Naime, ne smijemo zaboraviti èinjenicu da su sve zemlje ovog regiona osim Albanije èinile jednu državnu cjelinu nekoliko decenija. U takvoj državnoj cjelini privreda je bila meðusobo zavisna izmeðu tadašnjih republika. Na primjer, Zastava iz Kragujevca je imala èvrstu saradnju sa Jugoplastikom iz Splita, koja je proizvodila visokokvalitetneinstrumental table za putnièka vozila koja su se proizvodila u Zastavi, koèioni sistemi u Varteksu, elektronika u Iskri iz Kranja itd. Raspadom Jugoslavije partneri Zastave postali su drugi proizvoðaèi iz Srbije, ali više nije bilo onog kvaliteta kakav je bio do poèetka rata. Jedinstveno tržište æe uništiti sve ono što ne valja. Stvoriæe prostor za nove ideje, nova kapitalna ulaganja, stvaranje novih zajednièkih projekata koji æe u odreðenom vremenskom periodu popraviti kvalitet života svih stanovnika regije. Liberalizacijom se otvara prostor za projekte koji æe biti vrijedni pažnje, koji æe smanjiti nezaposlenost, spoljnotrgovinski deficit, doprinijeti tehnološkom razvoju. Konaèni cilj stvaranja jedinstvenog tržišta je ulazak u Evropsku uniju, a što æe se sigurno ubrzati stvaranjem ovakvog tržišnog prostora. Zona slobodne trgovine bi pokazala i uvjerila èelnike Evreopske unije u iskrenoj opredijeljenosti ovih zemalja za èlanstvom u Evropskoj uniji. Stvaranje Zone slobodne trgovine Zapadbog Balkana neæe stvoriti novu Jugoslaviju, nego æe stvoriti ekonomski prostor od oko 25 miliona stanovnika koji æe lakše ostvariti svoje ekonomske interese u današnje doba ekonomske i politièke globalizacije. Na primjer, Èeška, Poljska i Maðarska su zemlje potpisnice Višegradskog sporazuma (Višegradska trilaterala) i kao takve nisu stvorile nikakvu novu državu, ali su zato prve ušle u NATO od svih bivših socijalistièkih zemalja kao suverene i samostalne države. Takoðe, ostvarile su najbrži i najbolji postsocijalistièki oporavak i kao takve ušle u Evropsku uniju. Takoðe, slièan program saradnje imale su Litva, Latvija i Estonija koje nisu stvorile novu Baltièku državu nego su ostale samostalne i suverene. S obzirom da su sve zemlje regiona evropski opredeljene sa ciljem èlanstva u Evropsku uniju, svima mora biti jasno da je danas nemoguæe graditi i uèvršæivati nacionalne granice i zatvarati svoju državu. Naprotiv, potrebna (2 van 3) :38:59

56 Zapadni Balkan od "leopardove kože" do Evropske unije je liberalizacija koja je preduslov bržeg ekonomskog razvoja. Cilj udruženja je vlastiti privredni interes. Kroz istoriju, Evropska unija se nije širila tako što je odmah primala nove zemlje u punopravno èlanstvo. Najpre, uspostavljani su odreðeni funkcionalni regionalni programi, kroz koje su se kandidati nastojali približiti standardima Evropske unije, a zatim su postajali punopravni èlanovi. Geografsko ureðenje Zapadnog Balkana, kakvo je danas, tržišno nije nikom zanimljivo. Ovo je prostor zavaðenih etnièkih grupa koji prijeti destabilizacijom cijele Evrope. Ovo je prostor koji pripada istoj cjelini i potrebno ga je na što bolji naèin iskoristiti. O autoru: Mr Ilija J. Džombiæ, viši asistent Fakultet za poslovni inženjering i menadžment Banja Luka Jovana Duèiæa br Banja Luka Tel/fah: , Mob.tel: [email protected] [email protected] (3 van 3) :38:59

57 Human Rights HUMAN RIGHTS An international democracy movement By Kathambi Kinoti The majority of the world community recognizes democracy, with all its flaws and loopholes, as the best form of governance. Democracy and human rights are intertwined, and patriarchy cannot coexist with democracy. World Health Assembly Adopts Resolution Tying Public Health To Trade Policy The World Health Assembly on 27 May 2006 adopted a resolution that urges member states to improve coordination at the national level between international trade and public health, requesting the World Health Organization (WHO) to help its member states to do this. It also calls on countries to consider new laws and policies to address negative impacts on public health from trade policies, as well as potential opportunities. Are Human Rights Any Business of Business? Corporate Behaviour from a Human Rights Perspective By Karin Lukas In the last few decades, we have witnessed a shift in economic and political power from states to corporate institutions. One indicator of this trend is the sheer amount of capital that corporations generate: Microsoft makes more money than the 31 Least Developed Countries together. A study by Anderson/Cavanagh found that 51 corporations are among the top 100 largest economies in the world, while only 49 are countries. The Made-Up Crisis: Medical Malpractice Insurance Costs in New Jersey Increase Health Disparities Within Health Care Delivery Systems. A Need for New Allocations of Liability for the New Health Care Paradigm. By Prof. Ilise L. Feitshans Protests in the streets and chanting with posters on the steps of the statehouses of New Jersey and Pennsylvania in 2003 had one remarkable shared feature: their constituents. These protests came not from the vast unemployed masses demanding jobs, fair wages, or educational opportunities for the underemployed, underinsured, homeless or poor. Nor were these protests staged by pacifist citizens, crying out in opposition to some war in a place far away. These protests came from a most unexpected quarter: private sector physicians. Towards an International Human Rights Framework for Corporate Accountability: The United Nations Human Rights Norms for Business By Kathambi Kinoti AWID The process of globalization has resulted in the acquisition of immense power by MNCs, particularly in developing countries where they are able to shape policy and influence governments. In LDCs they often cause human rights abuses with impunity and exhibit a lack of transparency, behaving in ways that they would not be able to in their home countries in the global North. MNCs operate across national borders and individual governments cannot effectively regulate their activities. They sometimes avoid accountability by taking advantage of laws that allow them to transfer their business or operate under different corporations. Economic Development as the Basis for Fulfilling Economic and Social Rights By Mirjana Dokmanovic The rights based approach to development is the conceptual framework of human development normatively based on human rights standards. The development concept based on human rights establishes the achievement of basic human rights and freedoms as a development objective. In this approach, human rights are the starting points and the basic aims in defining and designing development policy. Therefore, a complete (1 van 2) :39:06

58 Human Rights development framework must reflect international guaranteed human rights and must cover all sectors such as education, health care, housing, access to judicial protection, personal security, and voting rights. Such an approach is not compatible with development policies, development plans, or programs that produce violations of human rights, allow trade in rights, or that set development as a priority objective over human rights Globalisation and Economic and Social Rights of Women By Mirjana Dokmanovic The current model of economic globalisation deepens present inequalities on ethnic, gender, and economic bases within and among nations, aggravating the possibility of establishing sustainable and equal development for all. Multilateral institutions, including World Bank, IMF, and WTO, promote globalisation of the type dominated by trade liberalism and privatisation. Such a model of globalisation and economic growth stimulation has aggravated economic, social, and culture conditions in which the most affected groups live; and it has contributed to the growth of poverty and social exclusion. (2 van 2) :39:06

59 Are Human Rights Any Business of Business? Are Human Rights Any Business of Business? Corporate Behaviour from a Human Rights Perspective By Karin Lukas, Ludwig Boltzmann Institute of Human Rights, Austria Introduction In the last few decades, we have witnessed a shift in economic and political power from states to corporate institutions. One indicator of this trend is the sheer amount of capital that corporations generate: Microsoft makes more money than the 31 Least Developed Countries together [1]. A study by Anderson/Cavanagh [2] found that 51 corporations are among the top 100 largest economies in the world, while only 49 are countries. [3] Before Corporate Social Responsibility became corporate jargon, the opinion on the relationship between human rights and business activities was that human rights are no business of business. What were the arguments for this position? Muchlinski names two: Corporations are only obliged to their shareholders and to the legal environment where they operate. The Free Rider problem: the more ethical corporations invest time and money to observe human rights, the more they will be at a competitive disadvantage with corporations that do not care about human rights. [4] (Muchlinski 2001, 35) Meanwhile, the attitude that human rights are no business of business has changed due to the growing pressure by NGOs and the consumer public following human rights violations by corporations. Several corporations see themselves as responsible members of society and have started to meet the demands of corporate social responsibility (CSR). In the following chapters, I will outline the most recent developments in this regard, which will also give answers to the arguments made by Muchlinski. Corporate Social Responsibility (CSR) From a business perspective, corporate social responsibility can be understood as a strategic and long-term management concept that should meet actual problems in society by advancing new solutions. [5] There is no generally accepted definition of CSR, but there is agreement that the overall objective [word missing here -- objective/goal?] of CSR is its contribution to sustainable development. [6] According to this concept, economic and social goals are seen as complementary and not as antagonistic. Two recent reports by SustAinability [7] and the World Bank Group [8] assess the status quo of CSR, and both reach similar results: A growing number of enterprises are heading in the right direction, acknowledging external stakeholders and launching more CSR activities in important areas of business activity. First, good practice examples, including cooperation with NGOs and trade unions, have emerged. There is also growing public awareness and importance placed on CSR activities. On the other hand, most CSR measures remain isolated activities that do not influence the core business of the corporation and are not part of a long-term strategy. Thus, even leading CSR corporations tend to show conflicting behaviour, for example by establishing CSR activities in the area of employee non-discrimination while at the same time lobbying for lower social and environmental standards. In addition, most initiatives are not linked with each other or with global initiatives, which prevents them from having a substantial impact. Another problem with the CSR concept is its implementation: very few corporations allow independent verification of their CSR activities and attempts to create uniform reporting standards on these activities are only beginning to emerge. CSR Reporting and Verification of CSR activities First, it must be noted that there are no generally accepted standards for voluntary social and human rights reporting. Without standards that oblige corporations to address human rights issues, it is up to the corporations themselves to decide how they will address these issues-- a slightly unsystematic method. This impression is confirmed by an analysis of reports of Talisman, Premier Oil and BP and their activities in Sudan that reveals a tendency to palliate these activities. [9] Furthermore, the reports could not be objectively verified. It is not sufficient to be able to verify the accuracy of facts and data; the methods and tools used to gain these facts and data must be verifiable as well. Corporations seem, prima facie, not very well qualified to spell out their human rights obligations, especially when those obligations are in contradiction with the incentive to make profits, as was the case with Talisman, Premier (1 van 6) :39:19

60 Are Human Rights Any Business of Business? Oil and BP in Sudan. Thus, CSR seems to reach its limits [what does this mean?]. So far, only very few corporations have been able to combine CSR with market gains, and there is still little exchange between national policy and CSR activities. Connected with these limitations is a growing scepticism of the truthfulness of CSR activities. Corporations have to increase their efforts for transparency and independent verification of their activities by involving external stakeholders. Increasing influence of CSR national and international policies and standards seems necessary and inevitable, especially in the area of human rights. Human Rights and Corporate Behaviour When looking at this question, there are two distinct approaches: First, is there an indirect human rights responsibility of corporations that arises from the human rights obligations of their home states? And second, is there a human rights responsibility of corporations themselves, thus a direct human rights responsibility of corporations regardless of the international commitments of their home states? 1. The indirect human rights responsibility of corporations arising from the human rights obligations of the home states All UN member states have made legally binding commitments to respect, protect and fulfil human rights. This includes the protection of human rights from potential (violations that may happen) or factual violations (that have already taken place) by private actors. [10] This duty to protect vis-à-vis private actors is stipulated explicitly in the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women, in the Convention on the Rights of the Child, and in the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination. [11] A state that has legally bound itself to uphold human rights is also obliged to hold corporations in violation of human rights accountable for their behaviour. However, some states where companies operate (so-called host states) are not able [12] or willing to hold corporations accountable. [13] Examples of this unwillingness have attracted considerable public attention, such as the human rights violations of the government of Nigeria and the Shell corporation in the Niger delta, [14] or those of Myanmar and Unocal in the course of natural gas extraction. [15] In situations where host states are unable or unwilling to uphold human rights, there is a so-called accountability gap which has to be met with implementable standards of either direct or indirect corporate human rights responsibility. Due to this accountability gap, courts in the home states of corporations have started to accept claims of human rights violations committed by corporations. Most of these cases are pending in US and UK courts. In addition, in a few countries such as the US, Australia and the UK, bills have been drafted to outline corporate responsibility through legislation. In the UK, a Corporate Responsibility Bill was drafted in This bill stipulates that business activities must be in accordance with international human rights standards and responsibilities; this must be verifiable in annual reports. The bill furthermore foresees a liability of the directors if the business operations have any significant adverse social, environmental and economic impacts which arise from: negligence by it; any wilful misconduct by directors/managers of business operations in relation to specific business duties that are outlined in the bill; any wilful misconduct relating to the disclosure of information required by the bill. The bill s scope extends to all businesses that generate profits above an annual turnover of 5 million pounds that operate or are registered in the UK. Thus, very importantly, the bill applies also to business operations abroad if the company is registered in the UK. Similar bills have been drafted in the US and Australia. Even though it is unlikely that any of these bills will become binding legislation in the near future, these documents express a growing willingness[ to hold businesses accountable and are an important precedent in that regard. 2. Is there a direct human rights responsibility of corporations in international law that makes private businesses accountable for human rights violations? Currently, such a direct responsibility only exists as soft law, which is not legally binding upon corporations and thus, corporations cannot be sanctioned if they violate these norms. Examples include the OECD Guidelines for Multinational Enterprises [16] and the ILO Tripartite Declaration on Multinational Enterprises and Social Policy. [17] The OECD Guidelines primarily regulate commercial matters but also include provisions on workers rights and environmental issues. To observe compliance with the Guidelines, National Contact Points (NCP) have been set up to facilitate, and if possible, provide solutions in response to complaints. However the NCP can only make nonbinding recommendations to the parties. (2 van 6) :39:19

61 Are Human Rights Any Business of Business? The ILO Tripartite Declaration is, not surprisingly, much more detailed on workers rights issues and contains provisions on the right to organize and form trade unions, on the principle of non-discrimination in the workplace, etc. The Declaration has an observatory body as well: the Committee on Multinational Enterprises. This Committee receives state reports and may also make recommendations on disputes arising from the differing interpretations of the Declaration. Although the impact of both instruments is limited due to the lack of sanction mechanisms, their potential to change the business environment towards more ethical conduct would be enhanced if these instruments were more widely known and if these guidelines were used by the OECD states as preconditions for certain activities, such as procurement and credit acquisition. A third possibility exists: the possibility to make voluntary provisions of corporate responsibility (similar to human rights clauses ) binding by integrating them into civil contracts or international conventions. This has already been realised in international environmental law. The Convention on Civil Liability for Oil Pollution Damage provides that the owner of a ship (natural or legal person) may be liable for environmental damage caused by the ship s operations. [18] There are similar provisions in the UN Convention on the Law of the Sea. [19] During the drafting process of these Conventions, interestingly, no state or business argued for privatization of responsibility or that state responsibility is weakened. [20] A growing number of voices in international political and legal discourse see a shift of power in the international arena from states to corporations, a change in power relations that the law must acknowledge. The state, they argue, has lost its monopoly of power, and thus it can and must share some of its human rights responsibility with private actors. [21] This discussion is reflected by recent developments in international law to establish the human rights responsibility of non-state actors. One of the most important examples is the International Criminal Court (ICC): the Rome Statute recognizes the human rights responsibility of non-state actors for grave human rights violations. [22] Another milestone in developing the direct human rights responsibility of corporations was the creation of the Norms on the Responsibilities of Transnational Corporations and Other Business Enterprises with Regard to Human Rights [23] by the UN Sub-Commission on the Promotion and Protection of Human Rights. [24] According to this instrument, the primary human rights responsibility rests with states; but there are specific areas in which a complementary human rights responsibility exists for businesses. These areas are: Non-discrimination issues; Right to personal security (no engagement in or benefit from war crimes, crimes against humanity, genocide, torture, forced labour, etc.); Workers rights; Respect for national sovereignty and human rights (including issues of transparency, the rule of law, anticorruption, etc.); Respect for and contribution to economic, social and cultural rights. Regarding the general complementary human rights responsibility of businesses, the commentary [25] of the UN Sub-Commission to the Norms clearly states that business have a responsibility to: Use due diligence in ensuring that their activities do not contribute directly or indirectly to human rights abuses; Ensure that they do not benefit from such abuses; Refrain from activities that undermine the promotion and protection of human rights; Use their influence to promote and ensure respect for human rights; Inform the staff/management of the businesses of the human rights impact of their principal activities. Regarding the implementation of the Norms, the document remains a bit vague, stating that: the Norms should be integrated in internal business operations; [26] internal evaluations on the impact of the Norms on those internal business operations should be made; external monitoring (by the UN or other institutions) should take place, and reparations via national and international courts are envisaged. This section of the Draft Norms leaves some open questions that require further in-depth discussion, such as of the issue of complicity (of businesses operating in states in human rights violations) and the sphere of influence of company activities that might establish their human rights responsibility. In answering these questions, reference can be made, for example, to international comparative criminal law [27] and jurisprudence relating to the US Alien Tort Claims Act. Concerning the monitoring and implementation of the Norms, the international discussion will surely take some time. However, networks like the International Business Leaders Forum noted that the draft Norms are a meaningful basis for further dialogue and development of good practice and benchmarking activities on human rights practices by businesses. Despite the criticism that the Norms received, especially in the business community, they can be viewed as an authoritative guide [28] to corporate social responsibility and are an important step to clarify the human rights responsibilities of businesses. In a very clear and precise manner, the Norms summarize key human rights areas of business responsibility (non-discrimination, the right to security, and the promotion of economic, social and (3 van 6) :39:19

62 Are Human Rights Any Business of Business? cultural Rights) in a field that where there are many standards, interpretations and perspectives. The written statements to the Norms by relevant actors such as the European Union, the International Labour Organization, the US government, and other states, point demonstrate that the furtherance of corporate accountability through direct state responsibility is widely supported; however, the question of direct corporate human rights responsibility (as the draft Norms stipulate, for example) is largely contested and leaves many open questions. However, the work of the UN Sub-Commission should be used and developed further to address these questions. Against the background of these developments, the heated debate on voluntary versus binding CSR norms goes on. As obvious as the lines of division seem to be (businesses pro voluntary, NGOs pro binding) there are good reasons for businesses to argue for binding regulations as well, for the following reasons: [29] Binding regulations prevent unethical business competitors from gaining competitive advantage by not engaging in human rights activities. Uniform standards would create a level-playing field for all businesses; Legal provisions provide clarity when the human rights responsibility of businesses is unclear. Because there is no applicable law that gives guidance on the scope of this responsibility, businesses have more difficulties demonstrating that they comply with their responsibilities. These development show that today, corporations are not only obliged to their shareholders. A direct responsibility of businesses for human rights violations can no longer be excluded categorically. [30] As this paper demonstrates, there are already areas of international law where the legal liability of legal persons and private entities exist. Conclusion On the international level, human rights are gradually being integrated into existing CSR concepts and initiatives. There is a growing conviction that human rights must be an integral part of socially responsible corporate behaviour. This paper has attempted to provide some initial insight into the very dynamic and complex balancing act businesses in the area of human rights in the context of corporate social responsibility. As of today, there are only patchwork mechanisms to hold businesses accountable for human rights. However, the international trend is moving towards standardisation and clarification of the human rights responsibility of businesses. This responsibility can be seen from three different perspectives: (1) from the point of view of a direct state responsibility for human rights conformity of businesses; (2) from the point of view of a direct human rights responsibility of the businesses themselves; and (3) from the perspective of voluntary business activities (CSR in the classical sense ) to respect and promote human rights. All three approaches are being developed on the national and international level. The development of a direct business responsibility is the most contested but also the most encompassing approach. It is important to keep in mind that provisions of a general nature such as the UN Norms have to be applied flexibly on a case by case basis. For example, corporations that exploit natural resources have different human rights responsibilities than corporations that hire through subcontractors - women workers to produce textiles in a working environment where trade unions are forbidden and the salaries are below ILO standards. However, one fact should be kept in mind: states still account for the majority of human rights violations; even in cases of human rights violations of corporations (such as Shell in Nigeria and BP in Colombia), states have been heavily involved in violations. Here, it must be stressed that the establishment of human rights responsibilities of businesses does not mean that states may in turn dispense with their responsibilities. A trade-off of responsibilities is unacceptable. But more urgently then ever, answers must be found to meet the challenges of a globalization process where non-state actors have gained economic and political power and have caused and contributed to human rights violations. The analyses of the World Bank Group and SustAinability show that it is necessary to link CSR with policy guidelines to enhance their impact, coherence and conformity with human rights standards. States and politicians, as well as NGOs and consumers, have an important task to fulfil. About the author: Karin Lukas holds an E.MA (Human Rights), LL.M (Gender & the Law). She has been a legal reseacher at the Ludwig Boltzmann Institute of Human Rights since She is also an activist of feministattac Vienna and member of the Gender Mainstreaming Gremium of Attac Austria. References: Anderson/Cavanagh, The Top 200: The Rise of Global Corporate Power (2000). Carolin F. Hillemans (2003), UN Norms on the Responsibilities of Transnational Corporations and Other Business (4 van 6) :39:19

63 Are Human Rights Any Business of Business? Enterprises with Regard to Human Rights, German Law Journal, Vol. 04, No. 10, S Green Paper of the European Commission, 2002 International Council on Human Rights, Beyond Voluntarism. Human Rights and the Developing International Legal Obligations of Companies (2002) Menno Kamminga, Corporate Obligations under International Law (2004 Norms on the Responsibilities of Transnational Corporations and Other Business Enterprises with Regard to Human Rights, U.N. Doc. E/CN.4/Sub.2/2003/12/Rev.2 (2003). Peter Muchlinski (2001), Human rights and multinationals: is there a problem? Sarah Joseph, Taming the Leviathans: Multinational Enterprises and Human Rights (1999) Siehe Gagnon/Macklin/Simons (2003), Deconstructing Engagement SustAinability, Gearing Up (2004), an Assessment mandated by the UN Global Compact Walter Saurer, CSR Corporate Social Responsibility, in: Global View, Heft II/2004 Weissbrodt/Kruger; Businesses as Non-State Actors (in Alston (ed.) Non-State Actors and Human Rights, p.318, fn 15, Oxford 2005 World Bank, Company Codes of Conduct and International Standards: An Analytical Comparison, Part I and II (2003). [1] Financial Times, 2001 [2] Anderson/Cavanagh, The Top 200: The Rise of Global Corporate Power (2000) [3] Cited from: Weissbrodt/Kruger; Businesses as Non-State Actors (in Alston (ed.) Non-State Actors and Hman Rights, p.318, fn 15, Oxford 2005). [4] Peter Muchlinski (2001), Human rights and multinationals: is there a problem? [5] Walter Saurer, CSR Corporate Social Responsibility, in: Global View, Heft II/2004, S. 7. [6] See Green Paper of the European Commission, [7] SustAinability, Gearing Up (2004), an Assessment mandated by the UN Global Compact. [8] World Bank, Company Codes of Conduct and International Standards: An Analytical Comparison, Part I and II (2003). [9] Siehe Gagnon/Macklin/Simons (2003), Deconstructing Engagement, p [10] See, Committee on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights, General Comment No. 14, para. 42: While only States are parties to the Covenant and thus ultimately accountable for compliance with it, all members of society - individuals, including health professionals, families, local communities, intergovernmental and non-governmental organizations, civil society organizations, as well as the private business sector - have responsibilities regarding the realization of the right to health. State parties should therefore provide an environment which facilitates the discharge of these responsibilities. [11] See Sarah Joseph, Taming the Leviathans: Multinational Enterprises and Human Rights (1999), p All above mentionned conventions available at: [12] Some states lack effective control over all or certain parts of the country, or are unable to regulate companies effectively because of other legal or political obstacles. In these situations international standards have started to, and must further develop, criteria that define the direct responsibility of companies under human rights (5 van 6) :39:19

64 Are Human Rights Any Business of Business? law. See International Commission of Jurists, Response to the UN Draft Norms, p. 43. [13] Sara Joseph, p. 176f., Menno Kamminga, Corporate Obligations under International Law (2004), p. 3. International Commission of Jurists, Response to the UN Draft Norms, p. 43. [14] Wiwa versus Royal Duth Petroleum Company. [15] Doe versus Unocal. [16] The Guidelines can be downloaded from [17] The Declaration can be downloaded from [18] Art III of the Convention. [19] Art 137(1) of the Convention. [20] See Menno Kamminga, Corporate Obligations under International Law (2004), p. 3. [21] Joseph, p. 186, Kamminga, p. 3, Muchlinski, p. 40, International Commission of Jurists, supra. [22] During the drafting process of the Rome Statute establishing the ICC, discussions arose regarding the extension of human rights responsibilities not only to natural but also to legal persons; however, this proposal did not gain majority support and was not included in the statute. [23] Norms on the Responsibilities of Transnational Corporations and Other Business Enterprises with Regard to Human Rights, U.N. Doc. E/CN.4/Sub.2/2003/12/Rev.2 (2003). [24] The Sub-Commission is a sub-body of the UN Human Rights Commission. [25] Commentary on the Norms, UN Doc E/CN.4/Sub.2/2003/38/Rev.2 (2003) [26] Draft Norms, paras [27] See Gagnon/Macklin/Simons, p. 126f. [28] Carolin F. Hillemans (2003), UN Norms on the Responsibilities of Transnational Corporations and Other Business Enterprises with Regard to Human Rights, German Law Journal, Vol. 04, No. 10, S [29] See International Council on Human Rights, Beyond Voluntarism. Human Rights and the Developing International Legal Obligations of Companies (2002), p.20. The paper can be downloaded at [30] In the same vein, the Statement of the International Commission of Jurists (ICJ) to the Draft Norms states: It is sometimes contended that human rights only bind states and not non-state actors and can therefore not be imposed on private companies. There are, however, no legal or conceptual arguments that prevent companies [from] having direct responsibilities for human rights violations. It is clear that states may decide at an international level to recognise rights and duties of non-state actors. The Universal Declaration of Human Rights itself affirms the duty of everyone, not only states, to uphold human rights; international humanitarian law binds armed opposition groups; non-state actors can commit crimes under international law, such as slavery, crimes against humanity, genocide or war crimes to name but the most obvious examples (Excerpt of ICJ s opinion to the Draft Norms, p. 43). (6 van 6) :39:19

65 The Made-Up Crisis: The Made-Up Crisis: Medical Malpractice Insurance Costs in New Jersey Increase Health Disparities Within Health Care Delivery Systems. A Need For New Allocations of Liability for the New Health Care Paradigm By Prof. Ilise L. Feitshans, George Washington University, USA I. Introduction: Medical Malpractice Insurance Costs in New Jersey and Increased Health Disparities Within Health Care Delivery Systems. A. Summary of Events in Winter, 2003 Protests in the streets and chanting with posters on the steps of the statehouses of New Jersey [1] and Pennsylvania [2] in 2003 had one remarkable shared feature: their constituents. These protests came not from the vast unemployed masses demanding jobs, fair wages, or educational opportunities for the underemployed, underinsured, homeless or poor. Nor were these protests staged by pacifist citizens, crying out in opposition to some war in a place far away. These protests came from a most unexpected quarter: private sector physicians. Physicians who, according to popular culture at least, enjoy a reasonably nice lifestyle, good wages and are well educated. The front line workers in a different type of war: the war for health, protecting thousands, if not millions of people against the pain and suffering caused by illness and disease. The net effect of their inability to work without fear of malpractice claims whose insurance drives them into bankruptcy, they argue, causes them to limit the scope of their practice or enter research and refrain from using their clinical knowledge to earn their income, thus reducing the pool of available medical care for everyone. B. Impact on Patients In Underserved Populations: The ultimate effect of reducing the supply of an already expensive and preciously limited resource is to increase the disparities in the access and quality of care to poor, uninsured or underinsured patients. Such patients are harder to help in the first place, for reasons of less income to afford care, and a spiraling downward pattern of less care leading to more severe illness when seeking care, with fewer options left to them and fewer opportunities to try experimental but expensive treatments that may prolong life, enhance the quality of life or avoid mortality temporarily. II. Three Sides of the Malpractice Insurance Coin A. Overview of the Problem: The Physicians View Medical doctors protests on the state capitals steps drew enormous media attention. It was curious, perhaps even surprising, to find so many well-dressed, highly paid people with professional prestige taking to public fora to demand legislative change. What is the problem? Why is there a sudden malpractice insurance crisis in these states, so severe that it causes physicians to take to the streets in protest? Medical doctors, licensed in New Jersey and Pennsylvania, who protested complained about: overly-burdensome high costs of medical malpractice insurance; costs so high that the premiums alone could provide several middle or lower income families with all of the products of a descent job at better than minimum wage. And yet, what did they get for these premiums? Higher indirect costs such as overhead, higher levels of scrutiny from insurers and regulators and yet, they did not enjoy complete freedom from unwarranted or overzealous litigation by attorneys hoping for high stake malpractice claims. In such an unfair situation, they righteously demanded that legislatures of their respective states intervene to limit malpractice liability by capping the size of awards in malpractice claims. The problem is not that striking physicians, no matter how improbable, might create a crisis in the delivery of medical care. Nor is the underlying problem the high cost of jury awards to patients who have been found by courts of law to be victims of medical malpractice. The root cause of the problem is that doctors are no longer fully in charge of their patients medical care in a number of regards that are presumed by law under the older doctrines that govern physician - patient relations. Having lost their previous independence and attendant power through the change in the structure and financing of the delivery of 21 st century medical care compared to centuries before, it is unfair to hold medical doctors to the same standard of responsibility as in the past when allocating liability. Therefore the solutions to these complex issues require a detailed scrutiny of the interrelation between mechanisms for accountability in health care systems, and then, rewriting the law of health care delivery accountability. Medical doctors should be a part of, but not solely or directly liable for mistakes in the delivery of (1 van 7) :39:31

66 The Made-Up Crisis: health care under the new model. A new model would allocate responsibility where it appropriately belongs, within the infrastructures of programs and systems that control access and availability of care through cost controls and other efficiency criteria. Such an approach, making responsible the organizational systems and not the medical doctors alone, is sorely needed in order to provide health care equitably to all patients across society. B. Overview of the Problem: The Public Health Systems View From a public health perspective, the medical doctors protests were not really very surprising. So-called skyrocketing health care costs have been a major public health concern for at least the last four decades [3]. Health care costs consume a large percentage of the GNP, and have increased exponentially every few years. There are several reasons for this increased expense. In 1983, it was believed that rapid escalation of health care costs has resulted, at least in part, from lack of competition in the health care sector, brought about by the present third-party payment system and the conduct of providers [4] These words proved prescient, because the costs for health care in relation to the US GNP have continued to hemorrhage despite a major overhaul throughout the 1980 s in the structure of health care financing. According to Rosenbaum et al., as recently as 1980, virtually all insured Americans, whether publicly or privately insured, had coverage that existed independent of the practice of medicine itself. [5] and few insured individuals were enrolled in prepaid health-care plans, leaving much of their care at the discretion of individual medical doctors and affiliated laboratories and hospitals. At that time, medical doctors had great discretion to order as many tests as they chose for any patient and great leeway to determine which affiliated health service providers they might choose to best meet the needs and budget for their patient. These were individual choices, and not automatic choices made systemically by the health care delivery infrastructure. By the mid 1980 s this situation became galvanized towards a startling change. A series of new laws at the state and federal level, combined with aggressively antitrust enforcement challenged, and ultimately reshaped the structure of the delivery of health care in the US, without creating a universal basis for a nationalized health care delivery program [6]. According to Rosenbaum, Twenty years later, the landscape has been completely altered. In a single generation, the American health system was transformed into a "stunning array of new health care financing and delivery entities" that "took responsibility for managing resources," and for channeling "enrollees to providers with whom preferential contracts had been renegotiated." [7] In addition to a systemic restructuring, there has been a response by health care providers to the increased population, increased graying population in need of long-term health care; inadequacies in access and continuity of care for low-income populations, which skews the services provided to them in favor of more expensive urgent care rather than low-cost preventive care and screenings; and new glitzy technologies and experimental techniques for major illnesses and elective treatments,. that although expensive, also enhance quality of life. From the standpoint of overall utilization and access to new or elective techniques for treatment, this expansion cannot come without making mistakes, whose costs are reflected in litigation surrounding malpractice. Gatekeepers in HMO s or managed care programs; peer reviews for cost-savings, capitation on procedures, access to referrals and prescriptions; quotas for certain types of procedures; lack of coverage for certain other procedures, all erode the medical doctors independence in decision making and thus translate into potential malpractice litigation for the medical doctored who cannot guarantee delivery of all the necessary facets of quality care. Rosenbaum et al describe how insurability parameters may limit access to care by excluding specific types of treatment, offering incentives to certain preferred providers' who choose not to offer a full range of services or by requiring a second opinion for "elective" procedures (and routinely denying coverage for them) [8]. Policies may also limit the amount of services a particular provider can render in a time period using highly criticized practices such as "capitation." [9] "Under capitation physicians assume the risk that the cost of services provided may exceed the fixed per-member payment" thus creating a "reverse incentive" for providing care. This pattern of practice indirectly creates holes in the blanket of coverage, especially if certain illnesses give rise to high utilization for treatment or corrective procedures that are not projected but become necessary. According to the Women s Health Research Committee (WHRC) medical errors although documented by the Institute of Medicine have not decreased since 1999 [10]. The WHRC cites recent articles stating that three years after a report by the Institute of Medicine (IOM) illuminated the risks to patients posed by widespread medical errors, a recent article in the Washington Post indicates that little real progress has been made to improve patient safety. The IOM report, released in 1999, asserted that 98,000 hospitalized Americans die each year and an additional 1 million are hospitalized because of medical mistakes, costing the country an estimated $29 billion. In the aftermath of this landmark study, a flurry of activity focused on attempts to curb medical errors, including the introduction of several bills in Congress. Despite these efforts to address the problem, the Washington Pos [11] t reported on December that few hospitals have made significant improvements in patient safety. Most hospitals still use paper charts rather than computerized records; medication errors remain common; and, according to the Joint Commission on the Accreditation of Healthcare Organizations (JCAHO), operations performed on the wrong patient or wrong part of the body have actually increased in recent years. Meanwhile, the Agency for Healthcare Research and Quality (AHRQ) is creating the first online journal focusing on medical errors. The site, formally launched in February 2003, is currently open for the submission of medical error cases. The site uses examples of actual errors in patient treatment to educate health care providers on the subject. Any individual who submits a case that is selected for posting will remain anonymous and receive an honorarium [12] (2 van 7) :39:31

67 The Made-Up Crisis: None of these structural changes, however, are accurately reflected in the system of malpractice litigation, which has not been restructured to meet the new conditions and changes over time. The underlying root causes of the problem to which the medical doctors draw attention therefore raises deeper questions about who holds the true decisional authority in medical care decision making. It is the result of a power struggle is within the health care system, locked within the infrastructure of the newly emerged health care delivery systems, who have not sorted out the role of capitation, limits on procedures for cost-savings and requirements for salaried physicians to meet a minimum number of patients in a given hour or week of work. The medical doctors new role within complex infrastructures lacks independence, however, that is assumed by the present malpractice principles. In the alternative, their work could better be characterized as that of any employee or agent of a major employer, with little or no control over working conditions, hours of work, or the demands that can be met to ensure care for patients. It is therefore a superficial, but incorrect notion to state that the current malpractice insurance struggle before several legislatures is a powerplay between good doctors and mythological powerful lawyers championing the cause of broken patients and their families. Indeed, the more appropriate paradigm to apply would be that of doctors in the role of factory workers taking on the powerful decision making capabilities of their corporate employers, over a century ago. C. Overview of the Problem: The Litigants View From a lawyers point of view the doctors complaints, as reported in the media are not strange at all. But, it would be a gross oversimplification to think that simply defending their jobs as litigators explains why few lawyers share the view that limiting liability is a correct approach to the problem of increased costs for malpractice insurance among doctors. Lawyers understand that litigation is a symptom, not a cure, to larger social problems. This is true because litigation is retrospective, correcting past wrongs, and not preventive, like future-directed legislation. Although malpractice insurance has been at the heart of calls for litigation, such analysis is superficial because it looks only at the results of jury awards and ignores a long chain of changes in the standard of care, quality of care, and empowerment of physicians to control patient care, that are now deeply embedded in managed care and Health Maintenance Organizations (HMOs). III. Legal Background: Malpractice Claims Rooted in a Standard of Care A. Rationale for Malpractice Claims The question whether doctors can be held personally liable for mistakes when so much of medical care is a matter of the natural history of disease, (or in the opinion of some people, divine intervention) has plagued the legal literature in the USA for over a century. In the past, individual medical doctors practicing alone or in small clusters had permission to control the course of treatment. By contrast the average medical doctors is now one small cog in a much greater wheel, without control over patient treatment, billing or continuity of care. Tests that are not acceptable to the provider system will not be easily ordered and will be treated as a deviation from a newly-formed standard of care, while tests that the system requires will always be conducted, regardless whether the physician believes they are useful, necessary, reliable or appropriate. This is a distinct departure from centuries of precedent in the past, wherein the law considered the doctor s role as parallel to the captain of the ship. In seafaring days, captains held the greatest power of anyone on their ship. They could determine punishment, life or death, allocation of rations, course of action during storm, destination of the ship, marriage for passengers, and even how to apply the law of their flag. No one was more powerful at sea than the captain of the ship, who enjoyed the most privilege but also bore full responsibility for any outcomes, good or bad, that occurred under his command. The so-called captain of the ship doctrine was consistently applied to doctors in cases of malpractice. This concept still exists, but is no longer appropriate, because the nature of the organizational structure of medical care delivery systems has dramatically changed since the doctrine was first articulated, centuries ago. This shift in the chain of command, but not the ultimate responsibility of physicians for medical care has important ramifications for every patient. There is evidence that suggests too, that because of the change in the structure of the delivery of health care, the captain of the ship model, that holds doctors alone as ultimately responsible for bad medicine or other unpleasant outcomes should be replaced by a new model for responsibility and allocation of liability for medical care. Such a model can take into account the medical doctor s comparative disempowerment by the change in health care financing that has been the hallmark of HMOs and managed care. B. Historical Antecedents of Malpractice Principles Under US Law Since 1914, if not earlier, there have been US legal cases establishing the requirement that a patient consent before being administered any medical treatment, every human being of adult years and sound mind has a right to determine what shall be done with his own body, and a surgeon who performs an operation without his patient's consent commits an assault for which he is liable in damages. [13] Conversely, unwarranted medical invasions of the person s bodily integrity by a doctor that are unconsented and giving rise to harm are the gravamen of malpractice claims. As stated by the courts, the rationale for malpractice (3 van 7) :39:31

68 The Made-Up Crisis: claims is that "True consent to what happens to one's self informed exercise of a choice, and that entails an opportunity to evaluate knowledgeably the options... The average patient has little or no understanding of the medical arts, and ordinarily has only his physician to whom he can look for enlightenment with which to reach an intelligent decision. From these almost axiomatic considerations springs the need, and in turn the requirement, of a reasonable divulgence by physician to patient to make such a decision possible." Canterbury v. Spence [14] (1972) at 780 This principal has been extended to give patients the right to forgo life sustaining medical care, and then to give surrogates that right on behalf of incompetent patients. Patient "consent be obtained every time information changes hands. "Chouinard v. Marjani [15],(1990). IV. Systemic Causes of The Malpractice Insurance Problem Managed care and a variety of health care delivery organizations have been developed throughout the late 20 th century in order to experiment with methods for expanding the availability of care and to stem the tide of skyrocketing costs by producing demonstrated cost savings. In theory, such systems as: managed care organizations, Health maintenance organizations, providers groups and various other health plans reach more people more efficiently and thus at less cost so that health disparities between rich and poor will narrow. In order to achieve these goals, such health systems have been given permission under a variety of state laws and federally funded programs to try an infinite variety of creative structural and organizational variation approaches in order to render care to more people with significant cost savings. It is not clear that such systems have provided a sound answer to these perennial problems, but it is clear that in order to have medical doctors participate in such programs, there was a trade off made by society, striking the balance between physician independence and ease of administration. Depending on the variables measured and the baseline level of care one expects to find, the health services research does not provide clear guidance whether the approaches taken by managed care are successful. Yet, Rosenbaum et al note that managed care dominates the modern American health-care system for the non-elderly U.S. population, stating that Through its emphasis on standardized practice norms and performance measurement, coupled with industrial purchasing techniques, prepayment, risk downstreaming, and incentivesbased compensation, managed care has the potential to exert considerable influence over the manner in which the health-care system is organized and functions. [16] In a previous study, Rosenbaum et al. explained clearly the negative incentives in managed care in particular, which invite malpractice by limiting the availability of services based on cost and the expected effectiveness (or lack thereof) of services. For poor, underinsured or underserved special populations such as the elderly, working poor, single mothers or disabled who cannot afford the additional costs of transportation or child care that may be required to facilitate their access to medical care of any type, the fixed facial limits on costs may be devastating to personal medical care decisions, despite any overt success in saving costs on a systemwide basis. [17] Rosenbaum also remarks that the ability of these varied systems to achieve their stated goals depends on a partnership between public health and private insurance organizations, Given the degree to which the attainment of the basic public health goal of protecting the public against population health threats for which there are known and effective medical interventions depends on the successful interaction between public health policy and the medical care system, the importance of a viable working relationship between public health and managed care is difficult to overstate. [18] V. Legislative response A. Medical Malpractice Liability Insurance Study Insurance Commission of 2002 In 2002, recent legislative initiative in NJ established the Medical Malpractice Liability Insurance Study Commission [19]. A Joint Resolution establishing the Medical Malpractice Liability Insurance Study Commission to determine whether medical malpractice liability insurance is sufficiently available and affordable in New Jersey. If it is not, the commission is to make its recommendations to improve the situation. The commission consists of the Commissioner of Banking and Insurance or his designee and fifteen other members representing: physicians, medical malpractice insurers and attorneys specializing in medical malpractice. Appointed members represent a broad spectrum of the affected parties. The commission is to report its recommendations, including any recommended legislation, to the Governor, Co-Presidents of the Senate and Speaker of the General Assembly within 12 months of its organization. B. Health Disparities Among Vulnerable Populations: Malpractice as a Pretext for Not Providing Care Disabled women testified seeking accessible equipment, not available ostensibly because their situations are too fraught with potential malpractice claims for anyone to offer them treatment. For example, adjustable height tables to allow mobility-limited patients to be examined and treated would cost only $1,500 for an entire medical practice, and that an adjustable height table plus adjustable stretcher would cost hospitals as little as $3,000. People with disabilities and mobility-limited seniors should not be denied medical care for the sake of a one-time outlay of a few thousand dollars. With appropriate training and oversight to ensure the purchase of adequate equipment. Although patients were told that hat malpractice insurance fees and hospitals' financial difficulties could prevent thousands of people with disabilities and seniors from getting the medical care they need, this cannot be true if staff are well trained and if the necessary equipment is available. The failure to meet such (4 van 7) :39:31

69 The Made-Up Crisis: infrastructure requirements as proper equipment and adequate trained staff should not be laid at the feet of the medical doctors, however, because they do not control the supply and demand for these subsystems as they did in generations before. Yet, the failure to provide such components of the infrastructure can result in failures of quality care. Thus, malpractice by the system is a foreseeable consequence of such failures. Issues such as these should be resolved through legislatures, not malpractice and tort reform. These issues concern changing the standard of care and raising the mantra about human concerns, some of which cost very little to implement although they may require changing embedded attitudes in the manner in which care is provided by standard medical practice. One example is the draft bill that was before the NJ legislature recently, the Physical Access to Health Care Act.", through the Department of Consumer Affairs, which would require health care facilities to maintain at least one height-adjustable patient examination table that can be lowered to facilitate the transfer of a patient with a mobility impairment to and from its surface [20]. VI. Conclusions: New Allocations of Liability for the New Health Care Paradigm The malpractice tort liability struggle that has attained so much publicity has been mischaracterized as a crisis; it is a symptom of a chronic problem in the delivery of health care and related systems. There is also misplaced urgency in the popular outcry for tort liability limitations. This struggle incorrectly ignores the underlying problem: doctors in the 21 st century no longer control their agenda, their patient load or their own discretionary expertise regarding sound methods for patient care. The solution to this problem, is not, however, capitation of tort liability. Such a simplistic approach unrealistically limits the cost of life-long injury, which can consume hundreds of thousands of dollars in medical care in just a year or two after injury. Such an approach may also have constitutional ramifications, if it conflicts with inherent rights to have matters judged by peers and the 7 th Amendment right to trial by jury. Although medical doctors are nominally in charge of patient care, these new structures may allow that to be so in name only. In light of the fact that costs are a driver, along with other administrative concerns, physicians may have little or no power inside the new structures. These structures are not necessarily designed with access to care or high quality of care as their central goal. In this sense, patient care is frequently compromised and the gold standard of patient care, against which any individual physician s actions are measured, is necessarily changed to reflect the goals of these organizations. Consequently, there have been increased mistakes resulting in litigation, and resulting in awards by angry juries who are frustrated at their own powerlessness to attain good quality medical care under an inconsistent patchwork of health plans. Therefore, malpractice insurance costs are merely a deeply embedded hidden cost of a broken, and often unfair health care delivery program, where the accessibility of care and the quality of care often resembles more of a lottery than an organized health care delivery system. Under this view, many people, such as health professionals, consumers and lawyers, the rise in malpractice insurance costs is a sorely needed check on an expensive, lifethreatening, chaotic situation. Reducing access to this venue will not solve the problem. Health disparities will increase: as the scope of care narrows, the difference between the available care to people at the margins or with special needs widens. Creating a legislated system of liability that takes into account the primacy of health care delivery structures, not doctors, is therefore the best solution to this perennial problem. Prepared April 2003 at the Request of: Institute for the Elimination of Health Disparities, University of Medicine and Dentistry of New Jersey, School of Public Health About the author: Ilise L Feitshans, United States of America, JD and ScM, is an attorney with a Masters of Science. She is a former Member of the Faculty from Columbia University School of Law, and the author of five books and over 100 articles. Feitshans is the author of Designing an Effective Osha Compliance Program, a treatise for lawyers on Westlaw.com that she updates annually, and the occupational health manual for non-lawyers entitled Bringing Health to Work. She is Adjunct Associate Professor of Occupational and Environmental Health at GWU SPHHS. In addition to seasonal Guest Lectures at Yale University School of Medicine and many colleges and universities, she has organized three different conferences about inclusion and special education, most recently the "Right to Learn" conference in Haddonfield, presented seminars at the United Nations Fourth World Conference on Women, China (1995). She is a Member of the Women s Committee of the State of NJ Council on Developmental Disabilities. Contact: [email protected] [1] NJ Doctors stage walkout Metro newspaper, Tuesday Feb p 5; Issue of Limiting jury awards dominates malpractice debate Trenton Star-Ledger, Feb 23, 2003, p. 20 [2] Radio reports Thursday May 1, 2003 and response by Gov. Rend ell of Pennsylvania (5 van 7) :39:31

70 The Made-Up Crisis: [3] H Robert Helper and John J. Miles, Antitrust Guide for Health Care Coalitions, National Health Policy Forum 1983 states in its Preface: The Cost of health care has skyrocketed in the last two decades. In 1981, it constituted approximately 9.8 per cent of the United States gross national product, and experts expect the percentage to increase during the next few years, (Unpublished figures for 1982 place health care expenditures at 10.5 per cent of the gross national product). [4] H Robert Halper and John J. Miles, AntiTrust Guide for Health Care Coalitions, National Health Policy Forum 1983 states in its Preface. [5] Sara Rosenbaum and Brian Kamoie, Managed Care and Public Health: Conflict and Collaboration, Journal of Law, Medicine and Ethics Summer, 2002 American Society of Law, Medicine & Ethics; p. 191 Citing: R. Rosenblatt, S. Law, and S. Rosenbaum, Law and the American Health Care System (New York: Foundation Press, 1997): at [6] H Robert Halper and John J. Miles, AntiTrust Guide for Health Care Coalitions, National Health Policy Forum [7] Sara Rosenbaum and Brian Kamoie, Managed Care and Public Health: Conflict and Collaboration, Journal of Law, Medicine and Ethics Summer, 2002 American Society of Law, Medicine & Ethics; p191 Citing J. Weiner and G. de Lissovoy, "Razing a Tower of Babel: A Taxonomy for Managed Care and Health Insurance Plans," Journal of Health Politics, Policy and Law, 18 (1993): , at [8] Sara Rosenbaum and Brian Kamoie, Managed Care and Public Health: Conflict and Collaboration, Journal of Law, Medicine and Ethics Summer, 2002 American Society of Law, Medicine & Ethics. [9] Tracy Griff, "Comment: Capitation Shifts Financial Risk From HMOs to Providers" 15 Preventive Law Reporter No at 26. [10] THE WHRC HOTLINE An Information Service of the Women's Health Research Coalition December 2002, Medical Errors Have Not Decreased Since 1999 IOM Report, on-line subscriptions services of WHRC. [11] Washington Post article, visit [12] THE WHRC HOTLINE An Information Service of the Women's Health Research Coalition December 2002 MEDICAL ERRORS HAVE NOT DECREASED SINCE 1999 IOM REPORT, on-line subscriptions services of WHRC. [13] Schloendorff v. Society of New York Hospital, 1914, Cardozo, J. Majority, quoted in Holtzman N Proceed With Caution p.186 [14] Canterbury v. Spence 464 F.2d 772; Us App. D.C. 263 (1972) at 780 [15] Chouinard v. Marjani, 575 A.2d 238 (Conn. App. Ct. 1990). [16] Sara Rosenbaum and Brian Kamoie, Managed Care and Public Health: Conflict and Collaboration, Journal of Law, Medicine and Ethics Summer, 2002 American Society of Law, Medicine & Ethics; p. 191 [17] Sara Rosenbaum, Anne Markus, Colleen Son sky and Lee Repasch, Policy Brief No 2: State Benefit Design Choices under SCHIP Implications for Pediatric Health Care Center for Health Services Research and Policy, School of Public Health and Health Services, George Washington University may 2001, citing David Eddy, Rationing Resources While Improving Quality: How to Get more for Less 272 JAMA (1994) [18] Sara Rosenbaum and Brian Kamoie, Managed Care and Public Health: Conflict and Collaboration, Journal of Law, Medicine and Ethics Summer, 2002 American Society of Law, Medicine & Ethics; p191 [19] NEW JERSEY BILL TRACKING McKeon Jury Awards for Medical Malpractice. Establishes standard of review for excessiveness of jury awards in medical malpractice.10/10/2002 Introduced. 10/10/2002 To Assembly 2002 NJ A. B (SN); Joint Resolution No. 33 State Of New Jersey 210th Legislature, Introduced March 18, Sponsored by: Francis L. Bodine, and Eric Munoz [20] An Act concerning physical access to health care and supplementing Titles 45 and 26 of the Revised Statutes. Prompted by the finding that Every day, in this State and across this country, men and women, children and adults, who are challenged by various forms of physical disability, must confront the additional challenge of overcoming physical barriers to their accessing the health care services that they need; These barriers include a widespread lack of physical accommodations and medical equipment in the offices maintained by health care professionals, such as examination tables, dental chairs and scanning devices, that ARE designed to be "userfriendly" to health care consumers with physical disabilities extent that these are available under State law or regulations, including, but not limited to, the barrier free subcode adopted by the Commissioner of Community (6 van 7) :39:31

71 The Made-Up Crisis: Affairs as part of the State Uniform Construction Code. (7 van 7) :39:31

72 The United Nations Human Rights Norms for Business Towards an International Human Rights Framework for Corporate Accountability: The United Nations Human Rights Norms for Business By Kathambi Kinoti AWID In December 2003, the community of Rupokwu in Nigeria suffered a devastating oil spill after part of an oil pipeline that runs through the area burst. As a result, water wells were contaminated, depriving the community of drinking water. Farmlands and fishponds were also destroyed and most families in this farming community lost their source of income. The oil pipeline is operated by the multinational corporation (MNC) Shell Petroleum Development Corporation in partnership with the Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation. Neither entity has cleaned up after the oil spill. The incident and consequent inaction by Shell and the Nigerian government have caused human rights violations to the people of Rupokwu. Their right to a clean and healthy environment and an adequate standard of living have clearly been violated. In 1984, a toxic gas leak in the Indian city of Bhopal caused enormous damage to the lives and livelihoods of the community. The leak occurred at a plant of another MNC, the Union Carbide Corporation. Within three days, more than 7000 people had died and thousands more were injured. Today, more than 20 years later, over people suffer chronic and debilitating illnesses and babies are born with birth defects. Many women have been unable to have children and suffer social stigma and discrimination. Union Carbide, which denied responsibility for the leak, has transferred its assets and operations to another corporation that denies it has inherited its predecessor s liabilities. Union Carbide has refused to submit to the jurisdiction of the court in Bhopal where community members have sought justice. The people of Bhopal have suffered numerous rights violations, such as their right to life, health, an effective remedy before the courts, an adequate standard of living and a safe environment. Women in the least developed countries (LDCs) form the majority of people most vulnerable to human rights violations by MNCs. They bear the brunt of the destruction of environments and livelihoods. They also form the majority of low-wage workers. The Bhopal case illustrates the discrimination that women can be subjected to. However, it is not only in the LDCs that women suffer corporate abuses. Wal-Mart, an American corporation currently faces a lawsuit from present and former female employees, who accuse it of sex discrimination in promotion and healthcare provision. Why should MNCs be subjected to international regulation? The process of globalization has resulted in the acquisition of immense power by MNCs, particularly in developing countries where they are able to shape policy and influence governments. In LDCs they often cause human rights abuses with impunity and exhibit a lack of transparency, behaving in ways that they would not be able to in their home countries in the global North. MNCs operate across national borders and individual governments cannot effectively regulate their activities. They sometimes avoid accountability by taking advantage of laws that allow them to transfer their business or operate under different corporations, as illustrated by the Union Carbide Corporation and the Placer Dome Corporation, which has caused human rights violations in the mines of the Philippines. Even when countries have national laws governing the activities of corporations, these laws are often inadequate or not applied to MNCs, particularly in developing countries. The corporations often work in areas that are rich in natural resources but are not developed, where they exploit the environment and local populations, even causing their displacement and threatening their cultural heritage. In Kenya for instance, a Canadian mining MNC, Tiomin Inc. recently came into conflict with a local community when its activities infringed upon the forests that the community has held sacred for centuries. Since MNCs have so much power, previously wielded only by governments, there is a need for an international regulatory framework within which they can operate. It is impossible to achieve sustainable development and alleviate poverty without protecting the human rights and dignity of all people. The UN norms for business The United Nations Norms on the Responsibilities of Transnational Corporations and other Business Enterprises with Regard to Human Rights were adopted in August 2003 by the UN Sub-Commission on the Protection and Promotion of Human Rights. The Norms were drafted with the assistance of business, unions and NGO s despite significant opposition from some governments and MNCs. The Norms address the obligations that corporations have in their areas of activity and influence. They impose obligations on States to ensure that MNCs and other business corporations respect human rights, and enumerate and elaborate the obligations of businesses. Some of these obligations are as follows: (1 van 3) :39:42

73 The United Nations Human Rights Norms for Business To ensure equal opportunity and non-discriminatory treatment of all persons regardless of sex, nationality, age, religion, social and other status. To respect national sovereignty. To respect human rights including the rights to development, adequate food and drinking water, the highest attainable standard of physical and mental health, adequate housing, privacy, education, freedom from forced labour and the exploitation of children. To protect the environment. To avoid corruption and maintain transparency. To ensure consumer protection and public safety. To observe the precautionary principle, which means avoiding or reducing the risk of accidents or harm to the environment or people. To provide reparation to persons or communities who have been adversely affected by the failure of MNCs to comply with the Norms. The Norms do not completely cover all aspects of MNC dealings. For instance the issue of mergers and acquisitions such as the Union Carbide Dow one are not adequately addressed. Again, the issue of privatization of previously public-owned entities is neglected. Where governments previously provided public services, corporations are likely to take short-cuts and overlook the greater public good, limiting for instance, access to water for all. The Norms are not an international treaty and are therefore not legally binding on states or corporations. This, perhaps, raises the greatest concern as implementation cannot ensured. However, they can be used by governments to enact legislation and shape policy. They can also be used by corporations to design their business policy. Human rights advocates can use the Norms in their advocacy work, and national and international tribunals can refer to them. Are the norms adequately engendered? According to the Women s Environment and Development Organization (WEDO), though the Norms do reflect some concern for gender issues they do not adequately integrate all issues. They observe the principle of equality of opportunity and treatment. However they should do the following: 1. Identify women being among the vulnerable groups. 2. Recognize gender-based violence as violating the right to security of the person. 3. Address sexual harassment and other forms of gender-based violence in the workplace. 4. Require gender-equitable policies in lay-offs, contract work and temporary work. 5. Address gender inequities in hiring, training, promotion and retention policies. 6. Address the inclusion of women in corporate decision-making. What can women's rights advocates do in support of the norms? 1. Use the Norms in education, advocacy and lobbying efforts to influence legislative and policy changes and to participate in solidarity actions with affected communities. 2. Use the Norms to monitor, document and challenge corporate violations. 3. Make use of the Briefing Kit prepared by the International Network for Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (ECSR-Net). The Kit contains background information on the Norms, case studies, analysis and recommended actions. It can be downloaded at 4. Support development and implementation of the Norms by joining lobbying efforts such as those by ECSR- Net before the next Commission on Human Rights, which will take place from March 14 to April 22, For more information, visit ECSR-Net s website at Notes: The UN Human Rights Norms for Business can be downloaded at: Published in: Association for Women s Rights in Development (AWID) (2 van 3) :39:42

74 The United Nations Human Rights Norms for Business Resource Net, Friday File Issue 213 Friday, February 11, (3 van 3) :39:42

75 Doc Globalisation and Economic and Social Rights of Women * By Mirjana Dokmanovic Women s Centre for Democracy and Human Rights, Serbia On Globalisation... In parallel with integration processes the blurring of firm borders among nations, the building of Western-type democracy and capitalist relations based on market liberalisation and unhampered movement of capital, goods, investment, and labour is extended. Late in the twentieth century, the world experienced some great changes, which, among all, opened the space for promotion of human rights and building international relations and international policy. In the globalising world, human rights are becoming more and more significant, in international and internal policy and in international law, thus developing a new branch of law the international human rights law. The humanities contain various globalisation concepts depending on discipline. In economics, globalisation refers to economic internationalisation and extension of capitalist market relations. In international relations, the focus refers to the development of global policy and increased intensity of relations among nations. In sociology, attention is paid to the increase of social relations throughout the world and the occurrence of a global society. In cultural studies, central research refers to global communications, post-colonial cultures. The cultural diversity of approaches indicates that globalisation is a multi-dimensional process that may not be categorised as a onedimensional reality or interpreted unilaterally. It is certain that globalisation is a complex social, economic, cultural, technological, and political process in which the mobility of capital, ideas, technology, organisations, and people has acquired a growing global and transnational form. In this paper, globalisation means the processes intensifying for the past two decades, including the movement of short-term foreign investment based on speculative exchange rates, long-term direct foreign investment, trade at the world level with the policy of diminishing obstacles that would hamper the growing share of transnational corporations in world production and trade, interdependence of world production, people s movement motivated by trade or job search, and the development of new forms of communication. These processes have also resulted in the development of global civil society and its new participants, such as international non-governmental organisations dealing with human rights promotion and observation, which gain a higher role within this sphere, from the international level and at the UN system level to the national and the local levels. This impacts the extension of human rights observation of culture, their integration into local legislation, and the development of international, regional, and national mechanisms for human rights observation. In the last decade, there has been growing influence from another group of actors on the global scene, which have shaped global processes, to a significant extent. Those are multinational corporations dominating world production; the World Trade Organisation, as the first multilateral organisation that has power to subordinate the will of national governments to its rules; the Permanent International Criminal Court; regional blocks such as European Union, ASEAN, NAFTA; and groups for political coordination at the global level (G7, G8, G10, G22, G77, OECD). These actors create new rules in international relations, economics, trade, and international law. Awareness of human rights is rising the number of conventions and documents regulating human rights and the number of their signatories are rising. Awareness is rising regarding the common destiny of all nations and their relationship with the planet s destiny, resulting in the increase in the number of international agreements on environmental protection at the global level (the ozone layer preservation, sea and ocean preservation, desertification, climate changes, etc.). Also, some new multilateral agreements have been made on trade, intellectual property, communications, etc. At the international level, new global (UN Millennium Goals) goals for regional development have received agreement. A new stage of globalisation based on new financial markets and growing global service markets is being created by strong development of new types of communication and the development of faster and cheaper transportation (rail, road, and air traffic). The removal of barriers to economics, trade, and transportation has resulted in byproducts of this development global relationships of socially undesirable and harmful activities, such as international crime, international terrorism, trafficking of women, trade in weapons and drugs. This has increased the significance of international acts of compliance among nations, the number of international agreements and conventions in this field, and the development of international law and human rights. Economic Globalisation and Poverty Increase Economic globalisation, the globalisation of finance, trade, investment, and technology since the 1980s, has resulted in a technological boost and faster flow of capital than was the case in all previous periods. It has also resulted in unimagined economic and technological opportunities for individuals. At the same time, it has resulted in a decrease in the number of those who may enjoy the benefits of economic globalisation. Economic (1 van 8) :39:52

76 Doc liberalisation results in a series of adverse consequences [1] such as: The increase of inequalities among regions, among nations and within nations, among individuals; Continual poverty growth; The increase of people s vulnerability due to social risks such as unemployment and crime; The decrease in opportunities for regions, nations, communities, and individuals to enjoy the benefits and advantages provided by globalisation. Globalisation improves the life of many, but it provides more power to those who have already been powerful; it results in the marginalisation of whole areas of the world and social groups (women, the disabled, the elderly, migrants, etc.) [2] The neoliberal type of globalisation deepens inequalities, poverty, and conflicts, and thus hampers sustainable development and the achievement of economic and social rights for the vast majority of people. Most people are deprived of the opportunity to take part in decision making and to control their own environment and resources, thereby jeopardising basic principles and human rights as follows: 1. The principle of giving priority to human rights must be a basic framework and objective for everyone, for multilateral and bilateral investments, trade, and financial arrangements; 2. The principle of non-retrogression nations may not be derogated or restricted by international obligations in terms of achieving economic, social, and cultural rights; 3. The right to effective protection in front of an appropriate forum; and 4. The right of individuals or groups, especially of women and other affected and marginalised groups, in decision making. From trade liberalisation through growing power of multilateral corporations to progress in information and communications technology, all modern globalisation processes affect the enjoyment of human rights. According to UNDP data [3], the ratio of income between the top 20% of the population ranked according to their income and the bottom 20% has rapidly grown: in 1997, this ratio amounted to 74:1, and in 1990 it was as high as 60:1, which was double the 1960 ratio. Consolidation and merge among the largest firms result in the creation of mega-corporations, hampering the competitiveness in the world market. In 1999, the ten largest companies in the field of telecommunications control 86% of world market with the value of USD 262 billion, and the ten largest companies in the field of pesticide production control 85% of the market with the value of over USD 30 billion. On the other hand, around 80 countries have lower income per capita than was the case a decade ago, including the countries of Sub-Saharan Africa, Eastern Europe, and the Commonwealth of Independent States. Around 1.2 billion people live in extreme poverty, with an income of less than one dollar per day. Around 1.5 billion people do not have access to basic health care and drinking water; a billion people are illiterate; and 180 million children are underfed. All these data and warnings of the UNDP [4] indicate that these figures will grow in the future, instead of decreasing, despite the fact that the majority of UN member states ratified the International Covenant on Economic, Social, and Cultural Rights. [5] An additional phenomenon of economic globalisation and poverty expansion is the increase of the insecurity of individuals, groups, and nations in various domains economic, financial, culture, employment, legal, social, health care, ecological, political, and personal. Under such conditions, the number of people who may not satisfy their basic livelihood, and thus realise their basic human rights, is increasing. The Effects of Poverty Growth The main promoters of neoliberalism are the main winners of the ruling concept of economic globalisation: international financial institutions, mega-corporations, transnational companies, and multinational corporations. Growing poverty in the world and the deepening gap between the rich and the poor is the direct effect of neoliberal macro-economic policy. The main characteristics of this concept include: 1. Market rule the free movement of capital, goods, and services; the release of private enterprises from governmental restraints and control, regardless of the possibility of disadvantages for society; more openness to international trade and investment; the decrease of employees salaries and the elimination of their rights; the weakening of trade unions; and the lack of price controls. The phrase used for convincing of the masses says: A deregulated market is the best way to achieve economic growth which will ultimately benefit everyone. 2. The shortage of public expenditures for social services (including health care and education); the decrease of the network of institutions for the care of the poor; lower state s expenditures for the maintenance of roads, bridges, water system etc. 3. Deregulation the increase of national regulations in any field that may contribute to the decrease of profit, including employment safety, environmental protection, and job security. (2 van 8) :39:52

77 Doc 4. Privatisation the sale of public enterprises, goods, and services to private investors, including banks, key industrial branches, railways, motorways, power distribution, hospitals, higher education and tertiary education institutions, and water systems. 5. The minimisation of the concept of public goods or communal ownership existing during the socialist period in the transition countries, and its replacement with the concept of individual responsibility. The poor are pressured to find solutions on their own regarding education, health care, and social security; unless they manage this, they are accused of not managing and not wanting to work, etc. These are basics and concepts of the programme of economic structural adjustment imposed on developing countries as the only solution to solve economic crisis and to increase production. Neoliberalism is imposed by powerful international financial institutions such as International Monetary Fund, World Bank, and Inter-American Development Bank. Gender Dimensions of Poverty Nowadays, around 1.2 billion people in the world live in unacceptable conditions and poverty, and 70% of them are women [6]. In the 1990s, their percentage increased, especially in developing countries. Poverty feminisation has become a significant problem in countries in transition, as a short-term effect of political, economic, and social transformation. Women, especially elderly ones, are more and more exposed to the risk of poverty. Besides the fact that poverty affects the family as a whole it affects women more, due to work distribution and responsibility. Poverty especially exists with women living in rural areas. It is directly related to the lack of economic opportunities and independence, the difficult approach to education, and minimum participation in decision making. Poverty is effected by the insecurity of employment; restricted access of women to government, higher paid jobs, education, qualifications, production resources, new technology, financial credit; and strictly socially regulated roles. Gender Dimensions of International Trade Studies point out various effects of trade liberalisation that reflect on women depending on many factors and previous social conditions, for example, within the economic sphere, the division of labour by gender. Positive effects of trade liberalisation in developed countries open up new opportunities for employment especially for young and highly educated women in the jobs that were previously inaccessible to them. Another positive fact in developing countries is that trade expansion has facilitated and accelerated the absorption of the women s labour force into modern industrial branches, and stable income sources, although lower in relation to men s income, has provided women more economic independence. An increased share of women is especially visible in export-oriented branches such as: textiles, footwear, leather, and electronics, especially in free trade zones and in services. Gender-based labour segregation is visible in new jobs in the export sector, often to a higher degree than in traditional employment, and work in the informal sector also has increased. On the other hand, women s unemployment remains higher than men s unemployment, for there is a higher inflow of women searching for jobs in the labour market. This results in the decrease of salary levels and increases in the gaps between men s and women s average pay rates, thus discouraged employers to improve working conditions in primarily women s sectors. The process of economic globalisation, characterising the weakening of the state and the lack of control under capital flow, mainly affects the most vulnerable social groups. The critics of this process often raise the question of the resulting types and quality of jobs. For women, those are jobs are often temporary, part-time, seasonal, employment at will, and/or contracted at the minimum salary, without any trade union protection. The privatisation process and trade liberalisation result in adverse effects, mostly regarding women, children, and households [7]. For example, water resource privatisation results in the fact that women in poor households cannot pay a charge for using it, leading to either lower consumption in the household or to the use of unsanitary water [8]. This is the result of the recent privatisation by IMF of the water system in Cochabamba, Bolivia [9]. Under the auspices of IMF and World Bank, the social service privatisation processes have been implemented in many indebted countries. This has had a drastic effect on women s positions. Within the privatisation process, women have been the first to be dismissed, and salaries, benefits, and job security have been seriously reduced within the health care and educational sectors. [10] Effects of Economic Globalisation on Women Globalisation s effects on women are both positive and negative. it is positive that economic globalisation enables additional and various opportunities for them. On the other hand, due to gender discriminatory forces within the labour market and women s care responsibilities, women tend to earn lower wages and work fewer years than men. [11] The models of women s direction into lower paid professions and jobs, historically evident in local and national economies, are reproduced in global economic sectors, too. Employers within global, export-oriented (3 van 8) :39:52

78 Doc sectors employ women, and thus provide women opportunities to acquire new skills and knowledge, which would have been unavailable until that time within those industrial branches. Thus, women improve their position in the labour market in relation to their traditional economic and social roles in society. Another aspect of globalisation, which also has positive and negative effects on women, is the extension of new values into local cultures and customs. This is partly the result of local economic efforts to adjust to global economic trends and partly of people s exposure to other cultures. The export of American (Spanish, French, etc.) TV and film literally provides a world stage for American (Spanish, French, etc.) culture. Cultural globalisation also means the extension and acceptance of individual foreign cultural norms, accepted by local cultures. These norms also include social relations between genders. Roles such as the woman in the family as mother and housewife, obedience to men, and men s direction toward particular professions and skills, are stereotypes that decrease women s competitiveness in the labour market and provide a new basis for discrimination against women. To the extent that cultural globalisation manages to weaken these cultural norms, it will provide better opportunities to women and improve their positions in the labour market in relation to men s. However, the prevailing dichotomy between private and public in a society still pushes woman out of political and public spheres towards the family domain and the private sphere. The sustainability and intensification of this trend also is magnified by the division between economically productive and unproductive work (care economy), where the latter one, predominantly women s, has no economic value from the classic economics point of view, thus disabling women to achieve their economic independence and political being equally. The underestimation of women s contributions to their economies hampers their social promotion within many fields and spheres of life and work. New spaces are opened through the weakening of national states and through the creation of the possibilities of undermining the gender hierarchy and the creation of new bases for gender relations. Dispersion of states power is also magnified by non-democratic power centres and globalisation promoters "from above [12] corporations, capital, and market. Globalisation-from-above weakens the political power and autonomy of a state, decision making power, and independent policy creation, especially within the spheres of economics and gender equality. A state may not be willing to provide for employee rights if this will discourage investments and jeopardise its competitiveness in the global labour market. The effects are social exclusion, unemployment, low wages, and weakening of trade unions, and all this has a gender dimension. Economic systems based on profit often gain it at the expense of women s work. Women are treated as a passive, suitable, and temporary labour force, which will accept low wages without demanding their human and labour rights. In the traditional division of labour by gender, women are automatically deemed to be more suitable for work within the textile industry and welfare services. This division is additionally stimulated through new forms and locations of work (service industries, tourism, employment within export free zones). A constant value within all this is the low economic value of women s work. Economic globalisation has also encouraged transnational crime based on gender discrimination and exploitation (women s trafficking, prostitution, sex tourism). Globalisation has effects on human rights achievement in general, as well as on women s rights in particular, in terms of eroding civil, political, economic, social, and cultural rights in the name of development, economic growth, and macroeconomic restructuring. Feminisation of Labour Force In the early 1980s, it became clear that the industrialisation of the Third World was predominantly based on women s labour. Many studies emphasise the role of relatively cheap women s labour in this process [13]. In South East Asian economies, significant contribution to production growth has been provided by young women employees willing to work hard for a lower salary than a man would accept, even under the conditions that trade unions do not allow. The result of this has been high inflow of women s labour into unskilled and semi-skilled jobs. In Latin America, this inflow was especially high during the period of decreasing average wages. In the whole world, among the total number of industrial workers, women are 30-40%, while, on the other hand, within exportoriented branches, especially in the production of textiles, electronic components, and leather products, this percentage is often much higher, in particular cases, even as high as 90%. One study has concluded that a major part of the production by developing countries that is aimed at exporting has been made by women, thus the industrialisation of economies after World War II was guided both by export and feminisation. [14] The process of labour force feminisation in the developing countries was continued in the 1980s, not only in manufacturing, but also within service sectors, where the percentage of women s employment increased to 30-50% [15], in the same decade that was marked by falling wages and salaries. Women s shares also increased within the jobs that require higher qualification and professionalism, such as legal services, banking, accounting, architecture, tourism, and auxiliary services, information services, etc. Worldwide exchange of services also has stimulated women s labour force migration. At the same time, through the increase of women s share in the labour market, their share in the informal sector also has increased, including their work within unregistered jobs, micro firms, housework, and self-employment. In urban areas of developing countries, many formal jobs have become informal, since employers aimed at increasing flexibility and decreasing production and labour costs by concluding subcontracts with workers. The growth of the informal sector also has been noticeable in developed countries. Women s work at home is emphasised, starting from gender stereotypes of woman s dedication to their family roles, as well as their less valuable work. Many women have accepted such jobs, with insecurity, low salary, and the lack of benefits, as a conventional form of gaining additional income, which, at the same time, enables them to take care of their (4 van 8) :39:52

79 Doc households and children. Analyses show that employers, while requiring higher efficiency, do not only use cheap labour, which is both men and women s, but also the possibility of contracting informal work, where women are used more. One of the reasons for women s higher share in the labour market is the substitution of women s for men s labour, due to lower wages and less paid women s work. Increasing globalisation and international competition have made salaries and labour costs a significant factor in determining the geographic location for investment and production, including the decision making on certain groups employment. Another aspect of labour market flexibilisation is the public sector decrease, mostly as a part of structural adjustment programmes and privatisation initiatives. In many countries, the public sector was main source of employment growth in the 1960s. These changes in the labour market also point out the necessity of welfare system reform. It is necessary to find alternative forms of protection and the improvement of the position of the most vulnerable groups in the labour market and to add flexibility through economic security improvement. Position of Women in the Transition Countries The adverse effects of economic transition in the post-socialist countries have affected mainly women, as the largest marginal social group. Case studies and the first ten-years of experience of transition countries indicate that, in terms of achieving economic and social rights, and within the social sphere, women in all post-socialist countries share the same consequences of transit from socialist to market economies [16]. 1. The aggravation of women s positions in the labour market: The trend of women s labour force and employment decrease in all countries where data are available. For , women in the labour force decreased by 1/3 in Hungary and by 1/4 in Latvia. The decrease of women s share in well-paid sectors (i.e. financial in Latvia by 24%, in Hungary, Russia, and Lithuania by 10-14%), and the increase of their share in low paid activities (health care, education). The decrease of wages and the increase of the gap between women s salaries and men s. (Women earn 70-90% of men s salaries.) ; 2. The increase of unemployment; 3. The increase of women s share within flexible types of work (contracted, part-time, temporary, and seasonal jobs), in the simplest jobs, in unregistered work, and in the grey economy; 4. The decrease (from 1.5% to 15%) of women s share in politics and in decision making, head, and managerial positions; 5. The lower access to capital, resources, credit possibilities, new knowledge, and professional training (prerequisites for better paid positions and entrepreneurial development); 6. The decrease of states social roles increased engagement of women working at home and in family and child care; 7. The growth of women s poverty, especially among those belonging to invisible social groups (urban, older, Roma, disabled, as well as single mothers, housewives, etc.); 8. The intensification of family violence, where women are victims most frequently; 9. The increase in discrimination against women within all types of public and working life; The socio-economic positions of women and the trends shaping them are the best reflection of the position of families in society, including rights and freedoms enjoyed by an individual. Mechanisms and Actions for Achieving Women s Economic and Social Rights The economic and social rights of women are guaranteed by the following international legal documents, ratified by the majority of UN member states: The Universal Declaration on Human Rights, the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, the International Covenant on Economic, Social, and Cultural Rights, the Declaration on Social Progress and Development, ILO and UNESCO Conventions, the European Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms, the European Social Charter, the American Declaration of the Rights and Duties of Man, Convention on Human Rights, the African Charter on Human and Peoples Rights, the Cairo Declaration on Human Rights, and the Vienna Declaration on Human Rights; The Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW) and the Optional Protocol to CEDAW; (5 van 8) :39:52

80 Doc The Beijing Declaration and Platform for Action the documents of the 4 th World Conference on Women in Beijing in (12 critical fields were defined, including women s poverty and measures for the improvement of women s position and rights; developed countries were invited to direct 0.7% of their GDP to poor countries.); Beijing +5 (Special Session of the UN General Assembly in June 2000 Women 2000 Peace and Development for 21 st Century ). Women s International Coalition for Economic Justice (WICEJ) adopted in 1995 the Declaration on Economic Justice, through which it criticised the holders of neoliberal policy where the welfare of economic growth is achieved to the detriment of human rights and welfare. Starting from the statement that words are not enough any more, the signatories of the Declaration stress that the achievement of Platform objectives is impossible within current microeconomic environment, and that it needs to be changed, requiring the achievement of rights and participation in management and economies. Rights and participation in management mean: 1. Linkage of economic, social, cultural, civil, and political rights; 2. Democratisation, transparency, and responsibility in decision making processes at all levels and in all institutions, including not only national states and local communities, but also corporations, non-governmental organisations, international financial institutions, religious organisations, and other international organisations; 3. The inclusion of the diversity of women s perspectives in the processes of policy formulation and decision making at all levels; 4. The obedience to international instruments by all governments and multilateral institutions. Taking into account the power of international financial institutions in relation to individual nations, the UN system must take special measures to make those institutions responsible for the obedience of international agreements and the principles of justice and equality; 5. The affirmation of each nation s responsibility to the population within its borders and the implementation of international mechanisms to establish the responsibility of transnational corporations and international financial and economic institutions; 6. The consistency of macroeconomic policies with social development and distributive justice. This means that macroeconomic policies are created in such a way to protect the rights of women, the poor, and healthy environment, instead of only expanding economic growth, trade, and corporate profit; 7. Reformation of the public sector, not through privatisation but through its effectiveness, justice, and adjustment to people s needs; 8. Redefinition of the criteria of cost-effectiveness to take into account environmental degradation, social resources, and human resources (such as increased violence and health hazards); 9. Market regulation in the public interest to decrease inequality, prevent instability, increase employment, improve work place security, and determine a socially acceptable minimum wage at the national level; 10. The creation of new financial resources through new forms of taxation to stimulate sustainable social and economic development, such as toxic product production, international financial speculative profit, and international financial transactions; 11. The application of debt release rather than debt rescheduling, the creation of alternatives with focus on removing the effects of the imbalance of trade and new resources directed toward the South. Conclusions: Current economic globalisation based on neoliberalism stimulates and provides for the increase of the gap between the rich and the poor. The call for free markets and free movement of capital, investment, and goods has created market fundamentalism jeopardising the sovereignty of national states and has created an appropriate environment for conflicts. The advantages and benefits of economic globalisation are unequally distributed, and a disproportionately high portion of the costs are born by the poor, marginalised, and victims of discrimination according to ethnicity in the North and South. The current model of economic globalisation deepens historical and present inequalities on racial, ethnic, gender, and economic bases within and among nations, aggravating the possibility of establishing sustainable and equal development for all. Multilateral institutions, including World Bank, IMF, and WTO, promote globalisation of the type dominated by trade liberalism and privatisation. Such a model of globalisation and economic growth stimulation has aggravated economic, social, and culture conditions in which the most affected groups live; and it has contributed to the growth of poverty and social exclusion. Poverty has a gender dimension, for women are more exposed to the risk of poverty. The gender dimension also (6 van 8) :39:52

81 Doc refers to unemployment, international trade, foreign debt issues, international resources, global management, and the programmes of economic structural adjustment. All these phenomena produce various effects on men and women. The analysis of women s economic and social positions is the best indicator of the essence of neoliberal macroeconomic policy, which focuses on the goal of achieving profit. The women s economic agenda (calling for improvement of women s positions and the achievement of gender, economic, and social justice) may be the universal agenda for considering social development, redefining development objectives, and searching for alternatives: to redirect economic globalisation to the benefit of people rather than corporations; to result in improvement and welfare for the majority of the population rather than for individuals; and to focus economic policies to protection and enjoyment of human rights of all. References: 1. Falk, R. 2002, Interpreting the Interaction of Global Markets and Human Rights in Globalization and Human Rights. A. Brysk, ed. University of California Press: Berkley 2. Globalization and its impact on the full enjoyment of all human rights, Preliminary report of the Secretary- General, General Assembly 55 th Session, (A/55/342), 31 August Joekes, S. P. (Ed.) 1987, Women in the World Economcy: an INSTRAW Study, Oxford University Press: New York 4. Joekes, S.P, Trade-related Employment for Women in Industry and Services in Developing Countries, in United Nations Fourth World Conference on Women Occasional Paper No. 5, UNRISD: Geneva. 5. Razavi, Sh. 2001, Globalization, Employment and Women s Empowerment, Division for the Advancement of Women (DAW), Expert Group Meeting, November 2001, New Delhi, India 6. Ruminska-Zimny, E. 2002, Gender, Privatisation and Structural Adjustment in the Transition Countries: Trends and Issues in the UNECE Region in Transition, Privatisation and Women, ed. M. Dokmanovic, Women s Centre for Democracy and Human Rights: Subotica 7. The Realization of Economic, Social and Cultural Rights, Final report submitted by Mr. Danilo Türk, Special Rapporteur, (E/CN.4/Sub.2/1992/16) 3 July The Realization of Economic, Social and Cultural Rights, Globalization and its impact on the full enjoyment of human rights, Preliminary report submitted by J. Oloka-Onyango and Deepika Udagama, (E/CN.4/ Sub.2/2000/13) 15 June UNECE, 1999, Economic Survey for Europe 1999, UNECE: Geneva 10. UNPP Human Development Report 1999, Oxford University Press: New York 11. Watson, C. 2003, Sell the rain How the privatization of water caused riots in Cochahamba, Bolivia, CBS News (Online), Available at: * Lecture presented to the participants of the Women s Studies School in February, 2003, organized by the women s NGO Anima, Kotor, Montenegro. [1] See: Globalization and its impact on the full enjoyment of all human rights, Preliminary report of the Secretary- General, General Assembly 55 th Session, (A/55/342), 31 August [2] See: The Realization of Economic, Social and Cultural Rights, Globalization and its impact on the full enjoyment of human rights, Preliminary report submitted by J. Oloka-Onyango and Deepika Udagama, (E/CN.4/ Sub.2/2000/13) 15 June 2000 [3] Source: UNPP Human Development Report, Oxford University Press: New York, pp [4] Public health problems, immigration and refugees, environmental degradation and broader social and political breakdown are the new security challenges that breed in a context of unattended global inequality. For all our sakes we need to work together to build the framework of a new global society and economy that respect (7 van 8) :39:52

82 Doc differences, protect the weak and regulate the strong. Ibidem, p. v-vi. [5] Despite the ratification by 106 countries of the Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights, the discouraging fact remains that over 1 billion people live in absolute poverty, some 180 million children suffer from serious malnutrition, 1.5 billion persons are deprived of primary health care and a safe water supply, 2 billion individuals lack safe sanitation and over 1 billion adults cannot read or write. While these dismaying statistics can in no way reveal fully the personal, family and community tragedies each represents, the clear global tendency shows these numbers escalating, not decreasing. UN, Commission on Human Rights, Sub-Commission on Prevention of Discrimination and Protection of Minorities, The Realization of Economic, Social and Cultural Rights, Final report submitted by Mr. Danilo Türk, Special Rapporteur, (E/CN.4/Sub.2/1992/16) 3 July 1992 [6] See: UNDP Human Development Report 1999, Oxford University Press, New York, 1999; A/55/342, para. 46. [7] E/CN.4/Sub.2/2000/13, para ; A/55/342. para [8] E/CN.4/Sub.2/1992/16, para [9] Watson, C. 2003, Sell the rain How the privatization of water caused riots in Cochahamba, Bolivia, CBS News (Online), Available at: [10] See: E/CN.4/Sub.2/2000/13 [11] Razavi, Sh. 2001, Globalization, Employment and Women s Empowerment, Division for the Advancement of Women (DAW), Expert Group Meeting, November 2001, New Delhi, India, p. 40. [12] Richard Falk associates, although overly simple, the WTO hierarchy and its ideological and political support with globalisation-from-above, and the protesters in the streets of Seattle during the meeting of the World Trade Organisation (WTO) in 1999 and their governmental allies with globalisation-from-bellow. He argues that globalization "from above" is eroding worker rights and social protections, but globalization "from below" is creating an emergent global civil society. Falk, R. 2002, Interpreting the Interaction of Global Markets and Human Rights in Globalization and Human Rights. A. Brysk, ed. Berkeley: University of California Press [13] Joekes, S.P, Trade-related Employment for Women in Industry and Services in Developing Countries, in United Nations Fourth World Conference on Women Occasional Paper No. 5, Geneva: UNRISD. [14] See: Joekes, S. P. (Ed.) 1987, Women in the World Economy: an INSTRAW Study, Oxford University Press: New York [15] Ibidem. [16] Source of data: UNECE, 1999, Economic Survey for Europe 1999, UNECE: Geneva; Ruminska-Zimny, E. 2002, Gender, Privatisation and Structural Adjustment in the Transition Countries: Trends and Issues in the UNECE Region in Transition, Privatisation and Women, ed. M. Dokmanovic, Women s Centre for Democracy and Human Rights: Subotica (8 van 8) :39:52

83 Development DEVELOPMENT Climate Change: When Fiction Becomes Reality By Gabriela De Cicco The classic speculative fiction story, "The Long Rain" by Ray Bradbury, tells the story of astronauts who visit the planet Venus, where it is always raining and a few special domes provide a place for people to rest and recover. The crew members desperately travel from one shelter to another to find that they have all been completely destroyed and no longer provide protection. One by one they die or go insane under the bombardment of the rain. Globalization failing to create new, quality jobs or reduce poverty ILO News Global economic growth is increasingly failing to translate into new and better jobs that lead to a reduction in poverty, according to a new report issued by the International Labour Office (ILO). In the report, the ILO points out that within this global trend, different regions show mixed results in terms of job creation, productivity results, wage improvements and poverty reduction. UNCTAD XI A Missed Opportunity? By Ana Lydia Fernandez-Layos and Barbara Specht WIDE UNCTAD XI has shown that developing countries continue to stand together and demand fair trade policies from developed countries. However, it has to be seen whether the agreed language (e.g. on policy space ) will also find its way in the ongoing WTO negotiations. In that sense and taking into account that - especially Northern governments and civil society actors - did not have high expectations towards this conference, UNCTAD XI can not be seen as a missed opportunity. Still, UNCTAD was not able to claim a strong leadership role in ensuring that international trade structures are supportive to developing countries in achieving poverty eradication, sustainable development, gender and social justice. UNCTAD XI stays to say it with other words a toothless tiger. Social, Economic and Environmental Sustainability From a Gender Perspective: 14 Issues to Tackle By NGO Women s Forum, Germany & Working Group Women in the Forum Environment & Development At the major UN conferences of the nineties, the governments committed themselves to sustainable development, to combating poverty and environmental degradation and to respecting human rights and women s rights. In 1992, the central message of the Rio de Janeiro Agenda 21 was the concept of sustainability. Development can only be 'future compatible' if it embraces ecological, social and economic issues. But the message from Rio has also been that sustainability without a qualified participation of women, i.e. participation also in decision making, will not work. 9:41:42

84 Globalization failing to create new, quality jobs or reduce poverty Friday 9 December 2005 (ILO/05/48) Globalization failing to create new, quality jobs or reduce poverty ILO report sees wide gaps in wages, productivity gains ILO News Geneva (ILO News) - Global economic growth is increasingly failing to translate into new and better jobs that lead to a reduction in poverty, according to a new report issued by the International Labour Office (ILO) here today. In the report, the ILO points out that within this global trend, different regions show mixed results in terms of job creation, productivity results, wage improvements and poverty reduction. Taking a global view, the 4th Edition of Key Indicators of the Labour Market * says that currently, half the world's workers still do not earn enough to lift themselves and their families above the US $2 a day poverty line. "The key message is that up to now better jobs and income for the world's workers has not been a priority in policy-making", said ILO Director-General Juan Somavia. "Globalization has so far not led to the creation of sufficient and sustainable decent work opportunities around the world. That has to change, and as many leaders have already said we must make decent work a central objective of all economic and social policies. This report can be a useful tool for promoting that objective." The study finds that while in some areas of Asia economic expansion is fostering solid growth in jobs and improvements in living conditions, other areas such as Africa and parts of Latin America are seeing increasing numbers of people working in less favorable conditions, especially in the agricultural sector. The KILM also says that for millions of workers, new jobs often provide barely enough income to lift them above the poverty line, or are far below any adequate measure of satisfying and productive work. The total number of working women and men living on less than $2 a day has not fallen over the past decade although at 1.38 billion it is a smaller share of global employment at just below 50 per cent, a decline from 57 per cent in The report emphasizes that in many developing economies the problem is mainly a lack of decent and productive work opportunities rather than outright unemployment. Women and men are working long and hard for very little because their only alternative is to have no income at all. The new KILM paints an in-depth picture of both the quantity and quality of jobs around the world by examining 20 key indicators of the labour market. The KILM covers quantitative topics such as labour force participation, employment, inactivity, employment elasticities, sectoral employment, labour productivity and unemployment, and qualitative issues such as hours worked, wages, employment status, unemployment duration and others. Economic growth is not leading to job creation In recent years there has been a weakening relationship between economic growth and employment growth, meaning that growth is not automatically translating into new jobs. The report's "employment elasticities" indicator allows one to look at the relationship between economic growth - measured in GDP - and two of growth's contributory variables, the positive or negative change in employment and productivity. The biennial study found that for every 1 percentage point of additional GDP growth, total global employment grew by only 0.30 percentage points between 1999 and 2003, a drop from 0.38 percentage points between 1995 and With employment growing between 0.5 and 0.9 percentage points for each additional percentage point of GDP growth, the most employment-intensive growth has taken place in the Middle East and in Northern and sub- Saharan Africa. A review of other indicators, however, shows that much of the employment growth in these regions is in the category of "self-employment" which includes most women and men in the informal economy where working conditions are often poor. While more jobs are being created in economies where agriculture dominates employment such as those in sub-saharan Africa, many of the jobs are in the informal economy, at low-levels of productivity, and fail to provide workers enough income to pull themselves or their families out of poverty. For example, the number of workers living on less than US$1 per day increased by 28 million in sub- Saharan Africa between 1994 and By contrast, economic expansion in East Asia was sufficient to generate employment growth, productivity growth and a reduction in the high incidence of poverty in the region. Latin America, however, experienced a decline in the employment intensity of growth between 1999 and At the same time, the number of working poor in the region at the US$1 a day level increased by 4.4 million. In recent years, economic growth in Latin America has been relatively more employment intensive for females than for males, which reflects a substantial narrowing of the labour force participation gap between men and women in the region. (1 van 3) :41:49

85 Globalization failing to create new, quality jobs or reduce poverty In both Western Europe and North America, the services sector has experienced the most robust growth - both in terms of value added and employment growth. Between 1991 and 2003, for every 1 percentage point of growth in the services sector, employment increased by 0.57 per cent in North America and by 0.62 per cent in Western Europe. However, the report finds evidence of a divergence in employment performance between North America and Western Europe between 1991 and 2003, with the employment intensity of growth decreasing in the former and increasing in the latter between 1991 and 1999, with a further significant reduction in North America and a mild reduction in Western Europe between 1999 and Global wage inequality on the rise The 4th Edition KILM shows that between 1990 and 2000, wages increased faster in high-skilled occupations than in low-skilled occupations globally. Although these findings do not show a general deterioration of the wage position for low-skilled workers, they do suggest widening wage inequality between high- and low-skilled workers during the 1990s. Rising wage inequality in the developed economies has been mainly attributed to greater demand for higherskilled labour, which is in short supply and to lesser demand for workers with lower-level education. Other explanatory factors, although of less impact, include increased trade with developing countries and increased immigration of low-skilled workers. In developing countries, factors impacting on rising wage inequality include industry wage premiums resulting from changes in trade policy that favour workers in specific industries, the increasing size of the informal economy, which generally has lower wages and less favorable working conditions, and a shortage of high-skilled workers. Labour costs and labour productivity bring unequal results in terms of global competitiveness The report concludes that the competitiveness of a high-wage economy is not immediately threatened by lower labour costs elsewhere, as countries with low labour costs are usually also characterized by lower productivity levels. The report demonstrates how competitiveness is determined by the combined outcomes of elements of the productive process - the cost of utilizing labour (labour compensation) and labour productivity (output per person employed) - and by exchange rate fluctuations. The report's analysis of competitiveness in the "unit labour costs" indicator shows the following: In the European Union-15, it is not so much high labour costs but lower productivity in the manufacturing sector and appreciation in the Euro that has threatened the competitive position of the region vis-à-vis the United States. The manufacturing unit labour cost level in Japan has not only been high relative to the United States, but also in comparison with that of the EU-15. However, since the mid-1990s, the gap has decreased due to a moderation in wage growth in Japan, a weakening of the yen-us$ exchange rate in 2005 and an improvement in the comparative productivity performance of Japanese manufacturing. The Republic of Korea has shown rapid improvement in labour productivity relative to the United States, but unit labour costs in the country have increased due to rapid wage increases during the early 1990s. Productivity has weakened in Mexico, but because labour compensation levels are lower, unit labour costs have also remained lower than in the United States. The United States continues to show the highest labour productivity levels measured as value added per person employed. Despite faster productivity growth rates in some European Union countries, especially the new EU Member States, the productivity gap, measured in value-added per person employed, between the United States and most developed economies continues to widen. One exception is Ireland where this measure of the productivity gap with the US has been steadily narrowing since1980. A slightly different picture emerges if productivity is measured by value-added per hour. This shows that some European countries are more productive than the US and for others the gap is less wide. However, most Europeans work shorter hours and have longer holidays than their US counterparts. In Central and Eastern Europe, the transition to a market economy led to an increase in productivity but a fall in employment. The new EU Member States show a significant advantage in terms of international competitiveness with unit labour cost levels at approximately 70 per cent of the US level. Increased competitiveness, however, is not benefiting the population in terms of job creation and wages. The region shows some of the world's highest unemployment rates and many of those not working have simply given up the job search, as reflected in the region's high inactivity rates. In other key findings, the KILM shows that: Women are continuing to catch up to men in terms of participation in labour markets throughout the world. Nevertheless, women continue to be disproportionately engaged in low-wage, low-productivity and parttime jobs, and in many regions such as the Middle East, North Africa and South Asia, women's participation in the labour market still lags far behind. (2 van 3) :41:49

86 Globalization failing to create new, quality jobs or reduce poverty While the most severe working poverty is growing in Africa, it is declining in Asia and Central and Eastern Europe. Youth unemployment rates are typically at least twice as high as adult rates and are sometimes much higher. However, in most countries, the illiteracy rates of adults are higher than those of youth, suggesting that young people are increasingly better prepared for the labour market. Developed economies and the European Union are faced with a growing number of "underutilized" labour resources, including the unemployed and involuntary part-time workers looking for a full-time job. In both France and Italy, the rate of "underutilized" labour reached 21 per cent in 2004, up from 17 per cent in 1994 in France and 12 per cent in Italy. Source: ILO Available at: * Key Indicators of the Labour Market, 4th Edition, ILO, Geneva, 2005, CD-ROM version; ISBN: The print version will be available in April For additional information visit (3 van 3) :41:49

87 UNCTAD XI A missed opportunity? UNCTAD XI: A missed opportunity? By Ana Lydia Fernandez-Layos and Barbara Specht WIDE 1. Introduction From June 2004, representatives of 192 UNCTAD Member States met in Sao Paulo, Brazil for the eleventh session of the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD XI). The conference was organised around the theme 'Enhancing the coherence between national development strategies and global economic processes towards economic growth and development, particularly of developing countries'; it ended for most parties involved on a satisfactory note. After nine months of preparations and negotiations, UNCTAD Member States adopted the "Spirit of Sao Paolo-Declaration" and the "Sao Paulo Consensus" [1] as its main outcome documents. In addition to the Bangkok Plan of Action (2000), these documents form the basis of UNCTAD's policy guidelines and work priorities for upcoming years. The "Sao Paulo Consensus" contains analyses and proposes responses in relation to the four main themes of the conference: - Development strategies in a globalising world; - Building productive capacities and international competitiveness; - Assuring development gains from the international trading system and trade negotiations; - Partnership for development. The document affirms the role of UNCTAD as a designated focal point for the integrated treatment of trade and development. In this function, UNCTAD has a special responsibility to contribute to the achievement of the international development goals. A further significant accomplishment is the inclusion of a section on the need for developing countries to have 'policy space'; the recognition of right of developing countries to balance out national development priorities and policies with obligations deriving from international agreements. [2] An important issue at UNCTAD XI was the call on developing countries to strengthen economic cooperation among themselves through increased South-South trade. [3] Within this context, the launch of a third round of negotiations on Global System of Trade Preferences among developing countries (GSTP) has to be highlighted. Likewise, the establishment of an International Task Force on Commodities [4] 4 is rated as a positive outcome and a first step in the right direction. In general, UNCTAD XI has shown that developing countries continue to stand together and demand fair trade policies from developed countries. However, it has to be seen whether the agreed language (e.g. on 'policy space') will also find its way in the ongoing WTO negotiations. In that sense and taking into account that - especially Northern governments and civil society actors - did not have high expectations towards this conference, UNCTAD XI can not be seen as a missed opportunity. Still, UNCTAD was not able to claim a strong leadership role in ensuring that international trade structures are supportive to developing countries in achieving poverty eradication, sustainable development, gender and social justice. UNCTAD XI stays - to say it with other words - a toothless tiger. 2. Enhancing the coherence between national development strategies and global economic processes towards economic growth and development, particularly of developing countries Since its 40 years of UNCTAD's existence, the international environment has drastically changed, and the problems experienced by developing countries today require urgently new and pioneering approaches. Today, most trade negotiations are taking place under the auspices of the World Trade organization (WTO) and UNCTAD's role as a leading body on development and trade issues has severely been reduced. UNCTAD XI was an opportunity to reinforce and strengthen UNCTAD's mandate, to address these problems and to discuss appropriate solutions, as increased trade liberalisation does not automatically lead to poverty eradication and sustainable development. Besides the launch of the third round of negotiations on Global System of Trade Preferences among developing countries (GSTP) [5], the setting up of an International Task Force on Commodities, the call on intensified South-South cooperation [6], the creation of a 'new geography of world trade' based on cooperation and solidarity [7], discussions on the role and mandate of UNCTAD and themes such as local/national policy space versus international trade agreements, attention was also given following issues: (1 van 12) :41:58

88 UNCTAD XI A missed opportunity? - Creative industries and private sector engagement in developing countries, including the question of corporate responsibility and accountability. - Trade and poverty; - Trade and gender; - The role of ICTs and information and knowledge for development. - The role/importance of non state actors [8]. The need to strengthen the coherence between national development strategies and global economic processes, so as to ensure development gains from trade, was recognised. However, in the final Sao Paulo consensus the definition of coherence remains unclear; it can be interpreted in such a way to create more coherence between the trade and financial system instead of between trade and development policy. During the conference numerous side events and meetings took place, for example the Group of 77 (G77) celebrated its 40th anniversary with a Ministerial Meeting on 12 June, one day prior to the opening of the UNCTAD XI session. Exactly during the first UNCTAD conference, in June 1964, 77 developing countries formed the G77 in order to speak with one strong voice. Today the G77 consist of 132 members, representing various interests. Other side events as well as informal and non-public meetings focused on WTO or bilateral trade negotiations. The EU, for example, used the occasion of UNCTAD XI to continue ongoing discussions with Mercosur countries (Argentina, Brazil, Paraguay and Uruguay). Another objective of the EU was to re-install and strengthen confidence in the multilateral trading system and to give further momentum to the successful conclusion of the Doha Development Agenda. Together with Australia (representing the Cairns Group), Brazil (initiator), India and the United States, they formed a group known as Five Interested Parties (P5) to kick-start the blocked WTO agriculture negotiations. Finally, they could find an agreement stating that ''export subsidies need to be removed gradually, domestic farm aid needs to be reduced substantially, and market access needs to be increased substantially.'' [9] The Group of 20 developing countries (G20) [10] was also engaged in discussions on the issue of agriculture negotiations. The G20 met on Ministerial level to discuss alternatives to the EU and US proposals on agriculture, to demand an end to export subsidies and to domestic supports that distort the market. Another of their demands aimed at improved market access. Representatives of the WTO used UNCTAD XI trying to get the WTO talks back on track - as WTO Director-General Supachai Panitchpakdi stressed "if we want trade to work as an engine for growth and development, it is indispensable that we succeed in the Doha Round" [11]. He added that the negotiations are at "a crossroads, and common ground must be found quickly". In the end, after these preparations in Brazil and further intensive two week long day and night debates in Geneva, the WTO members reached an agreement on a framework that will guide future WTO negotiations on a number of areas, including agriculture, Non-Agricultural Market Access (NAMA), services and trade facilitation - the so-called "July-package" [12]. 3. "Let's move forward and make a change" - Civil Society Forum The civil society forum (CSF) organised by initiation of UNCTAD by the Brazilian Association of Governmental Organisations (Abong) and the Brazilian Network for the integration of the peoples (Rebrip), took place simultaneously to UNCTAD XI. Around 200 representatives of women's, farmers, development and environmental organisations, trade unions and fair trade initiatives were present. Various events in relation to following themes were organised: - Alternative to free trade & reorganising the international system; - Social and work rights in trade agreements; - Widening economic policies horizons: Human rights and groups concerning ethnics, gender, generation, sexual orientation, traditional people, etc. - Challenging liberalisation in agriculture: promoting sustainable agricultural models based on food sovereignty; - Symposium on faire trade: sustainable development in practice; - Development, global governance and strategies for globalisation. One of the highlights of the CSF was certainly the encounter with UN Secretary-General, Kofi Annan, and Sectary General of UNCTAD, Rubens Ricupero. Iara Pietricovsky, general coordinator of Rebrip and Jose Bové, representative of Via Campesina, were handing over the civil society declaration, which comments and criticises (2 van 12) :41:58

89 UNCTAD XI A missed opportunity? on matters reported in UNCTAD XI Statement (see annex 2). Kofi Annan stressed in his speech the importance of civil society actors: The working area of NGOs is the intersection of trade and development and the purpose of civil society is to ensure that trade and development are helping the poor and are supporting the fight against poverty. NGOs are needed to keep on pressuring the governments. The UN is indeed aware of numerous issues, but it needs the pressure of NGOs on governments to be able to achieve more. In the meeting with Kofi Annan, CS representatives also stressed the importance of selecting the most qualified and competent individual who shows a high standard of leadership and commitment, for the post of Secretary General of UNCTAD, as Rubens Ricupero is leaving. As a follow up to emphasis this concern, a Memorandum from the CS to the Secretary-General of the UN on the subject of the new leadership of UNCTAD was prepared (see annex 3). Among the gender activities of the CSF was the session on 14 June "Widening economic policies horizons: Human rights and groups concerning ethnics, gender generation, sexual orientation, traditional people, etc.", organised by the International Gender and Trade Network (IGTN). Graciela Rodriguez (LAGTN) moderated a panel entitled "International trade in line with the affirmation of human rights within a development perspective". Speakers include Alma Espino (LAGTN Uruguay) and Marina Durano (AGTN Philippines). Norma Sanchis (LAGTN Argentina) moderated the panel "Risk of Violating human rights" which presented some case studies of how trade policies violate women's rights. In order to ensure a good flow of information and to coordinate different activities during the CSF, NGOs representatives met on a daily basis. In these daily meetings, different CS statements were discussed; a civil society dialogue meeting with representatives of the European Union [13] was prepared, etc. 4. UNCTAD XI & Gender Since 2000, UNCTAD has been committed to looking at the question of gender and trade in its meetings. Of special interest for WIDE was therefore the issue how will UNCTAD XI deal with the promotion of gender equality in international trade relations? WIDE welcomed the initiative of UNCTAD to consider gender and trade one of the three cross-cutting issues during the conference [14]. WIDE furthermore welcomed the considerable support that Mr. Ricupero had given to gender concerns and perspectives in UNCTAD and UNCTAD's programme High-level Round Table on Gender and Trade One of the events to highlight the importance gender and trade was a High-level Round Table on Gender and Trade. Mr Ricupero and Mrs Eveline Herfens, UN Executive Coordinator for the Millennium Campaign, opened the session by stressing that trade as an important aspect of globalisation and a major source for growth and development can have strong positive and negative effects for gender equality. Mrs. Herfkens emphasised the importance of the Millennium Declaration and the MDGs and the relevance of the agreements and promises made by the governments: "If women are not empowered, no goals are achieved; men and women in poor countries should benefit from globalisation and trade". She underlined that governments should be "gender responsive" to the different issues that affect women: different access and control to resources, unequal roles, unequal ownership of land and access to property titles and to credit. Rich countries should support developing countries specially regarding policies and agreements on agricultural issues since agriculture subsidies destroy local markets in less developed countries and of these women as producers and exporteurs of agricultural goods are particularly affected. The succeeding debate focussed on: - Government policies to reduce the gender gap and enhance gender equality in the context of trade liberalisation; lead speakers: Ms. Freire (Secretary of State on Women's Policies, Brazil); Ms. Benitez-Reyes (Chair, National Commission on the Role of Filipino Women, Philippines); Ms Lawson (Chair, Gender expert trade group, DTI, UK). - Multilateral trade commitments and the development objective of gender equality; lead speakers: Ms Didiza (Minister of Agriculture and Land Affairs, South Africa); Ms Pacheco (Head of Cabinet of the Minister of Foreign Trade, Costa Rica). - The contribution of international trade to poverty alleviation and gender equality; lead speakers: Ms Kebe (Minister of Trade, Senegal); Ms Herfken (UN). - Capacity building for trade and enterprise development; lead speaker: Mr Belisle (ITC); commentator: Ms Cano (Oxfam Honduras). Several speakers considered the issue of gender and trade from the perspective of 'efficiency' and focussed on the direct relation between gender equality and poverty alleviation. Questions such as how women can be generators of growth, how can low skilled workers benefit from increased employment opportunities or how does trade liberalisation impact on women as consumers, were of high interest. According to the speakers the improvement of women's living and working conditions will result in reducing poverty; countries see the greatest developmental and poverty reduction benefits from trade when gender equality policies are in force [15]. (3 van 12) :41:58

90 UNCTAD XI A missed opportunity? However, structural inequalities caused by the current macroeconomic and trade policies and contradicting and undermining women's rights, as well as unjust power relations were not mentioned and analysed. In addition no speaker referred to the commitments of governments to gender equality given through the ratification of the Convention of the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women or the Beijing Platform for Action. Mr. Tom Kitt, the Minister of State for Development Cooperation and Human Rights of Ireland, advocated for greater coherence of the national trade policies to address gender issues. He highlighted the potential impact of trade policies to eradicate gender inequality. Moreover, he mentioned the need for a specifically designed reform based on gender analysis and assessments to promote women's participation at all levels of decision making as well as women's empowerment. Even so the issue of policy coherence was approached, this did not happen from a social justice perspective where "guaranteeing the harmonisation of economic policies with commitments to international human rights conventions, the Convention of the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women, as well as the Beijing Platform for Action [16] would be a priority. In order for national trade policies to become more effective in promoting gender equality objectives following strategy was proposed by the participants: developing countries could draw up a common list of gender-sensitive products; on the basis of this list, a reduction of developed country subsidies (especially in the area of agriculture) as well as market access restrictions for developing countries (especially in the area of non agricultural market access) should be demanded. Moreover, a reduction of barriers to trade in services and a cutback of tariffs is needed. Conclusions were drawn around the role and responsibility of the different actors at the international trade arena: governments (developed and developing countries), international agencies such as the UNCTAD and Civil Society Organisations. Regarding governments, following recommendations were given: - Domestic measures need to be taken to reduce gender inequalities in the context of international trade. Governments should therefore enforce gender-oriented policies and carry out ex-ante gender impact assessments as a matter of course. Other recommendations included: - Improvements in women's and girls access to education and skills; - Measures to reduce discrimination in labour markets; - Access to export market information and credit (not just micro credit) for women entrepreneurs; - Improvements in land rights, access to land as well as to other productive resources; - Reduction of violence against women, without which women cannot enjoy other rights; - Support to women in their reproductive roles, for example through child-caring programmes; - Mainstreaming, consistency and proactive implementation of gender equality policies throughout all government departments. Stressing the important role of international agencies such as UNCTAD in promoting gender equality objectives, the following recommendations were given [17] : - The UN Interagency Task Force on Gender and Trade [18], established in 2003, should continue with its diagnostic and analytical work and thereby continue to raise policy makers' awareness of the gender impacts of trade expansion and the gender effects of prospective changes in trade policies; - A methodology for the ex-ante gender impact of trade policies needs to be developed; - Trade-capacity-building efforts need to be continued and improved, including by taking into account the constraints that reproductive tasks impose on women entrepreneur's participation; - Partnerships need to be fostered between poor women producers in developing countries and commercial buyers in the North with a view to increasing their ability to access developed countries markets. The main role of Civil Society Organisations was seen as in raising awareness, advocating and lobby national governments. It was emphasised that people do not benefit from international meetings unless the CSO holds national governments accountable for the promises made. (4 van 12) :41:58

91 UNCTAD XI A missed opportunity? 4.2. Gender and trade: opportunities and challenges for developing countries In conjunction with the High Level Round Table on Gender and Trade, the UN Interagency Task Force on Gender and Trade launched "Gender and trade: Opportunities and challenges for developing countries" [19]. The publication is intended to "sensitise policy makers on the gender implications of trade, to foster discussion among experts and providing a good basis for consensus-building." [20] The book tries to analyse the complexities of the gender and trade nexus and explores policy measures which could promote gender equality in international trade. Numerous members of the UN task force contributed to the publication with analyses from economic, social and legal points of view. The authors review the impact of trade liberalisation on gender equality, looking at the experiences of developing countries with specific reference to the agricultural, textile and clothing and service sectors. Moreover, they examine the impact of existing multilateral trade rules on gender equality with a special focus on the interface between human rights obligations and trade rules as well as the linkages between TRIPS and gender issues. Different approaches to improve the gender sensitivity of international trade activities and policy making are presented. Capacity-building for policy makers and the use of specific analytical tools designed to assess the impacts of trade on gender equality appear to be essential in this respect. However, given the complexity of the gender and trade issue and the variety of views contained in this book, no straightforward conclusions were set up. To sum up, WIDE welcomed the initiative of UNCTAD to promote gender equality in the international trade arena and to chair the UN Interagency Task Force on Gender and Trade. However, as mentioned earlier, the UNCTAD's approach and analyses stayed to some extent limited. In addition, the inclusion of gender equality in the UNCTAD agenda has been more formal than substantive. Considering that current macroeconomic and trade policies are contradicting and undermining human rights, we demand that the international economic order should be radically changed and existing trade and development policies should be challenged and transformed to address and serve peoples' - and more specifically women's - rights and needs. UNCTAD should further elaborate and develop existing methodologies like gender and trade indicators and conduct gender impact assessments to forestall possible negative impacts of trade agreement. Moreover, UNCTAD should be involved in a dialogue with national governments and international institutions such as the WTO to address the importance of the gender and trade nexus for advancing gender equality. WIDE agrees with the recommendation of the UNCTAD secretariat to the governments "to ensure that national policies related to international and regional trade agreements do not have an adverse impact on women's new and traditional economic activities [21]", but we would like to see this initiative embedded in a more holistic understanding and would therefore add "on women's opportunities and rights as well as on women's livelihoods". We do not only believe in the promotion of "gender equality and the empowerment or women as effective ways to combat poverty, hunger and disease and to stimulate a development that is truly sustainable [22]", but we see it as essential in order to achieve sustainable development and social justice. Therefore, UNCTAD should focus with its gender analysis not simply on improving the condition of women in their current roles, nor should UNCTAD just pay attention to women as potential generators of economic growth, but UNCTAD should ensure the empowerment of women and the transformation of gender roles and responsibilities as agreed in CEDAW and the BPFA. [23] 5. WIDE's activities WIDE was represented by Barbara Specht (WIDE Secretariat) and Ana Lydia Fernandez-Layos (WIDE NP Spain) at UNCTAD XI. Maeve Taylor (Banúlacht Ireland - WIDE NP Ireland) and Janice Godson Foerde (KULU Denmark - WIDE NP Denmark) participated as NGO representatives of the Irish respectively Danish government delegation. The four representatives joint efforts to lobby representatives of the European Commission and EU Member States to integrate gender equality in international trade policies and take into consideration the interests of those women who are most directly affected by the negative impacts of international trade agreements. In order to support their lobby activities, WIDE representatives elaborated a Statement to the European Union on gender and trade (see annex 1) on 15 June (signed by WIDE, Banulacht Ireland, IGTN Europe, CONGDE-WIDE Spain, Danish 92 Group, European Women's Lobby, CAFRA, International Coalition of Development Action, KULU-WIDE Denmark and Trade Matters Ireland). The statement was distributed to the European Union delegates and at the Civil Society Forum. In relation to the position of the EU, WIDE was pleased with the strong focus on gender and trade in the speeches made by Minister Tom Kitt on behalf of the EU. Two speeches made reference to the need to ensure that trade policy does not impact negatively on women's empowerment, and on women's capacity to be both the beneficiaries of and actors in economic growth. However, it needs to be ensured that gender mainstreaming is understood in the agreed terms of CEDAW and the BPFA as being a strategy towards transformation of gender relations and gender stereotypes and the empowerment of women. Another problem is that up to now, the inclusion of gender equality in the UNCTAD agenda seems to be more formal than proactive and real action remains yet to be seen. Through their active participation in meetings at the Civil Society Forum and the articulation of gender concerns, WIDE representatives ensured the integration of a gender perspective in various civil society activities: for example, WIDE representatives 'engendered' the different CSO declarations. WIDE representatives made also sure that women's concerns were articulated at the civil society dialogue meeting with representatives of the EU (5 van 12) :41:58

92 UNCTAD XI A missed opportunity? [24]. On the last day of UNCTAD XI, CSO organised a press conference and it was obvious that one panel speaker would speak on behalf of the women's organisations. Representatives of different women's organisations (DAWN, WIDE) brainstormed together on the outcome of UNCTAD XI and Magaly Pazello (DAWN) summarised it in her press statement as follows: - UNCTAD does not question the neoliberal model but tries to adjust development to this model; - Women are not presented as agents of change but as vulnerable group and seen as potential generators of growth, they are not linked to power, decision or policy making; - Gender issues are approached from the 'efficiency' perspective; - Power relations are not questioned, social change is not sought; - Structural causes of gender or economic inequalities are not addressed. WIDE representatives networked successfully with other women's organisations (IGTN, DAWN) as well as with mixed coalitions, strengthened old contacts and established new ones and promoted WIDE's work and expertise on gender and macro-economic issues. What is UNCTAD? Established in 1964 as a permanent intergovernmental body, UNCTAD is the principal organ of the United Nations General Assembly in the field of development and trade. UNCTAD is the focal point within the UN for the integrated treatment of development and interrelated issues in the areas of trade, finance and, technology, investment and sustainable development. Its main goals are to maximise the trade investment and development opportunities of developing countries, and to help them face challenges arising from globalisation as well as to integrate into the world economy, on an equitable basis. UNCTAD pursues its goal through research and policy analysis, intergovernmental deliberations, technical co-operation and interaction with civil society and the business sector. UNCTAD's programmatic focus lies on: - Globalisation and development strategies; - Investment, technology and enterprise development; - Service infrastructure for development and trade efficiency; - Least developed, land-locked and island developing countries; - Cross-sectoral issues (including: sustainable development, poverty alleviation, empowerment of women, economic co-operation among developing countries). UNCTAD has currently 192 Member States. Its headquarters are in Geneva, Switzerland. The 400 staff form part of the UN Secretariat. The annual operational budget is approximately $ 45 million, drawn from the UN regular budget. Additionally technical cooperation activities costing approximately $ 24 million per year are financed from extra-budgetary resources provided by donor and beneficiary countries, as well as by organisations. UNCTAD's highest policy making body is the Conference, which meets every four years at ministerial level to formulate policy guidelines and set work priorities. [UNCTAD's 40 years : Trade, developing and investment promotion, Geneva, 2004]. Annex 1: STATEMENT TO THE EUROPEAN UNION ON GENDER AND TRADE FOR UNCTAD XI June 15th 2004 The UN has recognised that gender equality is both a core value for sustainable development and a prerequisite for poverty elimination. With the Convention on the Elimination of all forms of Discrimination Against Women and the Beijing Platform for Action, the UN has developed an internationally accepted analytical framework and action (6 van 12) :41:58

93 UNCTAD XI A missed opportunity? plan for gender equality. We welcome the creation of the UNCTAD-led Task Force on Gender and Trade set up by the UN Inter-Agency Working Group in February 2003 and the UNCTAD XI initiative to highlight gender and trade as a cross-cutting issue. As a UN body, UNCTAD has both the responsibility and the competence to take a leadership role in ensuring that gender concerns are incorporated in a meaningful way in macro-economic policy. Trade policies impact on gender relations and human development by rearranging relations of power and access to resources between women and men. If trade policies are assumed to be gender neutral, they may reproduce or even worsen current forms of inequality and discrimination against women in all countries. We also welcome the statement of the European Union that 'UNCTAD should mainstream gender equality in its work. UNCTAD's support to developing countries should enable their economic and trade policies to empower women as both actors in, and beneficiaries of, economic growth.' Gender mainstreaming must be understood in the agreed terms of CEDAW and the BPFA as being strategy towards transformation of gender relations and gender stereotypes, and the empowerment of women. The impact of trade policy on the lives and livelihoods of women is compounded in countries of the South by the structural inequalities between North and South. The international economic order through UNCTAD, therefore must proactively promote the interests of those women who are most vulnerable to the negative impacts of international trade agreements. UNCTAD should also assist developed countries in gender mainstreaming and engendering their national and regional trade and other economic policies to ensure gender equity and women's empowerment. UNCTAD must take a leadership role by Promoting the implementation of UN gender equality and women's empowerment agreements within trade agreements. Devoting increased emphasis in its work to the social implications of trade and other economic policies, including their gender impact. Developing systems of gender and trade indicators and gender impact assessment mechanisms in both monitoring trade agreements and in ex ante assessment to forestall negative impacts of trade agreements on vulnerable women and men. Including in its independent research and analysis the evaluation of the impact of trade on women. Such research should focus not only on criticising the current neo-liberal framework, but on developing alternatives, drawing, for example, on the established body of feminist economics, and on the range of existing local level alternatives. Focusing its gender analysis not only on improving the condition of women in their current roles (e.g. better access to credit and micro-finance etc) and seeing them as potential actors in economic growth, but should draw on the transformative analysis of CEDAW to ensure that women are not confined in discriminatory positions by gender stereotyping. UNCTAD must ensure that every country has the competence and freedom to design development measures aimed at achieving gender equality and social justice. Donor countries should ensure that appropriate resources are directed to UNCTAD's work on gender equality. WIDE (Network Women In Development Europe) Banúlacht - Women in Ireland for Development, WIDE Ireland CONDGE (Coordinadora de ONGs), WIDE Spain KULU - Women in Development, Denmark, WIDE Denmark Danish 92 Group ICDA (International Coalition of Development Action) Cafra (Caribbean Association for Feminist Research and Action) EWL (European Women's Lobby) IGTN-E - International Gender and Trade Network (Europe) Trade Matters Ireland Annex 2: UNCTAD XI - ADDING SOUL TO "THE SPIRIT OF SAO PAULO" Amendments to the official UNCTAD XI - The Spirit of São Paulo Declaration by the Civil Society Forum at UNCTAD XI 17 June 2004 We, the member States of the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development, gathered at São Paulo, Brazil, between 13 and 18 June 2004, for the eleventh session of the Conference, agree on the following Declaration: (7 van 12) :41:58

94 UNCTAD XI A missed opportunity? 1. UNCTAD was created in 1964 as an expression of the belief that a cooperative effort of the international community was required to integrate developing countries successfully into the world economy. Since then, UNCTAD has made a substantial contribution to the efforts of developing countries to participate more fully and to adapt to changes in the world economy through the development of a number of instruments, agreements and programmes to stabilize commodity prices, for example aimed at achieving this objective. UNCTAD has also provided an invaluable forum for advancing the relationship between trade and development, both from a national and an international perspective, across the three pillars of its mandate. Reinforcing the traditional UNCTAD mandate is more crucial than ever. 2. The UN Conferences of the 1990s, (and outcomes such as the Beijing Platform for Action), the Convention on the Elimination of Discrimination Against Women, other international Conventions, the Millennium Declaration, the Monterrey Consensus, the Programme of Action for the LDCs, the Almaty Programme of Action, the Barbados Programme of Action, the Johannesburg Declaration on Sustainable Development and the Plan of Implementation agreed at the World Summit on Sustainable Development and the Declaration of Principles and the Plane of Action of the World Summit on the Information Society, as well as initiatives for UN reform, strengthen multilateralism and establish a roadmap to guide international actions in the process of mobilising resources for development and of providing an international environment supportive of development, although these have been criticised by some who see them as insufficient. We are committed to joining all our efforts and in creasing the resources from the developed countries in the achievement of the goals established in those texts in the agreed timeframes. The United Nations system should actively pursue agreed development goals between now and 2015, as identified in the Millennium Declaration, and a reinvigorated UNCTAD has an important role to play in efforts towards the accomplishment of these common objectives. 3. In spite of all the efforts at the national and international level to promote growth, development and intensifying equity at both these levels remain the central issues in the global agenda. The contrasts between developed and developing countries and within both kinds of societies that marked the world in the early 1960s have intensified. While globalisation has posed important challenges and opened up new opportunities for many countries, its consequences have been highly unequal between countries and within countries. Some have reaped the benefits from trade, investment and technology flows and seem to be winning the struggle for development and for poverty alleviation: sometimes by following independent policies. 4. Most developing countries, however, especially African countries and LDCs, have remained neglected and sometimes have suffered as a result of the globalisation process. They still face major challenges for the realisation of their economic potential and the incorporation of large masses of the unemployed, informal male and female workers and the working poor into the productive sectors. There is a need to rethink the linkage between international trade and poverty elimination. There is a need to address the instability in world commodity prices. 5. For all countries, it is important that, at the international level, efforts will be deployed and policies implemented in order to facilitate reforms and to remove external constraints to put the developing world on a firm and sustainable development path. We can rightly say that, 40 years after the foundation of UNCTAD, the relationship between trade and development, which is the cornerstone of its mandate, has become even more important to analyse critically and to act on. 6. We are committed to the struggle for the eradication of poverty and hunger. Policy instruments and measures, such as the Global Fund Against Hunger, at the national and international levels, should be adopted, in particular by practising policies in the areas of trade, investment and finance (including through new financial initiatives), to encourage the creation of opportunities for the poor women and men of the world to have access to decent, stable jobs and adequate negotiated wages. This is the sustainable road to democracy, reforms, stability and growth. The Millennium Development Goals are an important but insufficient milestone. Special attention should be paid to the implementation of the Beijing Platform for Action in order that gender power relations are rearranged, so that women are empowered to participate equally with men in sustainable development. 7. The plight of the least developed countries should receive the utmost attention from the international community. We are committed to generating and better utilizing additional international resources, market access and development assistance for the LDCs in order to enable them to establish, in the context of effective domestically-owned national policies, a solid political, social and economic base for their development processes. 8. Multilateral trade negotiations, under the Doha Work Programme, should be conducted with a view to addressing developmental concerns of countries, with a special focus on LDCs, in a manner that fully reflects the level of ambition agreed to at Doha. The Doha Work Programme should place development at the centre of the multilateral trade negotiations and then should reinforce the mandate of UNCTAD. UNCTAD can play a useful role in safeguarding the development dimensions of the Doha Work Programme and contributing to assessing and evaluating the balances and outcomes of negotiations and promoting mechanisms, including regulatory measures, to establish more balanced and equitable trade relations. We also positively consider the facilitation of accession of developing countries, especially LDC s, to the WTO. UNCTAD should also assist developed countries in gender mainstreaming and engendering their national and regional economic and trade policies to ensure gender equity and women's (8 van 12) :41:58

95 UNCTAD XI A missed opportunity? empowerment. 9. We recognise that improved coherence between national and international policies and practices and between the international monetary, financial and trading systems and the Norms of the UN system is fundamental for democratic and participatory sound global economic governance. We are committed to reforming in a comprehensive manner the existing inadequacies and insufficiencies of those systems in order to enhance their capacities to better respond to the needs of development, especially in the case of LDCs. The institutional dimension in terms of improved global governance is central here. We should also continue working on the creation of positive and development-centred synergies amongst trade, finance and investment and on how to link these efforts to development and eliminating inequities at the national and international levels. As recommended by the World Commission on the Social Dimensions of Globalisation, an inter-agency Globalisation Forum should be established. UNCTAD should play a key role in this Forum. In particular, attention should be devoted to improving international non-speculative capital flows for development, through the provision of automatic, assured and predictable sources of development finance, as well as dealing with the volatility of international capital markets. Measures to ensure long-term debt eradication of developing countries and countries in transition should be implemented. As a first step in this direction, we commit to unconditional cancellation of LDC debt. 10. We should also focus on future challenge and opportunities. In addition to national resources, capital accumulation and availability of labour, new factors such as information, innovation, creativity and diversity constitute the dynamic forces of today's world economy. We are committed to bridging the digital divide and ensuring harmonious, fair, equitable and sustainable development for all women and men and to building an inclusive information society, which will require genuine equal partnership and cooperation among Governments and other stakeholders, i.e. the private sector, civil society and international organisations, in which rights and responsibilities of all parties are reciprocal. 11. A more positive integration of developing countries and those developing countries with economies in transition into the international economy and the multilateral trading system depends also on the adoption of internal policies to move up the ladder towards sectors that incorporate innovation and that expand more dynamically. To achieve these results, countries must have the policy space to pursue diverse policy options in order to arrive at the best possible balance between different approaches in their national development strategies. 12. The process of sustainable development requires increased and equitable participation of all social and political forces in the creation of consensus for the adoption of effective national policies, which, in turn, requires democratic policies and institutions. We acknowledge the importance of all stakeholders, i.e. governments, the private sector, civil society and international organisations and the contribution all can make, in every country, to good governance. While development is the primary responsibility of each country, domestic efforts should be facilitated and complemented by an enabling international environment. Development policies should take cognisance of market forces in the promotion of growth, through trade, investment and innovation. They should also acknowledge the central role of the State in conferring political and economic stability, developing the required regulatory frameworks, channelling the resources for infrastructure and social projects, promoting social inclusion and reducing inequalities. We are committed to supporting national efforts dedicated to institutionbuilding in developing countries and countries in transition. 13. Although still limited to a small number of countries, there are encouraging signs that a significant source of global growth is being generated in the South. This new development could contribute to creating to a new geography of world trade. We underscore the importance of initiatives to facilitate the emergence of new dynamic centres of growth in the South through additional steps for the integration of these emerging economies with other developing ones. This can be achieved, inter alia, by means of amore comprehensive Global System of Trade Preferences among Developing Countries, which should also address the problems of the LDCs and economies in transition. 14. Given the growing importance of regional and interregional initiatives, we encourage UNCTAD to further develop capabilities designed to assist countries to participate effectively in these initiatives, while ensuring functional and coherent linkages with the multilateral system. 15. The decisions we have adopted at this UNCTAD XI, in addition to the Bangkok Plan of Action form a solid basis and are essential instruments in our continued commitment to support UNCTAD in fulfilling and strengthening its mandate as the focal point internationally for the integrated treatment of trade and development, on the road to its Twelfth Session in Annex 3: MEMORANDUM FROM THE CIVIL SOCIETY FORUM AT UNCTAD XI TO THE SECRETARY-GENERAL OF THE UNITED NATIONS On the subject of the new leadership of UNCTAD At the meeting of the civil society held with the Secretary General of the United Nations on the occasion of UNCTAD XI, civil society drew attention of the Secretary-General to the importance of selecting the most qualified (9 van 12) :41:58

96 UNCTAD XI A missed opportunity? and competent individual to the post of the Secretary General of UNCTAD. The Civil Society statement states that safeguarding and strengthening UNCTAD s mandate to deal with the interdependent issues of trade, money, finance, technology transfer and development, in an integrated manner, is critically dependent on the quality and management of its leadership. In light of the impending changes in the leadership of UNCTAD this civil society forum urges the Secretary General of the UN and member states to exercise the greatest care and transparency in the selection of UNCTAD s new management. As a key stakeholder concerned with UNCTAD s future, civil society expects to be closely involved with a consulted in decisions concerning the institution's future management. The Secretary General expressed his appreciation to the Forum of the civil society in highlighting this important issue. He assured the civil society of his commitment to recommend, to the General Assembly of the UN for the post of Secretary General of UNCTAD, an individual, who would carry out a high standard of leadership and commitment. In this connection he invited non-governmental organizations to make recommendations for a suitable candidate. The civil society appreciates the gestures to the Secretary-General of the UN in his encouragement of civil society to make recommendations in the process leading to the selection of the Head of an important UN agency. Civil society values this initiative that would clearly enhance the credibility of the process. Accordingly, we are of the view that the next Secretary General of UNCTAD should have as his essential objective the political and substantive revitalization to the institution. We wish to recommend in the selection of the Secretary General, that he or she must posses the following qualities: - Highest ethical and moral standards and who would uphold the ideals of the UN; - Outstanding international reputation exhibited by political commitment to the promotion of international peace and development cooperation; - Deeply familiar with multilateral trade and economic negotiations; - Knowledgeable and experienced in addressing development challenges in the context of poor countries; - Understanding the gender dimension of social and economic issues - Capable of taking concrete policy positions, deepening inclusiveness and greater participation of developing countries on international platforms; - Independence; - Proven track record of negotiating experience; - Impeccable management and administrative skills that would contribute to a reinvigoration of the institution. The new Secretary General should be committed to: - Recovering lost space and to break new ground by reaffirming UNCTAD s original mandate; - Rearticulating priorities in the apparent awakening of the South-South emphasis; - Incorporating and promoting gender and development considerations as a core value in UNCTAD's core work program and its interventions in other international platforms - Coordinating with ILO, DESA and other UN agencies; - Setting up a research department, that can competently compete with research departments of OECD, World Bank, IMF and WTO; - Supporting Brain Gain in the south by decentralizing via regional cooperation with Mercosur, Caricom, African Union, ASEAN and other similar regional organizations; - Putting goals and targets to UNCTAD work programme, similar to the MDGs, but in specific relation to job creation. Women in Development Europe (10 van 12) :41:58

97 UNCTAD XI A missed opportunity? [1] The official outcome documents are available at [2] For a more detailed analysis of the outcome document, please see or [3] E.g. by UN Secretary-General, Kofi Annan, Sectary General of UNCTAD, Rubens Ricupero and prominent leaders like the President of Brazil, Luiz Lula da Silva, or the Thai Premier Minister, Thaksin Shinawatra. [4] The commodity crisis and the dependence on commodity trade as a common feature of many developing countries was one of the main themes at UNCTAD XI. [5] Established in 1989, GSTP is seen as a major instrument for the promotion of South-South trade and the increase of production and employment in these countries. China and the Group of 77 (G77) are invited to join the current 43 members and to participate in the negotiations, which will possibly start in November 2004 and are expected to be concluded in two years. It was estimated that the trade of the 43 GSTP members amounted US $ 2 trillion in 2000 or about 55% of all developing country trade (UNCTAD press releaseunctad/press/pr/ spa/2004/010**/ 17 June 2004). The GSTP serves as a framework for the exchange of trade preferences among developing countries. It must be based and applied on the principal of mutuality of advantages in such a way as to benefit equitably all participants. [6] New partnerships need to be explored and the potential of developing countries need to be further developed. Today, the share of South-South trade has reached 30 percent of global trade. Manufactured goods had even gone to 70 percent of that trade in (Press release UNCTAD/XI/2 14 June 2004). [7] Lula da Silva in his opening remark on [8] The Sao Paulo Consensus states that civil society needs to become more engaged, but no concrete proposals/ mechanisms how this objective could be met are proposed. [9] EU Trade Commissioner Pascal Lamy after the P5 meeting in Sao Paulo. [10] The G-20 is an alliances of Southern countries formed at the Cancún ministerial meeting and lead by Brazil to propose a WTO reform agenda in the area of agricultural trade policy (mainly through the abolishment of subsidies and a reduction in farm trade barriers). [11] In his speech at UNCTAD on 14 June [12] See WIDE-News 7/8-July/August 2004 for more information on the July package ( wide/newsletter/2004_news_7+8.pdf). [13] The meeting took place in the morning of [14] The other two crosscutting issues were: trade and poverty and trade and creative industries. [15] Round table on Trade and Gender. 15 June 2004, Summary prepared by the UNCTAD secretariat. [16] Statement of Participants Event on Gender, Race, Ethnicity, Sexual Orientation, Traditional Peoples and Generations, Civil Society Forum, UNCTAD XI, 14 June [17] Round table on Trade and Gender. 15 June 2004, Summary prepared by the UNCTAD secretariat. [18] UNCTAD is chairing the task force that includes all UN agencies as well as the World Bank, the WTO, the OECD, and the Commonwealth to name a few. [19] [20] UNCTAD/PRESS/PR/SPA/2004/005, 15 June [21] Trade and Gender: Opportunities, Challenges and the Policy Dimension, Note buy the UNCTAD secretariat, 5 April 2004, p.3. [22] Opening Statement by Mr. Rubens Ricupero, UNCTAD XI, Round Table on Trade and Gender, Sao Paulo, (11 van 12) :41:58

98 UNCTAD XI A missed opportunity? Brazil, 15 June [23] Statement to the European Union on Gender and Trade for UNCTAD XI, June 15th [24] The speaker of CSOs referred to the main points from WIDE's statement to the EU on gender and trade. (12 van 12) :41:58

99 Doc Social, Economic and Environmental Sustainability From a Gender Perspective: 14 Issues to Tackle By NGO Women s Forum, Germany & Working Group Women in the Forum Environment & Development 1. Globalisation and sustainability 2. Peace, non-violence, human and women s rights 3. Concepts of economy, care work and gender relations 4. Securing survival without social exclusion and poverty 5. Securing livelihoods and biodiversity by resource and gender justice 6. Food sovereignty and health 7. Sustainability in urban, regional and traffic planning 8. Gender mainstreaming in climate protection 9. The Local Agenda 21 and gender issues 10. Redistribution of social and environmental responsibility 11. Sustainability policy as structural policy 12. Concepts of nature and gender relations 13. Gender impact assessment and gender budgets as precautionary instrument 14. Women s empowerment and gender mainstreaming At the major UN conferences of the nineties, the governments committed themselves to sustainable development, to combating poverty and environmental degradation and to respecting human rights and women s rights. In 1992, the central message of the Rio de Janeiro Agenda 21 was the concept of sustainability. Development can only be 'future compatible' if it embraces ecological, social and economic issues. But the message from Rio has also been that sustainability without a qualified participation of women, i.e. participation also in decision making, will not work. The 4 th World Conference on Women in Beijing identified a dual track strategy to this end: empowerment on the one hand and gender mainstreaming, the systematic integration of a gender perspective in all institutions and policy areas, on the other. In 1991, women from all over the world drew up their own agenda for the 21 st century at the World Women s Congress for a Healthy Planet in Miami. The cornerstones of this agenda - a new code of environmental ethics, preserving biological and cultural diversity, justice between the North and the South, gender equity and justice, demilitarisation - have remained highly topical. In fact, if anything, globalisation over the past decade made them even more relevant. In spite of a number of successes scored on individual issues, the necessary process of reorienting and restructuring in terms of ecology and economics in the wake of the Rio Conference has yet to commence. Conventions that are binding in accordance with international law ranging from the conservation of biodiversity to the protection of social and ecological labour standards have still not been implemented. In Johannesburg in August 2002, a new World Summit for Sustainable Development is to pinpoint the sustainability strategies for the future. On the way to Johannesburg, civil society groups world-wide will be appraising progress made in terms of sustainability and the credibility of governments and other players in society. The agenda for Johannesburg is still negotiable. With the issues mentioned in the following, we want to outline topics that are central to the Johannesburg Conference from a gender perspective. We wish to position ourselves and to identify the need and scope for action at various political levels. One of our central concerns is to integrate social, economic and ecological issues and to bridge the existing fragmentation in sectors and political competencies. In the same way as the local, national and global level for action, the political micro, mezzo and macro level should be linked. The general framework for discourse is the economic globalisation, i.e. liberalization, privatization, commercialization and patenting of resources. The unpaid care work of women and the precautionary principle are systematically taken as points of reference in the argumentative discourse. Our demands are based on the understanding that the social and ecological crisis which will be debated in Johannesburg represents a problem of society which needs to be dealt with by societal changes. 1) Globalisation and sustainability With economic liberalisation, the globalisation process has increased the predominance of economics since the Rio Conference. Growth, efficiency and profit-maximizing have been turned into guiding principles of development and elevated the market and commodity logic to the supreme rationality. The World Trade Organization (WTO) is creating a regime of order and rules for neo-liberal globalisation that gives priority to free trade rather than social rights and ecological rules. This is why WTO agreements are threatening environmental protection rules and ecological alternatives. They are counteracting social security and redistribution mechanisms. In this way, globalisation has increased social disparities and created new antagonisms between countries and within societies, between the rich and the poor, between a wealth of commodities and the destruction of nature. (1 van 6) :42:09

100 Doc Sustainability requires that the dogmas of commodification and marketing be scaled down and that the overexploitation of natural and human resources as well as over-production and over-consumption be reduced. Economic growth and profit maximization have to be subordinated to sustainability, environmental protection and social justice. Liberalisation is not a suitable tool to this end. A re-regulation of the financial markets and trade (e. g. taxation on currency transactions to limit speculation and on kerosene), of labour and resource markets according to social and ecological standards is called for. Prices have to reflect the truth by integrating ecological and social costs. The convention proposed by NGOs on the accountability of transnational corporations has to be forwarded. Fair trade, ethical investments, socially and ecologically clean or resource-saving production patterns and companies oriented on equity ought to enjoy support e.g. through fiscal policies. 2) Peace, non-violence, human and women s rights Peace is the most fundamental prerequisite for sustainability. The globalisation process over the last few years has been accompanied by an increasing degree of militarisation, a growth in legal and illegal arms trade and the internal and external rearmament of state enforcement systems. Armed conflicts and wars about power and resources destroy futures, human lives and the environment. Military force is not an appropriate means of combating terrorism and leaves its causes untouched. However, peace also means freedom from violence against women, from violations of human rights and racism. Peace means respecting local and national sovereignty and respecting cultural and biological diversity. The future can only be based upon a culture of peace in all relations in society and vis-à-vis nature that all societal actors, above all including children and youths, have to learn, as well as a democratisation from below. Sustainability requires addressing the social, economic and power-political causes of conflicts, violence and terror. Getting rid of inequalities and promoting democracy among countries, social classes, ethnic groups and gender is conflict prevention and the structural securing of peace. War must not be a means of politics. Instead, military expenditure has to be cut back, with funds emerging from this process being reallocated to non-violent forms of conflict resolution. Women are to participate democratically in negotiations and decision on peace, livelihood, and resources. Concepts of feminist research on peace and conflict as well as those from anti-violence programmes are to be integrated, while gender-specific causes of flight and migration are to be recognised, and support of female refugees and asylum seekers has to be increased. 3) Concepts of economy, care work and gender relations Women are the Sisyphean workers for the future. Their looking after children, sick and elderly people, maintaining social relations, their work in food and health provision, cleaning and waste management secures the viability of societies and generates social capital. This care work represents an interface between social, economic and ecological aspects. However, the present neo-classical concept of the economy focuses on the market and paid work. The work in the care economy is kept invisible, regarded as not productive and only paid for poorly or not at all. Since increases in productivity are hardly possible in this area, care and services at a personal level are slipping into a crisis. The double burden women have to endure by paid work and care work remains their private problem, confronting many of them with a double scarcity: a lack of income and a lack of time. Economic statistics have to adequately account for unpaid and paid labour, as has already been called for at the World Conference on Women in Beijing. Women need an infrastructure oriented by its social use and by care work as well as public institutions making provisions to secure livelihoods. Moreover, the fiscal and social systems have to treat women as independent economic subjects who have a right of their own to claim social support rather than as dependants of a man. 4) Securing survival without social exclusion and poverty Globalisation is resulting in a growing integration of women into the market for paid work, but it is also creating new forms of economic and social exclusion. While skilled women find employment at middle levels, the majority of women in the global markets only get insecure, low-paid, flexible jobs. More women are migrating to the towns, export production zones or abroad to seek employment, or they are even trafficked into low-paid jobs or prostitution. Women and children are the jokers in the global underbidding competition. As prototypes of parttime and supply-workers, homeworkers and tele-workers, women provide the flexibilisation pool for the labour markets and above all work in precarious and insecure employment markets devoid of rights and social and ecological minimum standards. They are precisely the ones who have to bear the brunt of deregulation, and they are the majority of the working poor. Women in the so-called informal sector need legal recognition and social security as well as opportunities to gain qualifications and to get organised. The feminisation of poverty has to be countered by checking in advance what the gender-relevant effects of austerity measures and structural adjustment programmes will be as well as a gender compatibility assessment of employment, flexibilisation and liberalisation measures. The ILO conventions on industrial health and safety standards, social security and ecological safety, on equal status of men and women and of migrant workers are to be boosted. Private companies, and above all transnational corporations, are to be (2 van 6) :42:09

101 Doc made socially and ecologically responsible via re-regulation and codes of conduct. Self-determined, ecologically and socially integrative forms of economy at regional and local level that are beyond the capitalist world market economy have to supported. 5) Securing livelihoods and biodiversity by resource and gender justice Sustainable and careful use is a method of preserving natural resources. Access to land, water, forests and biodiversity and control of these resources are the most important preconditions for securing the livelihoods of the majority of the population in the countries of the South. Most women in the South regard securing their social, natural and cultural livelihood as the central aspect to survival. While women hold considerable responsibility for the use of resources, they enjoy only little control of them. Privatisation of commons and public goods as well as patenting seeds and intellectual property deprives women of their resources, the cycles of local economies are disrupted and women s indigenous knowledge is devalued. The privatisation of public utilities and infrastructure as well as basic public services, from garbage collection to water supply, creates new social disparities in access to resources and leads to more work in the care economy. Resource and gender justice have to be linked with poverty eradication and environmental protection. Women need land rights, rights of access to forests and biodiversity, recognition of their indigenous knowledge and a right to information and further education. Conserving biodiversity and protection against bio-piracy by agro- and pharmaceutical corporations are pro-active ways of securing livelihoods. Access to clean water is a human right, and water has to remain a public good. No privatisation of public utilities! 6) Food sovereignty and health Health provides the foundations for sustainability, and it depends to the utmost degree on the environment and social conditions. Just like food, it is one of the core responsibilities of women. BSE has highlighted the life-threatening cul-de-sac of industrialised agriculture. Agro-poisons, the application of hormones and genetic engineering pose unacceptable health and environmental hazards. The pollution and overfishing of the seas, rivers and lakes as well as aquacultures maintained with high levels of chemicals lead to further food insecurity. At the same time, highly subsidised imports from the industrialised countries are torpedoing smallholder agriculture and their markets in Southern countries. A new direction in agriculture oriented on food and ecological security as well as regional cycles is in the interest of women as those who are responsible for food and health. Both the majority of women consumers and women smallholders reject green genetic engineering. In the countries of the South, the right to one s own seed and the use of indigenous know-how is of utmost importance to the women farmers and their role in the local economies. However, the WTO agreement on trade related aspects of intellectual property rights (TRIPS) promotes the patenting of indigenous knowledge, seeds and genetically modified organisms by transnational corporations in the agro- and pharmaceutical industries. People in the South are to pay for their medicinal plants, which they themselves have bred as cultivated plants, after the pharmaceutical corporations from the North have had their use patented or have genetically modified them. The issue of patents for drugs as final products is resulting in expensive monopolies and is excluding more and more people from the basic right to health. The export subsidies of the industrialised countries for agricultural products are to be cancelled, and their markets are to be opened to products from countries in the South. Non-tariff trade obstacles must not undermine initiatives to open the markets of the industrialised countries. Exceptions from free trade and TRIPS rules are to be introduced in the WTO that guarantee food sovereignty in the countries of the South. The precautionary principle, e.g. protection from health hazards, has to be established in WTO agreements. The supply of affordable drugs to the poorer countries has to be ensured with licences. Ecological farming is to be promoted by a change in the agricultural policies. Forests, bodies of water and soils are to be protected against commercial overexploitation. No to patenting of living organisms! No to genetically modified food! 7) Sustainability in urban, regional and traffic planning Urban, regional and traffic planning treats care work as if it were an unlimited resource. It is not aimed at accessibility of locations which are, at the same time, compatible with environmental and social needs, the qualities of public areas, freedom to move in spite of structural male violence or meeting housing requirements and the provision of decentralised infrastructure for everyday life. Instead, they create the compulsion to motorise, subject public areas to car traffic, necessitate an additional labour and back-up transport and hamper quality standards in supplies. The requirements of women resulting from their needs of coping with day-to-day life and their work in two economic areas are ignored just as much as rural areas and the urban periphery. Urban, regional and traffic planning which aims at avoiding traffic, as well as infrastructure and transport policies oriented on everyday life in society are a public responsibility. Binding minimum standards are required to prevent the privatisation of public transport from putting a strain on social conditions and the environment in the long run. Generating traffic at the expense of private households, e.g. through problematic entrepreneurial locational policies, has to be reduced by using regulatory policy instruments along the lines of the preventive and polluter principle. The myths about transport technology and high-speed transport are to be exposed. Impact and (3 van 6) :42:09

102 Doc compatibility studies aimed at reducing gender discrimination as well as gender budgets are to be introduced for all means of transport. 8) Gender mainstreaming in climate protection Since Rio, climate protection has been right at the top of the international agenda for the environment. However, in the industrialised countries, it is turning into a plaything for power interests, serving above all as an instrument to identify loopholes in the agreements. Instead of haggling for percentages in CO2 reduction and instead of a mere sectoral perspective, more fundamental changes to existing economic structures and patterns of consumption are required. Accordingly, primary entry point in the industrialised countries would be the reduction of energy consumption in various fields of application (mobility, housing, production). North-South equity has been receiving more and more attention in the international debate on climate protection, while inequalities at national level, including gender discrimination, have so far remained ignored. One reason for this is that, throughout the world, women are extremely under-represented in the field of energy and climate protection. Like in all technology-oriented areas, there is a lack of gender-related data, analyses and research. However, what has been clearly established is the lower level of acceptance among women of high-risk technologies such as the use of nuclear power in comparison to men. In addition, the energy sector is characterised by a strong segregation. On the one side, there is the highly-valued (male-dominated) area of technical potentials to economise, and on the other, there is economising by behavioural patterns which tends to be valued less, but often results in an increasing workload for women. A gender-disaggregated data basis in the area of climate change has to be compiled regarding causes and responsibilities on the one hand, and the consequences and solution strategies on the other. Gender research in the area of climate protection, especially energy, is to be promoted, and insights already available on the genderspecific impact of, and preferences in, climate protection and energy concepts are to be systematically integrated into the international negotiations. However, much more fundamentally, a restructuring of production, consumer patterns and lifestyles among the consume oriented middle classes world-wide, but above all in the countries of the North, has finally to be initiated: nothing more and nothing less than what the industrialised countries already committed themselves to in Rio. 9) The Local Agenda 21 and gender issues Over the past few years, the participation of women in the Local Agenda processes has been growing. Today, there are hardly any communities that can afford to neglect the women s issue. However, women are subordinated to the category of social issues, and this is also the category they assign themselves to, which leaves the hard issues to men. Instead, the Local Agenda should really be a prime example of gender mainstreaming, of integrating a gender perspective into all political measures, processes and decisions. But this is not what is happening. On the contrary, it is (almost) exclusively women who are dealing with gender issues, while everyone else is carrying on with business as usual. The integration of gender issues into all thematic areas of the Local Agenda 21 must not depend solely on the goodwill of individuals but has to be specifically targeted. A political signal is needed. At the same time, networking and the exchange of experience among women active in the Agenda processes need to be promoted. Regional and national centres have to be created at which contents and structures can be discussed. 10) Redistribution of social and environmental responsibility As a consequence of the restructuring processes taking place in the context of neo-liberal globalisation governments are increasingly withdrawing from their genuine social responsibilities. Public services are being privatised and either handed over to the market, or responsibility for them is passed on to the private households, which above all means to the women. There is a trend towards feminising social responsibility ranging from bringing up of children to the care of Aids patients and looking after the elderly as well as environmental responsibility from sorting of waste (e.g. in Germany) to planting tree saplings in the countries of the South. Women function as airbags for the world-wide cutback in government social services. At the same time, the gender-specific division of labour among men and women is hardly changing. Concrete political measures have to be taken to counter the feminisation of social and ecological responsibility. Along the lines of social and environmental justice as well as the polluter principle, a compensation for costs and efforts has to be made among the various players in society, but also among nations at international policy level. There must be no separation of efficiency for the men from sufficiency for the women. 11) Sustainability policy as structural policy So far, environmental, development and gender policy goals have not been integrated institutionally. The responsibility for environmental projects run by women is usually referred to the Equal Rights Offices. In sectoral development programmes in the South women have been mobilised as a cheap protection and cleaning gang without sectoral development being redesigned to meet environmental and gender requirements. Environmental protection is reduced to technological and eco-efficiency approaches, and end-of-pipe strategies. So far, social security concepts and women s programmes have mainly been annexed to macro-economic programmes to (4 van 6) :42:09

103 Doc cushion the impact of economic crises and impoverishment. Policies for social and ecological sustainability have to be structural policies at all political levels and need to be established as cross-sectoral tasks. Sustainability strategies have to be integrated into macro-economic structures, international political programmes and concepts to eradicate poverty right from the start. Environmental protection, social justice and the dismantling of gender hierarchies have to be linked up already at the macro-level in terms of systematic institutional and content wise integration. Instead of imposing a universal concept of economic stabilisation and growth, country and region specific requirements and diverse contexts ought to be decisive for development and sustainability strategies. 12) Concepts of nature and gender relations Feminist scientists criticise the relation between humankind and nature being based on a logic of domination and exploitation that shapes both the understanding of nature and the relation between society and nature as well as the natural and engineering sciences. This is precisely the causal element of today s global environmental crisis. In the concepts of sustainability developed so far, these relationships with nature are hardly addressed, insights from a gender perspective are ignored, and, by and large, a blockade prevents the adoption of feminist approaches. Knowledge based on experience and research about the links between the concept of nature, the social and economic order and gender relations have to be integrated both into science and at political level. This is a precondition for sustainability policy to achieve a breakthrough with regard to social and gender discrimination and the destructive way in which nature and the environment are treated. 13) Gender impact assessment and gender budgets as precautionary instruments Agenda 21 of Rio and the Platform for Action of the 4 th World Conference on Women demand that the impact of environment and development policy measures on women and men be assessed. The Gender Impact Assessment instrument was developed to identify potential effects of political decisions and strategies on gender relations. However, with regard to environmental policy and sustainability research, methods of establishing their impact on women and assessing gender-relevant effects have so far hardly been tested or applied. This also applies to the Gender Budget instrument, which is aimed at breaking down revenue and expenditure of government, local authority and institutional budgets in terms of how they relate to gender and analysing their potential to boost or weaken gender hierarchies. Gender Impact Assessment has to be applied with binding effect both in the development of sets of legal and political guidelines and in environmental and development research. Gender Budgeting should also be introduced at various levels as an instrument to establish transparency and support analysis and planning. Both instruments can operate preventively and contribute to restructuring politics and research on the environment, development and sustainability with a view to deconstructing gender hierarchies. 14) Women s empowerment and gender mainstreaming Sustainable development cannot be achieved without the empowerment of women, in particular their participation in planning and decision making. This insight was gained at the UN Conferences in Rio de Janeiro and Beijing. There is still a glass ceiling for women in all environment and development related sectors. While they are active on a day-to-day basis at grassroots level, the more the level of action includes technical, scientific or political elements, the more it is dominated by men. Empowerment of women implies two aspects: on the one hand, participating in decision-making and planning processes and getting a share of the power to make decisions within political, economic and scientific institutions. On the other, scope for networking and co-operation enabling a gender-sensitive discourse on sustainability and the adoption of an autonomous position. Gender mainstreaming has to be established everywhere, both in terms of institutions and contents. The independent quest of women for gender equitable strategies for sustainability has to be reliably secured by financial and institutional resources. Networking of civil society at national and international level is indispensable in this context. This is why network projects on global structural policy from a gender perspective and gender equity and environmental sustainability have to be set up and financed at federal level. April 2002 Source: Women in Development Europe (5 van 6) :42:09

104 Doc (6 van 6) :42:09

105 ICT ICT Free Software for Free Women Christina Haralanova New technologies are challenging the way we live, the way we conduct business, the way we educate ourselves and our children. Women from solidarity economy groups recognise the need to learn to use them as a tool in their work. But what about free software? Is there any relationship between solidarity economy and free software? The Free Concept: the Gender Law Joelle Palmieri We live in an age which is submitted to the impressive development of communication techniques and technologies, which effects spread out to the social, economic, political and cultural fields, and have serious implications on the very future of our democratic life. We observe an over-concentration of resources that reinforce the setting up of monopolies and private oligopolies in the sector of communication. This statement is very close to the fact that technological development is essentially developed like a full part of the globalization process. Information and communication represent an economic sector as such, with high benefit rates, which products must be given a price like goods. Statement on Communication Rights Vision and Context By World Forum on Communication Rights Communication plays a central role in politics, economics, and culture in societies across the globe. Information and communication technologies, together with the political will to implement communication rights, can provide vital new opportunities for political interaction, social and economic development, and cultural sustainability. The means to achieve these ends include universal access of all to the means of communication and information and to a diversity of media throughout the world. Gender and ICTs: Overview Report By Anita Gurumurthy BRIDGE New technologies in the information and communications arena, especially the Internet, have been seen as ushering in a new age. There is a mainstream view that such technologies have only technical rather than social implications. The dramatic positive changes brought in by these information and communication technologies (ICTs), however, have not touched all of humanity. Existing power relations in society determine the enjoyment of benefits from ICTs; hence these technologies are not gender neutral. The important questions are: who benefits from ICTs? Who is dictating the course of ICTs? Is it possible to harness ICTs to serve larger goals of equality and justice? 9:42:13

106 Doc Free Software for Free Women Christina Haralanova, Social Rights Bulgaria New technologies are challenging the way we live, the way we conduct business, the way we educate ourselves and our children. Women from solidarity economy groups recognise the need to learn to use them as a tool in their work. But what about free software? Is there any relationship between solidarity economy and free software? "Free Software is a means to stimulate local development; you can make it serve your own needs in your native language. It unites small communities with similar problems around the world, and Free Software helps them to work together, exchange contacts and experience, and build networks", explained Michele Dessenne, co-founder of Les Penelopes and general secretary of ATTACK-France, during the New Communication Technologies and Solidarity Economy Workshop at the WSF New technologies, and Free Software in particular, are new challenges to confront, but in the long run, these are useful in obtaining more knowledge, visibility, contacts, and connections. These were the conclusions from this workshop. "Free Software, and programs like SPIP (Software for Publishing and Sharing information online), are useful because they are simple, free of charge and they are a direct response to our needs", said Maria Angelina, a staffmember of CEDAC in Rio de Janeiro, Brazil. "We have been active since 1985, but just recently we realised how powerful the new technologies can be." While in Brazil, where children were dying of hunger and where there are more than 20 million people who cannot buy shoes in their lifetime, women involved in solidarity economy from all over the country formed cooperatives to alleviate the increasing poverty. 21 groups of local producers joined these cooperatives. Iara da Rosa manages the Casa de Convivencia in Porto Alegre. In this shelter for street people, she organises computer training. She attests that it helps them to discover the power of communication and information technologies, and that such discovery became the turning point in their fight against poverty. They documented their efforts through a film and they provided copies to solidarity economy groups around the country. This was their way of sharing this "methodology" that is aimed at a more beneficial solidarity economy. Be the media, become the media! New technologies are not just computers - they also include radio, television and telephones. The purpose of using the Information and Communication Technologies (ICTs) implemented in the solidarity economy organisation is to help women to better sell their products, to organise themselves into movements, to exchange ideas and to learn new ideas. With this aim, Les Penelopes (France) set up six websites and produced four films about women involved in solidarity economy. These materials created a great impact when shown as examples to local communities. According to Maria Angelina who took part in the training organised by Les Penelopes in Porto Alegre in November 2004, the strongest impact for them was to see the direct links on how ICTs are used in practice. "The result was obvious: women without any knowledge in computers still succeeded to make it with technologies, only after a couple of days of training." Les Penelopes use the Internet to exchange information among the different social movements. They use various forms of ICTs: one of the most powerful is the Women's voices - audio project for feminist internet radio (accessible on their website). Without Internet used as media, it was impossible for women from Africa, Latin America, Central and Eastern Europe and Asia to get together and exchange ideas. Les Penelopes are building networks which they coordinate through the Internet. "Our weapon is the Free Software, and SPIP in particular. SPIP serves our needs because it is very simple to use, and it is translated in local languages and adapted to our work", stated Perline, the technical assistant and ICT trainer of Les Penelopes. Social inclusion and digital access for all "Women in the past did not have access to technologies by cultural barriers. Now things have changed, but still, there are very few girls in the IT departments of the university", Iara da Rosa described the situation in Brazil. "Today, there are many women who manage very well with Free Software: it is not true that women cannot make it as well as men in the ICT field". "Solidarity economy provides social inclusion, while Free Software encourages digital and social inclusion. Free Software is offering us a new way of doing our work, where women, involved in solidarity economy network online, while in past they could network only locally, within the community", said Loimar Vianna, the leader of the Free Software Women Project in Brazil. The project started in 2002, with an online discussion list on women and (1 van 2) :42:16

107 Doc Free Software. The breakthrough happened when together with Luna Nova, a Brazilian NGO, working with women on solidarity economy issues, they organised an ICT workshop. "The trainers and all the staff were all volunteers. All we wanted was to promote the inclusion of these women into the Free Software Movement and to help them exchange information", said Vianna. With a group of about 100 women from the solidarity economy in Porto Alegre, they established a Free Software centre for women with free internet access. The solidarity economy groups are constrained by their physical distance and the different field of their work. Some women are working in regions, far from commercial centres, and the Internet is their only way to connecting to other groups, to sell their goods and to keep themselves updated with the latest news. This opportunity to empower networks should be taken advantage of! This article was initially published in the printed version of the Digit@all Future International Feminist Magazine (issue 2), during the media coverage of the World Social Forum (WSF) 2005, Porto Alegre. Author: Christina Haralanova, January 2005 Source: (2 van 2) :42:16

108 The Free Concept: the Gender Law The Free Concept: the Gender Law Joelle Palmieri, Les Penelopes In the context of liberal communications, how is it possible to provide the means to groups of women who are carrying economic, social, cultural and political alternatives to make visible their practices, their experiences and their know-how? How is it possible to break men and women inequalities? In what way can the ICts arm our resistance? How is it possible to articulate gender concepts and philosophies with free software? How does the free concept respond to gender needs? How does gender respond to the needs of the free concept? It is very simple We live in an age which is submitted to the impressive development of communication techniques and technologies, which effects spread out to the social, economic, political and cultural fields, and have serious implications on the very future of our democratic life. We observe an over-concentration of resources that reinforce the setting up of monopolies and private oligopolies in the sector of communication. This statement is very close to the fact that technological development is essentially developed like a full part of the globalization process. In addition, information and communication represent an economic sector as such, with high benefit rates, which products must be given a price like goods, and tend to cancel any notion of public services with which communication has always been associated. The role of media In a time of huge concentrations, channels of weak contents and under-information, it is appropriate to stress that the media are rather in the stage of testing, attempt, unachieved concept and beginning. In order to look at it more clearly, let s start with the word "media" in the singular form. A "media" is supposed to be in between, a means of communication, a link between transmitting and receiving information. It seems today that it is a vertical and tense line, with a single direction, from the top downwards and has a privatized shape... And these lines, or pipes, are to be filled as quickly as possible! For God sake, where is the "space-time", which gives the opportunity to elaborate one s thoughts, refine one s ideas, and express oneself freely... Where does the law of the market give place to the reader, the listener, the audience, named as such, i.e. in the masculine form (in French) by the holders of the informational power? There is henceforth no more space for imagination, innovation, expression and exchange. Anything that needs time. In such a situation, it is difficult to consider a press system in which the "consumer" should not be passive. We are thus in presence of tailor-made information; at some broadcasters, the programs are set up from the initial "outlay", i.e. if Reebok invests, then a basketball program will be set up. In Southern countries, the situation is much more serious. In Africa or in the emerging countries like Brazil, the worst of television is poured in public or private channels: Northern models and references that have nearly nothing in common with the lives of women and men have increased. Much worse regarding newspapers, one is confronted to news that are not, because they have been truncated, chosen and chopped up. For new models It is mainly men who make choices, or rather impose them to their target groups, i.e individuals (females and males) who are considered as consumers and "non-thinkers". The numbers can testify. In her report on the question of women and media, as published in 1995 for the UNESCO, Margaret Gallaguer is formal: women are "visible, but vulnerable". As actors (or journalists), or as subjects, women are nearly non-existent. It is necessary to say that the selection among the editorial staff is stern. Men decide on issues, women make the reports but not on any issue. They are nearly excluded from the domains that concern economy, sport and politics. Many studies on this topic, including the studies of the Association of female journalists on general press, know that. From the beginning until they were given the right to exercise on the labour market, female journalists have been confronted to effective work and editorial barriers, decided by their editorial staff. As an unknown phenomenon, it is essentially women who become war reporters or are in the field, and this very precarious situation makes it extremely difficult for an "internal" promotion. Furthermore, the proposed issues, whatever they are, should not present a gender dimension. On the other hand, any issues on women, as victims or sport or show business stars are most welcome. Besides, "the female magazines remain a fief of depreciating pictures". Any attempts of news handling with a new gender perspective is often doubtful, and submitted to universalistic pressures, when it is not simply rejected to the rank of specialized press. For example, it is now common that even the very issue of feminism is the full subject of a magazine or a TV show. However, it is most often to mock this "rearguard" movement". Or, it is the basis for a discussion with a "feminist-alibi" on topics like cosmetics, love while looking for a "counterpoint" as if, it was a contradiction from the start. And the same happens in TV shows or in "serious" documentaries on war, in which the geopolitical aspects of such or such part of the world, are full of males signatures and even though there was one female signature, she would have to use the males dialogue codes, i.e. universalistic and not the least sexually differentiated codes. The logics of exclusion is therefore double; at the level of women s place within the profession as such and at the level of the news (1 van 5) :42:22

109 The Free Concept: the Gender Law handling, in which the "male" vision is predominant. However, the proliferation and the diversity of sources, including Internet networks and not only agencies that prepare and sort out the information sources (like AFP, Reuters, BBC ), should allow the setting up of new models of news handling. The widening of the investigation field, the setting up of a medium that is finally streamlined and interactive, in which the "push", or what is known today, should leave room to the "pull", i.e. the endogenous contents carried out by the civil society. A new way to make new contents possible which take into consideration the social relations of sex and the global context of male domination. For a right to communicate It has been established like a universal statement that the vitality of democracy depends on the level of citizens involvement; this means that the different groups which compose society should be duly informed and able to express their particular points of view in order to contribute to the constitution of social consensus. This aspiration has been often denied notably because of the absence of democracy within the systems of communication. For example, many studies showed that the presence of the audience on TV sets is not an opportunity to give them the floor, but rather gives them the role of the accomplice of what is happening before their eyes without their approval. Another example is the creation of the cell phones "Sms"; they are obviously used to communicate little messages between friends, but in fact they have two other goals; spread out advertisement without the receiver s consent and finance the pipes (10 times more expensive than the normal price), by moving between 0 and 1, which makes them profitable not only financially but also in terms of market, thanks to the collection of personal data for further marketing use. This situation requires that civil society includes in its agenda the Right to Communication and, at the same time, decides to promote initiatives, which goal is to control the communication tools and to develop responsible, free and complimentary media. Particularly, women and/or mixed organizations that approach gender, must take the opportunity provided for by the Information and Communication Technologies (ICTs) to bring to light particular analyses and practices. Information in a different way From the analysis of the above mentioned tendencies of "dominant" communication, and while paying particular attention to the women s place and role? As victims of a double marginalization; as actors and as subjects of social, economic, cultural and political life and to the role of alternative initiatives. Nearly totally invisible. It seems appropriate to set up totally independent media tools in which information should be, not only to the service of citizens, but especially emerging from them. A type of information that claims diversity, solidarity, equality, horizontality and streamlining. It is today necessary to think information differently while stressing endogenous contents (or information) in particular. This means concretely that all the civil society actors, women and men, must not only have the opportunity to deliver their own contents. The shape that they use to communicate should also be considered as a full model that is complementary of the more classical professional (journalistic) news handlings. This strategy gives then the opportunity to approach the issues that are undeveloped in traditional media, and provide an open dimension to the circulation of information, and present specific contents according to the regions of the world, to create an exchange and know-how network. It gives mainly the opportunity to focus on gender, and notably the social relations between women and men, the barriers that gender inequalities represent for the development of peoples and societies, the alternatives carried out by women As many prisms that give the opportunity to cancel sensationalism or news in brief. In order to give back an effective space to a real social, political and economic analysis of issues such as violence, nationalism, fundamentalism, militarism, peace Contents of General Utility Furthermore, in the context of promotion of the contents that are at the public disposal, it is necessary to remain alert on matters of broadcasting control. This is possible if we create or maintain our own broadcasting networks and if we invest the decision-making centres where broadcasting is controlled, be it TV, radio or written press. This is a question of thinking information differently, according to the following principles: the access to information is a fundamental right, information is not a good, it must be free, the reader, the listener, the viewer is not a consumer, the contents must be endogenous. In this context, it seems justified to pay attention to a new way of editorial treatment that is organized in four directions: to approach issues that are not developed in traditional media, (2 van 5) :42:22

110 The Free Concept: the Gender Law to propose a multimedia, streamlined and horizontal treatment of information (radio, written press, electronic press, TV) to conceive nomadic, boundless, mobile media tools, to put these tools in the hands of the contents "bearers", while breaking with professional corporatism to set up relays, in different kinds of tools. These new ways of handling information give us the opportunity to consider a "star-shaped" information, in which each civil society actor/actress is in direct connection with the others. Thus, each interlocutor can bring his/her contents, and echo to the others while completing them and enhancing them. This structure helps to bring to light a collective richness at the international level. And the exchange of know-hows and experiences, the gathering of the means around a common content, the confrontation of individual, collective or regional situations, and especially their publication and their broadcasting, make disappear the geographical, economic and political barriers. In order to concretely implement these media tools, it is important to create a network of models and build up these tools on a different economic model, which will guarantee its continuity, by: leaning on the concepts of solidarity economy (previously co-financed by the state and the civil society actresses/actors), involving the territories (local elected people, regional administrators...), keeping control on broadcasting, using the ICTs, like a cheap technology, giving impulse to the policies of access to the internet network, using the philosophy of free software. Gender: a catalyst These public service tools must correspond, and not only respond, to the common interest. They must come from the people s needs, otherwise they would be meaningless, and create public spaces of discussion in which the receivers, the emitters, the prescribers meet or come together in order to bring to light those needs. In this context, gender recovers all its relevance since women and men, according to their social, religious, ethnical, generational, sexually-oriented, etc. origins, will finally have the opportunity to express different needs and interests. First of all, it should reveal practical needs for women and for men, while keeping the statu quo of sexual division in work. Then, it should achieve transformation by initiating strategic needs/interests that are going to completely transform this gender relation into a more equal status. The free concept: future of gender Women represent around 80% of the poor and 67% of the illiterate. Most of them are also victims of a triple discrimination; they are women, the majority works in economic sectors that are not valued at the national level, social or informal, and most of them are marginalized in their social, geographical or political environment. Very often, they also carry economic, social and political models that are totally different from the most visible system; an unequal, discriminatory, with high financial benefit system. And yet, this paradox remains invisible. How come? For migrant women living in poor suburbs in France, black women whose degree is not recognized in Quebec or Senegalese female fishers coming from the surroundings of Dakar, with no literacy level, publicizing their practices and their analysis of the disparities and inequalities between men and women, corrupts the universalistic uses. It also reconsiders gender social relations such as the domination relations as inherited from patriarchy, colonialism and imperialism. And it defies a major taboo, women s access to the public space, and becomes thus a major stake. Therefore, the use of free software becomes self-evident. Indeed, the word "free" refers here to freedom/liberty, and not to the price; this is a confusing language concept for Anglo-Saxons. More than twenty years ago, Richard M. Stallman, known as the "father" of this concept, set up the Free Software Foundation in order to launch the famous "GNU Project". His ambition was to give everybody the opportunity to use any software that was socially useful, and to facilitate its copying and modification, as easily as possible. He precisely defines four types of freedom/liberty for software users: "be free to execute the software, for any uses (liberty 0). be free to study the execution of the software, and to adapt it to your needs (liberty 1). To do that, the access to the open code is required. be free to share copies, and help therefore your neighbour, (liberty 2). (3 van 5) :42:22

111 The Free Concept: the Gender Law be free to improve the software and publish your improvements, in order to provide the whole community with benefit (liberty 3). To do that, the access to the open code is required." Obviously, these notions sound mainly computing concepts, but they have been transformed since then in tools that are used by the majority to break up with all kinds of fractures (social, ethnical, sexual...). Furthermore, the GNU has become a legal basis entitled GNU/GPL (General Public License) which permits appropriation without any obstacles (for more information, see the GNU site). A common interest Besides, this philosophy gives the opportunity to develop transcontinental projects of new endogenous media, based on Icts, in order to give value to economic, social, political and cultural alternatives as carried by women in the world and to analyze gender disparities on a global scale. Indeed, free software are, most of the time, free. No need to spend money, no more "robbery" is possible, no more violations of the intellectual property law, because there is no patentability system. Their setting up is a common interest. They allow local adaptations, particularly in the language field. If only one individual shows a need, that is supported financially or not by a specific body, and immediately the software are translated into a language, a dialect. The opportunity that is given to very restricted, retired or isolated groups, and particularly women, to have access to information and publication is therefore unique. Furthermore, this brings up a new way to look at the relations among the developers of free software. Some are therefore collaborative, participative, simple, in constant evolution in order to satisfy these criteria and demand which are in increase. No other software owner is able to perform this work, because of the underlying philosophy of benefit that governs them. There are free software which give the opportunity to publicize any contents without any computer knowledge, ability or technique. Therefore, there are word processing or computer-assisted software, tabloids, image processing, sound and Web publication software, as well as read/write mails, or Web surfing software. These software don t require any financial investment. To use them, it is enough to possess or download an operating system on your computer, which will carry them; it is the case of Linux free as well and many others. Then, it is enough to download them from the W eb to use them out line. The technical dependence on Microsoft is then reduced to a few weak elements; the corporate sector, NGOs, or any body of the civil society which "subcontracts" its computing works and the internet servers. The latter often don t authorize the download for instance of free Web publication software. However, a few "non-ownership" solutions already exist for the civil society actors or internet servers, and are made available for the whole public. Then, like the four Stallman rules, the access to the users guides of these software are a full part of the freedom/ liberty that these software authorize. Like documentation, training can be permanent. There are electronic users or developers lists according to the level that give not only the opportunity to get new information of major improvements but also to get involved in them! And even though the internet connexion is not necessary, there are bridges between users and all those who have no access to the network. Concretely, if anybody downloads a word processing via the Web, he/she can copy it on an electronic support and send it to a neighbour, who will use it to publish a document, that he/she will print or orally re-transcript... So everything is planned within this "community" to go along with change. Multiply the related effects towards equality Therefore, these free software present the double advantage of demystifying the tools and developing the free access, included the multiplication of contents, without any restriction or obstacle, for a very low cost, and safely, in any language. This is very useful to break up the geographical, cultural, social and educational barriers. Bringing together knowledge, innovation, invention, success, good practices, becomes hence a commitment; it is a way to "understand each other" without imposing any model. The contents on gender reports and issues find particularly their meaning in this process. This participative philosophy gives the concerned people the opportunity to exchange experiences and know-how, as well as the existing obstacles and "structural brakes" in order to elaborate solutions and common strategies. As a collaborative philosophy, it multiplies the "leverage" effects, it sets up new dynamics, it encourages multiplication, diversity, as well as complementarity. As an interactive philosophy, it permits unlimited reactivity and accelerates the process of development and changes. Conceived in total complementarity with the Net, it ensures international visibility. Since less than five years, we have observed the development of websites, the setting up of oral ways of communicating for example, for diasporas and particularly women Iranians. It looks like a kind of virtual "room" in which internet users converge regularly at fixed hours to chat, and exchange their points of view thanks to operations of "sharing" contents - i.e. link up through automated ways, the multiplication of know hows such as research and iconographic expression, and broadcasting interviews in an audio shape Besides, all the contents that are set up and put together can be "reconditioned" or "re-packaged" under more classical forms; paper, radio, television, or even plays. In this way, it multiplies the means of dissemination and opens new strategies that can go faster than traditional medias. So why do we still hide? What are all the groups of women waiting for to appropriate these new tools, especially those who are working on gender and feminists issues? The convergence of intentions and strategies of expression between the "free" concept and the different movements for equality between men and women do not need to be demonstrated anymore. Now it is up to us to act! Source: Women s Information Technology Transfer Regional Initiative of Women's Groups for Promoting ICT as a Strategic Tool for Social Transformation (4 van 5) :42:22

112 The Free Concept: the Gender Law (5 van 5) :42:22

113 Statement on Communication Rights Vision and Context Statement on Communication Rights Vision and Context By World Forum on Communication Rights Communication plays a central role in politics, economics, and culture in societies across the globe. Information and communication technologies, together with the political will to implement communication rights, can provide vital new opportunities for political interaction, social and economic development, and cultural sustainability. The means to achieve these ends include universal access of all to the means of communication and information and to a diversity of media throughout the world. Communication is a fundamental social process and the foundation of all social organization. It is more than the mere transmission of messages. Communication is human interaction among individuals and groups through which identities and meanings are shaped. Communication rights are based on a vision of the free flow of information and ideas which is interactive, egalitarian and non-discriminatory and driven by human needs, rather than commercial or political interests. These rights represent people s claim to freedom, inclusiveness, diversity and participation in the communication process. Our vision of communication rights is based upon the recognition of the inherent dignity and the equal and inalienable rights of all people. While recognizing the great potential of communication in contemporary societies, we also draw attention to some of the problems facing full recognition of communication rights. The problem of political control and interference with freedom of expression remains a central concern. Along with media saturation comes a dependency upon the media for knowledge about the world, a dependency that is greater in times of armed conflict. At the same time, the influence of propaganda and censorship has never been so widespread. Communication has become big global business. Many of its products and services are shaped by commercial goals instead of considerations based on the common good. The global media market is largely controlled by a small number of giant conglomerates, endangering the diversity and independence of information flows. This threat to diversity is heightened by current trends in international trade negotiations, which risk subjecting culture to the same rules as commodities and undermining indigenous culture, knowledge and heritage. On the other hand, strict intellectual property regimes create information enclosures and pose critical obstacles to emerging knowledge societies The exclusion of large numbers of people from the democratic political process due to the lack of effective means of participation is another challenge for communication rights. This problem is exacerbated by the expansion of around the clock powers to monitor and intercept communications, justified in the name of security but almost universally abused. New technologies and a more profound understanding of communication rights have the power to make information and knowledge more readily available to people everywhere and to transform social and political processes. However, much remains to be done for this to become a reality. Global communication remains far from universal, with most of the world s people still excluded from meaningful access to communication, information and the media. Communication Rights With the adoption of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, the international community recognised the inherent dignity of all members of the human family by providing everyone with equal and inalienable rights. Communication rights are intrinsically bound up with the human condition and are based on a new, more powerful understanding of the implications of human rights and the role of communications. Without communication rights, human beings cannot live in freedom, justice, peace and dignity. The recognition of this universal human need has inspired us to set out a statement on communication rights based upon the key principles of Freedom, Inclusiveness, Diversity and Participation [*]. Freedom The core of communication rights is Article 19 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, which proclaims: Everyone has the right to freedom of expression and opinion; this right includes the freedom to hold opinions without interference and to seek, receive and impart information and ideas through any media and regardless of frontiers. This basic freedom is also recognized in the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (Article (1 van 3) :42:28

114 Statement on Communication Rights Vision and Context 19), in other UN treaties, such as the Convention on the Rights of the Child (Article 13), and in all three main regional human rights instruments (Africa, the Americas and Europe). Despite these guarantees, censorship remains a reality as humankind embarks on the 21st century. Political and commercial pressures on independent news reporting are ever-present and freedom of speech on the Internet is under serious threat in many parts of the world. The right to freedom of expression is also increasingly under threat from significantly enhanced State powers to monitor and intercept communications around the world. It is crucial that the international community adopts robust rules and mechanisms to secure effectively the confidentiality of private communications. It is therefore urgent that we renew global commitment to freedom of information and expression as the touchstone of all freedoms to which the United Nations is consecrated, as stated in The United Nations General Assembly in Resolution 59(I), adopted at its very first session in Inclusiveness International human rights treaties include many provisions designed to guarantee inclusiveness, such as universal access to information and knowledge, universal access to education, protection of the cultural life of communities and equal sharing of advancements in science and technology. In the current global reality, however, large numbers of people are excluded from access to the basic means of communication, such as telephony, broadcasting and the Internet. Access to information about matters of public concern is also unduly limited, and is also very unequal between and within societies. True commitment to inclusiveness requires the allocation of considerable material and non-material resources by the international community and national governments to overcome these obstacles. Diversity Worldwide, existing forms of cultural, informational and linguistic diversity are seriously threatened. Diversity in culture, language and communication is as critical to the sustainability of the planet as the world s biological and natural diversity. Communication diversity is crucial to democracy and political participation, to the right of all people to promote, protect and preserve their cultural identity and the free pursuit of their cultural development. Diversity is needed at a number of levels including the availability of a wide range of different sources of information, diversity of ownership in the media and forms of access to the media that ensure that the views of all sectors and groups in society are heard. Participation International human rights stress the importance of people s participation in political processes which from the perspective of communication rights implies the right to have one s views taken into account. In this context, the equal participation of women and the participation of minorities and marginalized groups is particularly important. Communication is essential to the processes of political decision-making. As the role of media in modern politics expands, this should not obstruct but rather support the participation of people in the political process through the development of participatory governance at all levels. Vision and Reality Communication rights remain for most of the world s people a vision and an aspiration. They are not a reality on the ground. On the contrary, they are frequently and systematically violated. Governments must be constantly reminded that they are legally required under the human rights treaties they have ratified to implement, promote and protect communication rights. Communication rights are the expression of fundamental needs. The satisfaction of these needs requires a strong political will and the allocation of substantial resources. Lack of commitment to such resources serves only to deepen the global distrust of political institutions. At the same time, full implementation of communication rights cannot depend only upon governments. Civil society has a key role to play in terms of advocacy for rights, in terms of monitoring and exposing rights abuse and in terms of educating and popularising rights. Encouraging and facilitating people to assert these rights through different types of social action and to use them to realize the enormous potential of both the old and new technologies of media and communication, are vital tasks for all concerned people. We endorse this Statement as an expression of our commitment to communication rights and we further undertake to develop an International Charter on Communication Rights with the widest possible support as a common standard to which every individual and every organ of society should take action to achieve. Geneva, 11 December 2003 Statment from The World Forum on Communication Rights, an independent civil-society led initiative, open to all seeking democratic, just and participative media and communication. Presented by professor Cees Hamelink the World Forum on Communication Rights December , in Geneva, aims at gathering under the name (2 van 3) :42:28

115 Statement on Communication Rights Vision and Context "Communication Rights" a number of existing Human Rights related to information and communication. This statement is there to remind us that the majority of these rights are often ignored on the ground everywhere. The statement calls for a real practical application of these rights at all the levels. org/statement_en.html [*] The most relevant references to communication rights in international human rights instruments: On the principle of freedom: Freedom of Expression: Universal Declaration of Human Rights (1948), Article 19 International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (1966), Article 19 Convention on the Rights of the Child (1989), Article 13 Protection of privacy: Universal Declaration of Human Rights (1948), Article 12 International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (1966), Article 17 Convention on the Rights of the Child (1989), Article 16 On the principle of inclusiveness: Universal Declaration of Human Rights (1948), Articles 19, 21, 28 International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (1966), Articles 13, 15. Declaration of the Principles of International Cultural Co-operation (1966), Article IV (4). On the principle of diversity: International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (1966), Articles 1 (1), 27 Universal Declaration on Cultural Diversity (1995), Article 5 On the principle of participation: Universal Declaration of Human Rights (1948), Articles 21, 27 International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (1966), Article 25 (3 van 3) :42:28

116 Doc Gender and ICTs: Overview Report By Anita Gurumurthy BRIDGE EXECUTIVE SUMMARY New technologies in the information and communications arena, especially the Internet, have been seen as ushering in a new age. There is a mainstream view that such technologies have only technical rather than social implications. The dramatic positive changes brought in by these information and communication technologies (ICTs), however, have not touched all of humanity. Existing power relations in society determine the enjoyment of benefits from ICTs; hence these technologies are not gender neutral. The important questions are: who benefits from ICTs? Who is dictating the course of ICTs? Is it possible to harness ICTs to serve larger goals of equality and justice? Central to these is the issue of gender and women s equal right to access, use and shape ICTs. Access to new ICTs is still a faraway reality for the vast majority of people. The countries of the South, particularly rural populations, have to a significant extent been left out of the information revolution, given the absence of basic infrastructure, high costs of ICT deployment, unfamiliarity with ICTs, dominance of the English language in Internet content and indeed lack of demonstrated benefit from ICTs to address ground-level development challenges. These barriers pose even greater problems for women, who are more likely to: be illiterate; not know English; and lack opportunities for training in computer skills. Domestic responsibilities, cultural restrictions on mobility, lesser economic power as well as lack of relevance of content to their lives, further marginalise them from the information sector. The ICT arena is characterised by the strategic control exercised by powerful corporations and nations monopolies built upon the intellectual property regime, increasing surveillance of the Internet and an undermining of its democratic substance, and exploitation of the powerless by capitalist imperialism, sexism and racism. Within the ICT arena women have relatively little ownership of and influence on the decision-making processes, being underrepresented in the private sector and government bodies which control this arena. ICTs have brought employment gains, including for women. However, patterns of gender segregation are being reproduced in the information economy where men hold the majority of high-skilled, high value-added jobs, whereas women are concentrated in the low-skilled, lower value-added jobs. Work in call centres perpetuates the devaluation of women s labour, and organisations in the information technology sector, as elsewhere, reward behaviour that is considered masculine. Some international organisations and civil society groups are engaging with issues that concern the democratisation of the ICT arena from the digital divide and the right to communicate, to cultural diversity and intellectual property rights. Gender equality advocates have also been pushing for addressing the gender dimensions of the information society: integrating gender perspectives in national ICT policies and strategies, providing content relevant to women, promoting women s economic participation in the information economy, and regulating violence against women and children connected to pornography on the Internet. The World Summit on the Information Society (WSIS) held at Geneva in December 2003, brought together the multiple stakeholders in the arena to address the challenges and possibilities posed by ICTs, although with mixed outcomes. ICTs have also been used by many as tools for social transformation and gender equality. For example: E-commerce initiatives that link women artisans directly to global markets through the Internet, as well as support their activities with market and production information, are being tried today in many places by NGOs. E-governance programmes have been initiated by some governments using ICTs to make government services more accessible to citizens by providing them electronically, in some cases with an explicit strategy to ensure these services reach women and others who face barriers to access. Health educators have used the radio to communicate information related to women s sexual and reproductive health. Possibilities based on the Internet are also being explored. Information sharing and dialogues through , online newsletters and List Serves between women from the North and South and among women in the South have also enabled collaboration and a convergence of effort on a global scale to push the agenda of gender equality. Such activities have been most effective where they go beyond issues of access and infrastructure to consider the (1 van 4) :42:38

117 Doc larger social context and power relations. Effectiveness and reach have also been enhanced by combining old technologies such as radio, with new technologies such as the Internet. Far-reaching changes towards gender equality and women s empowerment in the ICT arena are needed at every level international, national and programme. Engendering ICTs is not merely about greater use of ICTs by women. It is about transforming the ICT system. This involves: Governments building ICT policies with strong gender perspectives and engaging with civil society and gender and ICT experts on these areas. International fora such as WSIS being used to challenge northern and corporate dominance of the ICT arena. Clear gender strategies being deployed through design, in the implementation and evaluation of ICT projects and programmes. Collecting information with sex-disaggregated statistics and gender indicators on access to, use of and content of ICTs, on employment and on education. Consideration of gender issues in: ICT/telecommunications policy; representation in telecommunications/ ICT decision-making; and the differential impact of telecommunications/icts on men and women. To make these happen, gender equality advocates need to storm the ICT arena in the untiring ways we have seen them engage in before. 2. Inequities in the Information Society This section seeks to examine the political underpinnings of the global information society. Looking at the larger picture the political and economic context of ICTs is important to understanding who benefits, who does not, and why. Gender dimensions of this context are extremely significant. 2.1 The Digital Divide The divisions between winners and losers in the global ICT arena are stark. This subsection offers some statistical analysis to illustrate inequities in access to ICTs. It also shows how the control of the ICT arena by powerful corporations, and the power relations between rich and poor countries, the state and citizen, men and women, determine access to benefits in the ICT arena. It highlights how, in the process of globalisation, the potential of ICTs is captured for furthering the interests of the powerful. In the information economy, wealthy countries and sections of society with the orientation, skills, income and time to access ICTs reap the benefits. Access to and strategic control of the ICT arena confer on powerful nations, corporations, groups and individuals alike, the privilege to influence the arena and gain from the innovation and change occurring at an extraordinary pace in the larger ICT environment. On the other hand, a disproportionate burden of challenges is borne by the majority. The digital divide, referring to the uneven distribution of benefits of ICTs within and between countries, regions, sectors, and socio-economic groups, signifies the uphill task facing developing countries and disadvantaged groups and sections in society (even in the developed countries) in their attempts to reap the benefits of the ostensibly level playing field that ICTs are supposed to provide Inequalities in Access The so-called digital divide is actually several gaps in one. There is a technological divide great gaps in infrastructure. There is a content divide. A lot of web-based information is simply not relevant to the real needs of people. And nearly 70 per cent of the world s websites are in English, at times crowding out local voices and views. There is a gender divide, with women and girls enjoying less access to information technology than men and boys. This can be true of rich and poor countries alike. [1] UN secretary General, Kofi Annan Infrastructure gaps are reflected in telephone density figures, which show high levels of geographic disparity with phones per 100 population in the US and 7.36 in Africa. Telephone connections have historically been the backbone of Internet connectivity, and are therefore at the heart of the infrastructure divide. The infrastructure divide manifests itself in differential access to computers and the Internet. Asia and Africa lag far behind the rest of the world in this respect. In Asia, there are only 4.45 personal computers per 100 inhabitants, in Africa 1.3. Even within regions, there are wide variations. For instance, in 26 out of 45 countries in Asia where data is available, Internet users constitute less than 5 per cent of the population. In South Korea and (2 van 4) :42:38

118 Doc Singapore, more than 50 per cent of the populations use the Internet, whereas in countries like Myanmar and Tajikistan, only 0.5 per cent of the populations are Internet users. It is also important to remember that Internet users, even within any country, are geographically extremely concentrated, and rural populations are mostly excluded. Income disparities are another key determinant of differential access. 70 per cent of Internet users belong to the top 16 per cent income bracket; and the bottom 40 per cent by income constitute only 5 per cent of all Internet users. Apart from location and income, language is another determinant of the digital divide. The predominance of English on the Internet is a barrier for most users globally. Speakers of non-european and indigenous languages including a large proportion of women tend to be left out of the information loop. Even among the educated, proficiency in the dominant European language of a region may not be such that the user feels comfortable in using the Internet for training or involvement in List Serves (Huyer and Mitter 2003). The information society divide is especially acute for women. This is discussed in detail later in this chapter Inequalities in Ownership and Control The ownership of global ICT systems is alarmingly skewed. Globally, media ownership reflects multinational ownership patterns and mega-mergers. The monopoly of Microsoft illustrates the tremendous challenges for democratising software architecture and ownership. The few large corporate players software and hardware corporations, telephone companies, satellite networks and Internet Service Providers are driven purely by profit motives. The Internet has been seen as a potentially level playing field, a space in which all participants are equal. However, the fact is that the Internet is built upon the corporate control of information content and infrastructure, IP (Internet Protocol) addresses and domain name systems (necessary for a presence in the Internet), and technical standards which include communication protocols, mail and document formats, sound and video formats, without all of which there would be no Internet. Also, the democratic substance of the Internet is increasingly threatened, and individual liberties are under attack. Powerful corporate interests and some national governments are seeking to assert economic and political control respectively over the Internet to promote their interests. Many multi-national ICT giants are interested in garnering their monopoly to control personal information about their clients. The war against terror, it is widely acknowledged, has served as an excuse for the deployment of new technology as weapons of control to limit the right to privacy, and often to dissent. In countries like Vietnam and Tunisia, individuals have been arrested and some sentenced to prison terms for using the Internet for criticising the government or sharing information with overseas dissent groups. In mid-2001, the Ministry of Information and Communications (MIC) of the Republic of Korea (South Korea) adopted an Internet content rating system classifying gay and lesbian websites as harmful media and enforcing their blockage all under the guise of protecting youth. [2] The growth of the Internet has coincided with the rise of the Intellectual Property Rights (IPR) regime, within the framework of neo-liberal globalisation. New ICTs have the potential to alter knowledge-sharing dramatically. This means that the excluded can freely access information resources for empowerment. However, such potential threatens vested interests, who have earlier benefited by controlling information, and stand to lose enormously unless information is kept scarce. These interests have pushed for an intellectual property regime that is harsh and unfair. IPR is the key issue in the ICT sector today. Software monopolies such as Microsoft make huge profits by selling copies of software, thus incurring zero incremental cost of production. What is sold is only the license to use the software and not the software itself. This means buyers cannot make changes to the software as they may require. Advocates of free and open-source software counter this by promoting the sharing of software applications that can be modified by users. The open-source movement aims to provide an alternative to the existing intellectual property regime Work in the Information Economy New ICTs are part of and influence the larger economic process of globalisation, which impacts men and women across the globe. In the new economy, ICTs have enabled new forms of work organisation and a new global division of labour. For developing countries, the ICT industry offers employment opportunities as jobs are relocated, but the current rules of the game in the information economy do not guarantee equitable growth. Global production and distribution processes, supported by ICTs, actually mean that most activity continues to be controlled by transnational companies (TNCs) based in the North. Specific activities do take place in the South, but only in limited domains, and concentrated in particular geographic areas (Sassen 1997). Most developing countries perceive the IT sector as an opportunity for rapid job creation. However, a majority of call centres and data entry facilities the segments where employment increase is maximum are located in few countries of the world (3 van 4) :42:38

119 Doc India, Mexico, Philippines, Jamaica, and also increasingly in China. Even within these countries such facilities are geographically heavily concentrated in few zones. The projected development of this sector seems to be no different from the route followed by the long-established garment and electronics sweatshops poor wages, poor work conditions, the absence of unions, little to no skill or technology transfer, deskilling of the workforce, absence of career growth, and feminisation of the low-end jobs. Poor nations compete with each other to attract transnational corporations in a race to the bottom (Costanza- Chock 2003, Bidwai 2003). It is important to remember that redressing skewness in access is possible with affirmative action; however, the issue of skewed ownership and control needs to be addressed by appropriate regulatory frameworks at international and national levels. Needless to say, vested interests powerful Northern economies and corporations pushing Intellectual Property regimes disadvantageous to the South pose huge challenges to building equitable regulatory frameworks. ( ) Women have entered the ICT arena, claiming jobs that technology is creating. However, as Hafkin and Taggart (2001) argue, in order to retain and build upon the employment gains associated with globalisation and information technology, women need to move into more technical or higher-level, better-paying jobs. For this, they need access to the educational and training opportunities necessary to equip them for the rapidly changing skill requirements. Policy should encourage girls and women to use ICTs early in education, and pursue higher studies in ICTs as well as technical careers as scientists, researchers, administrators and educators. Women will also need to confront gender-based obstacles: the greater demands on them for the maintenance of household and family and the discrimination that women in all societies face within work environments. In addition to policies that ensure gender equality at the firm level, within the ICT sector, a strong role for state regulation of job security, insurance, maternity leave, and healthy and safe working conditions is vital for gender equality in the information economy. ( ) Source: BRIDGE (development gender) NOTE: The article is an excerpt from the BRIGDE PUBLICATION Gender and ICTs an Overview Report. See the full text at: BRIDGE can provide further gender and development material in English, through websites or by contacting them. BRIDGE (development - gender) Institute of Development Studies University of Sussex Brighton BN1 9RE, UK Tel: +44 (0) Fax: +44 (0) [email protected] Website: / [1] [2] See (4 van 4) :42:38

120 Neoliberalism NEOLIBERALISM The G8 Summit 2006 and global economic justice By Kathambi Kinoti The richest countries set the economic policies that govern the world. Can women look to this year's pledges by the Group of Eight to facilitate economic justice? The Worldwide Resistance of Women to Neoliberalism By Joelle Palmieri Neoliberal globalization is based on patriarchy and therefore on the widespread oppression of women. Confronted by accelerating impoverishment and by more and more sophisticated forms of exclusion, numbers of women are aware that the diversity of their demands and their experience of economic pluralism form a counter-current to the dominant economic theory - neoliberal and patricidal - and represent serious forms of resistance. World Bank and Women s Rights in Development AWID In recent years, factors that are considered social issues (e.g. gender, the environment) have become part of the dialogue around macroeconomics, aid and debt. A tendency remains, however, for the World Bank to focus first on market-based criteria and then to add on social policies. This add on approach can produce policies that impose additional burdens on women while failing to address their needs. For the World Bank to be truly accountable to women, it needs to open the dominant macroeconomic model up to debate and seriously consider reforming it or replacing it with alternative visions. Growth may be a necessary component in the elimination of poverty, but it is not sufficient on its own and may be accompanied by rising inequalities. Ten Principles for Challenging Neoliberal Globalisation By AWID Neoliberal globalization is one of the primary threats to women s human rights and equitable, sustainable development that we face today. Every day and in almost every aspect of life, gender equality and women s rights are affected by economic policy. Choices and opportunities regarding education, health care, employment, and childcare, for example, are all directly impacted by national economic agendas and international financial forces. Women therefore have a lot to lose when economic policies do not take gender discrimination and gender roles into account. At the same time, women s rights can be advanced through economic policies that put their concerns, needs, and livelihoods at the centre of the analysis. Shape up or ship out: Why Millennium Goal No. 3 can not be achieved until the multilateral institutions stop imposing neo-liberal policy on the rest of the world By Rochelle Jones AWID Whilst undertaking research on macro-economic policy and the feminisation of poverty, I was struck by how many miles have already been walked, how many articles and books have already been written, how many task-forces have already been deployed, and how the policies of the multilateral institutions remain unashamedly as opaque and undemocratic as ever. The evidence and the research are astounding and date back to decades before now. Countless reports and articles have succinctly and systematically recorded and analysed the forces of neo-liberal globalisation and how they are destroying the livelihoods of people all over the world. Economic Globalisation and Paradoxes By Mirjana Dokmanovic Technological development, market integration, and free movement of goods, capital, (1 van 2) :42:42

121 Neoliberalism and labour have resulted in enormous opportunities for human development and the uprooting of many maladies of humankind such as poverty and hunger. Current trends in the world, however, indicate that the benefits of economic globalisation are unevenly distributed and that they stimulate discrimination and inequality. Thanks to neoliberal politics based on gathering profit at any cost, paradoxes in the form of bigger gaps between the rich and the poor are intensified. (2 van 2) :42:42

122 The Worldwide Resistance of Women to Neoliberalism The Worldwide Resistance of Women to Neoliberalism By Joelle Palmieri, Co-founder of Les Pénélopes and the Association for the Promotion of the Social and Solidarity Economy (APRESS), Paris Neoliberal globalization is based on patriarchy and therefore on the widespread oppression of women. Confronted by accelerating impoverishment and by more and more sophisticated forms of exclusion, numbers of women are aware that the diversity of their demands and their experience of economic pluralism form a counter-current to the dominant economic theory - neoliberal and patricidal - and represent serious forms of resistance. For example, the women's organization of Papua New Guinea is at the front line of the battle against the "agrarian reform" and the "reform of education" imposed by the World Bank and the IMF. The same is true in Kenya, where there are women who, since 1980, are on the front line of the battle against global enterprises. When the price of coffee fell, they abandoned that crop, and sowed vegetables, which they sold at market or used for their families. The Freedom Corner Mothers demonstrated against the arrest of their children who were opposed to companies' neoliberal programs since Their opposition has unleashed a wave of land appropriation by landless peasants in Kenya and in the rest of Africa. In another arena, the international criminal tribunals for Rwanda and for the former Yugoslavia were mainly initiated by women protesting genocide, rapes, and ethic cleansing. In the Philippines, women have caused the closure of American military bases, releasing huge sums of money for their country. This battle for peace truly represents an arsenal of actions tied to education and health and aimed at true social justice. In Argentina, during the military dictatorship, the Mothers of May Square played a role of the first importance. They were the first to denounce the atrocities and to reclaim their imprisoned or "disappeared" children. Today in each neighborhood, there are women who convene popular assemblies, a new form of direct democracy. They are at the forefront of the creation of alternatives, such as the system of barter. The solidarity or popular economy The solidarity or popular economy is not merely a sector reserved for the poor, an offshoot that has adapted to the neoliberal system. According to Heloisa Primavera, an Argentinean economist, "the solidarity economy is not a system for suffering a little less, but for changing the system." She adds that women make up 70% of barter clubs throughout the world and these almost exclusively run by women. According to Cécile Sabourin, a Quebecois economist, the patriarchal vision of social, political, and economic systems renders invisible the contribution of women to the economy. It is necessary to place more value on the expression of their creativity in all its potential for social transformation. "The solidarity economy has economic and social repercussions and allows for family balance," confirms Aminata Diongue Ndiaye, regional coordinator for Dakar's women's actions. Loans granted to women contribute to a great deal more than just economic activity. They allow access to care, to education, even to marriage. While mostly occupying the informal sector, Africans invent or experiment with initiatives in the solidarity economy. Their activities pursue, above all, an added social value, by jointly developing connected services, such as the rebuilding of schools, the renovation of hospitals, including maternity hospitals, even the repair of roads. It's a "life economy." Measure the damage as well A priority: to reconsider wealth. If everything has a cost, it is not necessarily monetary. Is it right that a school or a maternity hospital should be financially profitable? The production of wealth can be measured alternatively: pleasure, social bonds, health, education, respect for life - and the costs as well. The thousands of deaths on the roads or the heart attacks and cancers of the North contribute more to the pharmaceutical multinationals than to the sale of papers. On the other hand, they cost in humanity, in quality of life, in environmental protection, in the preservation of nature. It is a matter therefore of also measuring, thanks to new ways of monitoring destruction, the damage produced by industry, intensive agriculture, wars, violence, exclusion, unemployment, and the onedimensional thinking channeled through the major communication monopolies. To ignore the evidence while reconsidering wealth leads to an inversion of logic. When an NGO receives a public subsidy, it is not a debtor. It produces wealth that is social, relational, environmental. It becomes an operative on behalf of an absent state that, in a manner of speaking, subcontracts the production of services for the general good. If a NGO bends to the discipline of the market and adopts its criteria for profitability, it then makes up one of the pieces of the gigantic jigsaw put in place by the neoliberal system. It is necessary to learn how to recognize our own abilities and knowledge, which can never be measured as the profit from invested capital. It is a matter of urgency to build and to value different economic models that are based on another definition of wealth, one that identifies levels of damage and supports an economy with strong added social value. Such models are mostly supported by women throughout the world. (1 van 2) :42:46

123 The Worldwide Resistance of Women to Neoliberalism NOTE: This text is freely excerpted from an analysis by Joëlle Palmieri, which can be found in its full version online here. It forms part of the dossier Féministes pour une autre mondialisation that Pénélopes put on line in June Related links: Si les femmes comptaient, Philippe Merlant, Transversales Science Culture, 2 February cybersolidaires.org/eve/pa0202.html Une alternative féministe pour un autre monde, Dominique Foufelle, Les Pénélopes, 2 February Comment remplir les casseroles?, Ana Maria Seghezzo and Rubén D'Urbano, 27 May Dossier Femmes et économie solidaire, Les Pénélopes, April Globalisation de la solidarité : L'économie solidaire Nord-Sud, Cybersolidaires, October Source : Women s Human Rigths Net (2 van 2) :42:46

124 World Bank and Women s Rights in Development World Bank and Women s Rights in Development Association for Women s Rights in Development (AWID) The World Bank is a powerful institution steering the international development agenda and instigating policy reforms that have important implications for the day-to-day lives of women and men in developing countries. This primer describes the World Bank, its governance structure and its new gender mainstreaming strategy. It concludes with some action suggestions for gender equality advocates. What is the World Bank? Originally established in 1944, the Bank is the world s largest supplier of development capital and know-how, having provided more than US $17 billion in loans to its client countries in It is headquartered in Washington, D.C., U.S.A., and it has 100 country offices, in total employing approximately 10,000 staff. [1] At its core, the World Bank is engaged in three activities: lending, development research and economic analysis, and technical assistance. It provides funding from public sources for development programs in areas such as health, education and environmental protection, focusing on national legal, political and economic structures. The Bank promotes reforms designed to create long-term economic growth and stability, lending to governments and using the profits generated from the loans to finance its operations. It has recently promised to allocate more of its future financing to the poorest countries in grants (not loans) for social programs. The IMF The International Monetary Fund ( IMF ) is a partner of the World Bank, also established out of the 1944 Bretton Woods conference. It focuses on short-term balance of payments crises. Its three main areas of activity are surveillance of exchange rate policies, financial assistance to members with balance of payment problems, and technical assistance with respect to policies, institutions and statistics. In a nutshell, the IMF formulates economic policy based on the mantra tighten your belt and they have created (and enforce) a body of international monetary law. The World Bank, IMF and World Trade Organization strive for coherence in global economic policy and complement each other in their policies and activities. While coherence can at times be a good thing, we must be concerned about cross-conditionality as a triple threat to women. This can happen, for example, when structural adjustment conditionalities are used to promote trade liberalization or through capacity building loans that interlink the mandates and activities of the institutions. The World Bank s original mission was to assist in the reconstruction of war-ravaged territories and to help establish a stable peacetime economy. The current poverty and development focus of the Bank is a substantial reinterpretation of its original mandate. Today, the stated mission of the World Bank is to fight poverty for lasting results and to help people help themselves and their environment by providing resources, sharing knowledge, building capacity, and forging partnerships in the public and private sectors. [2] The Bank has focused on women for the last two decades, although it has had primarily an instrumental women in development agenda, as opposed to a gender equality or women s human rights agenda. How is the World Bank Governed? Officially, the Bank is owned by its 184 member countries. In practice, the Board of Governors and the Board of Executive Directors govern the organization; they approve loans and debt relief, and determine Bank policies. Votes are divided between the Executive Directors based on the number of shares held by each country (in other words, according to wealth and power). The United States has about 15% of the voting power and 8 Western countries together hold over 50% of the total votes, actually representing many developing and transition countries on the Board. [3] Although most of the World Bank s activities focus on the developing world, Northern countries lead the institution. By custom the head of the World Bank is always an American. It is usually male finance ministers and central bankers who represent their countries at the Bank. They tend to be closely tied to business and financial communities and as a result the policies of the Bank are often closely aligned with the commercial and financial interests advanced in industrial countries. Obviously, such an enormous institution is not homogenous. While a neoliberal economic orthodoxy may (1 van 6) :42:54

125 World Bank and Women s Rights in Development dominate, many people inside the Bank have alternate visions and are working for change from within. The women s movement must work simultaneously to support the efforts of those on the inside and also to push for changes from outside of the institution. How Does the Bank Operate? The primary activities of both the World Bank and the IMF are based around several key instruments. They are inter-linked and represent a logical trajectory of the history and ideology of these institutions. Poverty Reduction Strategies ( PRSs ): Likely due to significant external criticism of the lack of transparency and national ownership of economic policy reforms, the World Bank and IMF decided in 1999 that participatory poverty reduction strategies should provide the basis of their lending and debt relief. Each country must prepare with the participation of civil society and consultation with World Bank and IMF experts a Poverty Reduction Strategy Paper ( PRSP ). The PRSP is a comprehensive, practical plan for action with respect to national poverty, outlining the country s overall development strategy and proposing policies in all areas. It is required to qualify for the HIPC Initiative. The Heavily-Indebted Poor Countries ( HIPC ) Initiative: Under this initiative which was introduced in 1996, countries can apply to have their debt reduced to a sustainable level by their creditors if they are unable to make their debt payments and have a record of implementing World Bank/IMF-supported reforms. The HIPC Initiative is not a generous debt forgiveness program; it offers only limited debt reduction, conditional on the implementation of prescribed structural reforms. Country Assistance Strategies ( CASs ): The World Bank s long-term relationship with a government is articulated in a Country Assistance Strategy. The CAS elaborates the Bank s business plan and details the level and types of assistance to be provided in a country. According to the World Bank, the CAS is based on a country s PRSP and prepared with the government in a participatory way. It is not a negotiated document however; any difference between the country s own development agenda and the Bank s strategy are highlighted but not necessarily significant in implementing Bank projects. What is Conditionality? A defining feature of the World Bank (and the IMF) is its use of conditionality. This means that loans, credits and project funding are given to countries with strict conditions attached. While all loans are expected to have some conditions (such as a repayment schedule), conditionality refers to a set of more forceful economic and political conditions that can turn the loan into a policy tool. Standard conditions (especially those associated with structural adjustment-type programs) are aimed at improving the efficiency of a country s resources use in order to stimulate growth and stabilize the economy. Formal conditionality and development assistance programs are negotiated between the Bank and the government, however, the negotiations are very one-sided and conditions tend to be more-or-less standard from one country to the next. The Bank s recommendations (which inform the loan agreement and become conditionality) include currency devaluation and other measures to promote trade liberalization, privatization of strategic sectors (such as energy, health and water), a reduced role for government, lower social spending, new user fees (e.g. for health, education and electricity), higher interest rates, and compression of wages. Conditionality applies not only to economic and financial matters; by adopting a good governance agenda, the Bank is able to undertake reforms in otherwise political areas such as freedom of the press, the design of court systems and the recruitment of civil servants. increasing gender equality is central to the idea of development as freedom,of expanding the choices and control that people have over their lives. World Bank press release, December 2001 Conditionality is problematic for several reasons. It is prescribed as a one size fits all model and does not respond to the specific needs or goals of different societies. It represents a large loss of independence on the part of governments. It is often based on political considerations and ideology. Most importantly, these mandated reforms have often produced further suffering, inequality and poverty within a country. Conditionality is often justified in terms of accountability for a country to receive financing from a public institution (backed by foreign taxpayers) it must demonstrate that it will use the money responsibly and repay the debt in a timely manner. Corrupt governments are blamed for much of the debt of developing countries and therefore the Bank demands increasing accountability from borrowers/ aid recipients. Where, however, is the comparable accountability on the part of the Bank? (2 van 6) :42:54

126 World Bank and Women s Rights in Development The World Bank, Gender Equality and Women s Rights It has been repeatedly demonstrated that economic restructuring is not gender-neutral or genderless. Some Bankendorsed structural adjustment policies have particularly negative impacts on women, for example: a) Women s unpaid labour increases with the removal of subsidies on social services. When subsidized daycare is cut, for example, women provide free childcare for their families and neighbours. When medical services are cut, women care for those who would otherwise have been hospitalized. Inherent in structural adjustment programs and the dominant economic agenda is an assumption of the unlimited availability of women s time and unpaid labour; women are seen as a resource to be tapped to promote the efficiency of the market and a solution to the shortfall in social services. [4] b) Removing food subsidies (which results in increased food prices) is a common tactic for reducing public expenditures. Devalued currencies also make imported food more expensive. Higher food costs tend to be borne by the woman in the household she has less to feed her children and may compensate by eating only once a day herself or having protein only once a week. [5] As a result of such findings, the Bank has paid increasing attention to women and gender in development processes. In January 2002 the Bank attempted to consolidate its work in this area by releasing Integrating Gender into the World Bank s Work: A Strategy for Action. [6] What is the Bank s Strategy for Action Gender? Integrating Gender into the World Bank s Work: A Strategy for Action is now the Bank s internal gender mainstreaming policy. A key element of the strategy is the requirement of periodic multi-sectoral Country Gender Assessments ( CGAs ) from each client country. They should analyze the gender dimensions of development across sectors and identify gender-responsive actions for poverty reduction, economic growth and human development. Priority policy and operational interventions that respond to the CGA should then be implemented as part of the Bank s Country Assistance Strategy. The Strategy for Action is a very positive development in that it formalizes and prioritizes many positive elements of the Bank s gender strategies of the last decade. There are several reasons, however, to be cautious in our optimism regarding this report, including: only the CGA is mandatory; no gender-responsive actions are required (for this reason it is a selective or strategic mainstreaming approach ); no rights-based targets are included; the strategy continues to focus on women as instrumental to the development process and focuses attention on gender issues in order to reduce poverty and induce economic growth, not to secure the rights of women or gender equality; there is no requirement for civil society participation in the preparation of the CGA, in the identification of priority gender responsive-actions, or in the evaluation and monitoring of the outcomes; there is no requirement for information-sharing and transparency in either the implementation or the evaluation of this strategy; mechanisms for evaluation and monitoring were not released with the strategy (they are under development ); and the status of the strategy is unclear (e.g. it is not an operational policy which is clearly mandatory within the Bank s operations). This ambiguity may impact on the attitudes of Bank staff and governments towards the strategy and increases the possibility that it will remain a set of promises on paper only because no solid rights, responsibilities or incentives are tied to it. The absence of women in economic policy formulation can only reinforce gender-blind policies. Given that all macroeconomic policy is gendered and neoliberal policy has distinct impacts depending on gender, class, age, education level and ethnicity, gender analysis within all policy and project design is imperative to guaranteeing women s rights and ensuring that women benefit from development. Accountable to Women? Groups such as Women s Eyes on the World Bank, Iniciativa Feminista Cartegena, Gender Action, the Gender and Economic Reforms in Africa program, Development Alternatives With Women for a New Era, Women s Environment and Development Organization, and the Tanzania Gender Networking Program have been advocating for women s rights and gender equality in World Bank projects and have proposed mechanisms to hold the Bank and other multilateral organizations accountable for many years. Their efforts have undoubtedly contributed to the Bank s increasing focus on gender issues and women s rights both internally and in their policy prescriptions. [7] As the following three issues reveal however, despite the progress that has been made, the World Bank continues to falter in terms of accountability to women. (3 van 6) :42:54

127 World Bank and Women s Rights in Development Participation: Participation is vital to a rights-based approach to development and is a key avenue for institutional accountability. Effective participation should be based on transparency, collaboration, learning, equity and flexibility. The World Bank requires some civil society participation in the PRSP process and invites public comment on its policies and procedures. Civil Society groups can also influence the institution through consultative groups including the External Gender Consultative Group, the Europe and Central Asia Region NGO Working Group, and the Joint Facilitation Committee. While the Bank requires civil society participation in processes such as PRSPs, there are no guidelines for either the quality or form of this participation and PRSP writers and Bank staff do not necessarily use the outcomes of the participatory process or implement changes in response to critical commentary. [8] This model of participation begs the question: is mandated civil society interaction about benefiting from the input of those who will be impacted by the chosen policies, priorities and targets, or is it a method to sell an already decided upon package of policies? [9] Similarly, is mandated participation genuinely representative, or are international organizations used as proxies for local stakeholders who are excluded from participatory processes? Furthermore, there are numerous factors which inhibit the ability of women, the poor and local non-governmental organizations to effectively participate in economic policy-making, including: time pressures, inexperience, cultural exclusions, political risks, and limited analytical, advocacy and research capabilities. Some groups also question the utility of participating in processes such as PRSP consultations, perceiving that participating may lend legitimacy to an illegitimate agenda. Modern high-tech warfare is designed to remove physical contact: dropping bombs from 50,000 feet ensures that one does not feel what one does. Modern economic management is similar: from one s luxury hotel, one can callously impose policies about which one would think twice if one knew the people whose lives one was destroying. Joseph Stiglitz (Former World Bank Chief Economist) Globalization and Its Discontents (2002) The Neoliberal Macroeconomic Model: In recent years, factors that are considered social issues (e.g. gender, the environment) have become part of the dialogue around macroeconomics, aid and debt. A tendency remains, however, for the World Bank to focus first on market-based criteria and then to add on social policies. [10] This add on approach can produce policies that impose additional burdens on women while failing to address their needs. For the World Bank to be truly accountable to women, it needs to open the dominant macroeconomic model up to debate and seriously consider reforming it or replacing it with alternative visions. Growth may be a necessary component in the elimination of poverty, but it is not sufficient on its own and may be accompanied by rising inequalities. [11] Alternative approaches make explicit that all macroeconomic policies have social and gender content because they are enacted within a gendered set of distributive relations and institutional structures. The soundness of economic policy should not be judged by financial criteria or economic growth results but instead by whether it ultimately leads to social justice and gender equality. [12] Formal Mechanisms of Accountability: Human rights and gender strategies that lack mechanisms of accountability are of limited value. The Inspection Panel offers one potential avenue for accountability. It is an independent body established by the World Bank with the power to review Bank activities that have adverse impacts on the rights or interests of individuals because of a failure on the part of the Bank to follow one of its own operational policies or procedures. [13] This type of panel is encouraging but of limited value in terms of accountability to women since the Bank does not have enforceable policies or procedures on gender equality and women s rights. Another avenue for women s rights accountability could be developed through the internal human rights discussions ongoing at the World Bank. While the Bank has previously argued that its mandate does not include human rights and that it will not include women s rights within its activities (although implicitly its loans, projects and policy advice impact on the rights of women throughout the world everyday), it has now opened a door by admitting that its mission is tied to the advancement of human rights and by proposing the development of a human rights strategy. Of course, whether the potential of this strategy for advancing women s rights in development is achieved remains to be seen. Developing other mechanisms to ensure accountability with respect to gender, based on principles of transparency, responsiveness, flexibility, and democratic governance must be a priority for all international institutions. Human rights and gender equality reviews of CASs, project lending and programming would seem a logical starting point with respect to the Bank. (4 van 6) :42:54

128 World Bank and Women s Rights in Development How to Influence International Economic Institutions: bring together solid research and effective advocacy strategies; learn how the project/program cycle works from sympathetic insiders; analyze project documentation using a gender, class, race and ethnicity analysis; meet regularly with officials and employees know the facts, provide alternatives, and use their language; share your analysis and recommendations with the media; keep up the pressure with more meetings and campaigns; and demand access to information about programs, policies and loans that are in the works. Women Demanding Human Rights Accountability: Given the power and impact of the World Bank s activities, it is impossible to work for gender equality, women s rights and sustainable development without paying some attention to the policies and activities of the Bank. Feminist strategies to create sustainable and equitable economies take numerous forms: some are advocating for the abolition of the World Bank, others argue that its scope should be narrowed and its structures democratized, and still others contend that the Bank can play an important role in reconstruction and development efforts. We need to develop strategic short- and long-term strategies to influence the dominant economic agenda and to shape international governance. Here are a few ideas that can be adapted to local experiences and goals: From billion dollar health care reform programs to forestry projects and financial sector reforms, large loans are being designed and implemented throughout the world without the input of the individuals they are meant to benefit. These programs need to be monitored from a gender perspective. Those with expertise in economics and gender analysis can provide the needed skills for the integration of gender analysis into projects and into CAS and PRSP documents. Furthermore, gender advocates can contribute to CGAs and work to ensure that the CGA recommendations are actually prioritized in the Bank s lending and project design. Advocacy around international financial institutions should not be confined to women of the South. Northern governments are members of the World Bank and Northern citizens should demand accountability and transparency of the institution through their government representatives. As members and owners, Northern governments can influence the Bank s agenda and hold it to account for human rights violations and environmental degradation resulting from the projects it funds. Thus far, the West has driven the globalization agenda it s time to use this power responsibly to demand human rights accountability and gender justice. When women s rights are negatively impacted by World Bank funded programs, victims can request that the Inspection Panel investigate and hold the Bank to its own policies on indigenous peoples, involuntary resettlement and other issues. Moreover, women's groups can keep pressure on the World Bank to operationalize its promises to mainstream gender by adopting strong operational policies and monitoring procedures for gender. Bank staff are required to follow operational policies and the Inspection Panel can review their compliance. Gender advocates can join the voices of environmental and social justice activists all over the world demanding accountable and democratic governance. The women s movement needs to ensure that gender equality is at the center of this agenda. AWID wishes to thank Elena Kochkina & Liliana Proskuryakova (Open Society Institute), Mariama Williams (DAWN & International Gender and Trade Network) and Elaine Zuckerman (Gender Action) for their helpful suggestions on this primer. All errors remain the responsibility of AWID. Published in: Women s Rights and Economic Change Facts and Issues No. 5, October 2002 Association for Women s Rights in Development L Association pour les droits de la femme et le développement Asociación para los Derechos de la Mujer y el Desarrollo 96 Spadina Avenue, Suite 401 Toronto, Ontario CANADA, M5V 2J6 T: (+1) F: (+1) E: [email protected] (5 van 6) :42:54

129 World Bank and Women s Rights in Development [1] About Us section of the World Bank website ( [2] About Us section of the World Bank website ( The World Bank Group actually comprises five institutions, operating under a common Board: The International Bank for Reconstruction and Development (IBRD), the International Development Agency (IDA), the International Finance Corporation (IFC), the Multinational Investment Guarantee Agency (MIGA) and the International Centre for the Settlement of Investment Disputes (ICSID). For the purposes of this primer, we are focusing on the IBRD and IDA. [3] See Annual Report [accessible through the About Us section of the World Bank website: [4] D. Tsikata and J. Kerr (eds.), Demanding Dignity: Women Confronting Economic Reforms in Africa (The North- South Institute and Third World Network-Africa, 2000) page 7. [5] Ibid., and C. Moser, Adjustment from Below: Low-Income Women, Time and the Triple Role in Guayaquil, Ecuador in Afshar and Dennis (eds.), Women and Adjustment Policies in the Third World, (Macmillan, 1992). [6] See [7] See for example the World Bank Policy Research Report Engendering Development: Through Gender Equality in Rights, Resources, and Voice (Oxford University Press, 2001). [8] A study by Elaine Zuckerman indicates that even if women have been able to participate in the PRSP process, the outputs of the participatory processes have seldom fed into the actual PRSP. See Poverty Reduction Strategy Papers and Gender (Background Paper for the Conference on Sustainable Poverty Reduction and PRSPs Challenges for Developing Countries and Development Cooperation, Berlin, May 13-16, 2002). [9] See D. Elson and N. Çagatay, The Social Content of Macroeconomic Policies 28(7) World Development (2000), page [10] Ibid., page [11] D. Tsikata and J. Kerr (eds.), Demanding Dignity: Women Confronting Economic Reforms in Africa (The North- South Institute and Third World Network-Africa, 2000) page 7. [12] United National Development Fund, Budgets as if People Mattered: Democratizing Macroeconomic Policies (Social Development and Poverty Elimination Division, Bureau for Development Policy), page 10. [13] See (6 van 6) :42:54

130 Doc Ten Principles for Challenging Neoliberal Globalization Facts and Issues By Association for Women s Rights in Development (AWID) Neoliberal globalization is one of the primary threats to women s human rights and equitable, sustainable development that we face today. These ten principles are starting premises for opposing this narrow economic agenda and devising alternatives. Every day and in almost every aspect of life, gender equality and women s rights are affected by economic policy. Choices and opportunities regarding education, health care, employment, and childcare, for example, are all directly impacted by national economic agendas and international financial forces. Women therefore have a lot to lose when economic policies do not take gender discrimination and gender roles into account. At the same time, women s rights can be advanced through economic policies that put their concerns, needs, and livelihoods at the centre of the analysis. Neoliberal globalization, which is the dominant driving force for economic policies throughout the world today, is therefore a crucial focus of gender equality advocates. What is Neoliberalism? Neoliberalism is a particular brand of economic theory that has gained prominence in recent decades, becoming the predominant ideology steering globalization, macroeconomic policy and political decision-making in much of the world. Primarily a response to the economic downturn and international debt crises of the 1970s, neoliberalism is based on an unwavering belief in free markets. It promotes competitive market capitalism, private ownership, free trade, export-led growth, strict controls on balance of payments and deficits, and drastic reductions in government social spending. This formula is assumed to promote economic growth; which is seen as the means and end to economic problems and poverty. Until recent decades, national governments were responsible for economic policies which affected their domestic economies. Yet since the 1970s, political, social and economic processes have stretched across borders and the neoliberal project has spread throughout the world. In the 1980s, international financial institutions (IFIs) began to impose their economic prescriptions on countries that accepted loans or aid from them through conditionality, a central feature of structural adjustment policies. [1] While the programs of IFIs have evolved over the years, the neoliberal agenda remains the standard for what is considered sound and prudent economic policy. National Poverty Reduction Strategies of the World Bank continue to be framed around these types of policies. [2] In addition, international investors, donors, and trade organizations (e.g. the World Trade Organization) have increased powers of persuasion with respect to economic policies. Their overwhelming preference for policies of trade liberalization and investor rights has further solidified this vision of development and governance. Neoliberal economic globalization has not brought about equality or eliminated poverty; it has instead resulted in a concentration of wealth in certain parts of the world and in the hands of certain people. In most areas, marginalized members of society especially poor women have not benefited from neoliberal economic restructuring. For example, in many regions women are disproportionately suffering from disruptions to their local economies, from the continuing undervaluing of their work, and from the insecurity brought about by the increasing prevalence of casual and flexible jobs. Women are often the primary users of social services, they are frequently employed in the public sector and in service industries, and they lack access to capital, credit and property rights. All of these factors exacerbate the promotion of gender equality in this era of globalization. The System Needs to Change in at least Ten Different Ways Accounts in the media, by politicians, and in much of the literature imply that neoliberal globalization is irresistible, uncontrollable and inevitable. This is not true. We can influence processes of globalization and shape the policies and structures that govern our lives. The global popularity of the World Social Forum process is a key indicator that alternatives can be harnessed towards making another world possible. As gender equality advocates, we can look for biases in economic policies that undermine gender equality and work to address the economic inequalities that face women and other marginalized groups. Strategies and policies can not necessarily be generalized from one context to another. We can, however, articulate feminist principles to guide our analysis, our advocacy and our policy recommendations. Feminist principles (feminist in that they underscore equality for women through structural change) can be applied in various contexts, in accordance with the local needs, priorities and circumstances. It seems utopian, but the world must recover its capacity for dreaming and in order to start, a new economic (1 van 7) :43:02

131 Doc paradigm is required [3] Cecilia Lopez 1. Policy-Making Processes must be Participatory and Transparent While national policymakers will often take credit for creating policies to boost the economy and many boast about taking stakeholders needs into account, it is always necessary to look behind the scenes to find out who is really calling the shots. In poor countries, especially those that rely heavily on development assistance and loans from foreign sources, policies are often primarily developed based on growth models and economic theories advanced by the IFIs and certain Northern universities. As a result, states that hold disproportionate power within the IFIs (most notably the United States) and Northern trained policymakers in ministries of finance play a central role in dictating the economic policies of developing nations, often with little direct knowledge of the realities and priorities of poor people within those countries. Furthermore, economic policies developed for one country are frequently applied to other countries with only slight modifications. Meaningful participation requires more than mere consultation. The country consultations that have been undertaken in conjunction with the Poverty Reduction Strategy process have been gender-blind, male dominated, and ineffective in terms of responding to local needs and perspectives. [4] Moreover, consultation processes have been used as instruments to legitimize economic policies imposed by donors. Economic policy is seldom based solely on technical calculations the calculations and economic models should inform deliberative democratic processes where the policies are actually formulated. The voices of local people, particularly women s rights advocates, therefore must be given real weight in all stages of policy development, implementation and evaluation. 2. Recognize Diverse Experiences and Identities to Determine who Wins and who Loses Neoliberal globalization has been uneven, contradictory and complex. Some women have benefited from new opportunities brought about by processes of globalization, while many others are struggling to survive in the face of insecure employment, rising prices, reduced services and escalating poverty. Often it is those from marginalized groups, such as racial or ethnic minorities, indigenous people or poor women and men, who are negatively impacted by neoliberal economic policies. Gender, race and class analysis is therefore essential to both understanding the impacts of neoliberal policies and for developing alternative policies that put sustainable development and human rights ahead of profits. For example, prioritizing the needs of the most disadvantaged and discriminated against is one way to ensure that policies are just, empowering and transformative. Multiple and radical resistances to neoliberalism are spawning alternatives in many places but, alas, these are being frustrated by institutionalized market fundamentalism. The challenge is to interlink there resistances into a truly global movement by all of humanity and multiply spaces where people s alternatives that are grounded on democracy, diversity and inclusiveness could be debated, crafted and actualized with greater force. [5] - Josefa (Gigi) Francisko 3. Transformative Economic Policies Must Address Power Dynamics Neoliberal policies, in common with most economic theories, often do not address the power differentials that exist between economic agents (i.e. individuals) and within households. Policies that assume that men and women have the same access to and control of resources, the same ability to engage in paid employment and equivalent responsibilities in the home, will generally negatively impact women. Women may be unable to take advantage of new opportunities created by economic reforms; they may have increased burdens as a direct results of the new policies. Moreover, while poverty is interrogated and problematized, wealth tends to be unquestioned and herefore the inequalities which permit the accumulation of excessive wealth by certain individuals and institutions are not addressed. Gender equality advocates need to push for alternative economic prescriptions that address the root causes of power differentials in specific communities, whether they are cultural, economic, religious, social or otherwise. Examples could range from programs of land redistribution, alternative savings and investment mechanisms, nonmonetized exchange arrangements, and subsidized childcare, to global taxation and redistribution schemes (e.g. a Tobin Tax ), debt cancellation, and reparations for past injustices. Assumptions about the roles and responsibilities of women, class and ethnic divisions, inequalities in the law, and skewed distribution of resources ultimately can only be rectified through holistic economic, social and political strategies. 4. Account for Women s Unpaid Work One of the biggest problems with many economic policies is their failure to account for women s unpaid work. For many women, unpaid work, (including attending to children, cooking and small-scale farming) accounts for a large portion of their contribution to the economy. Together, unpaid housework, volunteering and community work is the single largest sector of all nations economies. [6] If women did not contribute their unpaid labour, the monetized economy could not function. The strength and well-being of the paid labour force is directly correlated (2 van 7) :43:02

132 Doc to unpaid care work, the bulk of which is carried out by women. Furthermore, economic policies that do not account for this unpaid labour are likely to have a detrimental impact on women by assuming that their ability to contribute unpaid labour is unlimited. Too much unpaid work and too little care are both detrimental to quality of life. [7] Therefore, when economic policies take unpaid work into account, communities can have better programs for food security, childcare, education, water and sanitation, and all the other essential elements that guarantee the well-being of households. 5. Make the Links: Local,National, Regional and Global Trade liberalization, privatization of essential services, foreign investment promotion, and labour market flexibilization are all part of the same agenda. Activities in national ministries of finance, regional trading bodies and international financial institutions are all interconnected. While policy coherence is not well-developed between human rights institutions and financial institutions (in other words, economic policies are not necessarily in line with human rights law), coherence between financial institutions is well coordinated. In order to challenge the neoliberal agenda therefore, gender equality advocates must be sophisticated in making the analytical links between local, regional and global levels of economic policy making and their impacts. For instance, changing the conditions of Mexican women factory workers could simultaneously involve: workers organizing at the factory level to demand better working conditions; legislative changes and enforcement at the national level to require higher levels of protections for workers; using international mechanisms such as those of the International Labour Organization to guarantee the rights of workers; and advocacy at the international level to influence the provisions of trade and investment agreements that impact on working conditions. In terms of advocacy and activism therefore, we need to make the links in order to select the most strategic venues for raising our concerns. 6. Protect Human Rights and Prioritize Equality Traditional economic theories are built around the model of a male breadwinner, that is, a full-time, life-long worker who supports his family. Those who do not fit into this norm are accorded lesser rights because they are seen as dependents. A focus on human rights, therefore, is important for women as it provides a counterweight to policies focused purely on economic growth and models which continue to assume that women occupy a position of dependency on men. [8] Pro-women, pro-poor alternatives to neoliberal globalization would acknowledge the equal worth and dignity of each person in their own right, advancing equality and human rights as a means of development. In the current system, many women are employed in informal and unregulated sectors, free trade zones, or do home-based work. Women are the majority of the small-scale farmers on the planet and also the majority of those employed in factories producing for export. Many are not protected by labour laws, are not unionized, and are isolated from their families, communities, and other women who share their experiences. Moreover, the evidence shows that women s rights to food, to housing, to health care, and to political participation (to name just a few), continue to be violated the world over, the violations often resulting directly from or exacerbated by trade liberalization and investment policies. Instead of only analyzing impacts and developing social safety-nets after the fact, we need to institutionalize regulations and structures that will provide for the welfare and empowerment of women. Economic planning must therefore include economic and social policies that support the equitable distribution of resources, universal provisioning of essential services and the protection of human rights. 7. Do Not Underestimate the Role of the Nation State Many neoliberal policies involve limiting state involvement in the economy, often through privatization of previously state-run enterprises including the provision of water, electricity, health care and education. A defining characteristic of the contemporary state is the subordination of social policy to the demands of labour market flexibility and competitiveness. Many contend that governments have lost their power in the face of IFIs and transnational corporations, but despite the shifts and structural changes that have taken place the state continues to play many important roles. As the manager of the domestic economy, the protector of marginalized groups and the voice of the nation in international institutions, national governments continue to be powerful actors in their own right. Governments have international obligations (including women s human rights commitments) and responsibilities for redistributing income and developing action plans for eradicating poverty. They should not be allowed to get off the hook by blaming all their woes on international actors. National governments are therefore important entry points for gender equality advocates, between local constituencies and international institutions. Promoting gender-sensitive economic policies is not only about establishing safety nets. It is primarily about ensuring that there will be no need for safety nets. In this regard, a feminist approach would posit that sound and equitable policies require men and women to have equal access to, and control over, productive resources, equal participation in decision making, and equal distribution of the benefits of their work. [9] (3 van 7) :43:02

133 Doc - Zo Randriamaro 8. Align Goals and Indicators with Gender Equality and Women s Rights Economic policies often aim at maximizing economic efficiency and growth, as measured by and indicator such as Gross Domestic Product. [10] Increased economic efficiency and growth are abstract concepts that say nothing about increasing human welfare, protecting human rights, or ensuring gender equality and empowerment. We therefore need to question the conventional wisdom of what constitutes sound and prudent economic policies. Shortsighted and narrow definitions of efficiency Do not give an accurate account, including how resources are distributed and the full costs of production. By articulating the goals of a policy and the indicators of success in terms of increasing equality, improving the lives of the most marginalized, realizing human rights, and achieving sustainable human development, policies that are pro-women and pro-poor will more likely be implemented. Indicators of progress must be tangible, concrete and meaningful. The end goal cannot be solely that more women are engaged in paid work. We must instead look to the types of jobs they have secured, the benefits they receive, their working conditions and their paid work. 9. Hold Decision-Makers To Account Economic policies have often failed large segments of the population, including and especially women. By holding decision-makers to account for these failures, redress can be obtained for the victims and better programs can be developed for the future. Actors that may be held accountable include governments, IFIs, private corporations and others. Accountability may be based on commitments to international human rights treaties, domestic constitutional guarantees or other regulatory frameworks, and also political processes. Developing and using accountability mechanisms that are accessible, transparent and effective are key strategies for guaranteeing women s rights in this era of neoliberal globalization. 10. There are Alternatives to Neoliberal Globalization Finally, it is important to remember that despite messages to the contrary, there are alternatives to the current dominant paradigm. Macroeconomic policy is not given or non-negotiable. Countries that do not follow the IMF-prescribed policy agenda do not necessarily have to suffer from poverty, insecurity and hyperinflation; there is no one-size fits all policy. We have feminist analyses of the economy what we need now is to further strengthen advocacy efforts based on our analysis in order to bring about a more equitable, just world. These principles have been articulated in order to provide direction to gender equality advocates all over the world who want to oppose neoliberal globalization. As a check-list for evaluating local policies, a training framework for understanding globalization, a rallying point for campaigning and lobbying, or an empowering and unifying agenda for diverse social justice groups, these principles can assist us in developing global solutions to global problems because, as the poignant motto of the World Social Forum reminds us, Another World is Possible. Economic Terms Demystified Economic Growth: an increase in the amount of money flowing through a country s economy. Promoting economic growth is the goal of much economic policy because it is often incorrectly assumed that economic growth is good for everyone. Efficiency: the allocation of goods and services such that no person can be made better off without making someone else worse off (or such that those who are made worse off can be compensated by those who are made better off). Efficiency is usually a goal of economic policies. An efficient allocation, however, does not necessarily require an equal or fair distribution of goods or services. Fiscal Policy: policy relating to government revenue, particularly taxation and spending. Heavily-Indebted Poor Countries (HIPC): countries that have accumulated a large amount of debt during the 1980s and as a result qualify for the HIPC debt reduction initiative of the World Bank and International Monetary Fund. Macroeconomics: refers to economic issues that concern the performance of the economy of a whole country, including the overall output and income of a country, unemployment, trade, interest rates, investment, and government budgets (as opposed to microeconomics which looks at the economic activity of individuals or small groups). Monetary Policy: the government policy that controls the amount of currency available in an economy. Neoliberalism: an economic theory which opposes state intervention in the economy and believes in the free (4 van 7) :43:02

134 Doc operation of the market. Poverty Reduction Strategy Papers (PRSPs): comprehensive action plans for combating national poverty. These are required by the World Bank and International Monetary Fund in order for a country to access development loans and aid. Privatization: occurs when services that were owned by the government are sold to private companies. When privatized, services such as health care, education and social services are provided by companies who aim to make a profit. A belief in the inherent superiority of profit-oriented production has lead to a drastic increase in privatization in recent years. Structural Adjustment: processes of reform imposed mostly on poor countries requiring that they export more products, privatize services, increase taxation, devalue their currency, and reduce the government s role in the economy in order to stabilize their economies. In the 1980s, structural adjustment policies (SAPs) were imposed by the World Bank and International Monetary Fund in over seventy developing countries. Trade Liberalization: the reduction of restrictions (including tariffs, quotas and regulatory standards) on the trade of goods and services across borders. Myths and Realities about Economic Policy Myth: Economics is pure science. Reality: Economics is often represented as technical and scientific, based on truths from mathematics or statistics. However, economic policy is profoundly political and represents a certain set of subjective assumptions about power and the distribution of resources. Myth: Economics is gender-neutral. Reality: Traditional economic analysis can have devastating impacts on women because it does not take into consideration the gendered nature of our societies and the resulting gender differentiated impacts of economic policies. Women s assumed status as secondary wage earners in the paid labour force results in women experiencing more poverty than men, for example. The privatization of public services increases women s unpaid work as they take over where the public sector leaves off in terms of nursing the sick, educating children and caring for the elderly and those in need of assistance. And as companies cut costs by laying off employees, reducing salaries and using home-based workers, women are the most affected. Furthermore, the impacts of economic crises are more severe for women. Applying a gender analysis to economics reveals biases that exclude women and allows for the redress of economic inequalities that face women. Myth: Gender equality advocates do not have the expertise to engage with macroeconomic policy. Reality: Gender equality advocates come from all walks of life and are all affected by economic policies in their day-today lives. They are therefore capable of critiquing economic policies and of suggesting policy directions that would empower women. Who is Working Towards Economic Gender Justice? Many NGOs, civil society organizations, grassroots movements, academic institutions, and individuals all over the world are challenging the neoliberal globalization model from a gender perspective. Some organizations you might want to contact or become involved with include: African Women s Economic Policy Network (AWEPON): PO Box 33576, Kampala, Uganda Articulación Feminista Marcosur: , Montevideo 11200, Uruguay Development Alternatives with Women in a New Era (DAWN) Secretariat, PO Box 13124, Suva, Fiji Gender and Economic Reforms in Africa (GERA) Secretariat, TWN-Africa,9 Ollenu Street, East Legon, PO Box AN19452, Accra- North, Ghana Iniciativa Feminista de Cartagena: Colonia 2069, CP 11200, Montevideo, Uruguay International Gender and Trade Network (IGTN): (5 van 7) :43:02

135 Doc Secretariat, 1225 Otis Street, NE, Washington, DC 20017, USA International Network for Economic, Social and Cultural Rights(ESCR-Net): Montague Street, 2nd Floor, Brooklyn, New York 11201, USA KARAT Coalition: Karmelicka 16 m. 13, Warsaw, Poland Maquila Solidarity Network: Shaw Street, Toronto, Ontario, Canada M6G 3L6 Network Women in Development Europe (WIDE): Rue de la Science 10,1000 Brussels, Belgium Third World Network (TWN)-Africa: Ollenu Street, East Legon, P.O. Box AN19452, Accra-North, Ghana Women s Edge Coalition: Connecticut Avenue NW, Suite 800, Washington, D.C , USA Women s Environment and Development Organization(WEDO): Lexington Avenue, 3rd FloorNew York, NY , USA Women s International Coalition for Economic Justice (WICEJ): 12 Dongan Place #206, New York, NY 10040, USA AWID, Women s Rights and Economic Change Facts and Issues, No. 6, December 2003 Written by: Renu Mandhane and Alison Symington Copyedited by: Jane Connolly Produced by: Shareen Gokal Design: Dana Baitz Editing in MS Word for Windows for the purpose of publishing in the Journal Globalizacija.com : Women s Centre for Democracy and Human Rights, Serbia See original paper at: The Association for Women s Rights in Development is an international membership organization connecting, informing and mobilizing people and organizations committed to achieving gender equality, sustainable development and women s human rights. A dynamic network of women and men, AWID members are researchers, academics, students, educators, activists, business people, policy-makers, development practitioners, funders and others, half of whom are located in the global South and Eastern Europe. AWID s goal is to cause policy, institutional and individual change that will improve the lives of women and girls everywhere. Since 1982, AWID has been doing this by facilitating on-going debates on fundamental and provocative issues as well as by building the individual and organizational capacities of those working for women s empowerment. 215 Spadina Ave., Suite 150, Toronto, ON, Canada, M5T 2C7 T: +1 (416) F: +1 (416) [email protected] Web: [1] See AWID Facts & Issues No. 5, The World Bank and Women s Rights in Development, for a more detailed discussion of conditionality. [2] See ibid. [3] Cecilia Lopez, (former Minister of the Environment in Columbia and member of Iniciativa Feminista Cartagena), Plenary Speech, AWID s 9th International Forum on Women s Rights in Development: Reinventing Globalization, October [4] See Ann Whitehead, Failing Women, Sustaining Poverty: Gender in Poverty Reduction Strategy Papers, Report (6 van 7) :43:02

136 Doc for the UK Gender and Development Network, May See also Elaine Zuckerman and Ashley Garrett, Do Poverty Reduction Strategy Papers (PRSPs) Address Gender? A Gender Audit of 2002 PRSPs (Gender Action, 2003). [5] Josefa (Gigi) Francisco is the South-East Asian Regional Coordinator of DAWN and the Executive Director of the Women and Gender Institute of Miriam College Foundation in Quezon City, Philippines. [6] With the possible exception of the United States. [7] See Elson, D., and N. Catagay, The Social Content of Macroeconomic Policy World Development, 28:7 (2000) [8] Diane Elson (Professor, University of Essex), at the Conference Women s Access to the Economy in the Current Period of Economic Integration of the Americas: What Economy?, Montreal, April [9] African Women Challenging Neo-liberal Economic Orthodoxy: The Conception and Mission of the GERA Programme, Gender and Development, 11.1 (2003): 47. [10] Gross Domestic Product (GDP) measures all of the market transactions that take place in a country. (7 van 7) :43:02

137 Doc Shape up or ship out: Why Millennium Goal No. 3 can not be achieved until the multilateral institutions stop imposing neo-liberal policy on the rest of the world By Rochelle Jones AWID Whilst undertaking research on macro-economic policy and the feminisation of poverty, I was struck by how many miles have already been walked, how many articles and books have already been written, how many task-forces have already been deployed, and how the policies of the multilateral institutions remain unashamedly as opaque and undemocratic as ever. The evidence and the research are astounding and date back to decades before now. Countless reports and articles have succinctly and systematically recorded and analysed the forces of neo-liberal globalisation and how they are destroying the livelihoods of people all over the world. I don t know how many passionate, compelling, tragic and simply shocking stories I have read over the past years that have spelled out in sophisticated detail that the system of economic globalisation imposed upon countries of the South has to be redesigned. We have visibly been working hard to have our voices heard. It is the United States government and the multilateral institutions of the World Bank, International Monetary Fund (IMF), World Trade Organisation (WTO) and Asia Development Bank not to mention Export Credit Agencies of national governments and the profit-greedy multinationals that have to now take action. Gender equality and freedom from the feminisation of poverty is enshrined in many international instruments, such as the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (1948), the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW 1979), and the Beijing Declaration and Platforms that will undergo its ten year review at the end of this month. The recent UN Millennium Development Project (UNMDP) report also outlines some important strategic priorities in achieving Millennium Goal number three Gender equality and empowerment of women. With such outstanding frameworks to work with, coupled with extensive research that shows clearly how people and especially women are suffering under the current neo-liberal system, why do women still constitute the majority of the poor? Why are women still not granted their full rights as human beings? Blind policy has been negotiated for too long behind thick walls that obscure women s diverse realities. Freedom, liberty and human rights are all energetically advocated by those in powerful positions within the neo-liberal order (usually men), however, if they placed their ears close to the ground, they would hear the voices of the marginalised, muffled by their own dancing feet. I am not saying that women do not have any agency under these powerful institutions. On the contrary, women have made and continue to make important gains in terms of rights and equality. What I am saying is that if these milestones are to continue, the monopoly on power and knowledge that is held by the multilateral institutions and others has to stop. It is simply not fair. So what do we do as women and sisters who have passionately fought for a right to be heard, but constantly find ourselves in a position where the most powerful institutions in the world, supported by the most powerful state in the world, hear our voices, but fail to listen? We keep telling the truth until they do listen. Why Millennium Goal Number 3 will not be achieved unless the multilateral institutions shape up: Neo-liberal policy and the multilateral institutions that impose it play a key role in undermining sovereignty and perpetuating the feminisation of poverty. Institutions such as the World Bank, WTO and the IMF have eroded the ability of national governments to make decisions regarding economic and social policy, through the implementation of globalisation from above. Decision-making processes within the IMF and the World Bank are based on a system of investment. The more a country contributes to the organisation, the more voting power they have. This undemocratic system of decision-making has resulted in countries of the North imposing neoliberal policies on countries of the South. The World Trade Organisation (WTO) solidifies neo-liberal policy convergence in the international political system by creating the rules governing international trade. Agreements are drafted by The Quad governments of the United States, Canada, Europe and Japan, and these draft agreements are then discussed by a group of representatives from countries, with the smaller one hundred or so developing countries typically excluded. Policies are imposed upon countries as conditions to lending, whereby the neo-liberal mantra of trade liberalisation, privatisation and deregulation becomes the orthodoxy, undermining democratic processes and participation within the state, and resulting in cleavages between civil society and the government. The recent collapse of trade talks at Cancun in 2003, exemplifies how not much has changed in macro-economic policy since Seattle in Women, who already constitute the majority of the poor, feel the negative consequences of neo-liberal policy on a greater scale than men do. Millennium Development Goal 3 is to achieve gender equality and the empowerment of women. The latest UN Millennium Project (UNMP) task-force report on gender [1] identifies seven strategic priorities as the minimum necessary to empower women and alter the historical legacy of female disadvantage that remains in most societies of the world : (1 van 5) :43:10

138 Doc 1.Strengthen opportunities for post-primary education for girls. 2.Guarantee sexual and reproductive rights. 3.Invest in infrastructure to reduce women s and girls time burdens. 4.Guarantee women s and girls property and inheritance rights. 5.Eliminate gender inequality in employment by decreasing women s reliance on informal employment, closing gender gaps in earnings, and reducing occupational segregation. 6.Increase women s share of seats in national parliaments and local government bodies. 7.Combat violence against girls and women. These seven priorities are intimately linked to macro-economic policy and in particular multilateral trade rules, in that globalisation, trade liberalisation and the emerging coherence between international financial and trade institutions greatly impinge on the policy space at the national level [and yet] there is no policy interaction at the institutional level with regard to gender mainstreaming [2]. Achieving these strategic priorities will require an increased focus from national governments and a significant diversion of funding from other areas, but according to UNCTAD [3], multilateral trade rules: can limit the capacity of governments to apply policies in support of gender inequality ; contribute to maintaining large wage differentials between male workers (mostly skilled) and female workers (mostly unskilled) despite increases in exports ; and contribute to widespread job losses for women via the removal of domestic support to small-scale farmers in countries of the South. Whilst these strategic priorities identify important areas of concern in regards to alleviating the feminisation of poverty, they do not specifically refer to the structural issues of inequality that are embedded within the practices and policies of the most powerful institutions in the world governing trade and development policy. These institutions have added gender mainstreaming to their rhetoric, but have not changed their practices or their policies [4]. Mariama Williams from the International Gender and Trade Network (IGTN) argues that within macro-economic policy, gender is relegated to soft areas that must work to complement and offset the necessary adjustment costs of macro planning decisions and outcomes. This means that hard areas such as agricultural liberalisation and tariff reductions are deemed gender neutral, whereas food distribution between men and women are analysed from a gender perspective [5]. This is a significant problem whereby decisions on neo-liberal policy are not only made through an undemocratic decision-making process that favours the rich countries over the poor, but they are made without any real consideration of gender. This simply reifies existing structural inequalities and results in a perpetuation of the feminisation of poverty. Taking a closer look at two of the priorities identified in the taskforce report reveals how neo-liberal policy convergence ignores gender concerns and exacerbates the difficulties faced by women. Strategic priority 4 is to guarantee women s and girls property and inheritance rights. Land ownership is deemed important to empowering women both economically and socially, and means that women have access to direct benefits such as the use of crops and rights to their proceeds. There is also evidence to suggest that asset ownership can also protect against domestic violence [6]. The report asserts that there are few statistics on the magnitude of gender asset gaps, but that some reports conducted indicate that women hold a substantially lower amount of land ownership than men in countries throughout Latin America, Sub-Saharan Africa and South and Central Asia. The right to land ownership is an interesting way to discuss women s relationship with the earth. It is estimated that women grow at least 59 percent of the world s food, with women in Africa producing more than 70 percent of Africa s food [7]. Clearly, women are key stakeholders in any trade agreements on agricultural products, yet their needs and interests are not taken seriously by the institutions that push for lower trade barriers, greater access for multi-national corporations and cash crop exports. The same could be said for intellectual property agreements. For thousands of years women have been looking after the nutritional needs of their families through subsistence agriculture, as well as the use of natural medicines, and now this indigenous knowledge is being increasingly discovered and patented by MNCs. Eco-feminist Vandana Shiva explains: patents and intellectual property rights are supposed to be granted for novel inventions. But patents are being claimed for rice varieties such as the basmati for which the Doon Valley (where I was born) is famous, or pesticides derived from the neem tree which our mothers and grandmothers have been using for centuries. Rice Tec, a US-based company, has been granted Patent no. 5,663,484 for basmati rice lines and grains The knowledge of the poor is being converted into the property of global corporations, creating a situation where the poor will have to pay for the seeds and medicines that they have cultivated, developed and used to meet their needs for nutrition and health care [8]. Under the current neo-liberal agenda, women who produce food for their families are classified as unproductive, with only cash crops counting for productivity within the economy. Simplistic poverty reduction strategies such as export-oriented growth ignore the productive capacity of women in subsistence and community farming, and often destroy women s productivity and self-worth when they are forced to change to cash crops for export, and are unable to provide food from subsistence agriculture for their families. Small autonomous producers are rendered invisible to the global economy when governments are forced to compete with giant agribusiness companies, and shift agricultural production to industrial monocultures [9]. (2 van 5) :43:10

139 Doc Coupled with increases in production for exports, neo-liberal policy advocates for a reduction of welfare services, higher charges for basic services and lower wages [10]. In addition to these barriers, there are rising production costs and decreasing commodity prices as a result of cheaper goods flooding the market. The right to land ownership, then, is rendered useless when women and their families are faced with rising costs they are simply unable to meet. Increasingly poor, many families are selling their land to investors, who either use the land for industry, or create large cash crops for export. The right to land ownership also disregards the reality of communal land. In Africa, for example, wherecommunal land tenure is still common, privatisation of this land for cash crops has been a major objective of the World Bank [11], with absolutely no consideration of the historical use of the land by women for subsistence farming. Many women are forced to find extra employment to meet rising costs, and because they are generally paid less than men, women usually find it easier to gain employment [12]. This channels them into the informal workforce, where they work as street vendors, domestic workers and in the service industry perpetuating the gendered division of labour. Strategic priority 5 is to eliminate gender inequality in employment. According to the report, women s status in the labour market is inferior to men s in most countries of the world [13]. Women in countries of the global South continue to be found in low-skill, repetitive work in industries such as textiles and electronics and the informal workforce because of the many barriers to training and education that women face as opposed to men [14]. Job segregation in terms of gender is a major area of concern for the fight against the feminisation of poverty. Neo-liberal policy such as the removal of trade barriers, privatisation and deregulation is meant to foster a climate for foreign direct investment to jump-start stagnant economies and bring in foreign currency. MNCs are taking advantage of these environments to set up manufacturing and production facilities in countries of the South where there are large pools of cheap labour, flexible labour laws and tax incentives. This can have both positive and negative effects for women. On the positive side, the influx of MNCs entering the labour-intensive sectors of the South, such as textiles, footwear, data processing and service outsourcing has resulted in an increase in levels of employment for women in some countries [15]. The UNMDP report asserts, however, that in the last twenty years, women s overall economic activity rates increased yet women s status in the labour market remains significantly inferior to that of men s worldwide. Responsibility for this lies within neo-liberal policy convergence, which creates these favourable environments for foreign investment, fails to take into account the different experiences of men and women, and focuses only on economic growth factors as development indicators, rendering gender implications invisible. Export Processing Zones (EPZs) or Free Trade Zones, have increased dramatically as a result of neo-liberal policy, and yet recent research shows that EPZs often fall short of their goals and their performance is erratic, despite the incentives offered by host governments. Some of the biggest problems arising from the rise of EPZs include environmental damage, poor safety and health standards, and labour rights abuses. The majority of employees in EPZs are women, and despite arguments suggesting that EPZs exist as a route for women to enter the formal employment sector where wages are often higher than in the informal sector, women face sexual harassment and discrimination in hiring, wages and benefits. There has been a wealth of research into the negative effects of Multinational Corporations (MNCs) on countries of the South, with some of the most compelling examples coming from John Pilger [16], an Australian journalist who has helped to expose some of the labour rights abuses and discrimination that women face when they are employed by some MNCs. Of course not all MNCs are guilty of labour abuses, but the climate of free trade zones or EPZs leaves it almost entirely up to the employer as to what regulations and standards they are going to impose. Under these conditions, and with the bottom line of every MNC being profit, labour rights abuses and lowered standards are inevitable. Whilst visiting an EPZ in Indonesia, Pilger describes a common scenario: Posing as a London fashion buyer I was given a tour of one such factory, which makes Gap clothes for Britain and America. I found more than a thousand mostly young women working, battery-style, under the glare of strip lighting, in temperatures that reach 40 degrees centigrade. The only air-conditioning was upstairs, where the Taiwanese bosses were The women have no choice about the hours they must work, including a notorious long shift : 36 hours without going home. I was assured that, if I wanted to place a last-minute order, that was no problem because we just make the workers stay longer [17]. Indonesia was described as the World Bank s model pupil of globalisation under the Suharto regime before the financial crisis. When he was forced to resign in 1998, he took with him approximately $10 billion dollars of the World Bank s money, which is still being repaid by the Indonesian people. When Pilger interviewed the World Bank s chief economist at the time, Nicholas Stern, he asked him to explain why the World Bank or IMF did not speak out against the regime, who was singled out by the UN Commission on Human Rights because of inequality and discrimination. Stern responded that Indonesia s economy grew as a result of integrating into the global economy it was a dictatorship, so people didn t have some of their human rights [18]. Clearly the World Bank s narrow focus on economic growth in Indonesia is an example of how this approach ignores the consequences of neo-liberal policy on people s lives. The reality is that labour segregation and the race to the bottom in terms of wages in the workforce is perpetuated, not alleviated, by neo-liberal policy. The WTO Agreement on Textiles and Clothing, for example, which rested on a system of clothing export quotas for countries exporting to the European Union, Canada and the United States, expired at the end of 2004 and is being (3 van 5) :43:10

140 Doc phased out in 2005 [19]. From 2005, all WTO member countries will have unrestricted access to European, Canadian and US markets. Countries who previously had high quota allocations, such as Sri Lanka, will now have to become more competitive in the market. The International Confederation of Free Trade Unions (ICFTU) is concerned that an increase in competitiveness across the international textiles and clothing sectors, will result in further violations of labour practices as companies look to invest in countries where labour costs are low and labour laws are weak [20]. China is already showing signs of competitive advantage in this area of low-cost labour. So whilst the strategic priorities of the Millennium Development Project are obvious for achieving gender equality and alleviating the feminisation of poverty, they are unrealistic given the structural impediments of neo-liberal policy imposed on countries by the multilateral institutions. No-where in the UNMDP report does it mention embedded, structural inequalities in macro-economic policy, despite the intimate relationship between multilateral institutions and national policies. The feminisation of poverty is inextricably related to policies and decisions made inside the Green Room of the WTO, and vetoes and conditionalities on lending decisions by the US and other affluent countries within the walls of the World Bank and the IMF. These institutions have no accountability in the area of gender or human rights, and if this continues, objectives such as the Millennium Development Goals, will be difficult to reach. It has become an imperative to wrestle back the agenda and investigate alternatives to economic liberalisation and neo-liberal policy convergence. This does not only involve reform of the international institutions that fortify the inequalities we see in the North and the South, but it involves a return to our Socratic right to question truth. Our reliance on mainstream political ideology is thwarting our ability to conceptualise truth and distinguish it from rationality. Problem-solving theories like neo-liberalism use the current structures as the framework for action and reify the existing world order with its accompanying power and wealth inequalities that reinforce these inequalities. Frameworks to alleviate poverty and to achieve gender equality are of no use unless they include a serious rethinking of the global economic system. Published in: Resource Net Friday File, Issue 212 Friday February 4, 2005 Association for Women s Rights in Development Notes: [1] UNMP Report Taskforce on Education and Gender Equality. Taking action: achieving gender equality and empowering women. Sourced from January [2] IGTN (International Gender and Trade Network) Statement of Mariama Williams: Roundtable Discussion on Mainstreaming Gender Perspectives into all Policies and Programs in the UN System. United Nations, NY, July 6-7, Sourced from: January [3] UNCTAD UNCTAD XI and the Gender Implications of the multilateral trading system. Round Table on Trade and Gender, 15 June: Press Release. [4] AWID (Association for Women s Rights in Development) Gender Mainstreaming: Can it work for Women s Rights?. Spotlight, November 2004: 3. [5] IGTN (International Gender and Trade Network) Statement of Mariama Williams: Roundtable Discussion on Mainstreaming Gender Perspectives into all Policies and Programs in the UN System. United Nations, NY, July 6-7, Sourced from: January [6] UNMP Report Taskforce on Education and Gender Equality. Taking action: achieving gender equality and empowering women. Sourced from January [7] Warren, K.J Taking Empirical Data Seriously: An Ecofeminist Philosophical Perspective in Warren, K.J (Ed). Ecofeminism: Women, Culture, Nature. Indiana: Indiana University Press. [8] Shiva, V Globalization and Poverty, in Bennholdt-Thomsen, V. Faraclas, N & Von Werlhof, C. (Eds.) There is an alternative: Subsistence and worldwide resistance to corporate globalisation. London: Zed Books. [9] Ibid. [10] Henshall Momsen, J Gender and Development. London: Routledge. [11] Federici, S War, Globalization and Reproduction in Bennholdt-Thomsen, V. Faraclas, N & Von Werlhof, C. (Eds.) There is an alternative: Subsistence and worldwide resistance to corporate globalisation. (4 van 5) :43:10

141 Doc London: Zed Books. [12] Henshall Momsen, J Gender and Development. London: Routledge. [13] UNMP Report Taskforce on Education and Gender Equality. Taking action: achieving gender equality and empowering women. Sourced from January [14] Ibid. [15] UNCTAD UNCTAD XI and the Gender Implications of the multilateral trading system. Round Table on Trade and Gender, 15 June: Press Release. [16] Pilger, J The New Rulers of the World. London: Verso. [17] Ibid. [18] Ibid. [19] ICFTU (International Confederation of Free Trade Unions) Behind the Brand Names: Working conditions and labour rights in Export Processing Zones. Available from December [20] Ibid. (5 van 5) :43:10

142 Doc Economic Globalisation and Paradoxes [1] By Mirjana Dokmanovic Women s Centre for Democracy and Human Rights, Serbia The net transfer of financial resources to developing countries has been negative each and every year since 1997, according to what Kofi Annan, Secretary General of the United Nations, reported to the General Assembly in In other words, money is being taken from the poor to give to the rich. The world economy is functioning like a reverse Robin Hood. [2] We believe that the main challenge we are facing today is to ensure that globalisation remains a positive force for all people in the world. [3] Summary Technological development, market integration, and free movement of goods, capital, and labour have resulted in enormous opportunities for human development and the uprooting of many maladies of humankind such as poverty and hunger. Current trends in the world, however, indicate that the benefits of economic globalisation are unevenly distributed and that they stimulate discrimination and inequality. Thanks to neoliberal politics based on gathering profit at any cost, paradoxes in the form of bigger gaps between the rich and the poor are intensified. Key words: globalisation, neoliberalism, poverty, poverty feminisation, labour force feminisation, human rights based development. Introduction Despite more and more numerous theories and concepts about globalisation, one of the topics most discussed at the beginning of the 21 st century, agreement on a clear and generally acceptable definition of this phenomenon has still not been reached. Various authors approach consideration and analysis of this process from various standpoints and fields, such as economics, politics, political economy, sociology, culture, technology, communication, information, etc. [4] What is common to these approaches is the understanding that globalisation refers to the intensification of social and economic relations across state borders, the consequence of which leads to tighter and higher mutual impact of global and local events. In this paper, globalisation will, above all, refer to the economic aspects resulting from the economic integration of nations, regions, and markets characterising today s world globally and regionally. Dominant political trends shaping economic aspects of globalisation include trade liberalisation, the deregulation of various activities of nations and other players, the privatisation of state functions and services, and the appearance and intensified impact of new powerful international players at the economic level, such as World Bank, International Monetary Fund, World Trade Organisation, transnational corporations, multinational companies, and informal groups such as G7 and G8. Basic trends that currently shape macroeconomics start from the neoliberal point of view, meaning complete freedom of movement of goods, capital, and services, the decrease in public expenditures for social services, deregulation in any area that may contribute to profit decrease, privatisation, and the elimination of the concept of public property. Globalisation is driven by neoliberal economic policy, which is the current political choice of international financial institutions, governments, and other international players. Globalisation and Poverty Statistical indicators and UNDP studies [5] in recent years indicate that the prevailing trend of economic globalisation resulted in the extension of the gap between the rich and the poor both between developed and underdeveloped countries, and among particular social classes within individual countries and regions, including the richest parts of the world. The ratio of income between the top fifth of the world s population according to income and the lowest fifth was 30:1 in 1960, 60:1 in 1990, and 74:1 in [6] In the period from 1979 to 1997, the income of 60% of the world s population decreased; 20% of the population achieved a modest income increase; the 20% at the top income levels achieved a drastic income increase. In 1999, 68-86% of the world s gross domestic product, goods and services exports, and direct foreign investments, belonged to the richest group, while the lowest one-fifth achieved only 1%. In this year, the index of humane development applied in the UNDP Report of Humane Development for the first time decreased in 30 countries of the world, illustrating the trend of the increase of absolute poverty. (1 van 8) :43:21

143 Doc In the late 1990s, the 200 richest people in the world doubled the value of their property in only a few years. The income of the three richest people in the world exceeds the GDP of all of the poorest countries of the world with a total population of over 600 million. The richest 1% has more income that 57% of the poorest. In this period, the fifth of the world s population living in the highest-income countries had: 82% of the world s export markets the bottom fifth just 1%;, 68% of foreign direct investments the bottom fifth just 1%; 74% of world telephone lines the bottom fifth just 1,5%,and were 93% of Internet users the bottom fifth just 0,2%. On the other hand, 1.2 billion people live in extreme poverty. [7] Poverty as a Violation of Human Rights The analysis of globalisation s effect on poverty first requires definition of poverty. Poverty used to be defined as the lack of material property or of resources for the acquisition of property. Today, poverty is viewed in much wider terms, which also include the lack of opportunities to achieve dignity in life, such as involvement in decision making and the availability of resources and mechanisms for achieving and protecting human rights. The concept of poverty is not explicitly included in the main international human rights conventions that are the basis of international human rights law. However, it is certain that poverty reduce the opportunity of people to enjoy their basic human rights. Illiterate or insufficiently educated people, who have no housing and inadequate food are unable to be involved in decision making regarding their destiny and in the rule of their country. The achievement of civil and political rights means much more than satisfaction of basic human s needs; it includes the availability of information, education, health care, and ways to satisfy cultural needs. Poverty is not the problem of an individual and his/her (in)competence to manage but it is the violation of basic human rights, [8] which are the responsibility not only borne by a State, according to traditional understanding of human rights law. This responsibility is also borne by new international actors that have priority in making decisions and in managing global, national, and regional activities. These international actors include, for example, international organisations, transnational corporations, and international financial institutions [9]. The result of this prevailing concept is the formulation of the right to control transnational corporations in the third generation of human rights, which is a formulation contributed by the UN Sub-Commission for the Promotion and Protection of Human Rights, that also created, and in August 2003 adopted, the Draft Norms of the Responsibility of Transnational Corporations and Other Business Enterprises Regarding Human Rights [10]. Starting from the World Conference on Human Rights held in Vienna in 1993, the promotion and protection of human rights and basic freedoms have been considered to be UN priority objectives in accordance with UN objectives and principles, especially regarding international cooperation. From that date, the connection between the poverty and human rights has been acknowledged. The UN Committee for Human Rights and its Sub- Committee have started to support the human rights based approach to poverty. [11] The Committee on Economic, Social, and Cultural Rights expressed its regret that poverty reduction policies rarely take into account human rights dimensions of poverty, since such an approach may intensify and make strategies for decreasing poverty much more efficient. [12] The Committee adopted a wider concept of poverty, defining it as human condition characterised by sustained or chronic deprivation of the resources, capabilities, choices, security and power necessary for the enjoyment of an adequate standard of living and other civil, cultural, economic, political and social rights. While acknowledging that there is no universally accepted definition, the Committee endorses this multi-dimensional understanding of poverty, which reflects the indivisible and interdependent nature of all human rights. (para. 8). [13] In the context of the International Covenant on Economic, Social, and Cultural Rights, the Committee identified the rights that are directly related to decreasing poverty. Those are the rights to work, an appropriate living standard, accommodation, food, health, and education. Further, the Committee estimated that the basic elements of a successful strategy against poverty are those that create the basis of a normative framework of human rights: non-discrimination, equality, participation in public life, and responsibility. Banning discrimination and achieving the right to equality refer to all rights of individuals and marginalised and socially excluded groups. The above-mentioned presents only the beginning of UN activities to extend the understanding of poverty viewed in the context of human rights. Therefore, Special Rapporteurs, and independent experts have been appointed to research particular issues regarding poverty, such as extreme poverty, income distribution, the programmes of structural adjustment, and globalisation. Poverty Reduction as a Millennium Development Goal The UN have decided that the struggle against poverty is one of the basic activities of the UN, the international community, and UN member countries for the 21 st century. [14] One objective accepted is to decrease, to half of the 1990 level, the number of the poor suffering from hunger and living with less than USD 1 of income per day by In his last UN report on the achievement of Millennium Development Goals, Kofi Annan, UN General Secretary, emphasised that for the first time in its history humankind has the necessary resources and knowledge to reduce poverty and hunger; nevertheless, the realisation of this objective mostly depends on achieving fair development. [15] Despite the current trend of poverty rates decreasing in transitioning countries in contrast to rapid poverty increases in the 1990s, the point of concern is that poverty increased in 37 out of 67 poor countries. Accordingly to the average worldwide trend, hunger in the world is slowly but certainly decreasing; [16] nevertheless, reason for concern comes from the big regional inequalities and the fact that in the 1990s there was both a huge excess of food production and an increase in the number of underfed children in Asia and Africa (up to 50% in South-Central Asia and Sub-Saharan Africa). This is primarily the consequence of structural effects, (2 van 8) :43:21

144 Doc such as long-term economic and agrarian policies, the bad and subordinated positions of women, social inequalities, and endemic conflicts. [17] Globalisation, Banning Discrimination, and the Right to Equality In 2000 the UN Commission on Human Rights decided to nominate as Special Rapporteurs [18] to undertake a study on the issue of globalization and its impact on the full enjoyment of all human rights. In their Report, they concluded that it was fairly evident that the phenomenon of globalization, the processes and institutional frameworks through which it was propagated, and its multifaceted nature have numerous implications for the promotion and protection of all human rights. This implies that there is a need for a critical reconceptualization of the policies and instruments of international trade, investment and finance. [19] Of course, it would be absurd to say that globalisation created inequality and discrimination. However, globalisation has caused global conditions of inequality and discrimination to worsen [20]. To confirm this statement, one only needs to see statistics [21] and analyse, for example, the use of the Internet as the indicator of resource availability and ask who is in the loop, as UNDP did [22]. Yet even if telecommunications systems are installed and accessible, without literacy and basic computer skills people will have little access to the network society. In 1995 adult literacy was less than 40% in 16 countries, and primary school enrolments less than 80% in 24 countries. Current access to Internet runs along the fault lines of national societies, dividing educated from illiterate, men from women, rich from poor, young from old, urban from rural. National Internet surveys in 1998 and 1999 revealed that income buys access, ethnicity counts, educated, men and youth dominate. [23] This also refers to telecommunication presenting the framework for modern globalisation. Important characteristics of telecommunication use and availability are gender, language, geographical coordinates, and income levels. Apart from these indicators, globalisation also creates a gap between urban and rural populations and further contributes to the intensification of the gap between those who have and have not. In the areas with a majority of rural people, such as is the case on the African continent, the fact is that globalisation has not resulted in improvement of the quality of life. [24] Opening markets, removing customs barriers, and liberalizing trade do not guarantee that everyone will gain benefits from these changes. On the contrary, current trends and effects of these policies indicate that they benefit the big and rich (markets, states, regions, individuals, etc.) to the detriment of the small and poor (markets, states, regions, individuals, etc.). It is a paradox that growing integration, one of globalisation s features, is of very little benefit to those who provide significant contribution to the creation of property and resources: workers and especially migrants. Today, migrants represent an invisible state within the European Union and the industrially developed countries of North America. Uniting the EU market has stimulated the mobility of labour in the entire territory of Europe. Despite the fact that EU member states economies are based to great extent on the use of this cheap, flexible, and available labour force, these workers are an unprotected population, whose rights are protected neither by the legislation of their states of residence nor by their home countries. Migrants are more and more faced with various limitations: they may not vote in local and national elections; they may not establish their associations; and in many countries they may not be employed in the public sector. [25] The lack of relevant legal protection increases the insecurity of work in formal positions; therefore, more migrants move from the field of formal work to the informal sector or to temporary and part-time jobs without any security regarding appropriate salaries and adequate safety at work. The fact that the majority of migrants do not belong to the white race clearly indicates the racial and discriminatory nature of this issue, invisible in the official policy of those countries [26]. Globalisation has not only reinforced traditional inequality between North and South, but also within the North, in the countries which are traditionally supposed to be the main beneficiaries of globalisation. In Canada, at the top of the UNDP human development index, the income of the 5 million poorest families decreased by 5% on average during the 1990s, while the income of the richest increased by 7%. Similar trends have occurred in Germany, Italy, and other developed economies, while Scandinavian countries face stronger pressures for decreasing expenditures on welfare and social activities. As for Western countries, poverty is most widespread and present in the USA. As many as 68 million Americans, i.e. every fourth one, lives in poverty; 2 million Americans are homeless; in the 1990s the income of the richest one-fifth of Americans increased by 83%, while the income of the poorest one-fifth decreased by 14%. [27] It is a paradox that increasing wealth and improvement resulting from globalisation and integration leads to growth in inequality and discrimination. Globalisation s Impact on Women s Positions The paradoxes of the globalisation are nowhere more apparent than in relation to the impact of globalisation on the gender relations and on the plight of women in particular. This is the observation that was particularly stressed in the Preliminary report of special Rapporteurs, J. Oloka-Onyango and Deepika Udagama on the impact of globalisation on achieving and enjoying human rights. [28] In order to analyse this impact, particular factors related to globalisation should be determined and observed regarding their impact on women s positions, including isolation of other factors that also produce changes and effects, but are not directly related to globalisation. Numerous studies [29] in this field still unambiguously indicate that globalisation has impacted women s positions, where the effects have varied depending on nation, region, and social class. The general impression is that the impact of globalisation on women has both positive and negative aspects. For example, the foundation of new factories in export-oriented branches may create new opportunities of women s employment and thus create their income sources and basis to achieve economic independence. On the other hand, the significant increase in women s share of the labour force in developing countries such as Malaysia, Thailand, Indonesia, and Philippines (3 van 8) :43:21

145 Doc has been followed by average salaries decreases, less favourable labour conditions, and rising insecurity, thus creating conditions for the increase of poverty. [30] Globalisation has both positive and negative effects on women in developed countries, too (Bakker, 1999: 32). Dominant policies that shape globalisation have been barely successful in stimulating economic development and decreasing inflation in many rich countries, while, on the other hand, they have contributed to growing income polarisation, social exclusion, and growth in unemployment rates. The decreasing role of state welfare and social security systems have resulted in the transfer of these roles from the public (governmental) sector to markets or families. This has gradually resulted in the increased burden on women to perform these activities, including a growing trend of transferring women from the formal to the informal economy. Economic systems based on profit often gain it at the expense of women s labour. [31] In many studies, globalisation is also related to growing exploitation of women in the form of trafficking of women for prostitution, especially in the countries characterised by accelerated transformation in order to adopt a market economic model. [32] Thanks to the increased number of feminist researchers, it has been shown that all aspects of economic globalisation, such as international trade, unemployment, employment, global management, international resources, foreign debts, and poverty, have gender dimensions, i.e. that they produce different effects on men versus on women. This is reflected both in their economic and social positions in societies and families and in their opportunities for achieving and enjoying civil, political, economic, social, and cultural rights and protection. One study by the UN has confirmed the fact that industrialisation under the umbrella of globalisation is oriented as much to using women s labour as it is to exporting. [33] Women have taken over the labour market in the majority of countries that have accepted a liberal economic policy. The overall economic activity rate of women between ages 20 and 54 in 1996 approached 70% in paid work [34]. Among the newly industrializing countries, where manufacturing has been heavily oriented toward export, the share of women workers in such industries has increased substantially. [35] This is especially the case with export areas and special economic areas where labourintensive industries have moved into developing countries to find cheap labour thanks to foreign investments and free movement of capital. In branches, such as leather, textiles, footwear, and computer production, that require semi-skilled labour, investors have, as a rule, given advantage to women when employing people. At the same time, those are labour-intensive branches with low salaries. Compared to the growth of industrial products exported from the Northern, more developed countries, the employment growth recorded in developing countries had been proportionately greater in the labour-intensive, low-salaried industries. Racing to attract foreign capital, many countries, especially developing ones, decrease their legal minimum wage, working standards, and work safety, while also introducing tax deductions for investors that have negative effects on the baseline regarding the possibility for employees and job seekers to achieve economic and social rights. When creating comparative advantages that would attract investments, labour force costs decrease. States loose their standards in the field of labour legislation; therefore, full-time employment is more and more replaced by temporary and part-time jobs explaining this as labour flexibility designed to increase employment. The truth is, however, that such policies benefit large capital owners who in this way get facilitated access to cheap labour, cost decreases, and high profit gains. In this sense, a tighter connection is created between trade liberalisation and cheaper labour, which becomes mostly a women s labour force. [36] The phenomenon of demand for a cheaper labour force results in the increase of internal and external women s migration, and their vulnerability makes them easily available for exploitation, both in work and sexually. A high number of under-educated and rural women, especially young ones, migrates to towns and developed countries in search of work. Within a migrant population, which is already a marginalised social group, women make up the most vulnerable part for whom almost all mechanisms of human rights protection are unavailable. In Asia, where there are large population migrations, the ratio of women to men among Philippines migrants is 12:1, and among Indonesians it is 3:1. Many of those women are housewives, nurses, shop assistants, restaurant and shop workers, and entertainers in sex and other entertainment industries. Despite the fact that they get the opportunity to earn more than at home, these women are unprotected and exposed to high rates of exploitation and social and working insecurity. To high extent, this is facilitated by the countries that accept migrants, for they do not provide the possibility for enjoyment and protection of economic and social rights. The growth of the informal economic sector magnifies the problem that the traditional mechanisms protecting equality, rights, and benefits enjoyed by employees within the formal sector are not applied to those working within the informal economy. Insecure market conditions cause family incomes to decrease, often because men lose their jobs, putting more pressure on women to find or keep jobs in the labour force even when they prefer not to do so. Those who may not find a job within the formal economy, often because they do not possess relevant education and working experience, are forced to turn to the informal sector, where working conditions are even worse. Transnational companies who enter new markets characterised by high level of informal economy have found out that employment workers in temporary or part-time jobs significantly decreases their expenses. The result of this is another paradox of current globalisation: the growth of poverty among the employed. Conclusions The neoliberal model of economic globalisation further deepens historical and existing inequalities according to ethnicity, gender,, and economics within and among states, thus impeding the possibility of establishing sustainable and equitable development for all. Multilateral institutions, including World Bank, IMF, and WTO, stimulate the type of globalisation dominated by trade liberalism and the privatisation of everything, including services. Such a globalisation model and way of stimulating economic growth has resulted in the aggravation of (4 van 8) :43:21

146 Doc economic, social, and cultural conditions in which the most sensitive groups live, and it has contributed to the growth of poverty and social exclusion. [37] The related phenomenon of economic globalisation and poverty expansion is the increased insecurity of individuals, groups, and states in various domains: economic, financial, cultural, employment equality, social, health care, ecological, political, and personal. The liberalisation of finance, trade, investment, and technology since the 1970s has resulted in a faster capital flow than in any previous periods. It has resulted in unimagined economic and technological opportunities for individuals. At the same time, it has contributed to the creation of conditions where less people may enjoy the benefits of economic globalisation. Trade liberalisation produces a series of consequences such as: Increased inequality among individuals, among regions, among nations and within nations, continuing poverty growth; An increased level of people s vulnerability due to social differences such as unemployment, poverty, and crime; Increased opportunities for regions, nations, communities, and individuals not to enjoy the advantages and benefits resulting from globalisation; Unless care is taken to eliminate exploitation and discrimination, globalisation can result in the marginalisation and social exclusion of whole areas of the world and social groups such as women, the disabled, the aged, migrants, etc. While many people are benefiting from new communication technologies, new levels of wealth through increased investment, trade and capital flow, other are left behind, in poverty, effectively marginalized from the hopes that globalisation holds out. [38] The concentration of financial power results in the concentration of political power held by fewer people. The centres of decision making and creating world policy move from international institutions such as the UN to informal power centres, such as G7 and G8. For many authors, the solution is to move from neoliberal model of economy based on profit and market fundamentalism to human rights based development. [39] Why is this important? Because currently prevailing political trends shaping globalisation further deepen inequality, poverty, and conflicts, and thus disable sustainable development and the achievement of economic and social rights by a large majority of people. Many lose opportunities to take part in making decisions and controlling their own environments and resources. Unless the benefits of social and economic development are extended to all countries, a growing number of people in all countries and even entire regions will remain marginalized from the global economy. A review of the global economy as it functions within the framework of the policies of the international financial institutions will assist in establishing the extent to which an enabling environment supportive of the enjoyment of human rights exists. The global economy is one aspect in the creation of social and international order conducive to the enjoyment of human rights. A just, and efficient social order must also exist at the national level. Therefore, good governance is an essential element. [40] The basic principles that should provide this goal are: 1. The principle of the priority of human rights: human rights must be the basic framework and objective for everything, for multilateral and bilateral investments, trade, and financial arrangements. 2. The principle of non-retrogression: nations may not derogate or restrict international obligations concerning the achievement of economic, social, and cultural rights. 3. The right to effective protection in front of a relevant forum. 4. The rights of individuals and groups, especially affected or marginalised ones especially referring women, to make decisions. Human rights may not either be achieved or protected without appropriate national and international legal frameworks, including effective institutions and mechanisms at national and international levels and material resources. At the global level, this objective may not be achieved without designing and implementing mechanisms that would provide control and responsibilities for protection of human rights for all state and nonstate actors, including corporate responsibility of international financial institutions and multinational corporations. References: 1. Bakker, Isabella Globalisation and Human Development in the Rich Countries: Lessons from Labour Market and Welfare States, in: Globalisation with a Human Face, Background paper, Vol. II 2. Beynon, J. and Dunkerley, D. (eds) Globalization: The Reader, New York: Routledge. 3. Çagatay, N., Elson, D. and C. Grown (Eds.) World Development, Vol 23 No 11, Special issue on Gender and macroeconomics. 4. Global Fund for Women More Than Money: Strategies to Build Women's Economic Power, Impact Report no. 1: Economic Opportunity Initiative (5 van 8) :43:21

147 Doc 5. Smith, G. and Naím, M Altered States: Globalization, Sovereignty and Governance, Ottawa: International Development Research Council 6. ILO Globalization of the Footwear, Textiles and Clothing Industries, Geneva: ILO 7. ILO Labour and social issues relating to export processing zones, Report for discussion in the Tripartite Meeting of Export-Processing Zone-Operating Countries, Geneva: ILO. 8. ILO ILO Activities on the Social Dimension of Globalization: Synthesis Report, Geneva: ILO. 9. Karadenizli, Maria «Instruments for Engendering Trade Agreements», Instruments for Gender Equality in Trade Agreements, July Brussels: WIDE 10. Preliminary Report of the Secretary-General, Globalization and its impact on full enjoyment of human rights, UN General Assembly fifty-fifth session, A/55/ Skogly, S The Human Rights Obligations of the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund, London: Cavendish Publishing Limited. 12. Social Watch Report 2003: The Poor and the Market, Montevideo, Urugvay: Social Watch 13. Stichele, M «Gender mapping the EU s Common Trade Policy», A Women in Development Europe (WIDE) Report, Brussels: WIDE 14. UNDP Human Development Report 1999, New York: Oxford University Press. 15. UNDP Human Development Report 2000, New York: Oxford University Press. 16. UNDP Human Development Report 2003, New York: Oxford University Press. 17. UNDP, UNOHCHR, Royal Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Norway Human Development and Human Rights, Report on the Oslo Symposium, Oslo 18. UNIFEM Progress of the World s Women New York: UNIFEM. 19. United Nations World Survey on the Role of Women in Development: Globalization, Gender and Work, United Nations Publication, Sales No. E.99.IV WIDE Gender, Trade and Rights: Moving Forward. Brussels: WIDE. 21. WIDE From Seattle to Beijing+5: How Can Women s Economic Human Rights be Safeguarded in Times of Globalization? The Impact of Macroeconomy on Women, Brussels: WIDE Temida [1] Published in Serbian in the Journal of the Victimology Society of Serbia Temida No.4/2003: [2] Social Watch Report 2003: The Poor and the Market, Montevideo, Uruguay, p. 9. [3] UN Millennium Declaration, I.5. (A/RES/55/2). [4] Beynon, J. and Dunkerley, D. (eds) (2001), Globalization: The Reader, Oxford University Press. [5] UNDP Human Development Report 1999, New York: Oxford University Press. [6] Ibidem, p. 3. [7] Ibidem. (6 van 8) :43:21

148 Doc [8] Poverty and the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights, Statement adopted by the Committee on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights, UN doc. E/C.12/2001/10, para. 1. [9] Further: Skogly, S The Human Rights Obligations of the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund, London, Cavendish Publishing Limited. [10] To read more see: [11] UN Committee on Human Rights Resolution 2001/31 ( Human Rights and Extreme Poverty ), UN Sub- Committee for Human Rights Resolution 2001/8 ( The Application of Existing Norms of Human Rights and Standards in the Context of Struggling Extreme Poverty ). [12] Poverty and the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights, Statement adopted by the Committee on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights, UN doc. E/C.12/2001/10, para. 2 [13] Ibidem, para. 8 [14] A/RES/55/2 [15] Implementation of the UN Millennium Declaration, Report of the Secretary-General, General Assembly, fiftyeighth session, Follow-up of the Millennium Summit, A/58/323, September 2, 2003, p. 9. [16] Ibid. p. 19. [17] Ibid. p. 10. [18] Mr. J. Oloka-Onyango and Ms. Deepika Udagama. E/CN.4/Sub.2/2000/13 [19] Ibid. para. 62. [20] Preliminary report of special Rapporteurs, J. Oloka-Onyango and Deepika Udagama on the impact of globalisation on achieving and enjoying human rights (E/CN.4/Sub.2/2000/13), para. 26 [21] UNDP Human Development Report 2000, New York: Oxford University Press; UNDP Human Development Report 2003, New York: Oxford University Press; Social Watch No. 3; Social Watch Report 2003: The Poor and the Market, Montevideo. [22] UNDP Human Development Report 1999, New York: Oxford University Press. pp [23] The typical Internet user worldwide is male, under 35 years old, with a college education and high income, urban-based and English-speaking a member of a very elite minority worldwide. The consequence? The network society is creating parallel communications systems: one for those with income, education and literally connections, ( ); the other for those without connections, blocked by high barriers of time, cost and uncertainty and dependent on outdated information ( ) The voices and concerns of people already living in human poverty lacking incomes, education and access to public institutions are being increasingly marginalized. Ibidem, p. 63. [24] Ibid. p. 62. [25] Preliminary report of special Rapporteurs, J. Oloka-Onyango and Deepika Udagama on the impact of globalisation on achieving and enjoying human rights (E/CN.4/Sub.2/2000/13), para. 28. [26] Ibidem. [27] Data and statistics from: UNDP Human Development Report 2000, New York: Oxford University Press; UNDP Human Development Report 2003, New York: Oxford University Press; Social Watch Report No. 3; Social Watch Report 2003: The Poor and the Market. [28] E/CN.4/Sub.2/2000/13, para [29] United Nations World Survey on the Role of Women in Development: Globalization, Gender and Work, (United Nations Publication, Sales No. E.99.IV.8); UNIFEM (2000), Progress of the World s Women New York: UNIFEM; WIDE (1999), Gender, Trade and Rights: Moving Forward. Brussels: WIDE [30] WIDE (2000), From Seattle to Beijing+5: How Can Women s Economic Human Rights be Safeguarded in Times of Globalization? The Impact of Macroeconomy on Women, Brussels: WIDE (7 van 8) :43:21

149 Doc [31] Report by Radhika Coomaraswamy, special rapporteur for violence against women, their causes and effects (UN doc. E/CN.4/1995/42, para. 55). [32] Report by Radhika Coomaraswamy, special rapporteur for violence against women, their causes and effects (UN doc. E/CN.4/2000/68). [33] United Nations, 1999 World Survey on the Role of Women in Development: Globalization, Gender and Work, (United Nations Publication, Sales No. E.99.IV.8) [34] ILO(1996b), Globalization of the Footwear, Textiles and Clothing Industries, Geneva: ILO [35] United Nations, 1999 World Survey on the Role of Women in Development: Globalization, Gender and Work, (United Nations Publication, Sales No. E.99.IV.8), para [36] Karadenizli, M Instruments for Engendering Trade Agreements, Instruments for Gender Equality in Trade Agreements, July 2002, Brussels: WIDE. [37] Further on the impact of the privatisation of services to the poor and women in: Social Watch Report 2003: The Poor and the Market, Montevideo. [38] Preliminary Report of the Secretary-General, Globalization and its impact on full enjoyment of human rights, UN General Assembly fifty-fifth session, A/55/342, para 6. [39] Further: UNDP, UNOHCHR, Royal Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Norway, Human Development and Human Rights, Report on the Oslo Symposium, October 23, [40] See: Preliminary Report of the Secretary-General, Globalization and its impact on full enjoyment of human rights, UN General Assembly fifty-fifth session, A/55/342; Preliminary report of special Rapporteurs, J. Oloka- Onyango and Deepika Udagama on the impact of globalisation on achieving and enjoying human rights (E/CN.4/ Sub.2/2000/13), (8 van 8) :43:21

150 Trade Liberalisation TRADE LIBERALISATION DG Trade civil society dialogue meeting: The EC is a soft power? By Amandine Bach & Katariina Lensu WIDE According to the European Commission (EC), Hong Kong was a relative success. It was important after the failure of Cancun for the WTO membership to take the necessary steps to make Hong Kong succeed. However, the DG Trade representative stated that the EC did not get as much out of Hong Kong as it had wanted. WTO Meeting in Hong Kong: What's in it for Women? By Women s Edge Coalition Last month, the countries of the World Trade Organization (WTO) met in Hong Kong from December 13-18, 2005 to revitalize and push forward the Doha round of trade talks. Their challenge was to ensure that the needs of developing countries were kept at the core of the negotiating agenda, as was promised at the beginning of the round in After Hong Kong, most issues remain unresolved, and negotiations will continue through Impacts of Privatization and Trade Liberalization on Women in Georgia By Charita Jashi, Ph.D. Liberalization of the world economy creates new opportunities to take full advantage of the market economy. The trade policies of national governments and the activities of the World Trade Organization ( WTO ) have a significance influence on the economic and social development in the world. The modern global marketplace is characterized by a high degree of monopolization. It is very difficult for the developing countries to access these markets. Gender Effects of Globalisation on the Serbian Economy: The Case of the Clothing Industry Novitet By Tatjana Djuric Kuzmanovic, Ph.D. Neoclassical interpretations of globalisation mainly focus on the changes on the market and in the state and on their mutual relationship. In terms of trade, globalisation operates as trade liberalization, grounded in the ideology of free trade and the theory of comparative advantage. Thus, powerful international institutions such as IMF and the World Bank argue that reducing all barriers to trade in goods and services between countries will have positive economic effects on the development of countries and, therefore, will yield better living standards for the majority of their populations. Civil Society Protest in Geneva Against the WTO Corporate Agenda By Amandine Bach WIDE Hundreds of civil society trade campaigners from around the world gathered on July in Geneva during the WTO's General Council meeting. After the so-called July framework was agreed in Geneva last year, campaigners had decided to be in Geneva in July while the negotiations were taking place, to prevent a bad deal from being signed by developing countries. Women s Rights, the World Trade Organization and International Trade Policy By AWID The trade policies of national governments and the activities of the World Trade Organization ( WTO ) have important ramifications for economic and social development throughout the world. This primer describes the WTO and the relationship between trade policies and gender, and concludes with an agenda for action. Gender and Trade Indicators By Irene van Staveren (1 van 2) :43:26

151 Trade Liberalisation WIDE Information Sheet Although we know that women are the majority of the poor and low skilled workers, there is very little known on the impact of globalisation on women. Partly this is because of a lack of gender disaggregated data in trade statistics, and partly because of a lack of gender awareness in economic analyses and models. In particular, the blind spot for the unpaid care economy prevents the study of links between trade and unpaid labour. WIDE therefore has developed a tool that will help to understand, measure and monitor the relationship between trade and gender. This tool consists of three sets of indicators, which can be applied to any trading relationship between countries or trade blocks. Many Good Reasons for Women to be Against GATS By Christa Wichterich WIDE Briefing No doubt, the public sector must be reformed, as often it is inefficient, sick and corrupt and unable to guarantee basic rights and the provision of basic services to all members of society. But GATS and privatisation are not the right path to follow. We must look for alternatives and re-invent social thinking and solidarity. But for this we do not need any GATS. (2 van 2) :43:26

152 DG Trade civil society dialogue meeting: The EC is a soft power? Evaluation DG Trade civil society dialogue meeting: The EC is a soft power? By Amandine Bach & Katariina Lensu, WIDE According to the European Commission (EC), Hong Kong was a relative success. It was important after the failure of Cancun for the WTO membership to take the necessary steps to make Hong Kong succeed. However, the DG Trade representative stated that the EC did not get as much out of Hong Kong as it had wanted. When asked during the round of questions on the reasons why the EC was not able to sell its position better in the run up and at Hong Kong, the DG Trade representative fully agreed that the EC had sold its offer badly and as such was wrongly portrayed as holding up the negotiations in the run up to Hong Kong ( The US is better at selling its offers. The EC has something to learn in this regard, and has a long way to go in terms of its public image.) One of the most striking outcomes of the ministerial from the perspective of the DG Trade representative was the aid for trade package proposed by the EC, with which the EC offered one billion euros for projects related to aid for trade, to be matched by the same amount from the Member States. The EC perceived, however, that in the core negotiating issues the results had been modest. During a brief development-friendly evaluation of Hong Kong, the EC representative outlined the EU s position: In agriculture, the most controversial and difficult issue, the EU is still waiting for further steps from major partners, like the United States. As the US is on the offensive on food aid, Peter Bálas wanted to highlight the EU s different position on this issue: rather than giving aid in-kind as promoted by the US ( providing US products shipped on US ships ), the EU prefers to provide food aid in cash to food aid programmes or NGOs, except in emergency situations where other types of help may be necessary. On market access, the EC does not agree with its trading partners evaluation that the EC s offer has not changed anything; there is a far-reaching offer from the EU. On NAMA, the EU promises to cut all industrial tariffs[1], and claims to expect proportionally less contributions from quite advanced and competitive countries, along with no market opening from the least developed countries. On services, the DG Trade representative stated that the EU does not target public services but wants better access to services on the whole. The road ahead The WTO negotiations have restarted. The final deadline is to finish the round of negotiations by the end of this year or latest by early This deadline refers to an agreement on all details. The first services deadline has been set for the end of February, and the end of April sees the deadline for agriculture and the industrial sector. The DG Trade representative emphasized that the negotiations are to move ahead together, as part of a single undertaking. He noted that what remains to be seen now is the extent of the trading partners political will to move the negotiations forward. The EC is more optimistic since Davos, as it appears that there is agreement on a far reaching round. In a series of ministerial meetings held at Davos bilateral and meetings held in smaller and larger groups there was recognition for the need for parallel progress. While the DG Trade representative acknowledged that the WTO has a poor record with meeting deadlines, he stated that in this case the EC will not be at fault: any extension of the deadlines will depend on the countries who want a round for free. The EC representative noted that by this he was not referring to LDCs. On negotiating flexibilities, DG Trade representative stated that if there are relevant offers in other areas, the EC has of course to show also limited flexibilities; this is important in terms of the EC s negotiating position. Who exactly is included on the list of emerging economies? Like civil society, the EC would also like to see objective criteria applied on emerging economies and have a clearer idea of which countries this refers to, but according to the DG Trade representative, developing countries have not expressed political readiness to come to an agreement on such criteria. There is an overall idea of what countries are included, but there are also points of divergence. The EC thinks that too many countries, like India and China, are asking for protectionist measures, despite having the capacity to engage in trade. To roughly illustrate his point, the EC representative ran through a list of numbers: the gross domestic product (GDP) of a number of countries which the EC says are considered to be developing countries, is close or above that of the EU25. These include such countries as the United Arab Emirates, Hong Kong, Singapore, Taiwan and Bahrain. However, as a civil society representative later pointed out, the countries on the list include oil producing (1 van 2) :43:29

153 DG Trade civil society dialogue meeting: The EC is a soft power? countries, and two city states, as well as Taiwan, which notably developed its competitive economy within protectionist measures. If engaging in a debate on emerging economies, the EC must think its position through more carefully. Also, it was commented that countries like India and China include regions and people who are incredibly poor and not able to reap any benefits from increased trade. It is not up to the US and EU to tell countries such as India what timeline to adopt to open their markets, even if opening their markets further may in the long term perhaps be in the countries own favour. Social and environmental questions at the WTO In response to a question about why social and environmental questions are not in the forefront of the negotiations, given that they are what people care about, the DG Trade representative commented that the EC is positive on these issues, but there is stubborn resistance at the WTO and given the WTO rules, unless there is consensus, there is no agenda. Challenged on this by Friends of the Earth Europe the EC is a strong power and shouldn t be stopped by resistance! Mr Bálas responded by saying that the EC is a soft power and doesn t believe in imposing raw pressure on other countries For more information on the EU position at the WTO, see Peter Mandelson s latest speeches at: Source: WIDE News no. 2, February (2 van 2) :43:29

154 WTO Meeting in Hong Kong: What's in it for Women? WTO Meeting in Hong Kong: What's in it for Women? By Women s Edge Coalition Last month, the countries of the World Trade Organization (WTO) met in Hong Kong from December to revitalize and push forward the Doha round of trade talks. Their challenge was to ensure that the needs of developing countries were kept at the core of the negotiating agenda, as was promised at the beginning of the round in After Hong Kong, most issues remain unresolved, and negotiations will continue through WTO member countries however did come to agreement on certain issues that will have implications for poor women around the world. For example, developed country governments agreed to eliminate farm export subsidies by 2013 and cotton export subsidies by the end of Export subsidies are specifically designed to encourage the export of certain goods. Many governments, however, also subsidize farmers directly in the form of payments, and the reduction of these direct payments has not yet been addressed by WTO members. Agricultural subsidies have been widely criticized internationally because they artificially lower the prices of farm exports from rich nations, making it difficult for farmers from developing nations to compete. Ending subsidies could affect women s lives both as producers and as consumers of food. Women, in fact, produce 60 to 80 percent of the food grown in poor nations, but tend to be small or subsistence farmers who usually do not export their goods. The United States and other developed country governments also agreed to improve duty- and quota-free access for exports from least developed countries (LDCs). By 2008, they will grant such access for 97 percent of products, or tariff lines. As a result, women exporters in LDCs will be better able to compete in the U.S. market, because the majority of their goods will not face the discrimination of tariffs or quota limitations. Many LDCs already have duty-free access to the U.S. market under other programs, and while the new proposal will increase market access opportunities for LDCs, certain products, such as textiles and apparel, will likely remain subject to customs duties. Developed countries also committed to higher amounts of aid for trade in Hong Kong, with the United States committing to increase its annual trade capacity building assistance (TCBA) from $1.3 billion in 2005 to $2.7 billion by TCBA is international assistance given to poor or transitional countries to help them participate in global trade and can include the training of trade negotiators and help to small businesses on how to export their goods. The international community has come to realize that without such assistance, trade liberalization alone will not necessarily bring about economic development. In the future, more of this assistance could go directly to helping poor women in developing countries take advantage of the opportunities that trade has to offer. Looking ahead, the current Doha round is expected to conclude at the end of the year. Yet there is much more to be done in order to make this round a true development round, as it was initially billed. WTO member countries could go much further this year in creating real economic opportunities for women, who are the majority of the world s poor. For example, greater reform of international agricultural markets and increased market access for textiles and apparel could improve women s livelihoods. Apart from being the majority of the world s agricultural labor force, women account for the majority of textile and apparel workers in many developing countries. The latter is especially true in Asia, where, according to the International Labor Organization, women account for 89 percent of the textile and apparel sector in Cambodia, 80 percent in Bangladesh, and 82 percent in Sri Lanka. If the promise of the Doha round is to be fulfilled, it is important that women like them see more of the benefits of trade. Source: Women s Edge Coalition Available at: 9:43:33

155 Impacts of Privatization and Trade Liberalization on Women in Georgia Impacts of Privatization and Trade Liberalization on Women in Georgia By Charita Jashi, Ph.D., Tbilisi State University, Georgia Liberalization of the world economy creates new opportunities to take full advantage of the market economy. The trade policies of national governments and the activities of the World Trade Organization ( WTO ) have a significance influence on the economic and social development in the world. The modern global marketplace is characterized by a high degree of monopolization. It is very difficult for the developing countries to access these markets. Such countries are unable to compete for trade due to serious domestic political and economic problems. Georgia became the 137th member of the WTO in June Georgia was the fourth former Soviet republic to join the WTO. Accession to the WTO was a significant step in the process of transition to a market economy. The process of accession into the WTO was preceded by a series of substantial changes in national legislation in the areas of intellectual property; trade-related investment regime; trade in services; government procurement and etc. The Georgian government hoped that by assuming a place in the global trading system it would achieve prosperity and stability and expand its activity in the world economic arena. The membership in the WTO has encouraged Georgia s integration with Europe. The Georgian government has committed to implement all international obligations regarding tariffs, international investments, and a favorable business climate in Georgia, which are supposed to facilitate the growth of economic development. But due to the asymmetric development of the political and economic processes in the country, these conditions have not been implemented. As a result, Georgia had experienced the following effects: rapid decline of national economy; a trade policy oriented towards imports only; limited potential to increase exports; a flourishing shadow economy, and increased prices of goods and services in the country. Additionally, political and social instability, corruption, and security concerns have hampered the growth of direct foreign investment. Georgian exports are partially concentrated on low value-added commodities such as ferrous metals, copper, aluminium, iron steel, and mineral fuels. However, the dynamics of exports indicates that the concentration of exports on low value-added commodities will decrease gradually over time. Imports are dominated by mineral products (importantly including natural gas, oil and oil products), and electricity, which indicates the dependence of Georgia on foreign energy. [1] The advantages created by membership in the WTO have not been fully realized. Transitional mechanisms for domestic market protection are insufficient. Approximately 51.1 percent of the population lives below the poverty line, and 23.6 percent is unemployed. Widespread illicit activity has undermined the competitiveness of legal imports and locally produced goods. Most Georgians earn their livelihood in the agricultural sector. As a result of land reform, 57 percent of arable land is now privately owned and 27 percent is leased by the state to farmers. [2] However, agricultural output is limited by inadequate access to credit, poor irrigation, and the high cost of inputs such as fuel, pesticides, and machinery. Profitability is also affected by exorbitant transportation costs and constrained manufacturing growth, resulting in an urban unemployment rate that is greater than 40 percent. The process of globalization and trade liberalization has impacted negatively the population of Georgia. It is interesting to analyze these effects from gender perspective. Currently, there is a lack of information and research on this issue in Georgia. The effects of trade on women, who make up the vast majority of Georgia s poorest citizens, should be carefully examined. If trade is to reduce poverty, then there should be positive benefits for poor women. A small increase in income could have an enormous impact on a poor woman s quality of life. Processes of reforms, that affected practically all sectors of economy and social sphere, conditioned significant differentiation of women based on income, level of life, conditions in labor market, and demands in particular forms of social support. In addition, there were impacts of such factors as a difference regarding the access of men and women to financial and credit resources, and property, including land and realty. Although Georgia is strategically located as a bridge between Europe and Asia, is a European Union (EU) neighboring country, and has access to Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS) markets, a democratic and liberal policy, a competitive export regime, a liberal and simplified tax code, an agricultural sector with significant potential, and a transport and communication infrastructure, but still there has been a lack of foreign investment. This impeded the process economic stabilization aimed at strengthening the country s foreign economic relations and increasing the volume of trade, finance and investment. Georgia's main economic activities include the cultivation of agricultural products such as citrus fruits, tea, hazelnuts, and grapes; mining of manganese and copper; and output of a small industrial sector producing alcoholic and nonalcoholic beverages, metals, machinery, and chemicals. The country imports the bulk of its energy needs, including natural gas and oil (1 van 6) :43:40

156 Impacts of Privatization and Trade Liberalization on Women in Georgia products. Its only sizable internal energy resource is hydropower. Despite the severe damage the economy has suffered due to civil strife, Georgia, with the help of international donors, has made substantial economic gains, achieving positive gross domestic product (GDP) growth and curtailing inflation. The Georgian new government is making progress in reforming the tax code, enforcing taxes, and cracking down on corruption. However, low wages and pensions, increasing social injustice, and decreasing purchasing power of the population remain crucial issues for Georgia. Georgia also suffers from energy shortages; it privatized the T'bilisi electricity distribution network in 1998, but payment collection rates remain low, both in T'bilisi and throughout the regions. The country is pinning its hopes for long-term growth on its role as a transit state for pipelines and trade. The construction on the Baku-T'bilisi- Ceyhan oil pipeline and the Baku-T'bilisi-Erzerum gas pipeline have brought much-needed investment and job opportunities to the country. The transformational processes underway in the country have greatly influenced the development of gender equality. As a result of neo-liberal economic policy, restructuring has taken place in various fields of the economy. The implementation of a macroeconomic policy that did not consider social factors brought about a sharp decrease of social guarantees and a mass exodus of women from production facilities. The sectors of the economy in which women majority traditionally participated have changed dramatically in recent years. Gender inequality in terms of the accessibility of resources, has become more acute, and women s security and the protection of their labor rights have become considerably worse. The socioeconomic situation and gender-neutral policies create specific barriers that obstruct women s successful political and professional careers. The economic reforms launched in the country, the restructuring processes, and privatization have caused the polarization of the population into rich and poor strata. A social layer of entrepreneurs and private owners was formed, which, through the initiative of the state, appropriated privatized facilities. Great hopes were pinned on the privatization process, because it was believed that it would create new jobs, but all those hopes proved unfounded. Meanwhile, a huge number of unemployed persons was created, without any social guarantees. The sharp reduction in the number of jobs has caused the decrease of the demand for labor and the fewer employment options for men and women. On one hand, this can be explained by the fact that the traditionally women s fields (textile industries, food industry, chemical production, the social sphere, etc.) experienced the greatest negative effects as a result of the economic restructuring and trade liberalization in Georgia. Unemployment among women has reached a massive scale. Unfortunately, official statistics hardly reflect the existing reality. In 1994, the first stage of privatization in Georgia gave birth to a new stratum of enterprisers in the country. The existing legal basis (specifically, the law on privatization) did not restrict the participation of the population in this process. This paper will not give a legal assessment of the privatization process, but it is clear that a large part of state property was appropriated by those entrenched in the governmental hierarchy, i.e. those who already exercised great power. Because women s participation in the top levels of state management was practically negligible, they were unable to acquire any large industrial or agricultural facilities and managed only to become proprietors of small enterprises in the service field. They did not possess the capital needed to purchase the facilities which were available for purchase through the privatization process. The data show that women are the majority in the education and health care sectors only, which are typically less profitable. Other business sectors that are likely to hire women are the mass media and entertainment sectors. The mass media is well known as a women s sector; two-thirds of reporters are women, and there has been a sharp increase in the number of women holding leading administrative positions. Another example is the entertainment business, where young women are working as artists, designers, and advertising agents.especially striking is the small number of privatized facilities in the fields of banking, energy, and building. In those spheres, where the opportunity to gain profit is higher, women s participation is non-existent, which means that women s enterprising opportunities are developed in Georgia in accordance with professional gender segregation. In 2004, with the help of the US Agency for International Development (USAID), the Entrepreneur Support Association conducted a special survey in order to study the situation in 50 large companies in Georgia. The study showed that only two women occupied high-level positions in these companies. Women are mostly involved in small businesses, especially in the service areas, such as education, health care, trade, restaurants, hotels, pharmacies, publishing houses, etc. In recent years, economic growth in Georgia has been concentrated in sectors such as communications, transport, financial services, industry and trade; most of those engaged in these fields and in leadership positions within them are men. It is interesting to note that the majority of officially employed women (70 percent) belong to the so-called selfemployed group, and only 30 percent of them are occupied in various enterprises and organizations. Only 15 percent of the total number of self-employed women works as employers in the informal sector, whereas the vast majority of the self-employed are on the verge of poverty. [3] The link between working in the informal economy and being poor is stronger for women than for men. Working in the informal sector has become a common form of occupation for women. The combination of formal work with secondary work in order to earn a sufficient income has become a widespread practice. The overwhelming majority of women are employed in the agricultural sector. Work in the informal sector is regarded as a necessary (2 van 6) :43:40

157 Impacts of Privatization and Trade Liberalization on Women in Georgia strategy for physical survival, especially in cases when there is no other alternative for finding a job. Many women are similarly engaged in unpaid labor in their households. The difference is especially significant in terms of income. The average salary and income of employed women lags behind that of men considerably. In particular, the average salary of women working in the state sector on the basis of contracts amounts to only 55.1 percent of men s compensation. In the budget organizations and the organs of state management, this number stands at 46 percent; in the non-governmental sector it is 63.6 percent, in agriculture 82.5percent, in trade 71.2 percent, in education percent, in health care 71.3 percent, and in other fields of social services this figure amounts to 51.7 percent. [4]. This difference is significant among employers as well as the employed. The income of women entrepreneurs is 34.7 percent less than that of male employers, and among women hired as employees it is 21.8 percent less than men. This data indicates that women (especially hired employees) are mostly engaged in low-qualified work and can only obtain relevantly low positions (with the corresponding low salaries). In the top positions in management organs, men outnumber women 26 to 1. In contrast, women constitute a majority of highly-qualified specialists 1.7 times the number of men, though close to an equal number of men and women have received professional education of this level. Half of employed women are unskilled laborers, as compared to 48.5 percent of men. The research materials show that the informal sector is more dominated by women, whereas the private sector is primarily occupied by men. [5] Women s participation in the private sector is rather limited, and their labor rights are frequently violated; in the current situation, chances for improvement of their material welfare are almost nonexistent. Women take such work only for the sake of saving their families from starving. Unfortunately, due to scanty information, gender analysis of the private sector is very difficult, but disproportion between the sexes is still apparent in this sector. The unfavorable environment for entrepreneurship in Georgia creates more problems for women than for men. Because of unfair competition in business management and women s lack of experience cutting deals (often illegal) with public or private officials, women have great difficulties acquiring the trust and confidence of potential partners when starting businesses. Even in the period of uncontrolled allocation of large-scale credits, no women businessmen were able to obtain such credit. Entrepreneurship automatically does not follow from liberalization and privatization. An entrepreneurial economy must be promoted through appropriate policies and adequate institutions in many areas, such as education and training and starting capital. The first step must involve research on businesswomen and their status in the labour market, to be used as the basis for subsequent policies. One of the biggest problems faced by Georgia on the path to economic growth is that micro and small businesses have a hard time gaining access to credit. In every vibrant economy, micro and small businesses are at the core of job creation and inceasing incomes. If Georgia s small entrepreneurs continue to find it difficult to gain access to credit, the country s economy will have a hard time developing. Georgia could very well address the big issues faced by large business taxes, overregulation, lack of investment, etc. but without making the business environment friendlier to the micro, small, and medium businesses, a large section of the economy will not grow. At the same time, the government cannot expect to maintain a system in which only large business constitutes the nation s tax base without tax contribution from small business, the government will never have sufficient resources to provide the services it is charged with providing. Currently, there is an additional problem faced by micro-, small-, and medium-businesses in Georgia. Following the Rose Revolution, many of the micro-sale stores (the so-called outside salespeople ) as well as flee markets across Georgia were closed down in a very abrupt way. This happened very quickly, with virtually no warning and no planning for how to ensure that the thousands of individuals engaged in this work would not suffer tremendous adverse consequences. The majority of them were women. They have faced bankruptcy, job loss, and large debts to some of the micro-credit banks. It essential to help these individuals in light of the problems that they have faced. Violence against women in the workplace has become a serious problem. Because of the high rate of competition in the labor market, women are afraid of losing their jobs and therefore, in most cases, do not report abuse perpetrated against them. However, most Georgians are aware that such acts are committed in many offices and institutions. Prestigious and highly paid jobs, along with those in professional sectors create discriminatory requirements for women seeking employment, i.e. physical appearance requirements and age restrictions. In cases of pregnancy, it employers often deny women the privileges they are entitled to by law. All of these factors impede the involvement of women in the private sector. It should be emphasized that women have a lot to contribute to business, and it is detrimental to society when their participation in this sphere is limited. Equalizing the work opportunities of men and women requires a whole range of measures, such as (3 van 6) :43:40

158 Impacts of Privatization and Trade Liberalization on Women in Georgia credits with discounts, micro financing, improving legal protection of women s labor rights, etc. It is important to analyze global trade issues from different perspectives. On the one hand, trade expansion can cause displacement, unemployment and new hardships. Those sectors likely to suffer most from international competition should therefore be targeted for public support and financial and technical assistance. On the other hand, many new income and employment opportunities emerge with liberalization. Efforts should be made to identify such potential growth areas, and women should be provided with the necessary skills, training, information and contacts to be able to take full advantage of these openings. [6]. As mentioned above, the globalization process has influenced the structure of employment in Georgia considerably. On the international market, the demand for women s work as a relatively cheap labor source has increased greatly. Therefore, the number of women and their share among labor emigrants has become quite substantial. Feminization is considered to be a new stage in the development of working emigration and is regarded as important progress on the road to achieving gender equality. [7] Before 1990, the migration of Georgian women abroad for work was highly uncommon. Within Georgian society, it was completely unacceptable for a woman to leave her family and go abroad to earn a living. But as a result of the existing reality and the deep social crisis, as well as the sharp fall in the standard of living, labor migration became one of the ways for the people of Georgia to meet their most basic physical needs. This gave way to the broad involvement of women in labor migration. In developing countries all over the world, women have had to move to a lower stage of the service infrastructure, and therefore the majority of them are obliged to work as nurses, shop assistants, waitresses, and in other unskilled positions. In the free economic zones of the countries of South Asia and Eastern Africa, women constitute 80 percent of the total labor force (cheap working force). Many women become victims of trafficking. More often women find the jobs not adequate to their qualification while being abroad, its subsequence is a total devaluation of value of women labor force. No guarantee for social protection is available for them. All above mentioned have had negative impacts on women and families and was reflected in the demography situation and the devaluation of family values as well. Globalization also tends to privilege large companies (in which the majority of employees are men) as they can capture new markets quickly and easily to the disadvantage of small and micro entrepreneurs (where women are the majority), which face difficulties gaining knowledge of and access to emerging markets. In sum, globalization puts pressure on low-skilled workers and petty producers by weakening their bargaining power and subjecting them to increasing competition. These trends have negative impacts on women, especially in the form of low wages, lack of benefits, and lack of security in the workplace. The recent events that have taken place in Georgia (namely, the so-called Rose Revolution ) have considerably accelerated changes in the political and economic life of the country; the belief that the country will embark on a road of economic revival and fully adopt European values has become quite tangible. Yet greater efforts are needed to turn Georgia into an economically powerful state capable of occupying its rightful place in the globalization processes that are underway in the world. Bibliography Access To Finance and ICT For Women Entrepreneurship in the UNECE Region, Challenges and Good Practices, Geneva: UN, 2004 Bam, A., Trade and Women`s Issue, WIDE Bulletin, Brussels: WIDE, 2003 Carr, M. and Chen, M., Globalization and Informal Economy : How Global Trade and Investment Impact on he Working Poor, Cambrigde: Harvard University, 2001 Carr, M., Chen, M. and Tate, J., Globalization and Homebased Workers, Feminist Economics; Vol. 6, No. 3: pp Charmes, J., Informal Sector, Poverty and Gender: A Review of Empirical Evidence. Washington D.C.: The World Bank, 1998 Davituliani, A., Globalization and Several aspects of Georgia s Economic Security, Strategic Surveys and Center of Development, Bulletin, 76, Tbilisi, 2000 Dokmanovic, M.(ed.), Transition, Privatization and Women, Subotica: Women s Center for Democracy and Human Rights, 2002 Elson, D., «The impact of structural adjustment on women: concepts and issues», dans Onimode, B. ( dir. ), The IMF, the World Bank and the African debt, vol. 2, The social and economic impact, Zed Books: London, 1989 Gvelesiani, R., Small and Medium Enterprise Success Strategies and Corporate Culture, Tbilisi, 1999 (in (4 van 6) :43:40

159 Impacts of Privatization and Trade Liberalization on Women in Georgia Georgian). Jashi, Ch. Gender Economic Issues: The Case of Georgia, Tbilisi: UNDP, SIDA, 2005 Joekes, S., A Gender-Analytical Perspective on Trade and Sustainable Development. In UNCTAD, Trade, Sustainable Development and Gender. New York and Geneva: United Nations, 1999 Papava, V. The International Monetary Fund in Georgia, Achievements and Errors, Tbilisi, 2002 (in Georgian) Ruminska-Zimmy, E., Employement Policy in Transition Countries, Geneva:UNECE, 2004 The Millennium Objectives in Georgia, Tbilisi, 2003 (in English) Trade Policy and external Trade, Invest in Georgia, Tbilisi: Georgian National Investment and Export Promoting Agency, 2005 WIDE, Globalization, Development and Sustainability, Brussels: WIDE, 2002 WIDE, Transformation, Participation, Gender Justice: Feminist Challenges in A Globalizated Economy, WIDE Bulletin, Brussels: WIDE, 2003 Williams, M., Women in Labour Market, Brussels: WIDE, 2000 About the author: Charita Jashi, Ph.D., (Georgia), Associate Professor of Tbilisi State University, Founder and Head of the Association of Gender For Social Economic Development, President of the Association for Economic Education. Formerly served as Georgia s National Coordinator for the United Nations Development Programme s (UNDP) Women in Development and Gender in Development projects. She has worked on gender issues and economics issues for nearly a decade. is Currently, she is a consultant for the UNDP project Gender in Politics in the South Caucasus on Gender Responsive Budget.She is a member of a number of organizations, including the Network of Women in Development Europe (WIDE), the International Association for Feminist Economics (IAFFE), Gender Expert Panel/OSCE office of Democratic Institutions and Human Rights and the Coalition of Georgian Women s NGOs. She is author of 5 books and 40 articles on gender and economic issues in Georgia and recently published the book Gender Economic, The Case of Georgia, Tbilisi: UNDP (2005). Contact: [email protected] [1] Trade Policy and external Trade, Invest in Georgia, Tbilisi: Georgian National Investment and Export Promoting Agency, 2005 [2] World Bank Report, Economic Trends of Georgia, o.26964, GE. Aug. 20, 2003 [3] Household enterprises with little land, the informal petty traders booth and market stalls, as well as people employed in the service create the category of self-employed. According to the mitigal criteria of the definition of unstable employment if an individual work for a at least one hour a week,he/she will be considered selfemployed. [4] See: Women and Men, Statistical abstract, Tbilisi, 2005 [5] Studies from Hungary and East Germany indicate that as banking, insurance and the entire financial sector have become privatized, increasingly central to the economy, and significantly more lucrative, men have streamed into jobs there. Men started to occupy leadership positions even though women have dominated banking for decades before, when it consisted largely of routine accounting. See, Karadenizli, M. A Research Agenda For the Analysis of the Impact of Economic Reform and Structural Adjustment on Women`s Economic and Social Rights in The Transition Countries,, in Dokmanovic, M.(ed.), Transition, Privatization and Women, Subotica: Women s Center for Democracy and Human Rights, 2002, p. 37 [6] Carr, M and Chen, M. Globalization and Informal Economy : How Global Trade and Investment Impact on he Working Poor, Cambridge: Harvard University, [7] Castles S. and Miller J. The Age of Migration, International Population, Movements to the Modern World, London, (5 van 6) :43:40

160 Impacts of Privatization and Trade Liberalization on Women in Georgia (6 van 6) :43:40

161 Gender Effects of Globalisation on the Serbian Economy Gender Effects of Globalisation on the Serbian Economy: The Case of the Clothing Industry Novitet By Tatjana Djuric Kuzmanovic, Ph.D., The Advanced Business School, Novi Sad, Serbia and Montenegro In this paper*, I will explore approaches that could offer insights into the impact of globalisation and trade liberalization on Serbian women. I shall examine the effects of these changes on the well-being, earnings, and job segregation of Serbian women employed in the textile and clothing sector. Key words: globalisation, trade liberalization, Serbian clothing industry Introduction Neoclassical interpretations of globalisation mainly focus on the changes on the market and in the state and on their mutual relationship. In terms of trade, globalisation operates as trade liberalization, grounded in the ideology of free trade and the theory of comparative advantage. Thus, powerful international institutions such as IMF and the World Bank argue that reducing all barriers to trade in goods and services between countries will have positive economic effects on the development of countries and, therefore, will yield better living standards for the majority of their populations (World Economic Outlook, 1997). Although they promote the ideology of free trade, international trade is not free and fair at all. Increasing inequalities between the industrialized countries of the North and the developing countries of the South, as well as between rich and poor social strata within each country, plus some events in the world economy (like the Asian economic crisis), have brought social policy issues to the forefront of macroeconomic policy debates (Espino, Staveren, 2001). Even mainstream economists have begun to question the neoclassical belief in the efficiency of market liberalization and have replaced it with new approaches that emphasize social, structural, and human aspects of development (Sachs, 1998; Stiglitz, 2003). However, globalization has interrelated political, economic and socio- cultural dimensions that operate at the local, national, regional, and global levels. One aspect of globalisation is the changing position of women (Hutton & Giddens, 2000). The benefits and costs of globalisation and trade liberalization are differentiated between women and men, as well as among different groups of women (Pearson, 1998: 173; Joekes, 1987; Elson, 1996: 35-55; Standing, 1999: ). [1] Trade policies are often implemented in a social context that discriminates against women (Elson, 1996) and that assumes that women will subsidize the formal economy through the care economy. [2] Thus, trade liberalization policies could contribute to raising women s employment and entrepreneurial opportunities, but in theprevailing patriarchal culture in Serbia and male dominated decision-making processes, such policies could also increase gender inequalities. Controversy remains about the terms and conditions of women s employment in exportoriented companies and about the gender share of benefits within the family. However, international financial institutions and trade agreements adopted between nations rarely take the gendered nature of globalisation into account (Bell with Brambilla, 2002: 3). Globalisation, Non-transition, and the Textile Sector in Serbia The former Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia [3] disintegrated through the war during During the 1990s, the government of Serbia [4] was actively engaged in preventing and undermining economic development in order to preserve its power. This process, that I have elsewhere called directed nondevelopment (Djuric Kuzmanovic, 1997), had devastating consequences in every respect - economic, social, and political. Serbia experienced destructive economic consequences: economic chaos (Lazic, 1994:10), political conditions of war and nationalism internally, and isolation from the external world. In 1992, after the imposition of the UN sanctions against Serbia, a closed economy was created, with no reference to the mainstream world economy and with absolute control of the flow of goods and money in the hands of the very few people in power. In 1999 NATO bombing of Serbia finished off whatever economic infrastructure was still in place. After 2000, with the change of government and opening to the outside world, Serbia finally re-entered the world economy. The concept of women s emancipation was part of the official socialist theory. However, although the socialist Yugoslav ideology proclaimed gender equity and women s right to employment, political participation, and education, it reproduced, at the same time, a patriarchal system of values and gender relations. The purpose of the women s emancipation project was not the liberation of women. The concept of liberation would mean the destruction of the very patriarchal nature of society, and transformation at all levels, including sexuality, family, and household, as well as freeing women from all forms of oppression. The actual position of women in socialist Yugoslavia was much worse than was publicly represented, especially with regard to their economic position and political participation. The socialist women s emancipation project never went beyond the women s question into the transformation of gender relations. Consequently, both images of women and women s positions at various levels of society were highly ambiguous. Women shared equal legal rights with men in the spheres of education, employment, and political participation; and they had the right to divorce and abortion. However, the socialist state granted women (1 van 7) :43:50

162 Gender Effects of Globalisation on the Serbian Economy legal equality while maintaining traditional gender relations and their related structures, both in families and in society. The de jure equality, moreover, could not lead to de facto equality, because the gendered social structures were either precluding women from assuming the rights they had been granted, or were marginalizing and ghettoising them when they did assume their rights. Thus, women in socialist Serbia were subordinated in the public sphere of economic firms and political institutions, as well as in the private sphere of the family (Markov & Stankovic, 1991). State-directed non-development and the increase in nationalism further contributed to gender oppression and feminisation of poverty (Opstine u Republici Srbiji, 1997: 124; UNICEF, 1997). On the one hand, deterioration occurred because of the overall worsening ofsocial and economic conditions in the country. On the other hand, assumptions about the proper role of women (which were part and parcel of nationalist ideologies) contributed to the faster deterioration of women s positions and to the exclusion of women from the public sphere, particularly after In Vojvodina in 1999, for example, women made up 55% of all unemployed, 56% among qualified unemployed, and 67% of unemployed with higher education. Recent research [5] shows that, including all types of work, women in Serbia work on average 75 hours per week, 15 hours more than the average in the West, and female life expectancy at birth is 7 years less than in Western Europe (Milosavljevic, 2001). In the mid-1990s, the average woman in Serbia spent 4.2 hours at work and more than 6 hours doing household work, caring for children, etc. (UNICEF, 1997). Clothing is not only important as a final commodity for consumption. The apparel industry is also very important as a labour-intensive economic sector to ensure employment. As a labour-intensive economic sector employing many women, production and international trade in clothing has a strong impact on women s health, environment, and human development (Malhotra, 2003: 167). In Serbia, as elsewhere, clothing is a so-called female industry since it employs more women than men. The Serbian textile industry is typically very labour-intensive, paying traditionally low wages per worker (Korosic, 1983: 61) and employing a growing number of the female workforce. Together with the Leather and Shoe Industry, it makes up 12.2% of the total number of businesses in the Serbian economy and 13.8% of the total number of employees. It is estimated that 80% of those are women (Statement of Branislav Atanackovic, at the meeting of the Textile Board, Serbian Chamber of Economy, Belgrade, May, 2002). [6] Literature identifies three main mechanisms through which a trade policy reform may affect the distribution of income: employment, price, and public provision (Addison and Demery, 1986). However, existing sources on the gender dimension of trade liberalization focus on income and employment rather than consumption effects. Furthermore, they examine the impact of changes in export production rather than of import displacement because it is analytically less difficult than examining other aspects and data are more readily available (Fontana, Jokes, and Masika, 1998: 5). In order to demonstrate globalisation and trade impacts on gender discrimination in employment, I will focus my analysis on non-wage gender discrimination, i.e. in job segregation and promotion. I will use the case of the factory Novitet as an illustration. Novitet produces male and female heavy clothing for both the domestic and international markets. However, the prevailing part of their production is export oriented, due to the loan contracts with Slovenian and German trade companies. These exports are female labour intensive. However, there is no disaggregated data about female and male productivity in the Serbian textile sector. I also take into consideration women s unpaid work in the care economy and intra-household resource allocation. Females dominate the care economy, but these females also have to work to support their households and are thus subject to the classic double burden and time poverty. I will look at the discrimination women have been facing in the company and, for some of them, even within the household, during 1990s. However, problems with data availability and gaps in the information disaggregated by gender in Serbian statistics, as well as time constraints, will be very limiting factors of my analysis. A starting analytical framework to study the links between trade and employment could be based on Hecksher and Ohlin s (H-O) theory of trade. [7] The limitation is that the assumptions of full employment of resources and quickly adjusting markets are not too realistic. Labour market inflexibility, ideological, social, and structural factors, as well as non-price mechanisms in the Serbian economy largely prevent the response to changes in relative prices. Thus, for example, labour displaced in the declining sectors may not easily be re-employed in the expanding sectors because of inflexible employment and segmentation of the labour market. This aspect is particularly significant from the gender perspective. On the other hand, my analysis of intra-household allocation follows the heterodox alternative and some feminist cooperative, non-cooperative and bargaining models, which have highlighted the fact that resources within the household are not always pooled and have stressed the role of bargaining processes in determining women s and men s access to those resources (Cagatay, Elson, and Grown, 1995; Appendix 4 of World Bank, 2001; Fontana, & Wood, 2000: 1173). Due to strong patriarchal relations in the Serbian society, it is realistic to assume that, within the ordinary Serbian household, the struggle over household resources is characterized by both conflict and cooperation, where women tend to have less bargaining power than men. Labour conditions in the Serbian economy used to be very different, and still are different, from the neo-classical concept of labour force flexibility and the concept of imperfect competition (Chhaschhi, 1999: 15). A labour market in Serbia in the sense of a market where the price of labour is formed under the influence of supply and demand for labour - has not existed for over 50 years. Under the regime of social ownership, the socialist state proclaimed the right to work and permanent job security with a surplus of over 30% of employed workers as (2 van 7) :43:50

163 Gender Effects of Globalisation on the Serbian Economy the consequence (Marsenic, 1999: 298). During the 1990s, employment adjusted to the decreasing level of economic activity through a sharp decrease in real wages, the increase of employees on leaves, more retirements, a large decrease in labour productivity in the formal sector, the increase of latent unemployment, and the expansion of the informal labour market.the Law on Work, introduced in December 2001, finally abandoned the ideal of full employment and introduced labour market flexibility. In the case of Novitet, over 200 workers, mostly highly qualified, lost or left their jobs during the 1990s phase of state directed non-development. Most of them were women, who found new jobs in the newly privatised clothing sector or in the informal private clothing sector, both working in their homes and outside their homes. The market disorder caused by the disintegration of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia in the 1990s and the introduction of economic sanctions by the UN Security Council had many adverse effects on Novitet. Production decreased 35-40% and co-operation with foreign firms faded away. During this period, Novitet kept international business co-operation based on loan business only with one firm from Germany. Recently, after the beginning of the democratic transition of the country, such forms of cooperation started anew with some textile firms from Slovenia. The disintegration of socialist Yugoslavia radically decreased the supply of ready-made clothes. The Yugoslav apparel market lost legal assortments from Slovenia, Croatia, and Bosnia and Herzegovina. These loses were not replaced by new producers from the wider international market. At the same time, consumers from Serbia were stimulated (by significantly lower prices) to buy ready-made clothes, as well as many other items, on the black or informal market. [8] Gender Labour Inequalities in the Serbian Economy and in Novitet The basic characteristics of the Serbian labour market are its division into formal and informal (illegal, black ) labour markets and the large wage disparities among workers with the same or similar qualifications in different economic branches of the labour market. Those branches that suffer discrimination, like the textile industry, have lower wages relative to the wages in privileged industries (Krstic and Reilly, 2000). Besides, an empirical analysis of wages in the Serbian economy shows an increasing gender wage gap: while in 1996 employed women earned 15 % less than men, this gender wage gap increased by 2.6 % in 2000 (Krstic and Reilly, 2000). The situation in Novitet also illustrates these trends. Female workers made up 85% of the 759 workers in The number of women decreases at higher levels of the management hierarchy. Women mainly work in the production and trade divisions, mostly have low education, and are from poor worker or peasant family backgrounds. Regarding the age structure, 70% of them are between 27 and 45, with working experience between 10 and 30 years. In the production section, about 90% are women. Women can be found in great numbers only at the first level of control - as direct supervisors on production lines: they are heads of at least 4 out of 6 production lines, and in the 32 shops, (Novitet has its own shops) there are 17 male heads and 15 female. Shop assistants are by and large women. In upper management, there is only one female director of production, and she is the only woman in the company s eleven-member Board of Directors (oral statement of the general director of Novitet, 1999; Sistematizacija radnih mesta, Novitet, 1999: 3). Theoretical H-O predictions of full employment of resources do not take into consideration structural unemployment, segmented markets, and their gendered effects. Under the circumstances of high unemployment, women are likely to be pushed out even from temporary, seasonal, and low-paid jobs. On the other hand, women accept low paid jobs and very poor working conditions because of the poverty that struck most ordinary Serbian families during the 1990s. They must also support their families as second bread-winners. There is strong pressure on them to participate in the labour market. In terms of intra-household relations, women tend to accept gender inequalities: more often than men they accept work in the care economy and enable men to build their careers in paid jobs. Novitet s workers average monthly wage in 2001 was about 75 euros while the average monthly salary in Vojvodina was 214 euros and in Central Serbia 174,5 euros (Sluzbeni glasnik Republike Srbije,[Official Gazette of the Republic of Serbia] 2001: 3-4). The wages at Novitet have been officially the same for women and men, and thus the non-wage indicators are more indicative of gender discrimination. The mechanisms of non-wage gender discrimination are widely represented in Novitet. Due to the gender division of labour in the Serbian economy, supported by patriarchal relations in the whole society, women are faced with vertical barriers at work and are already segregated in the low-paid sectors of industry and trade. Also, they experience non-wage discrimination in job promotion. There are clearly visible vertical barriers within the company through gender discriminatory employment practices regarding education. Out of almost 800 workers, of whom only about 25 are men, there are a handful of them (only 35) with 2-year college and full university degrees (Table 1). Although women with university and college education are more numerous than men (23 women versus 12 men), 50% of men with college degrees (3 out of 6) work in positions that require university degrees, while 80% of women with university degrees (4 out of 5) work in positions that require require only graduation from secondary school or a 2-year college (Pay Roll, Novitet, 2001; Systematisation of working places, Novitet, 1999). There is also obvious gender discrimination relating to maternity leaves. While on leave, some of the women could not use their holiday and holiday benefits. During 2001, there were 35 workers (about 5% of the total number of workers) in Novitet who did not realize their right to take a holiday, and 18 of them who did not realize their right to take a holiday were women on maternity leave. Only four women on maternity leave used this right. Nevertheless, this was related to the fact that the entire production unit where those four women worked was sent, as superfluous, on a compulsory holiday. (3 van 7) :43:50

164 Gender Effects of Globalisation on the Serbian Economy There is a methodological problem in attempting to include the effect of intra-household allocation in my analysis; however, I can make some indications. I investigated gender patterns within five households where one or both members worked at Novitet. In all five households, I carried out in-depth interviews with both the husband and wife. The division of labour within these households is still placing a heavier burden on the women. The division of labour and dynamics within the households seem to influence opportunities and outcomes for the women s employment outside the home. Apparently, women s bargaining positions within the household were enhanced when they worked outside the home and were members of collective organizations. Nevertheless, further research in this field could give more specific results. For example, it would be interesting to examine how households redistribute resources in the face of competing preferences and unequal bargaining power among members and whether their employment opportunities and each spouse s assets at marriage have differential effects on intrahousehold allocations, household-level outcomes, and individual-level outcomes (such as children s education and clothing) (Quisumbing and Maluccio, 1999; Appendix 4 of World Bank, 2001). Can Globalisation s Gender Effects be Changed? Gender analysis is important for understanding that trade liberalization has different effects on women s and men s employment and working conditions and on women s unpaid labour. Even the World Bank promoted the view that economic globalisation and its neo-liberal policies have negative impacts on social welfare and social services such as health and education (World Bank, 2001). Governments reductions in subsidies to social services force an increasing number of women to provide unpaid work. However, World Bank justify its focus on gender issues by the fact that gender inequality at home and in the market is also believed to result in women s inability to respond effectively to incentives to increase their productivity (Bell with Brambilla, 2002: 4). Also, the UN Report on the Role of Women in Development concludes that globalisation has given rise to ambiguous and at time contradictory effects on gender equality and recommends that national governments make their macroeconomic policies gender-sensitive and improve their regulation and coordination of the international economy (United Nations, 1999: 100). However, feminist economists broaden the neoclassical focus to incorporate the gender perspective into the efficiency and differential effects of trade (Fontana, Jokes and Masika, 1998). Firstly, this means understanding the inability of countries, sectors, and regions to capitalize on potential trade opportunities. Secondly, it means respecting the fact that the benefits of trade expansion can differ for men versus women and also among different groups of women (Espini and Staveren, 2001: 15). Feminist economists analyses show how important it is to investigate if women acquire greater control over their income, make spending pattern changes, and if there is a reallocation of time between unpaid and paid work occurring as a result of their employment entry in the export trade sectors of the economy? (Fontana, Jokes and Masika, 1988). This direction of analysis inspires my future work in this field. Some points, however, can be made already. An increase in textile manufacturing for export in Serbia could be easily associated with the feminisation of the industrial labour force (Joekes, 1987). An increase in wages in the Serbian textile industry, even in the short run, is not expected. It is more realistic to expect persistently low wages and cuts in the number of workers. My short analysis is only an illustration of those trends, which are clearly visible in this particular firm. Women remain lower paid, segregated in poorly-paid jobs and often deprived of work benefits guaranteed by law. In other words, the low-cost comparative advantage is predicated upon the unpaid care economy interlocking with a low-paid labour force. During the 1990s, due to the state-directed strategy of non-development, most of the households, companies, and people experienced a dramatic increase in poverty. This had a significant impact on the care economy in Serbia. Home-made goods and services were substituted for market goods due to the low purchasing power of households; there was a break-down of public provisions and social services, up to the point of increased need for care-work from female children. [9] The attack on paid maternity leaves and child subsidies and provisions (that used to be provided by government), that started at the beginning of Serbian transition, continues unabated. It leaves child care entirely to the family, and this because of gender relations means to the women. This privatisation of care, feminisation of nurturing, coupled with poverty, pushes women back into the private domain. The context of the unpaid care economy and low female wages further reduce market-based costs and thus improve the comparative advantage at the expense of women. The Serbian transitions lead to an increase of unemployment resulting from decreasing labour demand on the one hand and increasing labour supply on the other. In the situation of generally high unemployment rates, structural changes occurred in employment. These changes lead to greater availability of temporary, seasonal, and low-paid jobs. Women are likely to be crowded out even from such employment opportunities by unemployed men. Some positive effects of all these changes may be expected, but they will not benefit everybody. Besides, all these changes have their time lags. In the short term, unemployment will remain high and the salaries of workers low. Highly-educated and skilled women may still get new job opportunities in the newly expanding sectors. However, we can hope only for a few female winners among many female losers amidst the expected economic changes. Globalisation s effects could be changed if powerful agents in companies, economies, and international markets follow the principles that housework and care are crucial parts of every economic system and that human welfare should be the central measure of economic success (FENN Seminar Report, 2002). The problems of Serbian governmental policy are its political instability, organization of the economy, and redistribution of social wealth. Its aims are to reduce the budget deficit and to achieve faster and higher growth rates, but not even this is (4 van 7) :43:50

165 Gender Effects of Globalisation on the Serbian Economy consistently followed. Also, government could use some engendered measures to encourage domestic clothing industries and workers to export. Furthermore, government policy fails to emphasize gender equality in the monitoring and enforcement of labour standards, in enforcing equal pay and employment opportunities and legislation. There are no signs of either corporate or state responsibility for gender equality of labour conditions. However, the situation with the Serbian government is not only specific to Serbia, and thus emphasizes the need to engender governments. Finally, international organizations choose partners within the states with whom to implement programs for development and formulate the set of conditions under which the loans will be given. But they should evaluate the success of their trade policies in the sense of social justice and gender equality, i.e. trade contracts should include total social effects and differentiated effects on men and women. * Paper presented at the IAFFE Conference Central and Eastern Europe: A Feminist Economic Dialogue on Transition and EU Enlargement, January 21 22, 2005, Budapest, Hungary REFERENCES: Bell, E. with Brambilla, P. (June 2002). Gender and Economic Globalization: An Annotated Bibliography, BRIDGE, Institute of Development Studies, Brighton. Cagatay, N., Elson, D., and Grown, C. (1995). World Development, Vol. 23 No. 11, Special Issue on Gender and Macroeconomics. Chhachhi, A. (1999). Gender, Flexibility, Skill and Industrial Restructuring: The Electronics Industry in India, Working Paper Series No.296, Den Hague: ISS. Djuric Kuzmanovic, T. (1997). Dirigovani nerazvoj (Directed Non Development). Novi Sad, Expopres. Djuric Kuzmanovic, T. (2002). Gender and Development in Serbia - From Directed Non Development to Transition. Novi Sad, Buducnost, Zenske studije i istrazivanja. Elson, D. (1996). Appraising Recent Developments in the World Market for Nimble Fingers, in A. Espino & I. Staveren (2001) Instruments for Gender Equality in Trade Agreements, GEM, WIDE, CISCSA, CIEDUR. European Union, Mercosur, Mexico. FENN Seminar Report (2002). Gender Tools for the Development. A Feminist Economics Perspective on Globalization. The Hague: Institute of Social Studies. Fontana, M., Joekes, S., and Masika, R. (1998). Global Trade Expansion and Liberalization: Gender Issues and Impacts, Bridge Development Gender, Report No. 42. Fontana, M., and Wood, A. (2000). Modeling the Effects of Trade on Women, at Work and at Home. World Development, Vol. 28, No 7: Haddad, L., Hoddinott, J. and Alderman, H. Eds. (1997). Intrahousehold Resource Allocation in Developing Countries: Models, Methods and Policy. Baltimore, Johns Hopkins University Press. Hutton, W., and Giddens, A. (2000). On the Edge. Living with Global Capitalism. London: Jonathan Cape. Izvestan ugovor o tekstilu sa EU? (Is Contract with EU on Textile Certain?) B92 Vesti, [email protected]/ ( ). Joekes, S. (1987). Women in the World Economy. Oxford University Press, Oxford. Kamal Malhotra ed. (2003). Making Global Trade Work for People. London, Sterling, Virginia: Earthscan Publication. Krstic, G., and Reilly, N. (2000). Gender Pay Gap in the FRY, Beograd, Ekonomska misao, No 3-4: Lazic, M. Ed. (1994). Razaranje drustva. Jugoslovensko drustvo u krizi 90-tih (Destruction of a Society: The Yugoslavian Society in the Crisis of the 1990s). Belgrade, Filip Visnjic. Markov, S. and Stankovic, F. (1991). Zene u preduzetnistvu i menadzmentu (Women in Entrepreneurship and Management), in S. Bolcic, B. Milosevic & F. Stankovic, Eds. Preduzetnistvo i sociologija (Entrepreneurship and Sociology). Novi Sad, Matica Srpska. (5 van 7) :43:50

166 Gender Effects of Globalisation on the Serbian Economy Marsenic, D., Rikalovic, G. and Jovanovic Gavrilovic, B. (1999). Ekonomika Jugoslavije (The Economics of Yugoslavia). cetvrto izdanje. Belgrade: Ekonomski fakultet. Milosavljevic, M. ( ). Zene na sve spremne (Women are Ready for Everything). NIN (2655). Opstine u Republici Srbiji (Communities in the Republic of Serbia) (1999). Belgrade: Republic Statistical Bureau. Pearson, R. (1998). Nimble fingers revisited Reflection on Women and Third World Industrialization in the Late Twentieth Century, in C. Jackson & R. Pearson, Feminist Visions of Development, Gender, Analysis and Policy. London and New York: Routledge. Quisumbing, A., and Maluccio, J. (1999). Intrahousehold Allocation and Gender Relations: New Empirical Evidence, Policy Research Report on Gender and Development, Working Paper Series, No 2, worldbank.org/gender/prr ( ). Sachs, J. (March/April 1998). The IMF and the Asian Flu, The American Prospect. Sistematizacija radnih mesta (Pay Roll, systematization of working places), (1999). Novi Sad: Novitet. Sluzbeni glasnik Republike Srbije (2001). No. 72, December 21 st. Standing, Guy (1999). Global Feminization through Flexible Labour: a Theme Revisited World Development, Vol. 27, No.3: Stiglitz, J. E. (2003). Globalization and Its Discontents, London: W.W. Norton. UNICEF (1997). Women in Transition, United Nations Children s Fund International, ( Documents/monee/pdf/SUMMARY-6.pdf) United Nations (1999). World Survey on the Role of Women in Development: Globalization, Gender and Work. New York: United Nations. World Bank (2001). Appendix 4, Engendering Development: Through Gender Equality in Rights, Resources and Voice. Oxford: Oxford University Press. World Economic Outlook, (1997). World Economic and Financial Surveys, Globalization, Opportunities and Challenges, Washington, DC: International Monetary Fund. Table 1. The gender and qualification structure of workers with junior college and university degrees Male Female Sum University degree Junior college* degree Total *Junior college, called higher school in Serbia, is a two-year tertiary educational program that ends in a degree; whereas, the university degree usually requires 4 or 5 years of study Source: Platni spisak Noviteta (Pay Roll of Novitet, December, 2001) Acknowledgements: I would like to thank Dr. Irene van Staveren, Dr. Dubravka Žarkov, and Dr. Haroon Akram-Lodhi for their useful and inspiringcomments on this paper. [1] Traditional neoclassical interpretations of globalisation mainly focus on the changes which take place on the market and in the state and on their mutual relationship. Until the 1970s modernization and dependency theorists agreed that industrialization marginalized women. After that time, the rapid incorporation of women into new export manufacturing sectors in South East Asia and Central America showed that industrialization, relying on cheap female labour as a comparative advantage, was both female and export led (Ruth Pearson, 1998: 173; Joekes, S., 1987). This process occurred under conditions of flexible and deregulated employment (Ruth Pearson, (6 van 7) :43:50

167 Gender Effects of Globalisation on the Serbian Economy 1998: 176) and global feminisation of labour. The growth of women s share of industrial employment and the increasing flexibility of employment often reflect more the decline of jobs previously done by men and the weakening of their position rather than significant improvement in the occupational opportunities for women (Elson, D., 1996: 35-55; Standing, Guy, 1999: ). It had an impact on women s emancipation as well as on women s support of the family. Providing jobs for women was an important means of including women in the development process in both the neoclassical and the Marxist traditions (Pearson, R. 1994). Also, the belief that globalisation leads to poverty feminisation and that poverty is most present in households led by a woman is widespread. However, such a picture of female households is to a great extent differentiated. A household is not homogenous towards marital status, old age and class position, race, and legal status. [2] It is widely assumed that women will produce, reproduce, nurture, and educate the workforce and carry the burden of caring work whether or not they have support from the state in the form of child care provisions, tax relief, grants, etc. [3] War began in 1991 in Slovenia. Croatia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, and Macedonia separated later. The country that emerged, Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, includes Montenegro, with 14% of the area and 6% of the population, and Serbia. Serbia produces about 95% of GNP (gross national product) and Montenegro produces about 5%. Montenegro has its own sovereignty, except for some elements of the Federal state, like the Federal Army. [4] Serbia is divided into three parts: The province of Kosovo (in the South, under NATO and UN protection since 1999); the province of Vojvodina (in the North) and the central Serbian area. [5] This public opinion study was initiated by the organization "Veza i akcija" (Connection and Action) in 33 Local Communities in Serbia, excluding Kosovo, using a sample of 900 women. The aim was to give a basic picture of the social status of women in Serbia in order to improve their position. This research was finished in October 2001 by Medijum Index Agency and Gallup International. [6] From the very beginning, the Yugoslav textile industry showed signs of imbalance and peripheral development, due to the different historical and socio-economic conditions of the region. After the Second World War, the situation in the textile industry worsened, as a consequence of the strategies of forced industrialization and its development priority: heavy industry. Generally, the socialist development strategy from 1945 to 1965 was based on forced industrialization, followed by an import-substitution trade strategy, with resistance of market and selfreliance. In 1965, the socialist state made the most significant turn towards the market, but did not question social property and made changes in development priority to light industry, followed by an export-oriented trade strategy. This introduced the textile industry to a new period of development. The textile industry became a dynamic, fast-growing, export-oriented sector, influenced by the world economy: more than two-thirds of its capacity is dependent on import. [7] H-O theory assumes that countries export goods which use intensively those factors of production that are relatively abundant at home and import goods which use intensively factors that are relatively scarce. Trade thus increases the demand for abundant factors, because of the expansion of export sectors, and reduces the demand for scarce factors, because of the contraction of import-competing sectors, with corresponding effects on factor prices (Fontana, Jokes, and Masika, 1998: 5). This analytical framework directly links trade to domestic demand and supply for factors, including various categories of labour inputs and outputs (i.e. the consequences of trade-induced changes in wages and employment) does not consider gender as an analytical category and important aspects of gender relations, such as women s unpaid reproductive work and intra-household resource allocation (Ibid: 6). [8] Besides the mass appearance of second hand clothes, the market was inundated with ready-made clothes made in Turkey, China, etc. While usually being of lower quality, they are usually much cheaper and often more fashionable than Novitet's products. Due to the increasing pauperisation of the population in Serbia, for the majority of people this became the only way to procure apparel. [9] The patriarchal household division of labour meant that female children took much more responsibilities in household work anyway but with increased poverty the burden of work also grew. (7 van 7) :43:50

168 Civil Society Protest in Geneva Against the WTO Corporate Agenda Civil Society Protest in Geneva Against the WTO Corporate Agenda By Amandine Bach Women in Development Europe (WIDE) Hundreds of civil society trade campaigners from around the world gathered on July in Geneva during the WTO's General Council meeting. After the so-called July framework was agreed in Geneva last year, campaigners had decided to be in Geneva in July while the negotiations were taking place, to prevent a bad deal from being signed by developing countries. Even if no real move was made in the negotiations this year, the three-day event, organised by the Geneva Peoples' Alliance, offered civil society representatives the opportunity to discuss the main issues at stake in the negotiations. The civil society discussions took place in the context of plenaries on agriculture, NAMA (non-agricultural market access) and GATS (the General Agreement on Trade in Services) and in more specific workshops. While critically analysing the current positions of the different countries in the WTO negotiations, civil society made it clear that a human rights agenda should be at the forefront of the negotiations. On agriculture, while no new proposals that would seriously address the concerns of developing countries were put on the table in the WTO, the farmers' movement, farm workers, and consumer, environmental and other NGOs again raised the point that the WTO and free trade agreements ignore the obvious problems that women and men farmers face worldwide. They claimed that free trade rules have in fact imposed a plague of low prices on agricultural goods in every continent while disregarding the local and regional nature of farming and food systems. One way forward would be to get agriculture out of the WTO, so as to ensure the right of every country to have people's food sovereignty. On GATS, the main focus of the civil society discussions unexpectedly turned out to be mode 4, which allows for the cross-border travel and movement of company workers in the context of the delivery of services. While NGOs have a clear position on benchmarks in GATS, the implications of mode 4 are still an issue and need urgently to be debated. Mode 4 might be a deal-breaker in the run-up to Hong Kong, as some developing countries are asking for more substantial commitments in mode 4 (especially opening it up to include low-skilled workers). However, there was a clear agreement among civil society that the free movement of people should not be determined by global trade regimes. These are matters of fundamental human rights and should be determined and governed under principles and rules established by the UN Human Rights Commission and the International Labour Organization. Different actions took place in front of the WTO every day. WIDE representative Amandine Bach participated also in a Seattle-to-Brussels action staged in front of the EU representation in Geneva during a press conference given by Peter Mandelson, the EU Trade Commissioner. Under the common slogan 'Stop the EU corporate agenda', NGO representatives demanded that the EU halt its aggressive attempts to open up developing country markets for the benefit of European negotiations on industrial tariffs and services. This action aimed at denouncing the EC's development rhetoric and the EU's apparent good will in the negotiations while the EC is actually increasing the pressure on developing countries to speed up the negotiations. The EC's tabling of a 'non-paper' at the WTO at the end of June 2005 to change the modalities in the GATS negotiations, for example by establishing benchmarks for the quality of offers and the prioritisation of some sectors, shows strikingly that the EC's practice is not development-friendly, for it is totally contradictory to the flexibility and the bottom-up approach of GATS. WIDE will keep monitoring the EU position in the run-up to Hong Kong to ensure that no trade agreements will be accepted at the expense of women's and men's rights. Source: WIDE News N 8 - August 2005 Women in Development Europe 9:43:59

169 Women s Rights, the World Trade Organization and International Trade Policy Women s Rights, the World Trade Organization and International Trade Policy By Association for Women s Rights in Development (AWID) The trade policies of national governments and the activities of the World Trade Organization ( WTO ) have important ramifications for economic and social development throughout the world. This primer describes the WTO and the relationship between trade policies and gender, and concludes with an agenda for action. What is the WTO? The WTO is an international organization based in Geneva that was established in It was formed to oversee the series of trade agreements that had emerged from the Uruguay Round of negotiations on an international trade agreement called the General Agreement on Trade and Tariffs ( GATT ) and to implement a dispute settlement process regarding members rights and obligations under these agreements. As of January 2002, 144 countries are WTO members. Government representatives of these countries steer the activities of the organization. [1] Officially the WTO is a member-driven one-country one-vote organization. In practice, however, there is a long-standing custom of decision-making by consensus and rich countries exert disproportionate influence within the organization. While some of the world s least developed countries are not even represented in Geneva and have minimal capacity to participate in negotiating sessions, the richer countries have large staffs of trade specialists, lawyers and expert negotiating teams. Moreover, powerful transnational corporations have been successful in swaying trade policy to suit their interests. Why the push for international trade liberalization? Mainstream economic theory teaches that international trade is beneficial to all countries and their citizens. This belief is based on the idea of comparative advantage each country should focus on what it does best and trade for other products in order to reach the most efficient allocation of resources in the global economy and the highest levels of output and growth in all countries. It is assumed that trade leads to growth which in turn promotes national development and reduces poverty. While it is recognized that trade produces both winners and losers in every economy, the theory is that the losers can be compensated from the net gains. The evidence, however, does not support these simplistic assumptions. Furthermore, the comparative advantage of some countries is their low wages, poor environmental regulations and lax labour standards. Comparative advantage based on the exploitation of women and the environment is incompatible with a human rights and human development approach, irrespective of the perceived economic benefit or efficiency for the country. The stated objective of the WTO is to help trade flow smoothly, freely, fairly and predictably. The original GATT was limited to facilitating trade in goods by eliminating so-called trade barriers (e.g. quotas, tariffs) and articulating the basic principles of free trade (i.e. non-discrimination, fiscal and regulatory independence of states) [2]. The scope and power of the organization, however, has greatly increased. Today, the WTO s reach includes issues of service provision, intellectual property, health and safety standards, and a vast array of products. It is now the primary actor in international trade, administering multilateral agreements, hosting negotiating sessions, handling disputes, monitoring national trade policies, and providing technical assistance and training for developing countries. With good reason, the WTO has been described as the institutional face of globalization and has been the focus of many so-called anti-globalization protests in recent years. The organization s structure has been nontransparent, unaccountable, non-participatory, undemocratic, and imperialistic, and trade liberalization has become an ever-expanding end in itself. Furthermore, the WTO s contribution to human rights protection and sustainable development is questionable. Why is gender analysis important? Case studies reveal that women s time, labour, sexuality and health are at times exploited in the pursuit of gains from trade in various countries. In fact, some governments overtly appeal to sexism to increase their country s trade revenues, for example, by using low wages of women as a basis to compete internationally in export industries or through campaigns to encourage married women to do home based work. Furthermore, men and women experience poverty differently and women do not have equal access to and control over resources, do not enjoy equal protection of human rights, and have distinct roles in terms of production and reproduction. For these reasons, women and men may benefit from or be harmed by trade policies in different ways. They may also respond differently to the economic incentives set up by the governments chosen strategies. Trade policy, however, tends to be gender-blind and silent about gender-specific repercussions. (1 van 5) :44:18

170 Women s Rights, the World Trade Organization and International Trade Policy Consider the following examples: Women s unpaid work: Trade liberalization policies have pulled many women into the formal labour force and also affect the cost and availability of food, medicines, household goods, and social services. Each of these impacts can increase the demands on women s unpaid labour women may have less time available for reproductive work but simultaneously face greater demands to provide services. Unfortunately, studies show that men are not picking up the slack. Women s conditions of employment: Women are increasingly at risk of working in highly exploitative and dangerous conditions because trade liberalization tends to increase their employment in the industrial sector, in commercial agriculture and in export processing zones, which are characterized by low rates of pay and substandard conditions. Globalization has also fueled informal employment arrangements and subcontracting in female-dominated industries (such as food and garment production), threatening the security, status and rights of workers. Gender inequality constrains productivity: Gender based inequalities (especially in education, health and training) hinder women s abilities to take advantage of new opportunities created by trade liberalization such as skilled employment and entrepreneurial opportunities. This in turn constrains the output response to the economic incentives created by trade promotion policies and constrains the export capacity of the whole economy. [3] Gender analysis reveals that the relationship between trade and gender relations is complex and ambiguous. The question we need to ask is not whether trade liberalization is good or bad for women as a group, but how trade policy can contribute to the achievement of human rights for everyone and promote sustainable development in all societies. Gender analysis demonstrates how pushing forward with more of the same one-sizefits-all, gender-blind trade liberalization policies which do not consider local social factors and human needs will not remedy inequalities in the economy or eradicate poverty. The challenge is to implement policies that will. The laws that bind The rules of the international trading system (including the trading rules, conflict resolution mechanisms, etc.) currently reflect the power of rich countries and transnational corporations. These vested interests are apparent at two different stages: a) the making of the rules, and b) the implementation, enforcement and interpretation of the rules. The rules are contained in a set of agreements which have been elaborated in successive rounds of very political, intense and often biased negotiations between state representatives. This set of agreements includes the GATT, the Agreement on Agriculture, the Agreement on Technical Barriers to Trade ( TBT ), the General Agreement on Trade in Services ( GATS ), the Agreement on Trade-Related Aspects of Intellectual Property Rights ( TRIPS ), among others. [4] Establishing the rules is only the first stage of the game however; the implementation, enforcement and interpretation of the rules is another matter altogether. While the agreements that make up the WTO system are the product of political negotiations, they become public international law once they are adopted. As international law they are enforceable, binding on states, and subject to the rules of international legal interpretation (as opposed to U.N. conference documents for example, which are aspirational but do not have the force of law behind them). In other words, international trade rules have teeth. This is at least in part because through the advent of the WTO, the international trade system was transformed from a political/diplomatic regime to a highly legalistic one. When a country is not following the rules, another country can bring a case against them in a court-like setting known as a dispute settlement panel. The panel makes a judgement as to whether the country is violating the law, and if so, orders them to comply with the law or face sanctions. This is not a negotiation; it is a litigation based enforcement system. The judgements can be appealed to the Appellate Body (sort of like a supreme court of international trade ). [5] So for example, while the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women ( CEDAW ) states that countries must grant women equal nationality rights with men (Article 9), many countries do not and there are few consequences for their defiance. In contrast, when a WTO member country does not meet the standards for the protection of patents mandated by the TRIPS agreement, or imposes a tax that makes locallyproduced products cheaper than foreign ones (prohibited by GATT Article 3), the countries who are harmed can bring a case against the defiant country and punish the offender for their breach. Untempered trade liberalization not only runs the risk of further marginalizing women from key activities in the national economy but may itself engender significant violations of women s social and economic rights. Mariama Williams [6] The legal stature of these rules also means that if circumstances change or a government realizes that the provisions are not a good deal for their country, they can not simply back out of their commitments or negotiate different provisions. And unlike some other legal regimes (e.g. human rights treaties including CEDAW), states must accept the entire package of WTO rules or none at all. This is a major problem for developing and less (2 van 5) :44:18

171 Women s Rights, the World Trade Organization and International Trade Policy powerful countries since they are less able to influence the formulation of the rules in the first place. Finally, the legal nature of the trading system is important because some of the most complex WTO agreements have important provisions that are subject to differing interpretations. While the words on the paper may be clear, how to apply them in real-life scenarios can be more difficult. In a dispute settlement proceeding, the judges interpret the rules based on the arguments put forward by the participants in the proceedings and principles of legal interpretation (much like in national constitutional litigation). Hypothetically, they may decide whether clothing produced under sweatshop conditions and sweatshop-free clothing must be treated as the same products, whether a pesticide ban is necessary for the protection of public health, or whether providing drugs necessary for the treatment of a pandemic at a low cost is a circumstance of extreme emergency. Legal imagination, not hard economics, determines these cases. While the answers to these questions may seem inconsequential, they can have huge impacts on the actions governments take and hence on the lives of women. What are the implications of this legal model? On the one hand, legal enforcement removes flexibility and the possibility of adopting trade policies that coincide with national development strategies. The mere threat of legal action may be sufficient to force a government to change their policies. The dispute settlement process also limits participation and transparency because only governments can act as complainants and defendants in the proceedings. Furthermore, effective participation in a dispute proceeding is very costly and requires specialized training. Finally, the legal forum focuses very narrowly on specific rules and facts, ignoring the broader context and full range of values and factors relevant to justice and development. Gender issues, for example, are usually not legally relevant. A strategic opening? On the other hand, as opposed to negotiations and behind closed doors deals, the judicial setting at least formally places the parties on an equally footing and allows them to present their positions in front of formally impartial decision-makers. The judicial setting also provides an opportunity to develop the law and interpret provisions in ways that further a social justice agenda. In deciding whether a state is acting in a manner consistent with the rules, the panelists look at the relevant provisions and must decide what they mean in light of modern day values, the overarching objectives of the agreement (which often include environmental protection and human development), and the entire body of principles that constitute international law. Given the intensified advocacy around the WTO by women s groups, we should consider potential of legal interpretation and dispute settlement proceedings to steer existing WTO rules pro-poor, pro-equality direction. The Post-Doha Agenda The Ministerial Conference is the WTO s top decision-making body; it meets at least once every two years. Country representatives come together to negotiate new agreements and market access commitments, clarify existing agreements and set the organization s agenda. The most recent Ministerial was in Doha, Qatar, in November The official outcomes were a 10-page Ministerial Declaration plus a declaration on intellectual property and public health (focusing on pharmaceutical patents, including HIV/AIDS medications) and a decision on implementation (i.e. the concerns of developing countries). [7] The mandate coming out of the meeting is several years of intense and complex negotiations with an ambitious deadline of January 2005 for a new set of agreements. Despite the official development focus of the conference, the outcomes fall far short of any development objective and were achieved by undemocratic, manipulative and biased processes. In light of Doha, analysts and activists from around the world are articulating an action agenda. Here are some of its components: No new issues: The WTO s mandate must be limited to trade issues. It is not the appropriate venue for issues such as labour, the environment, human rights, and competition policy. Other institutions (e.g. the International Labour Organization, the World Intellectual Property Organization and U.N. committees) should be given the resources they need to properly address these other issues. New systems of governance and accountability: The WTO has been secretive, undemocratic and unaccountable for too long. Political will and creativity must be devoted to establishing structures for consultation, dialogue, and stakeholder involvement in decision-making and monitoring. Clear ground rules must be established concerning information sharing, reporting and stakeholder participation. Participation needs to be based on principles of transparency, collaboration, learning, equity and flexibility. Furthermore, governments need to be accountable to their own citizens for their actions at the WTO. Judicial independence: The dispute settlement system needs to have complete independence from the WTO Secretariat, member governments and transnational corporations who may try to inappropriately influence (3 van 5) :44:18

172 Women s Rights, the World Trade Organization and International Trade Policy outcomes. Dispute panelists and the Appellate Body must apply the full body of principles of international law and interpret WTO rules consistently with the objectives of equality and sustainable development. In addition, clear and fair procedures for the participation of non-governmental stakeholders, including NGOs, need to be developed. Human development as the central guiding principle: We need to re-think the dominant model of international trade and challenge its underlying values and assumptions. Why not co-operation instead of competition as a basic assumption, for example? Trade policy must be situated within the overall development strategy of a country and each country must have the flexibility and policy autonomy necessary to achieve their development goals. Trade liberalization can no longer be seen as an end in itself. The WTO should be evaluated according to its contribution towards poverty reduction, equality and sustainable human development. Putting developing countries first: Imbalances in the WTO must be redressed and the needs of developing countries should define the WTO s agenda. The negotiating and monitoring capacity of developing countries must be increased and mechanisms must be developed to hold transnational corporations accountable for their actions. Developed countries need to open their markets to the products of developing countries and grant them appropriate exceptions to liberalization commitments. Finally, developed and developing countries need to work together to redistribute opportunities in favour of the poor and women. Gender analysis: We simply don t yet know enough about the relationship between gender and trade policies. We need comprehensive gender analyses of current trade policies, specific WTO agreements, different sectors and the full range of trade-related issues. We need to determine when women stand to win and when they stand to lose from new trading relations and also how different trade-related policies impact on women s empowerment. Researchers and women s rights advocacy groups need to work together to articulate alternative, appropriate policies that guarantee women s rights and contribute to a more just and sustainable world. Gender across the full range of trade issues: Trade between different countries is regulated by a large number of negotiated agreements, including bilateral agreements between two countries, multilateral agreements between groups of countries (including regional free trade agreements such as NAFTA, Mercosur, CARICOM, etc.) and also a group of agreements that fall under the umbrella of the WTO (most of which were the outcome of the Uruguay Round of negotiations) [8] 8. These agreements are like contracts between the countries that sign them, granting each country certain rights and confining their actions to within certain limits. While these texts are almost without exception silent on gender, consider the following examples of gender issues in WTO agreements: GATS: The General Agreement on Trade in Services applies to service providers including banks, telecommunication companies, tour operators, health care providers, energy companies and education providers. This agreement has profound impacts on women who are the majority of workers in the service sector, on access to and availability of public services, and on governments abilities to regulate the quality of health care and education provided. TRIPS: The agreement on Trade-Related Intellectual Property Rights sets out the rules of how intellectual property rights (including copyrights, trademarks, product names, industrial designs and trade secrets ) should be protected when international trade is involved. Its ramifications include public health, food security, biodiversity, agriculture and traditional knowledge, all of which have gender specific impacts. Agreement on Agriculture: This agreement seeks to promote trade liberalization in the agricultural sector and is therefore of concern with respect to food security and small farms producing food for local consumption as well as to sustainable livelihoods of many female agricultural workers. SPS and TBT: These two agreements (Agreement on Sanitary and Phytosanitary Measures and Agreement on Technical Barriers to Trade) aim to promote the harmonization of domestic health and safety standards. Their potential implications for women s health are immense. These agreements should also be of particular concern because they set very high standards for governments that wish to implement precautionary regulations to protect the health of their citizens or the environment and because they greatly expand the scope of governance by the WTO by condemning measures that are not discriminatory but are simply deemed to be excessive. How to do gender analysis of economic policies? Examine what is happening to men and women separately in order to compare changes in their status and responses to the changes. Do not focus exclusively on women and girls. Consider other variables such as race and class. Do not oversimplify by focusing exclusively on gender. Consider all three spheres of work: reproductive work in the family/household, reproductive work in the community, and productive labour. Consider both consumption and service provision in each sphere. Do not focus solely on quantitative measures. Consider issues of empowerment, well-being, cultural integrity/ (4 van 5) :44:18

173 Women s Rights, the World Trade Organization and International Trade Policy identity, environmental integrity and the quality of reproductive work and nurturing. Consider how economic policies impact on prices, the types and quantities of goods available, and the provision of services, and consider how each of these impacts on household incomes and quality of life. Explore how gender relations and poverty impact on economic policy implementation and effectiveness. Explore why the expected positive benefits of trade liberalization do not materialize. Choose appropriate indicators in empirical work, including human rights-based indicators and indicators related to everyday life. Obtain accurate sex-aggregated data which accurately reflects how resources are allocated between men and women. Consider economic policies in their broader context, not in isolation, and highlight constraints imposed by women s socially constructed roles. Published in: Women s Rights and Economic Change Women s Rights, the World Trade Organization and International Trade Policy Facts and Issues, No. 4, August 2002 Association for Women s Rights in Development (AWID) [1] See generally [2] For definitions of trade terms, consult one of the many available glossaries or primers, including Oxfam s at and IGTN s at net/econolit/literacy.html or a textbook such as M. Trebilcock and R. Howse, The Regulation of International Trade (1999). [3] N. Çagatay, Trade, Gender and Poverty, United Nations Development Programme: October 2001, p The author notes that although most dimensions of gender inequality (e.g. health, education, skills training, etc.) constrain a country s productivity and economic growth, wage inequalities seem to actually boost economic growth in some industrial sectors faced by international competition. Pursuing gender-based wage differences as a country s competitive advantage is not, however, consistent with a rights-based approach to development nor necessarily a sound long-term economic development strategy. [4] The full text of these agreements can be found at [5] The texts of the decisions and more information on how the dispute settlement process works are on the Dispute Settlement page of the WTO s website: [6] Mariama Williams is an AWID Board Member, affiliated with the International Gender and Trade Network and Development Alternatives with Women for a New Era (DAWN) [7] These texts can be found on-line at [8] The full texts of these agreements can be found on-line at (5 van 5) :44:18

174 Doc Gender and Trade Indicators By Irene van Staveren WIDE Information Sheet The relationship between gender and trade (in two directions: from gender to trade and from trade to gender) is a new issue. Not for WIDE and a few other women s organisations, which have been working on the topic since the mid-1990s. But it is certainly a new issue for governments, trade policy makers, the WTO, and for academic researchers. WIDE therefore has developed a tool that will help to understand, measure and monitor the relationship between trade and gender. This tool consists of three sets of indicators, which can be applied to any trading relationship between countries or trade blocks. The need for analytical tools Globalisation is characterised by growth in capital flows, labour migration, multinationals, and trade in goods and services. Research has indicated that costs and benefits of this global exchange of money, labour, and products are unequally distributed. North benefits more than South, skilled workers benefit more than low skilled workers, whereas the environment is a clear loser, as well as in many cases the poor. Although we know that women are the majority of the poor and low skilled workers, there is very little known on the impact of globalisation on women. Partly this is because of a lack of gender disaggregated data in trade statistics, and partly because of a lack of gender awareness in economic analyses and models. In particular, the blind spot for the unpaid care economy prevents the study of links between trade and unpaid labour. Moreover, it is difficult to distinguish trade effects from effects of global investment flows or macro-economic policies. And it is very difficult to distinguish effects of trade between two countries or trading blocks from effects of trade that each of these countries or blocks have with other countries or trade blocks. And the issue is even more complex. In the relationship between gender and trade, there are not only impacts of trade that work out differently for men and women. There seems also to be a relationship the other way around: effects from gender inequality on trade. Two examples of the complex gender and trade relationship: For South Asia, for example, industrial export success depends largely on wage discrimination of women. Thanks to the low wages paid to women (about 75% of men s wages), countries like Korea, Taiwan and Singapore are able to export products against low prices. Literally, this makes the discrimination of women the motor of economic growth in South Asia. In sub-saharan Africa, gender inequality also affects trade, but in a different way. In sub-saharan Africa, there is a strong gender division of labour in agriculture. Women grow food crops to feed the family, and men grow cash crops to earn cash. To the surprise of the World Bank, agricultural exports remain low in Africa, despite many Structural Adjustment Programmes. It took years before the World Bank realised that the gender division of labour is the limiting factor for export growth in Africa. Female farmers refuse their labour to the cash crops of their husbands, because they do not receive anything in return, while their food production suffers from the expansion of cash crops on their plots of land. Hence, in the case of agricultural exports from sub-saharan Africa, gender inequality reduces the success of trade. With more gender equality, exports would have been larger as well as more beneficial for women. These two examples show how complex the relationship between gender and trade is. In order to better understand how gender inequality and exports and imports affect each other, gender analysis of trade is necessary. Moreover, in order to formulate trade policies that benefit men and women, and in which gender relations support successful trade strategies that help sustainable development, gender analysis of trade is urgently needed. Such analysis however, is only possible with appropriate analytical tools. Tools for gender and trade analysis A gender analysis of trade requires at least two elements. First, data on trade and the social, economic, and political position of women relative to men. Second, a theoretical framework with causal relationships, costs and benefits, and direct and indirect relationships between gender and trade. A thorough gender analysis of trade, hence, is quite complicated and extensive. Most NGO s have not enough resources to undertake such an elaborate study. And policy makers are often not interested in such an elaborate research effort. In order to address these problems, WIDE and partner organisations in Latin America have developed some quick and simple tools for a gender analysis of trade, which consist of three sets of gender and trade indicators: (1) situational indicators, (2) indicators of political will, and (3) dynamic indicators. (1 van 4) :44:27

175 Doc Most indicators can be expressed in symbols, consisting of an acronym (like U for unemployment) and a superscript to denote the value for females or males (f or m). The dynamic indicators also include the symbol D (delta), which means change, for example the change in an indicator over a period of five years. Some measures of gender inequality however, are already widely used and can be copied from the literature, such as the Gender Development Index (GDI), which is calculated for most countries, every year, by the United Nations. The GDI measures the extent of gender inequality in the level of human development of a country: the income, the educational situation, and the health status of the people. Each gender and trade indicator will now be explained below. 1. Situational indicators This set of indicators describes the social and economic situation of women. These may refer to women s labour market position, their earnings, and their access to schooling and credit. This category of indicators is not necessarily related to trade but provides a general overview of the position of women in a country, as a start for a gender-aware analysis of trade. Examples of situational indicators are: The Gender Development Index published annually by the United Nations in the Human Development Reports: GDI Female and male employment rates (L) and unemployment rates (U): L f, L m, U f, U m Gender wage gap (difference in wages of men and women): w f /w m Job segregation in the labour market (female dominance of some jobs, like nursing, and male dominance in other jobs, like engineering), with help of the Index of Dissimilarity: ID (the formula will not be given here but can be found in academic literature) Unpaid labour time by women and by men: ULT f, ULT m Share of export credit obtained by women: EXCR f /EXCR 2. Political will indicators This set of indicators measures to what extent trade policy makers are willing to take gender concerns into account, and to what extent they actually include gender equality measures in the trade agreements they negotiate with a trading partner. The indicators of political will hence point at possible inconsistencies between trading partners gender policies and their trading policies. Examples of political will indicators are: Social clauses including conditions of gender equality Guarantee of basic labour rights as specified by the ILO, such as the freedom to form unions and the prohibition of discrimination Share of women in official trade delegations (DEL) that represent the interests of trading partners: DEL f / DEL 3. Dynamic indicators This set of indicators combines data presented under the first set of indicators, the situational indicators, with data on trade. The trade data include trade tariff reductions, trading volumes, trade direction (export surplus or import surplus), and a sectoral breakdown of trade (over agriculture, industry and services and sectors within industry such as textile production or automobile assembly). The dynamic indicators have another characteristic, expressed in their name: they are able to show changes over time. This is particularly helpful in order to monitor gender-trade links over the period that a trade agreement is operating. For example, the situation before an agreement could be compared with the situation five years after the start of intensified trade. The dynamic indicators hence, will show to what extent women gain or lose from increased trade. But they may also suggest to what extent existing gender inequalities, for example in wages or in employment, influence trade volumes and patterns. The technical formulation of the dynamic indicators is as trade elasticities. The concept of an elasticity is borrowed from micro economics, to indicate for example the change in demand for a product as a reaction to a change in the products price. If the relationship is elastic, its value is larger than 1, for example for haircuts: when the price of a haircut increases by 10%, many people will decide to cut their hair themselves or ask a family member to do so. Hence, the demand for haircuts may decrease a lot, say 20%. The elasticity is then calculated as follows: the (2 van 4) :44:27

176 Doc change in demand divided by the change in price: - 20% / 10% = - 2. If the relationship is inelastic, the value of the elasticity is smaller than 1 and can even be zero. For example, when the price of potatoes or rice increases by 10%, many people will still buy these foodstuffs, since they have to eat anyway. They may instead buy less luxury food like meat or coffee. The decrease in demand for potatoes and rice then may be just 2%. The elasticity is then - 2% / 10% = In other words, the price of basic food does not have much influence on people s demand for such food. Going back to trade elasticities, a low elasticity means that trade has little or no influence on gender equality, whereas a high elasticity means that trade does have an impact on gender equality. This impact may either be positive (the calculated elasticity will have a positive sign) or negative (the calculated elasticity will have a negative sign). The use of elasticities requires one condition: the denominator of the elasticity, that is, the trade variable, should be big enough to make sense. If the increase in exports or imports is just 1% for example, it is not so useful to use the dynamic indicators. Examples of dynamic indicators are: Change in unemployment difference between women and men (U f /U m ) divided by the change in export (EX) and import (IM) volumes. When inelastic, it means that increased trade does not help to improve women s relative unemployment situation. When elastic, it means that increased trade parallels either an improvement or a worsening of women s relative unemployment situation: D(U f /U m ) / D(EX + IM). Change in the gender wage gap divided by the change in export volume. When inelastic, it means that increased exports do not help to reduce the gender wage gap. When elastic, it means that increased exports parallel either an improvement or a worsening of the gender wage gap: D (w f /w m ) / D EX. Change in women s share of unpaid labour divided by the change in export volume. When inelastic, it means that increased exports do not affect the time women spend on unpaid labour. When elastic, it means that increased exports parallel either an improvement or a worsening of women s share in unpaid labour: D (ULT f /ULT m ) / D EX Use of indicators: how? 1. To assess consistency between gender policy and trade policy. The indicators of gender and trade can show to what extent trade policy helps or hinders gender equality. Also, the indicators suggest to what extent existing gender relations affect the success of trade. If it turns out that success in trade on the one hand and gender equality on the other hand are not moving in the same direction, but the one goes at the cost of the other, trade and gender policies are not consistent with each other. In particular, the situational and political will indicators are relevant to assess policy consistency. 2. To assess gender effects of trade and trade effects of gender relations. The dynamic indicators of gender and trade can show the size of gender effects of trade and trade effects of gender. They point out the strength of the mutual relationship between gender and trade. These quantitative indicators can be presented as a gender analysis of trade, complementary to a conventional trade review which contains other quantitative indicators on the success of trade. Hence, they provide additional information for a trade review. An example for such an additional trade review is a Sustainability Impact Analysis (SIA), which is currently discussed in the EU, in order to assess environmental and poverty effects of trade. The SIA may provide an opportunity to include gender and trade indicators as well. 3. To assess need for direct gender policy measures in trade agreements. In the case that the relationship between gender and trade as assessed under items (1) and (2) above turns out negative, the indicators may point out in what areas of trade policy and the policy process, direct measures should be taken in order to prevent such a negative relationship. Examples of direct measures to improve the relationship between trade success and gender equality are extra efforts to increase women s access to export credit, or an increase in the number of women on trade delegations in one or both trading partners delegations. 4. To assess need for indirect gender policy measures to accompany trade policy. Again, if the relationship between gender and trade appears to be negative, the indicators may also suggest areas for indirect policy measures to accompany trade policy. Such indirect measures are not part of trade policy, but belong to other policy areas such as labour market policy or social policy. Measures may be needed in order to compensate negative effects of trade and/or to improve the relationship between trade success and gender equality over time. An example of an indirect policy measure in the field of labour policy is the implementation of core labour standards in Export Processing Zones (EPZs). Core labour standards will help to prevent companies from discriminating against women in terms of wages, unionisation, or unequal hiring, promotion and firing practices. (3 van 4) :44:27

177 Doc February 2002 Women in Development Europe (4 van 4) :44:27

178 Doc Many good reasons for women to be against GATS By Christa Wichterich WIDE Briefing GATS is geared to the liberalisation of all service markets. Currently, about 160 branches of services are listed by GATS. They are comprising areas which are either already covered wholly by private providers or run mixed entities (private and public owned). They also include sectors covering basic needs which up to now are being administered exclusively by the public sector. This wide range includes insurances and the banking sector, traffic and telecommunication, energy and water supply, health care, education, culture, the construction sector, waste disposal, and tourism together with all social services e.g. services for the elderly and youth programmes. Through GATS all these services should be submitted to the WTO-principles of free market access and equal treatment of domestic and foreign suppliers, of private, public or non-profit providers. GATS lists four modes of trade with services: Mode 1: Cross-border supply (e.g. sending of goods, courier services, call centres, music videos on the internet, telemedicine, e-learning etc.) Mode 2: Consuming of services abroad (tourism or business travels abroad, medical treatment or education abroad, etc.) Mode 3: Business activities abroad (foreign direct investment, branches abroad, joint ventures, etc.) Mode 4: Temporary job migration (employees of transnational companies in different foreign countries, leasing and job procuring agencies which are sending people abroad under special conditions, etc.) Whoever speaks about services must not be silent about the role of women. The service sector is mostly a women s domain all over the world: the female teachers in public schools, the nurse taking care of aged persons in private households for a meagre salary and without social protection, the housewife taking care of her family without any pay, the sex worker in a tourist destination, the tele-worker who is working via telephone in her kitchen. The scenario is huge and mostly invisible. In the EU more than 80 % of all working women are found in the service sector where they are either employed or self-employed. Wherever essential provisions are concerned, the public and the private sector are virtually going hand in hand with unpaid and informal women s work. There are at least ten good reasons for opposing GATS, especially from the side of women: 1) We are against GATS and the privatisation of public welfare services as it transforms education, health care, care of the elderly, water and energy supply, culture and mobility into commodities on the world market, just like cars, engines and computers. Essential provisions cannot simply be converted into a supermarket of products and services, sold at market prices. Education, health, water supply, social security and security for old age are public goods which form the common good of society comprising their human and social capacities and potentials for development. All members of society are entitled to enjoy these public goods based on their human and civil rights. GATS is converting public goods in commodities and thus undermines fundamental social rights. It is not geared to guaranteeing access to public goods as an entitlement. Rather it is giving access only to those who can pay. Commercialisation of essential provisions means that they are channelled to where the money is and not where needs or a legal claim exist. 2) We are against GATS because through liberalisation and privatisation of public services not all members of society are receiving social care. The weak ones become losers of the game. GATS is undermining the principle of solidarity. As long as basic needs are covered by taxes and social security contributions, a redistribution or horizontal subsidising is taking place between healthy and sick persons, the young and the old, people with higher and lower incomes, people with a job and the jobless. Privatisation, the appeal to take over responsibility individually and the enforced contributions to private insurance companies are replacing solidarity with individual performance and individual purchasing power. At the same time, the money now paid for private insurance schemes is lacking in the public budgets. This in turn leads to budgets-cuts and a deterioration of public services. The same effect is caused by the rules on non-discrimination (National Treatment) of the GATS agreement. They require governments to give equal treatment to domestic and foreign providers as well as to non-profit and profit institutions in order to create equal conditions for competition. In case a government subsidises a community or (1 van 4) :44:35

179 Doc church-run hospital, then according to GATS it must cancel this subsidy or pay an equal subsidy to e.g. a US hospital chain in the same country. If a government supports education and health activities through women s projects then it must give the same subsidy to profit-oriented education and health institutions which are not at all gender-sensitive. Thus public funds are re-distributed among private investors and profit-oriented providers while the public sector is continually impoverished. As GATS is torpedoing the principle of solidarity and the welfare state, it creates inequality in essential provisions instead of equality as well as insecurity of provisions for the weak who lack purchasing power. By kicking out and drying up the public sector through competition, GATS brings about a polarisation of the provisions and a twoclass system within the social services: on the one hand we find the profit-oriented, well equipped and well staffed service providers which charge a high price, on the other hand we find the public welfare system understaffed and poorly equipped. Women rely to a high degree on an affordable public welfare system, therefore they are the first to suffer from cuts in public funds and the corresponding deterioration of public services. 3) We are against GATS because liberalisation is submitting all offers for the coverage of basic needs to competitive pressure. Public and private providers on the service market become more competitive by offering low wages and requiring high job performance. They are able to save expenditures by becoming lean, in the meaning of laying off or informalising employment, by making it more flexible or by outsourcing. The jobs created under these conditions, are often insecure, low paid and part-time employments. This is hitting women first, especially if they have a low level of qualification. Women who are forced to create their own job by forming a one-woman micro-enterprise rendering services, can only compete if they offer their workforce at an extremely low remuneration level. The pressure coming from competition enforces the on-going informalisation and deregulation of employment, the outsourcing and fragmenting of work and thus, stress at the workplace. This is not only the case in private corporations but also in the public sector. However, the State and the communities are not only important employers of women, but they are also the entities who implemented most of affirmative actions and equal opportunities measures for women. On the other hand, the private sector is mostly not willing to adopt positive discrimination of women or any quota-system. Those measures are considered as distorting free competition. WTO talks about marvellous job opportunities created through GATS. Certainly there will be more insecure and badly paid jobs in the service sector. And there will be fewer jobs with sufficient social guarantees and legal protection creating a secure livelihood. The pressure exerted on wage costs is growing. This development is taking place mostly in detriment of working women in the service sector. 4) We are against GATS and the liberalisation of public basic needs because wherever health, education, water supply and social services must be placed on the market, work will be rationalised and efficiency and productivity sharply raised. Because this way profits are made. However, person-oriented and welfare services can only be rationalised in a limited way. Raising efficiency and productivity are limited by humanity itself. Body care, education, tenderness can not be accelerated endlessly. Therefore, as profitability is dictating, care work, being slow and expensive, is catapulted out of paid economy. But it is mostly women who work in this sector. This means that women are losing paid jobs. Nursing and other welfare services kicked out from the job market, are again taken up by women who then render unpaid services by taking care of sick relatives in their homes, who were sent home from hospitals only shortly after surgery due to standardized norms. Thus, liberalisation and efficiency required in the service sector are only shifting work from the paid sector into the unpaid sector. Women have fewer jobs securing their existence and more unpaid work. 5) We are against GATS and the liberalisation of public services, because the main goal of private service institutions is profitability, all other objectives must be subordinated to the latter. They invest in areas where they can make profits. Unprofitable areas are left to the public sector. For instance, service companies are mainly investing in water supply systems in residential areas where people with high purchasing power are living. Private health insurance companies lure clients with low risk and high income. As women have a higher life expectancy they are a higher risk and must pay higher contributions than men. These selective company strategies are called cherry picking. Profitability is not only determining investment and target group but also the service itself: quantity is given preference over quality. This means as many surgery interventions as possible and using the most expensive medical equipment, high energy input, no matter whether this is ecologically feasible or not, water supply without considering neither quantity nor waste without any interest in saving resources, because this would mean costly repairs of water pipes. Women try to compensate for the lack of quality health care or the lack of quality of drinking water supply by caring for sick relatives or by boiling water to reduce the risk of infections for their babies. Profitability has its social and environmental price. Therefore the provision of basic needs is certainly the worst place for profit making. 6) We are against GATS because it is only geared to economic gains without considering social losses and their consequences. Accordingly, GATS does not show any gender sensitivity or concern about gender justice. One example is the further liberalisation of the tourist sector. GATS doesn t consider the fact that many longdistance travels are made by sex tourists and business men, who take advantage of the growing number of prostitutes in countries where the governments see this revenue as a substantial contribution to stimulate economic growth. Another example of social ignorance shown by GATS is the temporary migration of highly qualified experts. Governments only see their remittances back home as economic gains, without considering the consequences, the drain of qualified persons from certain areas, such as the health sector, has on countries in the South. For the same economic reason the remittances governments in the South demand that the temporary (2 van 4) :44:35

180 Doc migration of less qualified persons should be included in GATS. This could turn into a kind of carte blanche for those private agencies, job placement institutions and touts, that are trading with women by pushing them in precarious jobs, exploiting them and converting them into prostitutes. GATS is not wasting any thought about this. It is blind to social and gender issues. 7) We are against GATS because we do not believe that liberalisation of the service sector will bring great advantages in terms of development to Southern countries and eradicate poverty. On the contrary: the liberalisation and privatisation of the public sector in the wake of structural adjustment programmes has shown the preponderance of adverse effects. Trade in services with the exception of tourism is nearly exclusively in the hands of industrialised nations. The EU makes no secret of the fact that their main goal is the export of services by European transnational companies, for them GATS is mainly an instrument for the benefit of enterprises. Companies in the OECD countries are gaining most from liberalisation. The WTO says that countries in the South can decide freely what and where they want to liberalise. But the WTO knows only too well the real power relationships between OECD countries and the indebted Southern countries prone to crisis. Currently they are pressurised harshly in the bilateral negotiations. But we are also afraid that many governments of the South are only interested in economic gains, while they give no plugged nickel for the social price to be paid, especially by women. 8) We are against GATS because it is hitting democracy in the face, just like all the other liberalisation agreements of the WTO. The negotiations, that are penetrating deeply into national politics, the common good, public property and the welfare of the individual, are held behind closed doors and not made transparent. The EU is negotiating on behalf of its member states without involving national Parliaments or the public in the decision making process. The most important decisions are devised by OECD-members and the governments from threshold or big market countries in the so-called Green Rooms. The smaller and weak states of the South and the East remain excluded and have not even the resources and capacities for participating in the whole lot of negotiations. On the other hand, transnational companies such as service enterprises from Europe, the US and Japan strengthened their lobbying capacities and were able to join the game in a focused manner. Even now more precise information about requests and offers of the governments are kept secret and declared as confidential matters, the planned negotiation rounds are not made public on time and the criticism forwarded by social movements and their demands remain unconsidered. An example: Due to massive public protests in Cochabamba, Bolivia, the privatisation of the water supply system was revoked showing very clearly the resistance of the people. Despite this, the EU is demanding that Bolivia should liberalise its water sector. Therefore the consultations taking place currently between the EU commission and various governments are a democratic farce. 9) We are against GATS because the agreement is part of a progressive liberalisation. So far the EU has not offered any liberalisation measures in the areas of education, health and audiovisual services. However, the EU is pointing at the fact that the current offer might be modified and that it intends to do so. Liberalisation and privatisation are a creeping, step-by-step process. This is clearly shown by the fact that GATS includes a furtive new agreement on investment which is strengthening the rights of the investors vis-à-vis governments. At the same time it is debilitating governments right to regulate because they have to prove that the regulations are no trade barriers. The goal of the EU policy, to strongly promote our own European interests is clearly visible when looking at the fact that currently the EU is asking 72 countries to liberalise their water supply systems without making any offer in this area, in order to leave the terrain to European multinational companies. 10) We are against GATS because it spoils the prospects for the future. GATS is a one-way street or a trap. It is almost impossible to revoke any liberalisation measures already taken or to suspend it for a certain period, e.g. in case of an emergency or crisis or when a government changes. Thus GATS becomes a economic power tool with its own rules and regulations which is subordinating democracy and national sovereignty of the states with their rules and regulations. Social and environmental standards, ecology and consumer protection can be sanctioned as unnecessary trade barriers. We insist on the idea that these quality standards must not be eliminated by WTO law. Social and gender justice, the provision of basic needs, environmental protection, human rights must be given preference over trade rights and commercial law. We insist on the democratic right of all persons to receive information, participate in a democratic process, and resist undemocratically made decisions. The requests and offers already sent out by the EU must be withdrawn as they were made without the participation of the public. Furthermore we think that the provision of basic needs must be subordinated to democratic decisions and to the subsidiary principle which implies that they should be realised at local level as far as possible. Communities and societies must be enabled to decide in an autonomous way and at any time how to organise their public services. Nobody and nothing must be forced to liberalise nor to privatise. No doubt, the public sector must be reformed as often it is inefficient, sick and corrupt and unable to guarantee basic rights and the provision of basic services to all members of society. But GATS and privatisation are not the right path to follow. We must look for alternatives and re-invent social thinking and solidarity. But for this we do not need any GATS. Therefore we will continue our struggle to oppose GATS and to commit ourselves to find alternatives offering social and gender justice. (3 van 4) :44:35

181 Doc A quick look at the GATS agenda General Agreement on Trade in Services 1994 agreed within the frame of the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade Came into force on November 2001: During the WTO Ministerial Conference in Doha a new round of negotiations was agreed upon. End of June 2002: Governments presented their requests for market access End of March 2003: Governments presented their liberalisation offers September 2003: mid-term reports presented to the WTO Ministerial Conference in Cancun, Mexico End of 2004: GATS negotiations should be finalised Source: Women in development Europe (4 van 4) :44:35

182 Privatisation PRIVATISATION Privatization of Public Enterprises in Nigeria: The Views and Counterviews By May Ifeoma Nwoye, Ph.D. The issue of privatization has been a subject of intense global debate in recent years. In Africa, it has remained highly controversial and politically risky. Privatization in Nigeria has not been a popular reform. It has received so much criticism from labor, academia, and individuals. There have been numerous strikes against proposed sell-offs by unions fearing loss of jobs. While proponents of privatization see that aspect of economic reform as an instrument of efficient resource management for rapid economic development and poverty reduction Public Goods The Economic vs the Ethical Category By Ljubica Komazec, Ph.D. The phenomenon of public goods has existed since the dawn of civilization, but their significance and the approach to them has been different in various historical, and especially socio-economic, stages of the development of civilization. This issue is becoming emphasized in the conditions of the occurrence of the New Economy (or Total Economy), especially in countries in transition. Faites vos jeux, Messieurs! or A Case Study on the Impact of the General Agreement on Trade in Services (GATS) in Bulgaria - The Concession of Sofia Water Supply and Wastewater Services: Legal, Economic, Social and Gender Aspects By Genoveva Tisheva and Irina Moulechkova, Ph.D. By joining GATS the Bulgarian government had to start playing the GATS game and, subsequently, to follow its rules. GATS is the first multilateral agreement containing the commitment for a continuous liberalization of the trade in all services, essential services included, through binding rules. The aim of GATS is to increase international trade by removing any control and restrictions as fiscal policies, standards, conditionalities, environment protection, existing social standards or laws which maintain the public monopoly on some services. Is Water a Public Good or a Commodity? Thoughts on water privatization and related issues for poor populations By Massan d Almeida, AWID More than 1.1 billion humans are indeed deprived of drinking water and 2.4 billion of health services. Already, more than half of the population in developing countries suffers from at least one of the six main water related diseases that kills more than five millions people every year, eleven thousands of whom are children who die every day, which is three to four times the number of victims of the World Trade Center attacks! How then is one to understand the deafening silence of the media and our own? Women and Water Privatization By Ana Elena Obando, WHRnet The increase of the global degradation of ecosystems, the excessive consumption of water, contamination and salinization of water-bearings, aquifers and dams, along with the impact of extreme poverty which has been worsened by privatization, are contributing factors to an environmental catastrophe. This has had profound effects on the availability of drinking water and, consequently, has led to the violation of the right to life, safety, food, health and education of billions of human beings. Water is a fundamental and inalienable human right and a common good that every person and institution of this planet should protect. (1 van 2) :44:39

183 Privatisation (2 van 2) :44:39

184 Privatization of Public Enterprises in Nigeria: Privatization of Public Enterprises in Nigeria: The Views and Counterviews By May Ifeoma Nwoye, Ph.D., Nigerian Institute of Management, Nigeria The issue of privatization has been a subject of intense global debate in recent years. In Africa, it has remained highly controversial and politically risky. Privatization in Nigeria has not been a popular reform. It has received so much criticism from labor, academia, and individuals. There have been numerous strikes against proposed selloffs by unions fearing loss of jobs. While proponents of privatization see that aspect of economic reform as an instrument of efficient resource management for rapid economic development and poverty reduction, the critics argue that privatization inflicts damage on the poor through loss of employment, reduction in income, and reduced access to basic social services or increases in prices. Whatever are the views of the two parties, the only group that has no voice in the matter is the poor. The author is of the view that privatization is not inherently good or bad, but the poor performance or effectiveness depends on implementation (Nightingale and Pindus, 1997). This paper draws extensively from the empirical research by the author, Management Practices and Performance Determinants of Public and Private Sector Enterprises in Anambra, Edo and Delta States of Nigeria: A Factor Analysis (Nwoye, 1997). Comparing the effectiveness of public versus private service delivery, the analysis shows no clear evidence that private service delivery is inherently more effective or less effective than public service delivery but rather that each sector has its own strengths and weaknesses. The paper provides a general overview of the extent, effect, and consequences of privatization of public enterprises in Nigeria in terms of opinions held within various schools of thought. The paper is not intended in any way to be a panacea in the treatment of the overall subject of privatization; rather, it is a review of support or apprehension specifically relating to the issues of employment, income, social services, and economic welfare including prices. Conceptual Issues The concept of privatization in recent times evokes sharp political reactions from many angles. Privatization can be defined as the transfer of ownership and control of enterprise from the state to the private sector. Various groups have also defined it differently. The Privatization and Commercialization Act of 1988 and the Bureau of Public Enterprises Act of 1993 defined privatization as the relinquishment of part or all of the equity and other interests held by the Federal Government or any of its agencies, in enterprises whether wholly or partly owned by the Federal Government. But, however privatization is defined, it transfers ownership of production and control of enterprises from the public to the private sector. It is an ideological concept. Justification for Establishment of Public Enterprises Many reasons have been adduced as the justification for creating public enterprises. Following are six important ones: The first of these, especially in the context of developing countries such as Nigeria, is the development emphasis. In many developing countries, the resources available to the private sector are not adequate for the provision of certain goods and services. For example, the investments required in the construction of a hydroelectricity-generating plant or a water scheme for a large urban center are quite enormous and the returns on such investments will take a very long time to realize. Secondly, political considerations influence governmental involvement in the provision of certain social and economic services. In many African countries, development is closely associated with the provision of social services; consequently, the performance of the government, in many of these countries, is evaluated on the basis of its ability to provide different types of public services in areas where such services do not exist. The third reason for governmental intervention in the provision and management of goods and services in many parts of the world is the fact that no person should be permanently deprived of the access to such facilities because of lack of finances or by reason of geographical location. A fourth reason relates to the need to protect the consumer, which may not be of interest to the private sector. For example, government intervenes in the provision of education in many countries to protect children, who are not capable of making important decisions for themselves, by making education up to a certain age compulsory and free. (1 van 7) :44:43

185 Privatization of Public Enterprises in Nigeria: The fifth reason for governmental intervention in the provision of certain goods and services relates to the indivisibility that characterizes such services. Some facilities, such as bridges, tunnels, roads, streetlights, and waste disposal facilities, cannot be divided or partially provided. Either streetlights are provided for the benefit of everybody in the community or they are not. Facilities of this type must therefore be provided publicly and financed through taxation. The sixth reason for governmental intervention is the consciousness of the national security. Certain facilities, like the National Ports Authority and the police, are too vital to be left at the mercy of private citizens. The evolution of public sector enterprises often takes one of two forms. First, they could evolve from local calls or responses to an ad-hoc economic crisis, a specific shortage, flagrant abuse of monopoly or oligopoly powers by private producers, economic bottlenecks and scarcities, apparent market failures in resource allocation, etc. It is economic crises that create socioeconomic conditions that justify public intervention. Alternatively, the evolution can take the process of a carefully planned body of ideas involving the issues of management, financial control, and/or pricing. In most situations, the primary interests of the society such as welfarism [1] are predetermined and postulated. These two processes have characterized the evolution of public sector enterprises in Nigeria, which dates back to the precolonial era. A Brief Historical Perspective on Development of Public Enterprises in Nigeria The private sector was the traditional structure of the world s economies. The Nigerian economy is largely privatesector based. The public sector emerged in Nigeria as a result of the need to harness rationally the scarce resources to produce goods and services for economic improvement, as well as for promotion of the welfare of the citizens. The involvement of the public sector in Nigeria became significant during the period after independence. The railways were probably the first major example of public sector enterprises in Nigeria. At first, conceived mainly in terms of colonial strategic and administrative needs, they quickly acquired the dimension of a welcomed economic utility for transporting the goods of international commerce, like cocoa, groundnut, and palm kernels. Given the structural nature of the colonial private ownership and control of the railways in the metropolitan countries, it would hardly be expected that the Nigerian Railways Corporation could have been started as any other project than as a public sector enterprise for such mass transportation. The colonial administration was the nucleus of necessary economic and social infrastructural facilities that private enterprise could not provide. Facilities included railways, roads, bridges, electricity, ports and harbors, waterworks, and telecommunication. Social services like education and health were still substantially left in the related hands of the Christian Mission. But even at this initial stage government itself moved positively into some of the direct productive sectors of the economy: the stone quarry at Aro, the colliery at Udi, and the saw mill and furniture factory at Ijora. Those were the early stages. The emergence of the crude oil industry into the Nigerian economy, after the civil war in the 1970s, with the associated boom intensified governmental involvement in production and in control of the Nigerian economy. One major aim of government at that time was to convert as much as possible of the growing oil revenue into social, physical, and economic infrastructural investments. The Nigerian Enterprises Promotion Decree of 1972, which took effect on 1 April, 1974, with its subsequent amendment in 1976, provided a concrete basis for government s extensive participation in the ownership and management of enterprises. Given these developments, public enterprises at the federal level had exceeded 100 in number by 1985; and these had spread over agriculture, energy, mining, banking, insurance, manufacturing, transport, commerce, and other service activities. Before long, the range of Nigerian public enterprises had stretched from farm organizations to manufacturing, from municipal transport to mining, from housing to multipurpose power, and from trading to banking and insurance. At the state and local governmental levels, the range of activities that had attracted public sector investment also had become quite large. Thus, a variety of enterprises - with public interest in terms of majority equity participation or fully-owned by state and local government as well as other governmental entities - became visible in various parts of Nigeria. Between 1975 and 1995, it was estimated that the Federal Government of Nigeria had invested more than $100 billion in public enterprises. Problems of the Economy in the 1980s The 1980s witnessed steady economic deterioration and seemingly faulty economic policies. At the beginning of the 1980s, the country had entered difficult times. Scarcity of foreign exchange had set in. By the mid-1980s, reality had dawned on the nation s economy. Retrenchment of workers was rampant in both private and public sectors. There were inflation, very high levels of unemployment affecting both skilled and unskilled workers, and low levels of plant capacity utilization. The origin of the socioeconomic difficulties was generally traced to the global economic recession which opened with the decade of the 1980s. Earlier, these socioeconomic problems had forced the Federal Government, under President Shehu Shagari, to embark on an economic stabilization program (Aboyade, 1974). The problems of performance of the public sector enterprises in Nigeria were further complicated by the downturn in socioeconomic development in the country due to the global economic recession and the collapse of the oil market. Thus, Nigeria s precarious fiscal and monetary posture could no longer sustain the requirements of its public sector enterprises, particularly since they performed below expectations in terms of their returns on (2 van 7) :44:43

186 Privatization of Public Enterprises in Nigeria: investments and quality of services. Towards the end of 1980s, the public enterprises, which had grown too large, began to suffer from fundamental problems of defective capital structures, excessive bureaucratic control and intervention, inappropriate technologies, gross incompetence, and blatant corruption. With the deep internal crises that included high rates of inflation and unemployment, external debt obligations, and foreign exchange misalignment, Nigeria and many other African countries were strongly advised by the worldwide lending agencies, particularly IMF and the World Bank, to divest their public enterprises as one of the conditions for economic assistance. With the intensified push for economic liberalization, Nigerian and other African leaders were told that privatization as an economic reform would help cut public sector inefficiency and waste, provide greater scope to the private sector, attract more investments, bring in new technologies, and hence revive economic growth. Thus many countries, including Nigeria, embarked on privatization and other market oriented reforms to pull them out of the structural imbalances (Nwoye, 1997). It is against this background that the Structural Adjustment Programmes (SAP) proposed a kind of reform which would affect the goals, administration, and management of most of the public sector enterprises for purposes of efficiency (Federal Republic of Nigeria, 1986). One of the main objectives of SAP was, therefore, to pursue deregulation and privatization leading to removal of subsidies, reduction in wage expenses, and retrenchment in the public sector ostensibly to trim the state down to size. Under the reformation scheme, public sector enterprises were expected to be classified into three broad categories: 1. fully privatized or partially privatized, 2. fully commercialized or partially commercialized, or 3. retained as public sector institutions. Whereas SAP has shown the broad categories under which the public sector enterprises can be grouped, it has failed to actually classify the existing enterprises into specific categories. Privatization in Nigeria Privatization in Nigeria was formally introduced by the Privatization and Commercialization Act of 1988, which later set up the Technical Committee on Privatization and Commercialization (TCPC) chaired by Dr. Hamza Zayyad with a mandate to privatize 111 public enterprises and commercialize 34 others. In 1993, having privatized 88 out of the 111 enterprises listed in the decree, the TCPC concluded its assignment and submitted a final report. Based on the recommendation of the TCPC, the Federal Military Government promulgated the Bureau for Public Enterprises Act of 1993, which repealed the 1988 Act and set up the Bureau for Public Enterprises (BPE) to implement the privatization program in Nigeria. In 1999, the Federal Government enacted the Public Enterprise (Privatization and Commercialization) Act, which created the National Council on Privatization chaired by the Vice President, Alhaji Atiku Abubakar. The functions of the council include: making policies on privatization and commercialization; determining the modalities for privatization and advising the government accordingly; determining the timing of privatization for particular enterprises; approving the prices for shares and the appointment of privatization advisers; ensuring that commercialized public enterprises are managed in accordance with sound commercial principles and prudent financial practices; and interfacing between the public enterprises and the supervising ministries in order to ensure effective monitoring and safeguarding of the managerial autonomy of the public enterprises. The 1999 Act also established the Bureau of Public Enterprises (BPE) as the secretariat of the National Council on Privatization. The functions of the bureau include among others to do the following: implement the council s policies on privatization and commercialization; prepare public enterprises approved by the council for privatization and commercialization; advise the council on capital restructuring needs of enterprises to be privatized; ensure financial discipline and accountability of commercialized enterprises; make recommendations to the council in the appointment of consultants, advisers, investment bankers, issuing houses, stockbrokers, solicitors, trustees, accountants, and other professionals required for the (3 van 7) :44:43

187 Privatization of Public Enterprises in Nigeria: purpose of either privatization or commercialization; and ensure the success of privatization and commercialization implementation through monitoring and evaluation. The subsequent exercise brought with it controversies that are still raging on. Western countries, and in particular IMF and the World Bank, have been blamed for forcing the privatization of public services and natural resources in Africa as a condition for development assistance (Nwoye, 1995). They are accused of telling impoverished countries to turn their public services over to private owners and to sell off their oil, gas, mining, electric, telecommunication, transport, and water companies, which are also said to be conditions for debt relief. Many African countries are neck deep in debt and begging for debt forgiveness. It is said that Nigeria has a debt burden of $32.3 billion, where servicing is estimated to gulp as much as $2.91 billion in Bias against Privatization Given the fact that the initial impetus for privatization in Africa came from creditor institutions, especially the IMF and the World Bank, as part of the push for structural adjustment, many believed that there must be a hidden agenda in the form of economic exploitation. It is principally the conditionality that was attached to privatization vis-à-vis debt relief and financial assistance that provoked resentment from the public view, especially labor, which views privatization as creditors initiative. As in some of the other African countries, resentment is intensified because a good number of the larger enterprises being privatized are bought over by foreign interests. Several of the arguments against privatization are as follows: Rising Prices - Opponents fear that the private sector will exploit consumers where there is monopoly or oligopoly power such as by raising the prices of goods. Creating Poverty - At the heart of the criticism of privatization is the perception that it has not been fair - hurting the poor and the vulnerable work force, while benefiting the rich, the powerful, and the privileged - thereby perpetrating poverty. Breaking of Unions - Workers dismissed as a result of privatization have great difficulty finding other work; the large number of people out of jobs is forced to accept jobs with lower pay, less security, and fewer benefits. They, therefore, believe that the aims of privatization are to reduce labor costs and numbers, and to break union power. Corruption - There is this argument that even if privatization contributes to improved efficiency and financial performance, it has a negative effect on the distribution of wealth perhaps arising from corruption. Corruption is the single most destructive factor responsible for the pitiable state of affairs in many developing countries. It distorts the economy through waste and misallocation of resources and creates need for external assistance. Transparency International has for a long time decried the evil consequences of corruption and has identified acute corruption in many developing countries. For example, in 1997 [2], its Annual Corruption Index rated Nigeria as the most corrupt country on earth, followed by Pakistan and Kenya. By 1998, the index moved and Cameroon displaced Nigeria as number one. [3] Some misguided Nigerians have argued thus after all, corruption is everywhere, including industrialized countries. It is true that corruption is a worldwide phenomenon, and so are industrial development and technological advancement. Why is it then that when industrialized countries are pushing for technological invention, African countries are busy expanding only the frontiers of corruption and poverty-prone ventures? Public Enterprises Should Stay - There is this strong belief that privatization is not necessary. Public enterprises need not run at a loss; all they require is good managers, less political interference, competent boards of directors, and especially more rational pricing policies. Injustice - There is an assertion that it is the politicians and bureaucrats that caused the public enterprises to perform poorly but only labor is asked to carry the burden of reform. Critics view this as injustice. Exploitation by Capitalist Countries - Privatization is seen as an imposition by foreign capitalists and agencies like the IMF and the World Bank; therefore, privatization must be meant to exploit the developing countries. Privatization Is Foreign - Some critics have argued that privatization is neo-colonialism since the policy is being pushed by International Monetary Fund, World Bank, and their agencies. It is not an indigenous idea; therefore, it will not work. Labor s Demands for Job Protection -Right from the onset, the most publicly persistent and organized opposition of privatization in Nigeria has come from the labor movement. There always have been strikes and counterstrikes against any decision to privatize a government agency. Sometimes workers have succeeded in blocking or slowing down the privatization of specific enterprises. In other cases the government simply has brushed aside the labor opposition leaving a legacy of anger and political tension. What is obvious is that workers are reacting against threatened jobs or the possibility that benefits might be jeopardized under new management. (4 van 7) :44:43

188 Privatization of Public Enterprises in Nigeria: Perhaps it may be likely that it is the continued pressure from World Bank to get the reform process moving and to keep it on track that causes some of these humanitarian issues somehow to be brushed aside. These indictments are not a rarity. The fears about privatization are not only Nigerian-made apprehensions. Worldwide, proponents of labor have been the most vigorous and persistent. Critics of privatization are consistently portraying its negative effects on income distribution and worker welfare. Not enough is yet known empirically about the impact of privatization in Nigeria to form definitive judgments; the current statements on the issue still lie between propositions and conclusions. Objectives of Privatization It is possible that some of these popular and critical perceptions and assertions about privatization are accurate. There is no doubt that mistakes have been made in the past and that promises have not been kept, for instance the incidence of interference from political office holders. However, it may turn out to be a mistake to judge privatization from a limited perspective. The set of objectives privatization programs are meant to achieve is broad and involved; it has many fundamental components that can act together for the enhancement of microeconomic efficiency. There are, indeed, some critical long run objectives to be achieved through privatization including the following: increasing productive efficiency; strengthening the role of the private sector in the economy, which will guarantee employment and higher capacity utilization; improving the financial health of public services with savings from suspended subsidies; freeing more resources for allocation to other needy areas of governmental activities (for example, finances that would have been applied for subsidies should now be channeled to the development of rural communities); and reducing corruption because interference by politicians will cease. Invariably, a privatization program ought to be judged and assessed by the extent to which the stated objectives have been met. Furthermore privatization could take a slow but steady developmental speed. Agenda for a Successful Privatization Exercise Capturing the Confidence of Labor Government should endeavor to win over labor s acceptance of privatization by giving them ownership of shares in the enterprises. Workers could be allocated a percentage of the shareholding at a special discounted price. There is need for good follow up on privatized enterprises. There is need to keep a record of accurate figures on pre- and post-privatization employment levels including statistics to show whether employment is declining or increasing to calm the fear of labor unions. Other statistics should include how much of capable and qualified labor will be absorbed by the buyers, etc. Addendum Labor on the other hand must also realize that many of the jobs also might have been lost anyway by retrenchment, since government could not keep subsidizing crises-ridden public enterprises indefinitely; the only exercise that could be guaranteed is constant layoff. Other than privatization, any serious attempt to address the deficiencies and losses of public sector enterprises must necessarily involve downsizing. Inclusion of Labor Interaction with the unions as stakeholders is often a good strategy. One of the major mistakes that is common in privatization in Africa is taking the workers for granted. When the unions are not involved in the organized process, it may be difficult to gain their cooperation. The stakeholders must be sensitized to the impending constraints that privatization is likely to bring about, especially in the short run. Monitoring of Privatization Processes Some countries have created strong semi-autonomous privatization commissions with participation from government, business, and other sectors. Nigeria can create such a commission consisting of governmental representative(s) - possibly the BPE, labor union representative(s), and representatives of Chambers of Commerce - to be involved in the monitoring and implementation processes. Transparency and Accountability (5 van 7) :44:43

189 Privatization of Public Enterprises in Nigeria: One of the most important issues in privatization is the concern for transparency and accountability. The Nigerian nation is characterized by distrust and suspicion. Suspicions of corruption that follow privatization deals require that separate auditing and House of Assembly Oversight Committees be established to help in the monitoring process. Transparency creates a perception of honesty and accountability. The funds realized from sale of public enterprises can be invested in tangible public interests like services of education and health. Some developing countries apply their proceeds towards debt repayments. It is my considered opinion that money realized from sale of public enterprises and saved through withdrawal of subsidies should be invested in the hinterland for provision of infrastructure. This will not only enhance development, but also will check the drift of rural-urban migration, especially among the youth, since the cities are getting overpopulated while the rural areas are quickly deteriorating. Consistency and Credibility I learned sometime ago that consistency plus credibility equals economic confidence. There is no doubt that the public always desires an unbroken record of credibility to win their confidence in any structural reform program. The key to credibility is consistency and communication. Whenever government lacks credibility, people refuse to change, until the confrontation that ensues imposes unavoidable cost on the warring parties at the expense of the economy. Ideological Imperatives It is quite instructive to note that successful structural reform cannot be recorded unless: 1. the government trusts, respects, and, most importantly, informs the public adequately, every step of the way, as to why certain actions are being taken 2. privatization is done properly with no special concessions or privileges when selling public enterprises; and 3. the creditor countries consider Nigeria s specific circumstances while mounting pressure on the speed of the privatization exercise because ours is a low-income country characterized by poverty. The Bottom Line The concluding point is that if privatization is carried out with sincerity of purpose, almost every group will come out ahead as a result of divestiture. Workers will be shareholders. Consumers will be better off because of better services. New graduates and the unemployed will get jobs because of expansion. Government will be relieved of the burden of subsidies. Investors will gain investment opportunities. Ultimately, the public (both foreigners and nationals) will be free to pursue any private economic interest. Given the enormity of the socioeconomic problems facing Nigeria, there is every reason to worry about the state of our plans and actions. The issues involved, from development of infrastructure through production of vegetables, all have serious ramifications, not only for the public sector but also for the economy as a whole. Bibliography Aboyade, O. [1974]: "Nigerian Public Enterprises as an Organizational Dilemma" in Public Enterprises in Nigeria. Proceedings of the 1973 Annual Conference of the Nigerian Economic Society. Federal Republic of Nigeria [1986]: Structural Adjustment Programme for Nigeria. Lagos: Federal Government Printers. Nightingale, S.M; Pindus, M.N. [1997]: Privatization of Public Social Service: A Background Paper. Unpublished. Nwoye, M.I. [1995]: Small Business Enterprise: How to Start and Succeed. Benin: Benin Social Science Series for Africa. Nwoye, M.I. [1997]: Management Practices and Performance Determinants of Public and Private Sector Enterprises in Anambra, Edo and Delta States of Nigeria: A Factor Analysis. National Productivity Centre, [1991]: Productivity for Self-Reliance and Excellence. Proceedings of the 1st National Productivity Day Celebration, 21 February 1991, Lagos. Obadan, M.I. [1993]: Wither Structural Adjustment in Nigeria. Ibadan: NCEMA Monograph Series No. 3. Transparency International, Transparency International publishes 1997 Corruption Percpetion Index, Press Release, Berlin 31 July (6 van 7) :44:43

190 Privatization of Public Enterprises in Nigeria: Yahaya, S. [1991]: "The Performance of Public Enterprises in an International Context: An Empirical Study" in Public Enterprises in Nigeria. The Nigerian Economic Society Annual Conference, Sokoto. World Bank [1994a]: Adjustment in Africa: Reforms, Results and the Road Ahead. Washington, DC: The World Bank. World Bank [1994b]: World Development Report, 1994: Infrastructure for Development. Washington, DC: The World Bank. About the author: May Ifeoma Nwoye, Ph.D., (Nigeria), obtained her BBA (Accounting) from George Washington University, USA, MBPA (Finance) from SouthEastern University, Wasington DC, and Ph.D (Management), University of Benin, Nigeria. She is Certified National Accountant of Nigeria (CNA), and a member, Nigerian Institute of Management. She is a Nigerian female writer. Her doctoral dissertation research was related to the Public and Private sector enterprises in Nigeria. She is the author of a number of books and many scholarly articles on entrepreneurship and management in many local and international journals. [email protected] [1] Welfarism - the set of attitudes and policies characterizing or tending toward the establishment of a welfare state (note of the editor). [2] Transparency International, Transparency International publishes 1997 Corruption Percpetion Index, Press Release, Berlin 31 July 1997, p. 2. Available at: (added by the editor) [3] See: (added by the editor) (7 van 7) :44:43

191 Public Goods The Economic vs. the Ethical Category Public Goods The Economic vs the Ethical Category By Ljubica Komazec, Ph.D., Faculty of Economics, Subotica, Serbia and Montenegro Property is theft. Proudhon [1] Abstract The phenomenon of public goods has existed since the dawn of civilization, but their significance and the approach to them has been different in various historical, and especially socio-economic, stages of the development of civilization. This issue is becoming emphasized in the conditions of the occurrence of the New Economy (or Total Economy), especially in countries in transition. Serbia & Montenegro is currently in the stage of general transition, which involves a dramatic process of transforming social into private property, with all the elements of the elitist process. During such a transition, it is necessary to explain and educate all the interest and social groups about the essence of public goods, as well as about the consequences of their uncritical, excessive and immoral privatization. This paper points to the very essence of public goods and their generally adopted classification with a special emphasis on the ethical, as opposed to the economic, dimension of determining the goods themselves and the approach to them. This is an obligation of present generations both for ourselves and for all future generations. Key words: public goods, ethics, awareness, public choice The phenomenology of public goods is as old as civilization in general. What is variable in relation to public goods is the awareness of them, the knowledge about them (cognition on a scientific basis) and the approach to them. An additional variable is the degree of organization in providing public goods at various stages of the development of civilization. Economic Genesis and Classifications Economics as a science started to develop intensively and to systematize its knowledge in the second half of the 19 th and the early 20 th centuries. It is, therefore, a very young science, compared to mathematics or philosophy, for example. Its constitution and development are mostly related to the development of markets, exchange, money, and production as organized activities, etc. However, we shall all agree that human communities had existed and functioned even before the occurrence of economics as a science and of the elements of economics in the categorical sense. These communities used natural goods (natural resources) under some principles that we cannot call economic in the above sense. The primitive accumulation of capital, the development of trading capital, the beginning of manufacturing and technological inventions, and the formation of strong nation states made the economic processes complex and imposed a need to explain them. Furthermore, these conditions created a need that is considered more important today, the need to predict and project them. In terms of economics, in relation to public goods, the strongest influence was the occurrence and development of manufactured goods. That is to say the fact that public goods - in large numbers - acquired the characteristics of goods and all the features of commodities use-value, exchange-value, and market price. Three facts cardinally contributed to this process: - Increase in the global population, - The scarce and limited character of natural resources, and - The developmental trend of economic sciences, especially political economics, supported by marketing and similar skills, and their turn from the objective (labor) theory of value to a subjective value theory, which meant opening the process of creating human needs. [2] Modern economic science defines and systematizes public goods starting from the most general division of all goods into private and public. Thus goods range from purely/completely private goods to purely/completely public goods. The basic economic characteristics of private goods are: (1 van 5) :44:48

192 Public Goods The Economic vs. the Ethical Category - Users of private goods easily can be and are charged for their utilization; - The marginal production cost of goods is positive (equal or higher than the average cost); and, - In the acquisition (purchase and use) of private goods, consumers act by the principles of rivalry (if I do you don t) and exclusion (I paid only I use). What is characteristic of public goods, however, is that: - It is practically impossible to charge for utilization because production cost is indivisible, so that marginal cost equals zero; and - What applies in their utilization are the principles of non-rivalry (both I and you and others) and non-exclusion (nobody can be prevented from use). Between these two (theoretically known as extreme) definitions of goods are the so-called transitional forms of goods, such as common pool resources (hunting grounds and pastures [3] ) or club goods (concert halls, sports halls or swimming pools). Another, not less significant, classification of public goods uses allocation criteria. According to these criteria, all public goods are divided into: - Global public goods (state borders are not obstacles for the inhabitants of other countries to benefit from these resources such as biological diversity, tropical rainforests, and air); - National public goods (national defense and national parks); and - Local public goods (municipal parks and squares). It is the allocation criteria that introduce key economic categories (and related problems) into the system: - The category of ownership and - The category of rent (cost, i.e., benefit from utilization). The largest number of natural resources does not have an owner or is in a special ownership regime, (e.g. essential resources necessary for life - water, air, and biodiversity). This ownership regime is known as res nullius - nobody owns and nobody controls the resources. Unlike this regime, there are: - State ownership regimes (state-owned and controlled resources) and - Communal regimes (resources owned and controlled by groups of co-owners). The systems of ownership and rent (utilization cost) are the categories leading to problems and conflicts in the production and use of public goods. The most often addressed consequential issue is that of free riders, (i.e. rent dissipation) which ultimately leads to the tragedy of the commons. [4] Simplified, in the absence of price, access to public goods is not limited by anything so scarce resources are subject to an unlimited degree of exploitation. To prevent this drastically negative phenomenon, it is necessary to set utilization rules, especially through: - Legislation (or a regulation arrangement), which implies setting standards for participants regarding exploitation and imposing sanctions on those who break the regulations; - An arrangement (system) of utilization fees (based on the principle the users pay ); - An arrangement of developed licenses, set by a competent authority (i.e. in exploiting marine fisheries and resources); and - Traditional resources based on awareness, responsibility, good practices, culture and tradition, without particular enforcement forms other than social values. From Ethics to Economics and Back History teaches that human communities at a lower degree of technical development had a higher awareness of the significance of public goods (e.g. drinking water springs), like the awareness shown nowadays by Swiss dairy (2 van 5) :44:48

193 Public Goods The Economic vs. the Ethical Category farmers or animal rights activists. This simplified parallel leads to a conclusion that high awareness, and the related ethics, of the importance of public goods is immanent in those human communities that are extreme in terms of technical development either at a very low or a very high level. What is it all about? It is obvious that this important issue is directly related to the level and degree of satisfaction of a person's need for goods. If a person is satisfied at the level of his or her personal needs his or her awareness of public goods is higher and vice versa. Let s take a very simple example. You have your own car that you use daily to commute to work. In this way, you have solved and satisfied your own need to get to work and back home efficiently and comfortably, using all the benefits of your own private good (the car). At the same time, your have the possibility, of which nobody deprives you, to use bus, tram, train, etc. (i.e. public transportation) as public goods. Many of your fellow citizens will use the public goods because they are entitled to them, because they do not own cars or because they do not want to drive their own cars. In this case, objective circumstances or motives for using public goods are completely irrelevant, and we all bear the costs of using public goods paying the fares (if we ride on it) or taxes and fees used to finance the organization and functioning of public transportation. Another textbook example of public goods is a national defense system. Every citizen in the state has an equal right to security and safety of his or her life and property. In terms of organizational economics, production of the public good, national defense, is in the hands of the state, for which certain funds need to be provided. Financing defense is one of the most important state expenditures, and the awareness of it is widespread no matter how pacifist one may be. As a third example, during the summer heat, each person has equal (natural) need to cool down in the water. This need may be satisfied in various ways. They can, for example, go to the municipal swimming pool (a public good) or build their own swimming pool (a private good). They can travel to some of the appealing resorts where they will be using the swimming pool inside their hotel (a club good) or go to a public beach depending on their needs, wishes or personal attitudes. Let us stick to the municipal pool. We may, but do not have to, use this public good. However, the awareness of the need for it will seldom cause protest if the municipal authorities use funds collected from the taxes we all pay (or should pay) to build (produce) a municipal swimming pool. The problem may arise if, at one point, the municipal authorities decide to sell the pool, as the new ownership form, guided by the logic of profit and the policy of pricing for the service of using the pool, will lead to the exclusion of certain people (first of all the poor) from the availability of this good for all citizens. Production of public goods is financed from public income. The players in this process are all the members of a community, at any organizational level local, regional, national or federal. Nobody, therefore, is excluded from production or consumption (availability). Within these coordinates, a public good is an explicit economic category determined by other economic categories: income-expenditure, cost-benefit, production-consumption. In the above mentioned, as well as all other examples of public goods, however they may be categorized (as global, national, communal, common pool or club). What inevitably imposes itself is the concept of awareness (consciousness?) of the need for public goods and their production, as a per se necessity. This ontologism based on the concept of good (as opposed to bad) leads us into determining public goods as an ethical category. Where is the Lost Ethic? The ethical discourse of technology, with all its good and bad consequences, is rooted in the ancient tragedy, when the machine appeared as the intermediary between God and humans (i.e., natural resources and people) in its modern explicit meaning. It is not necessary nowadays to demonstrate particularly that technological process has led to an imposing extent of economic and any other type of progress in humankind. Similarly, it is unnecessary to demonstrate specifically that development has lead to a regression in many spheres of human life with very pessimistic prognoses for the future. Despite the facts and the knowledge of harmfulness of certain technological solutions, humans use them excessively and indiscriminately, turning in this process against themselves. Production of one resource (e.g., motorways, so that we can travel faster and more safely) necessarily destroys another resources (e.g., fertile land or forests). The awareness of a natural (public) good withdraws in this away before the (created?) need to rest on a distant shore of a sea or a lake or to do business quickly. Technical solutions and their role in the frantic satisfaction of generated rules, willingness to pay for them, and especially to make profit, bring us into a situation where we must once again form people's awareness of the gradual, but radical, change of people's attitude toward nature, society, other people, the world and life, on the foundations of the new naturalized humanism and humanism in general, [5] with the creation of the new value matrix. On the boundary between the industrial and the post-industrial epochs, perhaps the most important question of the civilization is: Does what I do benefit or harm the human in me and/or in other humans? Probably the solution to this dilemma, at the same time the most difficult, is creating needs appropriate to a person. Maybe it will tickle our imaginations to know why a person, a famous athlete or businessperson, hoards 10 - or more - best or fastest cars in his or her garage and lives in a house with several dozen rooms on an estate of several hundred hectares, (3 van 5) :44:48

194 Public Goods The Economic vs. the Ethical Category even though it exceeds by far his or her existential needs. Can we imagine what would happened if he or she wished for, or could afford, and were willing to pay for, purchase and turn into his or her private good, Niagara Falls, Plitvice Lakes or the Tara Canyon? There are numerous examples showing how economics defeated ethics. Accumulation of private goods beyond the extent of a person s needs is evidence of this and will persist as long as material private goods remain the measure of a person s value. The Tara Canyon Victory of Ethics over Economics for the Time Being A recent idea of the Government of Montenegro to publish an Invitation to Tender for a dam and hydroelectric plant on the River Tara is the most typical example of how a purely public good nearly became a marketable economic (maybe even private) good. This infantile idea of the Government, fortunately, mobilized a wide front of conscious people, formally and informally organized groups, expert and non-governmental organizations. For the time being, the Tara will remain what it should be a public good. At this point, we come to the key assumption for the preservation of public goods and their function public choice. According to the theory of public choice (a separate, modern economic discipline), public choice is a process whereby individual preferences are joined into common decisions. [6] A democratic society (a mature one, of course) coordinates and appreciates the significance of individual values and tastes and establishes them by the principle one person one vote. It is the sum of individual values and preferences, on the basis of the qualified majority, that directs and shapes (through its legitimate representatives) the frameworks and goals of policy in a community (state, region, local community) and nominates politicians as the reflection of the voters awareness. Conscious voters (educated, informed, responsible) will choose such representatives, and vice versa. Not entering any further into this equally significant issue, it is necessary to underline that in this way, by public choice, we, citizens-voters, actually establish our own system of values. For this reason it is necessary to open the widest possible front for educating and informing the population about public goods and their importance for us and especially for future generations, to whom we also bear huge responsibility. Translation from Serbian: Women s Center for Democracy and Human Rights, Serbia and Montenegro Sources: 1. Babi, Mate (2001). Makroekonomija [Macroeconomics]. Mate d.o.o, Zagreb. 2. Bojovi, Viktorija (2004). Javna dobra karakteristike, formiranje tražnje za javnim dobrima i problem besplatnih korisnika [Public Goods Characteristics, Forming Demand for Public Goods and the Free Rider Problem] in Anali ekonomskog fakulteta u Subotici, Issue 12, Draškovi, Božo (ed.) (1998). Ekonomija prirodnog kapitala [The Economics of Natural Capital]. Belgrade. 4. Goodstein, Eban (2003). Ekonomika i okoliš [Economics and the Environment]. Mate d.o.o, Zagreb. 5. Ili, Bogdan et al. (2000). Politi ka ekonomija [Political Economics]. Beograd. 6. Maleševi, Krstan (2004). ovek protiv sebe ogledi iz socijalne ekologije [Man Against Himself Essays in Social Ecology]. Belgrade. 7. Milenovi, Božida (2000). Ekološka ekonomija [Ecological Economics]. Niš,. 8. Samuelson, Paul, and William Nordhaus (2000). Ekonomija [Economics]. Zagreb. Ljubica Komazec, Ph.D., Professor at the Faculty of Economics, Subotica, University of Novi Sad, Serbia and Montenegro. Her fields of expertise are Economics of Companies, Menagement, and Environmental Economics. She is a co-author of three textbooks, published about forty articles and papers, and participated in developing about forty scientific and research projects. She is the Editor-in-Chief of the Journal «Annals of the Faculty of Economics in Subotica''. [email protected] [1] Proudhon, Jean-Pierre, Qu est-ce que c est la propriété? Recherche sur le principe du droit et du government, [What is Property? Or, an Iquiry into the Principle of Right of Government], (4 van 5) :44:48

195 Public Goods The Economic vs. the Ethical Category [2] According to the subjective value theory, the value of goods is determined by the desire of an individual (i.e., the attitude of an individual toward a commodity what it means for him/her). If, for example, we like to follow fashion, we shall do anything to come into possession of fashion novelties, entering the consumer society whirl. [3] An example of communal goods is the utilization regime of pasture rights in Switzerland. Alpine pastures have been communal property for centuries. Overgrazing was prevented by associations of users who limited the allowed number of cattle. These associations have had a long-term, stable function and have transferred rights and responsibilities from one generation to another. The bases for their functioning are awareness of communality, trust and obedience to rules. [4] An irresistibly imposing association is that of the system of social property in the former Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia. 4 Krstan Maleševi : ovek protiv sebe ogledi iz socijalne ekologije [Man Against Himself Essays in Social Ecology] Belgrade, 2004, p. 59. [6] Mate Babi : Makroekonomija [Macroeconomics], Zagreb, 2001, p (5 van 5) :44:48

196 Faites vos jeux, Messieurs! Faites vos jeux, Messieurs! or A Case Study on the Impact of the General Agreement on Trade in Services (GATS) in Bulgaria - The Concession of Sofia Water Supply and Wastewater Services: Legal, Economic, Social and Gender Aspects By Genoveva Tisheva and Irina Moulechkova, Ph.D., Bulgarian Gender Research Foundation, Bulgaria Executive Summary and Recommendations * On October 6, 2000 Sofiyska Voda - EAD /Sofia Water/ started to operate the water supply, wastewater and sanitation services for Sofia city. Sofiyska Voda /Sofia Water/ is a special purpose company established between the winner of the bid for a water concession - International Water Ltd. (IWL) /a company in consortium between US Bechtel Group and the British United Utilities International/, and the existing municipally owned utility company - ViK /Vodosnabdyavane i Kanalizatsia EAD/. Sofia Water was established initially with 75% of shares belonging to International Water Ltd. and 25%- to Sofia municipality through ViK EAD. The financial contribution of IWL was supported by the European Bank for Reconstruction and Development /EBRD/. The Concessionaire s responsibility is to operate and maintain the water supply and sewerage system during the Concession period and to design, plan, finance and construct the required capital investments. The MoS retained ownership of all existing water and wastewater infrastructure assets during the Concession period. Ownership of new infrastructure assets, construed by the Concessionaire was also vested in the MoS. The Concession company was entitled to the right to use those assets in accordance to the Concession Contract. The duration of the concession was initially determined to be 25 years, extendable for a further 10 years in accordance with the Municipal Property Act. A significant programme of capital investment was required in both the water supply and the wastewater systems to meet the target service standards and the Concessionaire was required to invest at least USD 150 million in capital works over the concession period. The Concessionaire had the obligation to make mandatory investment of the amount of USD 152 Million during the first 9 years of the concession period. It is the first transaction of that kind in Bulgaria and one of the biggest investment contracts for the period. Furthermore, the Concessionaire is responsible for the metering, billing and revenue collection and has the power to warn customers with disconnection for non-payment. Thus, the concession contract left within the hands of the concessionaire, with predominant foreign participation, the implementation of the right to water and the provision of water supply as essential service. Not surprisingly, the concession contract was concluded within a special legal and economic international context - the commitments undertaken by Bulgaria in the framework of the WTO, and namely under the GATS /General Agreement on Trade in Services/, combined with the conditionalities of the World Bank and the other international financial institutions pushing for liberalization of the water and energy sector, as well as of other essential services. This contract means as well that Bulgaria has become a target of the interests of the big water transnational companies /TNCs/ - a market clearly dominated by the biggest European and US actors at the moment. Bulgaria joined the WTO as of December 1, 1996 after entering into force of the Protocol for the Accession to the Marrakech Agreement. The country applies all multilateral trade agreements, annexed to Marrakech Agreement from the date of accession without recourse to any transitional period. Bulgaria accepted as a single undertaking the three major agreements - GATT, GATS and TRIPS. Due to the fact that Bulgaria jumped into the WTO directly with the status of a developed country / being one of the first countries in Eastern Europe to do so/, the reforms of the transition period had to be conducted in a framework of open markets and strong international competition. Despite the scarce economic effect and the negative social impact of liberalisation, Bulgaria is firmly intended to join and pursue the WTO agenda. This is because the country wants to be recognised and accepted in the democratic international community. By joining GATS the Bulgarian government had to start playing the GATS game and, subsequently, to follow its rules. GATS is the first multilateral agreement containing the commitment for a continuous liberalization of the trade in all services, essential services included, through binding rules. The aim of GATS is to increase international trade by removing any control and restrictions as fiscal policies, standards, conditionalities, environment protection, existing social standards or laws which maintain the public monopoly on some services. Exemptions are very limited in practice and commitments, once made, are irreversible. The Bulgarian government made a lot of horizontal commitments as well as commitments through a broad range of services; namely, Bulgaria is bound by liberalisation in the field of environmental services - wastewater, sanitation, litter collection, except for services in the exercise of state authority. There are no limitations for the commercial presence concerning sewerage, wastewater and other related services. The liberalization and deregulation of water supply services, in Bulgaria included, are subject to the pressure within the WTO. In the frame of the request offer procedure launched, a high number of requests in the water sector were made mainly by the EU /apparently more (1 van 4) :45:01

197 Faites vos jeux, Messieurs! than 70/ to the developing countries. There is unofficial information about the pressure that should be exerted also on states from Eastern Europe, too. The forthcoming Ministerial in Hong Kong is an important stage for the negotiations around this large amount of water requests. The Bulgarian government has not adopted safeguards and regulatory mechanism in order to protect the socialeconomic right of the Bulgarian citizens in the conditions of liberalization. The services sector is particularly relevant for women s employment and for the safeguard of other social rights but the gender implications are ignored as well. Women make almost 63% of the employed in services, according to the National statistical institute /NSI/. The share of women in the total amount of employed people in the middle of 2002 has been about 47%. Thus, women are much better represented in the sectors as education (79,6%), where they are 4,2 times more than men, health care (75,7%) and other social services, they are 3,9 times more than men, finances and insurance (61,7%), hotels and catering (57,7%) commerce (51,4%). According to the estimations of the specialised trade union for water supply and wastewater sector, women make about 36-38% of the people working there. It is a relatively high number, given the characteristics of the work the sector involves. The arguments about the impact of trade liberalization, and namely of GATS, on women, shared by feminist organisations and experts, are valid also for Bulgaria: - The costs and the benefits from intensifying the monetary flows, the trade in goods and services, and the labour market are unevenly shared between women and men. It consolidates the traditional division of roles of women and men, just like it consolidates the other forms of social inequalities. - Trade liberalization impose significant constraints on governments - they have to remove regulations concerning labour rights, gender equality, social policies, which make obstacles to foreign investors - thus causing welfare losses; it impairs the capabilities and willingness of the government to start and to continue implementing gender equality and gender empowerment programmes. - It devalues the contribution of women to taking important decisions at political level, and also in the sphere of privatisation and trade at national and international level. - Trade liberalisation causes decrease in the purchasing power of the households and progressively increases obstacles for access of marginalized groups to basic services, with significant implications for women s reproductive roles. Special implications are observed in women - headed households. - Women are finally responsible for the survival of the family, they have to compensate with their care and other work the lack of or the lack of access to basic services. - GATS affects women who make a high percentage of the employed in the services sector, especially in the health and education sectors; due to the division of labour in other sectors, like the water supply and sewerage sectors, for example, women are endangered from redundancies in the administrative departments. - Women are affected by the privatisation of basic services, as they are main beneficiaries of services as health, social security, and social assistance. Bulgaria has ratified all the international treaties on fundamental human rights and freedoms and is bound by them, and namely by the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights. Given the vital importance of access to water, as well as the dangers for the enjoyment of this right, the UN Committee on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights at its 29 th session on 26 November 2002 issued a General Comment No. 15/2002 on the Right to Water /E/C.12/2002/11 /. The General Comment/GC/ is adopted in relation to art. 11 /right to an adequate standard of living/ and art.12 /right to health/ of the Covenant. The rights to water is declared as indispensable for leading a life in human dignity and a prerequisite for the realisation of the other human rights.the main requirements for the realisation of the right to water are: availability, quality, accessibility /in this respect, all water facilities and services must be sensitive, among others, to gender and lifecycle requirements/, economic accessibility, non-discrimination, information accessibility concerning water issues. Women should not be excluded from decision-making on the issues related to the right to water. State responsibility is explicitly stressed upon- state is responsible for ensuring the right to water, no matter by whom water supply is operated and it has to adopt a national water strategy and an effective regulatory system. As specialized agencies of the UN, the World Bank /WB/ and the International Monetary Fund /IMF/ are related to the UN Charter and have special roles to play in the implementation of the two Covenants, especially in the ICESCR. According to the legal theory, states cannot be exempt from their HR obligations, when they adhere to another legal body. A point of inconsistency of the positions of the states forming the international financial institutions /IFIs/ and the WTO is that they opted for strict regulations and enforcement of the decisions only at the level of their financial and trade multilateral agreements, but left basic human rights without a reliable enforcement mechanism In the case of the Sofia water concession, the foreign investor International water is related to the global Water oligarchy, which makes the driving force behind the otherwise legitimate claims for more investments, restructuring and privatisation. Their thirst for profit and control and global alliances with banks and governments made out of the right to water a mere commodity. (2 van 4) :45:01

198 Faites vos jeux, Messieurs! In Bulgaria we observed the same pattern of conduct and social implications of the activities of the water TNCs, identified in the investigation of the ICIJ /International Consortium of Investigating Journalists/ - they can be ruthless players who constantly push for higher rate increases, frequently fail to meet their commitments and when companies are fined for not achieving performance targets, they often don't pay, preferring to appeal rulings in lengthy and expensive arbitration and court proceedings. It is not accidental that prior to the concession of Sofia water by the time of the finalisation of the concession contract, International water had failed already in Manila, the Philippines they provoked the famous riots in Cochabamba. Although the investor r had no experience in Eastern Europe, it found a lot of assets in Bulgaria which opened good opportunities for profit: a strong deregulation and privatisation agenda of the government, with the respective conducing privatisation climate and legislation, an obsolete infrastructure of water supply, well qualified and trained personnel in the sector, favourable technical and climate conditions in Sofia. And last, but not least - citizens who are not used to stand for their rights, who do not go out in the streets. So, in these conditions, the concessionaire could afford: to take advantage of the defaults in the concession procedure, by overselling its services; then to directed the investments towards the information and accounting system, instead of investing in the infrastructure in need for modernization; not to account properly for the investment and the use of the EBRD loan; to contract out essential water supply and sewerage services and to make a good part of the qualified personnel redundant; to push for continuous increasing of the water rates, to allow overcharging and arbitrary cuttings of water supply, without informing the clients, and non - achievement of planned technical parameters ensuring the access to water. A survey conducted in the course of the research revealed the trend that women are more sensitive to worsening of the services and raising the prices by Sofia water. All the decision taken about the concession and about its implementation were made with deficit of women s participation. Media remained the main vigilant ally of the citizens during the last three years, characterized by gaps and noncompliance of the concessionaire with the initial contract. At present and before taking a decision about the replication of the water concession model in other locations, the government has to analyse and assess the social and economic effects of the transaction. The Bulgarian government faces the dilemma- to answer the need for regulation of the water sector or to obey the agenda for liberalization and deregulation. It is essential that the State implement the General Comment on the Right to Water, ensure accessible water supply to all the citizens and regulate the water price rates, beyond the strict division of public water supply companies, municipal, or private ones. Recommendations: - In the course of the interviews with experts it was stressed that with more investments allocated directly, without passing through a foreign investor, and despite the conditionalities of the banks the situation with water supply can be improved. - The establishment of big regional water companies with a democratic structure as alternative to the model of water concession were proposed by the experts in the field of water supply. This structure has to be combined of course with the establishment and democratic functioning of national regulatory and controlling bodies. - In any reform, a socially balanced approach that takes into account the needs of people and local circumstances is preferable to any slavish imitation of models, as PPPs or 3Ps. The interests of workers in the sector must be guaranteed, as well as access to water and energy at reasonable prices for all citizens, especially the poor and disadvantaged. - Bulgarian government has to opt for transparency of the decisions taken in relation to WTO and GATS. In this respect - the citizens, the representatives of civil society, the trade unions have to be informed in advance about the decisions to be taken, they have to be consulted on all important issues of trade liberalisation - The government has to consult and account for to trade unions and civil society organizations - human rights, social NGOs, organizations of minorities and vulnerable groups, women s organizations about liberalization and restructuring in the sectors related to essential social services - The political decisions about the liberalization of essential services have to be taken with the participation of women and with respecting the opinion of women the most affected and concerned by any restructuring of this sector. - In the meantime, all the implications of GATS in Bulgaria, and especially in the field of essential services, should be reviewed, analysed and assessed from the point of view of their human rights and social implications. Where needed, new laws, policies and programmes of the government in implementation of GATS should be stopped. (3 van 4) :45:01

199 Faites vos jeux, Messieurs! Bulgarian civil society has to start playing a leading role in supporting the international social movements working in the field of the implications of GATS, and namely on essential services and to support the appeals for STOPPING GATS: In implementation of that, civil society has to exert pressure on the Bulgarian government to accept, support and to lobby for the implementation of the resolution of the UN Sub- Commission on the Promotion and Protection of Human Rights, which calls upon all governments and international economic policy forums, including the WTO and its GATS Council, to conduct an assessment of the impact of GATS on the implications of international trade in basic services such as health and education services and their impact on human rights. An initial assessment would need to clarify what the GATS text actually means, and the political sovereignty implications of what governments will or will not be able to do as a result of the agreement. - Bulgarian civil society should insist and exert pressure on the government, in order to: make Bretton Wood institutions recognise that the treaties on human rights are binding on their members, that they ensure that their policies and programmes are in compliance with the provisions of international HR law; make WTO adopt in its agreements legal safeguards for the protection of basic human rights, the right to equality included, with effective legal mechanisms for implementation. About the authors: Prof. Irina Nikolova Moulechkova, Bulgaria, Ph.D., senior lecturer of International Public Law, University of World and National Economics (UNWE), Sofia and of International Protection of Human Rights. Ex member of the Supervisory Board of State Privatisation Agency. Articles and studios on International Standards of Human Rights and Women s Rights, ILO standards with regard equal opportunities of women and men on labour market. One monograph on the status of individuals in International Public Law. Co-author of BGRF in Annual reports on Bulgaria for Social Watch , 2000, Co-author of the Final report: Privatization s Impact on Women during the Economic Transition in Bulgaria Participation in the preparation of the Alternative report to the Third Periodical Report of Bulgaria on the implementation of ICESCR, presented at the 21 st session of the Committee on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights, Appointed by the President of Republic of Bulgaria as a member of the Commission for Protection against Discrimination in Genoveva Tisheva, Bulgaria, lawyer, Executive Director of the Bulgarian Gender Research Foundation. Contact: [email protected] * The Case Study is thepart of the WIDE (Women in Development Network) - BGRF Project A Gender Perspective in Privatisation of Public Goods and Services funded by Heinrich Boell Foundation (carried out in 2003 and publication of the report in 2004) (4 van 4) :45:01

200 Is water a public good or a commodity? Is Water a Public Good or a Commodity? Thoughts on water privatization and related issues for poor populations By Massan d'almeida, AWID Water is at the origin of life on earth. For a long time, it was considered an element. It was only in the eighteenth century that the physician Henry Cavendish conducted his analysis and discovered its double structure, a binary compound composed of oxygen and hydrogen. However, water can not be reduced only to what physicists and chemists may have to say about it. The biologists' stand point on the matter is just as interesting. "No living organisms can live without water in any of its forms. The reason why is simple: our cells, all living animals, ourselves included, live in an aqueous environment. Therefore, there are constant chemical exchanges through the membranes of our cells between the external environment composed of blood and interstitial liquids and the internal environment composed of various substances dissolved in water. Living organisms are first and foremost composed of water since there is water inside and outside of those cells." (Claude Villeneuve, Eau secours!) "We do not know the value of water as long as the well isn t dry." (Thomas Fuller, Gnomologia, 1732) "Every eight seconds, somewhere in the world, a child dies from a disease related to shortage in drinking water and health services." (WHO, 2000). More than 1.1 billion humans are indeed deprived of drinking water and 2.4 billion of health services. Already, more than half of the population in developing countries suffers from at least one of the six main water related diseases that kills more than five millions people every year, eleven thousands of whom are children who die every day, which is three to four times the number of victims of the World Trade Center attacks! How then is one to understand the deafening silence of the media and our own? Especially since this 'water woe' is stupidly, recklessly and greedily imposed upon millions of us, as Maude Barlow and Tony Clarke's book eloquently demonstrates: "States have indeed agreed at the Johannesburg Summit, to grant access to drinking water and health services by 2015 to half of the population deprived of that access, however, this was accomplished at the cost of a non-recognition of access to water as a basic human right, contributing thereby to this public good becoming a commodity for the benefit of the water cartel." Water needs an ethic for action. It must be guided by precautionary principles and principles of mutual respect as well as by ideas of justice and solidarity. And so far, a binding human right to water has only explicitly been mentioned in the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women and only in the context of access without discrimination. Today, the right to water derives essentially from the binding norms of the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights. In this regard, the right to water is derived as a precondition to the right to life, the right to food, the right to health and the right to housing. This stance was translated in the FAO's slogan for the World Food Day in 2002: "No food without water". Therefore, it is clear that whoever is concerned with the future of humanity must irrevocably ponder on the issue of water. Water, this "blue gold", has become an unavoidable issue. According to the UNEP, the global water crisis is the biggest challenge facing the international community and the drinking water crisis has the same dimensions and presents the same potential threats than climate changes. The need for a convention on water is not a tokenistic exercise separate from the emerging reality as stated by a few experts. Fundamental questions underline this call for a binding right, questions which need to be dealt with as quickly as possible. Is access to water a human right? Is water a public good, like the air we breathe or is it a commodity? Who can assume the right to open or close the water tap: a relevant authority, the population (through public authorities or governments) or the invisible hand of the market? Lack of financial resources is at the top of the list of arguments produced by the international community to explain why billions of human beings continue to live in unacceptable conditions, deprived of water. The estimates of additional private means required to reach the Millennium Goals vary greatly. The UNEP calculated that we would need up to 180 billions dollars per year while the World Bank is talking about doubling annual investments to reach 30 billions dollars. The report called "Camdessus" presented at the third Global Forum on Water in Kyoto is also based on this argument. The primary originators of this report were the Global Water Partnership and the World Water Council. It had been drafted by a financial expert under the responsibility of the former Director of the International Monetary Fund, Michel Camdessus and must be used as a reference for donors' future policies. It speaks again of mega projects such as those which have been implemented in the last few years in many countries with all the fatal social and ecological consequences that we all know. (1 van 2) :45:12

201 Is water a public good or a commodity? According to advocates for the privatization of water supply services, additional financial resources would need to be mobilized through the private economy. We know the numerous examples of indebted developing countries who are pressured by the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank to privatize their water services in order to obtain new loans. Reality shows without any ambiguity that the privatization of water supply services is a dead-end path even when financial arguments are used. The Millennium Goals will never be reached this way. Multinationals are only interested in providing water services to mega cities, in other words areas with a clientele of a certain level of buying power and where there are great opportunities for profit. Cases such as Manila, Maputo, Togo, South Africa, etc., demonstrate that multinationals have no concern about backing out of their commitments when gains do not meet their expectations. It is then the State who is forced to pay the consequences. Public-private partnerships that have been subjects of countless praises and have been highlighted again in the Johannesburg Action Plan are also leading down the wrong path and have not thus far contributed to solving the water crisis. Rather, the reality is as follows: the majority of people who do not have access to safe drinking water live either in rural areas or in slums. Another far-reaching consequence of water privatization is higher water bills and drastic measures that are taken by companies against customers when they are not paid on time. Water, basis of all life, remains without global and autonomous protection embedded in international law. An international convention on water could be one solution, offering the following benefits: Rendering the right to water, like any human right, binding on legal grounds. Guaranteeing the right to water to future generations. Protecting water as a public good for humanity. Prioritizing water provision and holding States accountable for the respect, protection and implementation of the right to water. Preventing water from being privatized and for becoming a commercial good. Granting priority to human rights to water as opposed to the international trade law (i.e. WTO). Putting water sources, unconfined groundwaters, rivers and lakes under the complete protection of public international law. Guaranteeing women s access to water as a human right. Protecting local and nations rights to water for indigenous peoples within international law. Anchoring the traditional culture of water and locals rights (nomads', for example) to water within international law. Ensuring that the population is a stakeholder and has its say, democratically, in the development of national and local strategies in water related matters. Making available to all women and men legal ways internationally and nationally to claim the right to water. Published in: Resource Net Friday File, Issue 198 Friday, October 8, 2004 Association for Women's Rights in Development * This article originally appeared on our French-language e-list Carrefour, Volume 3, Number 16, May 25, It was translated to English by Cécile Grégoire. References: 1. Global+ Dossier N 2, April L'Encyclopédie de l'agora 3. Business Africa (2 van 2) :45:12

202 Doc Women and Water Privatization By Ana Elena Obando WHRnet (Women s Human Rights Net) * Overview The increase of the global degradation of ecosystems, the excessive consumption of water, contamination and salinization of water-bearings, aquifers and dams, along with the impact of extreme poverty which has been worsened by privatization, are contributing factors to an environmental catastrophe. This has had profound effects on the availability of drinking water and, consequently, has led to the violation of the right to life, safety, food, health and education of billions of human beings. Water is a fundamental and inalienable human right and a common good that every person and institution of this planet should protect. This resource is, like air, a heritage of humanity and must be declared that way. Water is not merchandize and no person or institution should be allowed to get rich from the sale of it. It should not be privatized, marketed, exported or transferred to a few multinational companies, which today already control 90 percent of privatized water utilities. For the GATT, NAFTA and FTAA, water is a commodity, an investment, a simple service for commercial use and profit. Women are the most affected by this crisis. More than half of the 1.2 billion people who do not have access to water are women and girls. The IV World Women s Conference of the United Nations in 1995 contains one chapter in its Action Plan about women and environment in which the right to water was incorporated, although it was not analyzed how the water shortage or contamination disproportionately affect women. However, later investigations, as the one sponsored by UNIFEM, have verified that in most developing countries women are responsible for water management at the domestic and community level. It was also estimated that women and girls use more than 8 hours a day traveling from 10 to 15 km. to transport between 20 and 15 liters of water in each trip. Men, especially in rural areas, do not play the role of getting or carrying water. Their relation with water has more to do with agricultural work, and with the storage of water. This gender inequality has implications in women s daily life, from a rights based perspective, since the carrying of water not only causes them physical disorders, but also makes it difficult for them to get involved in activities such as education, income generation, politics, leisure and recreation. According to a WEDO report, Women use vegetation and forests-for medicinal plants, food and fuel, as well as for income generation-but these ecosystems rely on a healthy water supply. As the environment deteriorates, women's livelihoods become increasingly vulnerable. For example the availability and placement of toilets has a huge impact on women but in many communities women must walk a long distance to use facilities, often risking their personal safety-there is an increased incidence of sexual and physical assault when toilets are in a remote location. In rural areas where toilets may be unavailable, deforestation and loss of vegetation have forced women and girls to rise earlier and walk further in search of privacy. Toilets are also unavailable for vast numbers of poor women who work in urban centers. About 1 in 10 school-age African girls do not attend school during menstruation or drop out at puberty because of the absence of clean and private sanitation facilities in schools. Together with this existing inequality and the consequent violation of almost all human rights, the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund have imposed the privatization of water services on several countries as a condition to grant them loans. This has serious consequences for the entire population, but for women in particular. Today many people in the world are advocating that water, as a basic right, be excluded from the WTO, FTAA and FTA negotiations. This is because the when water is legally considered a commodity, an investment or a service under international, regional or bilateral agreements, it violates the Agreement on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights and other International laws, and it also subjects the entire population of the world to a slow environmental genocide due to the lack of this resource. The Colombian researcher Mariela Adela Rivera-Santander highlights the consequences of water privatization In Cochabamba, Bolivia, water privatization has caused an indiscriminate rate increase of up to 200 percent, whereas in Conakry, Guinea, the increase has been 500 percent in only five years, resulting in a serious impact on the lives of displaced women, girls and boys. She explains how:...in Colombia and the Philippines when water service is suspended due to nonpayment, women start using contaminated water again, which puts them at risk of having serious illnesses they also spend long hours carrying water, in addition to not being able to cover food, health or education expenses, since they are using that money to pay for the water service Everyone must share water world resources: Economic sectors, interstate jurisdictions and sovereign nations, while respecting the need for a sustainable environment. Women often have the responsibility of using and (1 van 3) :45:30

203 Doc managing water in the worst conditions, sometimes having to choose between eating or being able to rely on having water for daily chores. Time invested on securing water excludes them from participating in decisionmaking processes, advocating against poverty and improving their quality of life. Equal access to water and monitoring of water ecosystems to protect this resource and to prevent natural disasters is more than a necessity. It is an urgent human right that cannot be postponed. It is essential to reassess the economic, social and environmental roles of water and to recognize and value the women s function as users and managers of water resources. We need to consider the sustainability of environmental resources in the planning, construction, operation and management of main water projects, to evaluate the social impact of the development of water resources, to reestablish the quality and protection of subterranean and surface waters, and to link water policies with other ecosystem policies from a gender perspective. Human Rights Mechanisms The UN Universal Declaration of Human Rights excluded water as an explicit right. Its explicit inclusion was believed unnecessary given its nature as a resource necessary for basic survival. Nevertheless, the General Comment #15 on the Articles 11 and 12 on the right to water, adopted in November 2002 by the Committee on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights explicitly recognized that water is a fundamental human right. The 145 countries that ratified this Agreement are obliged to progressively ensure that every person has access to safe drinking water, equally and without any discrimination. Obligation to respect this right requires that the States part of this agreement abstain from adopting any conduct that interferes with the enjoyment of this right, such as practices denying equal access to acceptable drinking water or illegally contaminating the water by dumping industrial waste from Government companies. The parties are obliged to protect Human Rights, avoid the interference of third parties in the enjoyment of the right to drinking water. This obligation requires that all parties adopt the necessary measures to guarantee the right to drinking water. In the Convention for Eradicating Discrimination against Women (1979) is established that rural women s health depends on adequate and non-discriminatory access to water. Other rights usually not associated with the right to water, but that directly affect women and girls, are the equal right to education and to political participation. In 1995, during the Fourth World Women s Conference (Beijing China), the Governments committed in the Beijing Declaration to promote the knowledge and favor the investigation of women s role, particularly in rural and indigenous areas, in watering, land management and cleaning up, by focusing particularly on the knowledge and experience of indigenous women. This right is also mentioned in the Children Rights Convention (1989), article 24. Documents about the Earth Summit, produced during the Rio De Janeiro meeting in June The UN Millennium Development Goals In the Ministerial Declaration of the Second World Water Forum, 2000 it was established that the best way to protect the planet's ecosystem is to consider women s involvement in the planning process, thereby ensuring their participation in issues linked to water and land ownership. The International Water Conference (Bonn, Germany) establishes that water policies and water management systems must be sensitive to gender issues. Any issues linked to water must deal with the division of labor with or without remuneration- between men and women. Men and women must participate in the management of sustainable water resources exploitation and in the distribution of benefits in equal conditions. The women s role in any sphere linked to water must be strengthened and their participation must be broadened. The World Summit on Sustainable Development (August 2002). The Ministerial Declaration of the Third World Water Forum (March 2003) The Declaration of San Salvador for the defense of the Right to Water. Norms on the Responsibilities of Transnational Corporations and Other Business Enterprises with Regard to Human Rights. Facts and Figures 2.4. billion people in the world, in other words two fifths of the world population, do not have access to adequate health billion people in the world, in other words one sixth of the world population, do not have access to potable water million people in developing countries are dying every year, most of them children, from diseases linked to the lack of access to clean drinking water, inadequate health and poor hygiene boys and girls die everyday from diseases linked to the lack of access to clean drinking water, inadequate health and poor hygiene. The average distance a woman in Africa and Asia walks to collect water is 6 km. (2 van 3) :45:30

204 Doc The weight of water that women in Asia and Africa carry on their heads is equivalent to the baggage weight allowed by airlines (20 kg). In developing countries one person uses an average of 10 liters of water per day. In the United Kingdom, one person uses an average of 135 liters of water everyday. When you flush the toilet, you are using the same water amount that one person in the Third World uses all day to wash, clean, cook and drink. In the last ten years, diarrhea has killed more girls and boys than all people who have died since the World War II. In China, Indonesia, and India, the people dying from diarrhea are double to those dying from HIV/AIDS. The population of Nairobi, Kenya, pays five times more for one liter of water than does a North American citizen. The Guatemalan a hand-washing initiative reduced 322,000 deaths from diarrhea in billion people in the world are suffering from parasite infections due to solid waste in the environment, which could be controlled with hygiene, water and sanitation. These infections can cause malnutrition, anemia and delayed growth. In China, Mexico and Vietnam, communities are practicing ecological healthiness. November 2003 Sources: Global Water Partnership, Understanding the Causes of Water Problems Marcelina White, Cómo afectará el ALCA a la mujer? ( How Will FTAA Affect Women? ), Women's EDGE UNIFEM, Mujer, Medio Ambiente, Agua: Reflexiones sobre la promoción y protección del derecho de las mujeres al agua ( Women, Environment, Water: Reflections on the Promotion and Protection of Women s Right to Water ), 24 de marzo del 2003 The Water Supply and Sanitation Collaborative Council, WASH Facts and Figures WEDO, Conexiones No Escritas: Diferencias de Género en Cuanto al Uso y Manejo del Agua ("Unwritten Connections: Gender Differences Regarding the Use and Management of Water ) World Water Development Report, El acceso al Agua como Derecho Humano ( Access to Water as a Human Right ) Association for Women s Rights in Development * WHRnet (Women s Human Rights Net) is a project of the Association of Women s Rights in Development (3 van 3) :45:30

205 Transition TRANSITION Women and Economic Changes, By Mirjana Dokmanovic While the other so-called transition countries in the CEE and NIS have started building market economy immidiately after the fall of the Berlin wall, the economic transition in Serbia is late. The reasons are many-sided, and lag behind the process of guided nondevelopment during 1980s (IN SERBIAN) The Western Balkans from the leopard skin to European Union By Ilija J. Jombic The situation in the Western Balkans is the result of the so-called leopard skin politics of the international community. The consequences of this politics are a great number of small states with significant national identity, among those there are still problems due to undefined mutual borders, and all of them lagg behind the realization of the market and democratic reforms. (IN SERBIAN) Relevance of New Solutions: The Example of Free Zones in Serbia and Montenegro By Zdenka Djuric, Ph.D. The transfer of the global economy into the phase of New Economics more than ever gives significance to the issues of the relevance of new solutions being limited by time and the issues of the knowledge and skills of particular subjects required to deal with change successfully. The problem of changing patterns of successful functioning of the global economy and its subjects does not lie only in the strength of arguments and positions of the participants in the debate. Position of Women in Montenegro By Rosa Popovic During the past ten years Montenegrin economy underwent economic transformation, as well as serious social changes. This period is marked by the disintegration of former Yugoslavia, wars in the region, a large number of refugees and internal displaced persons (IDP's) who find shelter in Montenegro (at one moment they represented 12% of the total Montenegrin population, and that was actually the period of the greatest economic, social and political crisis). The Quintessential Step of Serbia and Montenegro towards the European Union: Facing Historical and Present Day Myths and Delusions By Ognjen Radonjic The European Union is the only rational future road to political and economic development for Serbia and Montenegro. At the same time, it is also a powerful guarantee of peace and stability in the region. Serbia and Montenegro is very far from the European integration processes at this moment. In order to make the process of accession faster and easier and at the same time to prevent eventual wars in the near and distant future, this study has the aim of revealing two extraordinary delusions on the part of Serbian people and present day national leaders. Women s Rights in the Western Balkans: In the Jaws of the Free Market Mirjana Dokmanovic The transitional economies of the region have a number of common characteristics, many of these arising from their common experience of structural adjustment. The region s SAPs, dictated by the IMF, have features familiar from previous SAP experiences in other regions, requiring removal of all obstacles to the international trade and foreign investments, prompt privatisation, labour market flexibility and reduction of all social costs. The new transitional policy abolished many of gained economic and social rights, and these social and economic turbulences have mostly negatively influenced marginalized groups, women being the majority of them. (1 van 2) :45:39

206 Transition Economic Reform and Poverty: A Gender Analysis By Sally Baden BRIDGE Economic reform in many developing countries has been associated with stabilisation and structural adjustment programmes supported by international financial institutions (IFIs). As these have become more widespread and long term, concern has grown about the impact of economic reform policies on poverty. Evidence is not encouraging, with many countries experiencing increases in poverty under programmes of economic reform in the 1980s, or a worsening of income distribution, with a few exceptions. In recent years, however, it has become evident that the poverty in countries undergoing economic reform is not temporary in nature. Moreover, there is considerable evidence that adjustment policies themselves have contributed to increasing poverty. Invisible Workers: Women in the Informal Economy in Russia By Zoya Khotkina, Ph.D. The results of Russian quasi-reforms was deep economic crisis, break-down of the industry, decline of the production, deterioration of living standard of the population and mass unemployment. The lack of job, and livelihood opportunities drives labour force from the official sphere of employment into the informal economy. The feminisation of poverty and gender discrimination at the labour market are reasons why are women more likely than men to work in the informal economy. (2 van 2) :45:39

207 Relevance of New Solutions: Relevance of New Solutions: The Example of Free Zones in Serbia and Montenegro By Zdenka Djuric, Ph.D., Faculty of Entrepreneurial Management, Bra a Kari University, Novi Sad, Serbia and Montenegro Abstract On the example of free zones in Serbia and Montenegro, the author addresses two theses. The first, by which even the best solutions do not last forever and have a limited period of relevance. The second, by which the utility of a new solutions is highly dependent on the quality of the environment and the subjects using it. Key words: free zones, Serbia and Montenegro Introduction The transfer of the global economy into the phase of New Economics more than ever gives significance to the issues of the relevance of new solutions being limited by time and the issues of the knowledge and skills of particular subjects required to deal with change successfully. The problem of changing patterns of successful functioning of the global economy and its subjects does not lie only in the strength of arguments and positions of the participants in the debate. The problem also lies in the knowledge and skills to adopt new solutions in a qualitative manner within the relevant period. In order to elaborate the above positions, this paper considers an unused possibility in Serbia and Montenegro. Knowledge, skills and coincidence have caused the institution of free zones not to yield expected results and effects during the period of high relevance. Free zones as a new, advanced institution in a socialist country The former Yugoslavia was a socialist country. Unlike other socialist countries, it had far more of the elements of a market economy. In the conditions at that time, it maintained a rich practice of foreign economic relations. A little less than one-half of total exports were placed in developed markets. Domestic practices included joint ventures and long-term cooperation with foreign partners. In such an environment, in the mid-1970s, legislation introduced the institution of free zones. Introduction of free zones was accompanied with strong media campaigns about their significance for further access of the domestic economy to the developed world, attracting international capital and transfer of international technology, for further growing exports and creating new employment in the country. A climate was being created in which the institute of free zones was represented as a condition for energizing further economic development. Nowadays, regretfully, we find that the institution of free zones in Serbia and Montenegro, and as far as we know, even wider, in the area of former Yugoslavia and its environment (Romania and Bulgaria) did not accomplish its mission. One exception is Hungary, which initially opted for and very successfully used the trading zones. Transitional changes in the country and liberalization of international trade and business sooner or later will raise the issue of relevance and further maintenance of free zones. Aim and basis of consideration The question asked in compiling this paper is: Why did an institution, which at the time of its introduction represented a modernization and liberalization of links between national and international economies, did not accomplish its mission? When answering this question, besides a decade of professional work on their development, I also wanted to rely on empirical data. Having asked the Association of Free Zones of Serbia within the Chamber of Economy of Serbia, I received the answer that there are no data and that the data are confidential. Free zones in the Republic of Serbia According to the data from the Internet [1], free zones in the Republic of Serbia are located in Belgrade, Novi Sad, Smederevo, Kovin, Šabac, Subotica, Sremska Mitrovica, Prahovo, Sombor, Lapovo, Vladi in Han, Ba ka Palanka and Pirot. Most of these free zones have obtained establishing and working licenses, but factually, they (1 van 5) :45:47

208 Relevance of New Solutions: are doing very little or no business at all. We must point out that in the 1980s and the 1990s there was a lot of interest from numerous local governments and companies, mostly in underdeveloped communities, to establish free zones. It was a climate in which it was in to have one's own free zone. Definition of a free zone Under the Law, (Official Gazette of FRY, issues 81/94 and 28/96), a free zone is: a part of the territory of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (FRY), enclosed area under Customs surveillance, regulated in terms of urban development and infrastructural equipment, where, in the case of construction or business transactions, applicable regulations are the laws of the host country and the company's bylaws related to the administration of free zones. Enterprises managing free zones Free zones on the national territory are incorporated companies owned by local governments, banks, freight forwarding or transporting companies and other corporate entities. In the practice of domestic free zones, new shares were issued and new share capital was added in a very small number of cases. Otherwise, the assets of the free zones did not include the value of land in the free zone area. Free zones are administered by free zone managing enterprises. The range of activities of these enterprises includes: introducing tenants to land and premises within the free zone area; providing that investors and users of the free zone enjoy the privileges in construction and business provided by the law for the area of free zones; managing the unobstructed operation of free zones; and providing certain services to the users of free zones. Privileges for investment and business in free zones At the time of passing the first Free Zones Act, when there were numerous customs barriers to the import of goods on national level and when goods could be held under customs surveillance up to 60 days, free zones provided the possibility of keeping goods under customs surveillance for unlimited time. Otherwise, any transfer of goods from free zone area into the national market is subject to complete import procedure. One of the advantages in this procedure is that the free zone area included Customs offices. At the time of passing the first Free Zones Act, the Direct Foreign Investments Act did not provide, as it does today, the possibility for goods used for setting up a new enterprise or a jointly owned facility to be imported exempt from import duties. The Free Zones Act provides such a possibility. In the first Free Zones Act, the beneficiary of the free zone could have a foreign currency bank account and full freedom of its use. By the changes in legislation regarding foreign currencies, this privilege in doing business in free zones has lost significance. Changes and liberalization of legislation regarding foreign trade and foreign currency transactions of domestic subjects caused the dissipation of minor legislative privileges for investments and business transactions in domestic free zones. Services in free zones Inside the free zone areas, the Law does not allow retailing or rendering services to users who are outside the free zone area. It only allows wholesale between subjects located inside the zone and subjects outside the zone. In compliance with contracts with free zone managing companies, a body corporate may organize and render services inside the free zone area. As far as I know, such a possibility is not used in domestic free zones. On a daily basis, the free zone area includes a small volume of individual specialized services, so that anyone who is potentially interested faces the problem of their cost effectiveness. In a number of free zones, managing enterprises organize and render services of handling and storage of goods, as well as catering, for their users. Programs and contents of free zones In the 1970s and 1980s, domestic free zones were promoted as export-oriented production zones, although legislation did not define it anywhere. Namely, legislation allows organizing all industries and activities in the free zone area, with the exception of activities endangering national security and environment. Experience has shown that domestic free zones acquired a profile of free trading zones. Some stages of (2 van 5) :45:47

209 Relevance of New Solutions: production were organized in a very small number of free zones, mostly assembly stages, employing no more than 10 workers per individual program. Strengthening trading and transporting operations in the free zone area has lead to direct competition between free zones and Customs zones and public storage facilities in the direct environment. Users of free zones The 1980s and 1990s were the time of frequent talks about the entry of multinational companies into the free zone areas. The practice, however, failed to live up to the expectations. An average free zone user may be defined as: a small rather than medium-sized enterprise; a domestic enterprise from the independently-developed private sector in the 1990s, or a foreign company registered in a neighboring country by our citizens; an enterprise renting small premises for a shorter time, often using it to carry out a single or a few importing or re-exporting transactions. Foreign trade balance of free zones The legislature provided that free zones must have exports worth 50% of the value produced and services rendered in the free zone area over the period one year. Under the Law, if a free zone does not comply with this requirement over three consecutive years, this entitles the competent authorities to hand down a decision for withdrawing the permit to operate a free zone. Justification of organizing export-oriented production in free zone space is highly subject to dispute. Legallyprovided privileges for transactions in free zones do not stimulate export-oriented production. The legislature gave a high quality solution to the problem of temporary import for finalization or for export, or the issue of temporary import into the territory of the country. According to my information, the value of import in the 1990s exceeded the value of export, but the issue of implementation of the law was not raised due to the situation the entire country was in. Although I do not have the latest accurate information, I tend to conclude that the recent years have not seen significant changes in terms of the volume and size of foreign trade of the free zones. I believe that the share of exchange conducted in the free zones is below 1% of the country s total foreign trade. Constructing and equipping of free zones By definition, free zones cover areas regulated in terms of urban development, infrastructure and equipment, on high-quality locations. It is true that in several cases free zones also have unregulated grounds in terms of development and equipment. The problems of development and equipment, as well as lack of interest in construction, have lead to the fact that only a part of the ground has been fenced and put to use. So far, local authorities do not comply with the legal provision under which land allotted for construction must be used for construction within a given period of time. The average area of larger free zones is several dozen hectares of land. Smaller free zones cover a few hectares. In the largest number of free zones, built business premises in the free zone regime include facilities that represent the initial investment capital of the free zone. Depending on the free zone, the areas of the built premises of standard dimensions range from 2,300 to 15,000 square meters. These premises, owned by the managing companies are either rented or used by the owners themselves as storage space. The largest number of free zone management enterprises has not invested in further expansion of business premises. Only in the case of two free zones is there a recorded entry of foreign capital and construction of premises for their own needs. Rights of foreign investors The Free Zones Act allows for foreign investors to be shareholders of free zones. Most of foreign equity participation is limited to 49% of the value of the free zone's capital. This provision is one of the reasons for the lack of foreign interest in capital extension of free zones. In case of building within the free zone area, the investor is the owner of the facility and the tenant of the grounds upon which the facility is built. The maximum period of tenancy is 60 years. Factors contributing to failure of free zones to accomplish their mission (3 van 5) :45:47

210 Relevance of New Solutions: A large number of factors have contributed to the fact that free zones in our country, once represented as advanced and high-quality institutions, never accomplished their mission. Numerous factors contributing to this fate of free zones can be systematized in several basic groups: The war environment and sanctions in the 1990s have resulted in devastation of the national economy and have reduced the appeal of the country for foreign investors and partners. When making designs and analyses aimed at establishing free zones, large national socially-owned and public enterprises were considered as users of free zones. In the period of setting up free zones, there were considerations of high-quality services as a factor of their appeal. Facilities and the quality of services outside free zone areas are not inferior to those provided by free zones. Liberalization of foreign trade has resulted in the loss of significance of the advantages and privileges granted for investments and business within free zones provided by the law. Nowadays, the managements of free zones are trying, although without results, to secure new legal privileges so as to increase the appeal of doing business in free zones. Domestic free zones are unappealing in terms of pricing. Construction and doing business in free zone areas requires due fees for constructions (the amounts and procedures being identical as for construction and business outside free zones), and the fees for possessing facilities and doing business are set by the bylaws of enterprises managing free zones. On the average, monthly rent per square meter of storage space is 3.6 euros, plus additional taxes, duties and fees. The amount of rent is one of the reasons that free zone areas are used for trading in and assembling small-sized products and goods of higher value. Finally, due to the devastation of the national economy and property rights changes in the social sector, space outside free zones can be rented and purchased at prices much lower than that inside the free zones. Failure of the mission of free zones in Serbia & Montenegro is contributed to by the management and staff structure in the enterprises managing free zones. When appointing executives in free zones, a dominant factor is the influence of political groups, due to dominance of socially-owned enterprises in the structure of their shareholders. It can be expected that privatization of these enterprises will lead to a change in the criteria for choice of executives in these zones. Conclusion A large number of factors have contributed to the fact that free zones in Serbia & Montenegro have not accomplished their mission in the period of their high relevance. Nowadays, the institute of free zones both in the global environment and Serbia & Montenegro is losing its relevance. The problem is not in the volatile character of the relevance of this institution. The problem is in the unwillingness of managements and those gathered around free zones in this country to accept these changes, and with more or less delay, to carry out changes in the programs and contents, relying less on the privileges granted by law and more on the structure and quality of their own offers. Translation from Serbian: Women s Center for Democracy and Human Rights, Serbia and Montenegro Sources uri, Z. (1993). Jugoslovenske slobodne zone [Yugoslav free zones]. Poslovna politika, Issue 10, Belgrade. uri, Z. (1994). Kineske ekonomske zon, [Chinese economic zones]. Poslovna politika Issue 7, Belgrade. uri, Z. (1995). Slobodne zone u Rumunij, [Free zones in Romania]. Poslovna politika, Issue 4, Belgrade. uri, Z. (1996). Maqaldori gube status slobodnih zon, [Magaldori loses free zone status]. Poslovna politika, Issue 3, Belgrade. uri, Z. (1998). The Danubian Basin Free Zone, Collection of papers WEBZA, Istanbul. uri, Z. (2001). Prilagođavanje promenama Uslov uspešnosti preduze, [Adapting to changes precondition for successful enterprises]. Belgrade: Institute of economic sciences. - ponuda.htm zone.htm About the author: Zdenka Djuric, Serbia and Montenegro, Ph.D., Professor of Faculty of Entrepreneurial Management, Bra a Kari University, Novi Sad. She has a broad experience working at research, developmental and leadership positions in (4 van 5) :45:47

211 Relevance of New Solutions: companies in Vojvodina. She has published over 120 research and scientific papers.she is the author of one monography and three university textbooks, and co-author of one university textbook. She is affiliate of the Economics Institute in Belgrade and member of the Scientific Association of Economists. Contact: [1] Source: (5 van 5) :45:47

212 Doc Position of Women in Montenegro By Rosa Popovic, Subregional coordinator of the Women's network of Southern Europe, International Confederation of Free Trade Unions, Montenegro Introduction During the past ten years Montenegrin economy underwent economic transformation, as well as serious social changes. This period is marked by the disintegration of former Yugoslavia, wars in the region, a large number of refugees and internal displaced persons (IDP's) who find shelter in Montenegro (at one moment they represented 12% of the total Montenegrin population, and that was actually the period of the greatest economic, social and political crisis). Since the economic and political collapse of former Yugoslavia, Republic of Montenegro suffered the loss of 57% of the economic power it had in 1989 (GDP per capita was 3000 USD). Since 1999 it started recovering slowly, with the annual increase of approximately 2% in the past two years. In 2002 GDP was only 63% of what it was in 1989, which influenced the drop in the living standard of the population in Montenegro and resulted in the reduced social safety of the citizens. Transition was marked by national and international politics, economic shocks that resulted in serious deterioration of productive activity, increase in inflation, official unemployment and participation of the informal sector (gray economy) in the overall economic activity. In January 2002 Montenegro introduced Euro as the official currency. Montenegro is currently part of the state union of Serbia and Montenegro, with the common Parliament, President and Council of Ministers. Council of Ministers acts in five fields: foreign affairs, defense, international economic relations, internal economic relations and protection of human and minority rights. These common functions of Serbia and Montenegro will be financed jointly for both in the percentage of contribution of each republic to the national GDP. Although the two republics have some common institutions, they still define economic, fiscal and monetary policy independently. After the 1999 elections, Montenegro started the process of economic reforms, much earlier than Serbia. These reforms were aimed at stabilizing prices, reducing budgetary deficit and elimination of irregularities in trade. With the introduction of German Mark as an official currency there has been a significant drop in the inflation rate. Despite the ambitious reforms Montenegro is characterized by high participation of the public sector in the total number of employed persons, thus, there is a strong dependence on donor assistance and other forms of financing in order to cover the existing level of consumption and investment. Many state enterprises are still non-profitable and require significant state subsidies in order to survive. Most of the companies are privatized, many workers in those companies are dismissed, especially women. High unemployment rate is still present, and those who work have low wages. There is a large number of pensioners and their average benefit is low. All this resulted in the increase of poverty in Montenegro, which represents 12% of the total population (absolute poverty), according to the international standards. Real poverty in Montenegro is much higher than what is defined in the DPRS document (Development and Poverty Reduction Strategy of Montenegro). According to that project the following categories of the poor have been defined: 1. 12,2% of the population is in absolute poverty as compared to consumption per person of 116 Euro per month; 2. 36,4% of the population is economically vulnerable and poor as compared to the consumption per person of 160,5 Euros per month; 3. 9,1% of the population are in relative poverty, as compared to consumption per person of 105 Euros per month; 4. 4,0% of the population is considered poor on the basis of inadequate nutrition. Source: Draft PRSP and ISSP Living standard and poverty in Montenegro, Social position of women in Montenegro (1 van 15) :45:58

213 Doc There is no doubt that the position of women in Montenegro has improved since WW II. On the basis of the Constitution, women became equal to men in 1945, including the right to vote and be elected. In the self-management system women were recognized and respected in the society, but the traditional influence of men on the position of women in the family and society could still be felt. However, in that period women were more involved in politics and in other leading positions in the society, than today. In the past ten years, with the gradual introduction of market economy, social position of women in Montenegro deteriorated significantly. Not very many women occupied important positions, and men tried to push them out even more, thus, women became less and less represented in the decision-making bodies and their social status became almost problematic. Some people claimed that women are incapable of being managers, politicians, ministers, and that they do not know how to run business. However, the real situation is different. There is much more success in those businesses that are managed by women. Globally speaking, women are more efficient, socially more sensitive and more responsible than men. Despite all the positive characteristics, in this period of transition and reforms, women are more affected by all the changes than men. Position of women is best illustrated by the indicators of employment, unemployment and their participation in performing social and public functions, and similar. Republic of Montenegro has the population of (June 30, 2002), out of which 51,8% are women. According to that, it should be expected that women participate with 45-48% in all the spheres of working and social life. Number of women in the Parliament of Montenegro was 7% in 1993, while it is 10,66% in 2003, which means that the participation of women in politics is slowly improving, which was definitely contributed to by women's NGO's, fighting for a better status of women in the society. In the Government of Montenegro there are 15,38% of women ministers, that is, two women are ministers Minister of culture and Minister for foreign economic relations and EU integrations. For the first time in recent period a woman was elected State Prosecutor in Montenegro (this was reserved as a male position in the past). On the basis of case studies and data from the automobile dealer shops, 30% of women buy cars for themselves, while the remaining 70% of the customers are men (until 10 years ago it was a rare situation that a woman bought a car for herself). Also, on the basis of the case studies and data from the Real Estate Agency «AS» and Real Estate Agency ²Krstaš², in Podgorica, 20-25% of the owners of apartments are women, and this mostly involves smaller apartments. When an apartment is looked for, women are the ones who are consulted on the size, location, and similar, but after the purchase, men become registered owners. This is a reflection of tradition, where men are seen as the heads of the family, thus, the owners of real estate, as well. Due to the transformation of banks in Montenegro it was impossible to get any loan from them. In recent times, when the banks regained their position in the society, their status has been legally regulated, and they provide housing loans to citizens, with the payment period of years, with a relatively high interest rate. Not very many women will be able to get a bank loan to build a house, buy an apartment, or similar, as they have no ownership over real estate, which is necessary as a mortgage for the loan. Statistical data by sex are not maintained for the above-mentioned activities, which creates difficulties in getting a real picture of the position of women in this respect, which, again, shows their status in the society. Education of women is, however, a good indicator of their status in the society. Education level among population above 25 years of age, by sex (data from 1991): Education Women % Men % No education 77,3% 22,7% Primary school finished 63,59% 36,41% Primary education 50,4% 44,6% Secondary education 42,3% 57,7% University education 36,66% 63,34% Unknown data for education 1,5% Source: Republican Statistics Agency, Statistical Yearbook year 2000 On the basis of this data it can be seen that the level of education of the population is continuously increasing, and the gap between men and women is reducing, as well as the illiteracy of the population. There is a very low percentage of illiterate population, especially in the population category of years of age. However, education level among some population groups s still low, especially among the poor, who start primary school, but never finish it. Approximately 5% of the Montenegrin population is considered «educationally poor», which means that they have not (2 van 15) :45:58

214 Doc attended primary or secondary school. In the education system in Montenegro, that is, in the primary education, gymnasium, and vocational education there are students enrolled. There are teachers and professors hired for the teaching process, and together with the support staff this number goes up to workers. Overview of the employed teaching staff in primary schools Table 1 School year No of teaching staff 1997/ / / / / Source: PRSP draft These indicators reflect slight increase in the number of teaching staff in primary schools, by 270 persons specifically, in the period from 1997/98 until 2002/03. University education among women On the basis of official statistics received through the 1991 Census, women represent 36,66% of the total number of students who graduated from University. On the basis of the data of the Ministry of education for 2002, out of the total number of enrolled children into preschool institutions (11.432), primary and secondary schools ( ) and the University (11.000), women represent 56%. This is a big improvement in the education of women as compared to the past. Employed in education by sex Table 2 Year Total no of the employed Participation of women in education (%) , , , , No data , , , , , ,30 Source: Statistical Yearbook 2002 Looking at the sex structure of education, it can be noted that more and more women are involved in the education sector. On the basis of the data from the Ministry of education and the Republican Statistics Agency, it can be noted that there is an increasing number of girls who finish primary schools (52,8% of the total number of students), both in cities and villages, and this is a significant improvement as compared to the past, especially in the villages. There are still cases in some villages where girls don't finish primary schools even though they have been enrolled, due to traditional and other views of their parents and the environment where they live. Luckily, this number is insignificant, so we have not presented any data on it here. With the increase of the standards in education coverage of female children with all levels of education and in all the communities will be higher. Position of women in the labor market One of the real indicators of emancipation of women in the society is their employment. In the post-war period of development one of the priorities in the society was faster employment of women. In the period , number of employed persons in the state sector was increased, among them there was an increasing number of women, thus in 1971 participation of women in the total number of employed persons was 28,2%, in ,5%, in (3 van 15) :45:58

215 Doc 38,7%, and in ,8%. General characteristics in the field of employment of women are positive in the long run until 1989 (if we look into the overall structure of the employed). In the past ten-year period there has been a reduction in the number of employees in the state sector, thus increasing specific problems of employment of women. In order to analyze more thoroughly the position of women in the labor market, it is necessary to say a bit more about the paid working hours of both sexes, especially of women. According to the Law on labor relations, paid working hours for both sexes, men and women, is 8 hours per day, which is 40 hours per week, where there is also a daily rest of 30 minutes during those working hours. This relates to full working hours of both sexes. There is no data on whether there is some overtime work performed, unless the company keeps such records in order to pay the workers accordingly. There is no research done in relation to the working hours on any grounds, so there is no data about it either. Currently performed census (November 15, 2003) contains this question working hours of the employed, so we can hope to get a clearer picture about that category in the near future. Working hours (for women and men weekly) For men For women Paid work (weekly) Unpaid work in the household On the basis of a case study, we have learned that women work 3,5 times more in the household (unpaid work) than men. This is a reflection of gender inequality within the family. Unpaid work is even less analyzed, and this primarily relates to voluntary activities and work in the household, and similar. In practice, there is a big difference between the unpaid work in the household between men and women. Women work 8-10 hours in the household on average, while men work 1-2 hours, which means that women work 6-8 hours more in the household than men every day. This is primarily the result of the traditional relations in the family, and the view of the role of women. Even today (although not as much as in the past), men look at women as perfect for household activities, even in relation to upbringing of children. Younger generation of men and women change those views, luckily, and perform most of the household activities together, even the ones related to care and upbringing of children. Slowly, but safely, this work in the family performed by men and women together will become practice among young couples and this will contribute to the better position of women in the family and in the society in general. Voluntary, professional and social work exist among both sexes, but there are no statistical records kept in this respect either. Also, there are no statistical data on part time work, except for some data related to the work of the disabled of the II category (4 hours per day), which is regulated by the Law on labor relations. However, the new Law abolished that right and proposed a different solution for the position of the disabled. The new Labor Law provides for new forms of work, such as work at home, work for several employers, full time work, part time work, and other forms. It can be expected that these forms of work will be implemented in case of both sexes, but especially in case of women. Due to the non-existing practice and no statistical data in the sphere of labor on the basis of gender, no data can be presented here in relation to the position of women from the aspect of time of their work engagement involving paid or voluntary work. Employment (1992 and 2002) Annual average Year Total no of the Women % of women employed , , , , , , , , , , ,95 Source: Republican Statistics Agency Statistical Yearbook 2000 and 2002 Above-mentioned data show trends of reduction of employment in Montenegro in the past 10, that is, 11 years. In the period from 1992, when the employment was until 2002, when the employment was , we can (4 van 15) :45:58

216 Doc note that there has been a reduction of 16,04%, or in numbers workers. The reason for it is a reduced scope of economic activity, changes in the structure of population (constant reduction in the number of workers in the industry is followed by an increase in the number of pensioners, but there is an insufficient number of registered workers in the private sector). Among the registered workers in the industry sector, there is an estimate that of them are technological surplus workers who will be dismissed, as they are not needed in the company (some estimates say that their number is as high as ). Generally speaking, in the above-mentioned period, the average number of employed women is 40% of the total number of workers. All the social, economic and transitional changes have affected the employment of women. Women have more difficulties in finding employment than men, especially now that most of the state owned enterprises have been privatized. A woman is still seen as a worker who will be more absent from work due to family obligations, who will take sick leaves to take care of family members, and the new employers don't accept that. This is hidden discrimination of women at the workplace, without any official records, but women and their families feel it as a big burden on their backs. Employment by sex in the period (in percentages) Year % of women % of men ,7 60, ,9 60, ,7 60, ,4 60, ,35 60, ,40 58, ,3 58, ,8 58, ,8 57, ,2 57, ,95 60,05 Source: Republican Statistics Agency Statistical Yearbook 2000 and This data clearly shows the inequality in employment of women and men, although female population in the total number of Montenegrin inhabitants participates with 51,8%, which is a slight majority. On the basis of the traditional division of jobs by sex, many posts are reserved in advance for men, usually according to the education level, tradition (such as the jobs of pilots, captains of ships, drivers, and similar). In recent times, these traditional barriers have been destroyed, and younger generation of workers is asking for changes, so now many jobs that used to be reserved for men are now open to women, which is encouraging (e.g. women police officers, miners, etc). Annual average employment in all ownership sectors by field of activity in 2001 Total Women Annual average Annual average % of women in total no of employed Total ,2 Agriculture, forestry and water ,0 management Fishery ,4 Mining and stone excavation ,0 Processing industry ,3 Civil works ,0 Hotels and restaurants ,2 Transportation and commun ,3 Financial mediation ,7 Real estate activities ,9 State administration and obligatory ,4 social insurance Education ,3 Health and social work ,5 Communal and other services ,5 Source: Republican Statistics Agency Statistical Yearbook Data analysis shows that women are mostly employed in the sector of health and social protection (81,5%), then in financial mediation 66,7%, in hotels and restaurants 55,2%, and in education 53,3%. These activities are (5 van 15) :45:58

217 Doc typically female ones, thus women are mostly occupying these positions. There are some indicators that these relations will change in the future, with the change in tradition and position of women in the society, so women will become more involved in the activities that used to be predominantly male in the past. Employment by sex and type of activity in the period Activity Year Total no of employed Textile Women 1886 % of working women 70, Metal sector ,1 15, Education ,05 49, Health and social work ,30 72, Trade ,5 57, Housing and communal activity ,5 18, Tourism and catering ,5 56, Financial technical services ,2 57, Agriculture and fishery ,7 50, Civil works ,0 14,1 Transportation and communications ,6 18,7 26,3 Source: Republican Statistics Agency Statistical Yearbook and Employment rate In the past 10 years there has been a constant fall in the employment rate, which can be seen from Table 1. There is a significantly lower employment of men, with a bit higher participation of women, and the reasons can be found in the fact that many companies were closed, bankrupt, and similar, thus, many jobs disappeared and workers were dismissed. This is a characteristic of the period of transition, which resulted in many problems in the sphere of labor, such as the increase in the unemployment, especially among women. Year General unemployment rate Men % Women % ,66% 40,76% 26,48% ,44% 32,22% 23,96% Source: Some data are taken from the Statistical Yearbook ( ), and some from the Employment Agency Employment rate was calculated by taking the number of employed persons in the analyzed period and dividing it by the number of inhabitants with the capacity to work (age 15-64). Official institutions (Statistics Bureau of Montenegro, Employment Agency of Montenegro) do not disclose the unemployment rate, but only the number of unemployed persons. This rate was calculated for the period Wages of the employees in Montenegro are not statistically covered on the basis of sex, that is, there are no gender statistics in the companies where they work or at the level of the Republic. Practice shows that wages of women are (6 van 15) :45:58

218 Doc 18% lower than the wages of men. During the past two years, average wage at the level of the Republic was not published. The last time it was officially announced was in June 2002, and it was 118,57 Euros. Average net wage by field of activity for 2001 In Euro Total for the Republic of Montenegro 107,80 Agriculture, forestry and water management 63,63 Fishery 23,29 Mining and stone excavation 129,63 Processing industry 89,88 Electricity production and processing 166,58 Civil works 59,95 Trade 74,79 Hotels and restaurants 40,92 Transportation and communications 128,54 Financial mediation 186,54 Real Estate activities 88,55 State administration and obligatory social insurance 149,29 Education 131,30 Health and social protection 132,68 Communal and other services 97,14 Source: Republican Statistics Agency Statistical Yearbook Wages in different fields of activity for the mentioned period are very low, and the Republican average is 107,80 Euros, where 50% of these sectors have wages below the average, and 50% are slightly above the average wage in the Republic. Wage increase in 2002 was reduced and brought down to what is realistic, which during the year 2001, wage increase was partially financed by the significant international assistance, which positively reflected the position of the workers. In order to stabilize the economy, in 2002 the wage increase was reduced. This partially resulted from the reduced inflation rate in 2002, which came down to one figure number, and we can expect it to drop down even further in the medium term. Wage level, wage types and coverage of the consumer basket with the average net wage are some of the basic indicators of poverty in an economy. Average net wage estimates in Montenegro vary. According to the estimates of the Republican Statistics Agency, average wage in June 2002 was 118,57 Euros, while the ISSP from Podgorica estimated it to be 199 Euros. Coverage of the consumer basket with the average salary, according to the official statistics, for June 2002 was 46,72%, and according to ISSP wage coverage of monthly consumption of food and drinks of the population was 46,2% during the year These indicators show that the regular incomes are very low and hardly satisfy some 40% of the needs of the population, maybe even less than that, and due to that population is faced with a high poverty risk, which is usually mitigated by additional salaries from the informal sector. It can be concluded that a large number of workers have low wages and the worker is obliged to provide lacking funds through additional activities, either in the gray economy sector or in some other way, in order to satisfy basic needs of the family. Discrimination of women at the work place On the basis of indicators on employment of women, their low participation in the management structures in the companies and institutions, it can be noted that there is strong discrimination of women in respect to their professional promotion and other aspects of work, as shown by the following table: Vertical discrimination of women Profession Total no Women % Top positions-total Women % Medical doctor ,9% Directors of health institutions 9,7% Teachers in primary school % Primary school directors 13,4% Diplomats 49 37% Ambassadors (1 M) none Source: Ministry of education of the Republic of Montenegro Health Institute of the Republic of Montenegro Ministry of foreign affairs of the Republic of Montenegro (7 van 15) :45:58

219 Doc This data shows open discrimination on vertical and horizontal levels, in respect to the managerial positions in very important fields, where women are mostly employed, such as health, education and similar. On the basis of data from Draft PRSP, only 7,2% of women perform managerial tasks in the companies where they work, which is an insignificant number as compared to the number of employed women with the managerial capacity in relation to the total population. Women are usually managers in small and medium size companies with the small number of workers, and with a low economic power, which means that these 7,2% shows that women are engaged only so that it cannot be said that they are ignored in this respect, and not because they are less capable of performing managerial jobs. Unemployment by gender Unemployment of the population with the capacity to work is a national problem in Montenegro. Employment Agency of Montenegro has persons registered as unemployed. Main characteristics of unemployment in Montenegro are: unfavorable ratio of the employed and the unemployed, long waiting for employment, gender inequality in relation to employment possibilities, regional disharmony, high participation of youth in the number of unemployed, structural disharmony between the supply and demand of the labor force, high participation of illegal work and high participation of the workers who are no longer needed, that is, technological and economic surplus workers. According to the official records, from the aspect of relationship between the unemployed and the number of active inhabitants in 2002, unemployment rate in Montenegro was 30,4%, or 20,6% among men, and 40,6% among women. Permanent employment is one of the main characteristics in Montenegro. Thus, according to data from 1992, 82,3% of the unemployed are waiting for employment over one year, 59,2% are waiting more than 5 years, 25,6% are waiting over 8 years, while there are 62,1% of the unemployed with no work experience. According to the data from the Labor Force Survey, long-term unemployment is present in 86,9% of the cases as compared to total unemployment. Employment is usually awaited for 4 years in Montenegro. According to official statistics 24% of people below 25 years of age are waiting for employment. Average age of the currently unemployed persons is 33. Labor market in Montenegro is characterized by a whole set of regional disharmonies in structural and dynamic sense. Thus, participation of the number of unemployed persons in the northern part of the Republic in total unemployment between 1993 and 2002 has gone down from 58,5% to 52,0%, and in the middle part it has increased from 42,5% to 45,3%, while in the southern part it has gone up from 13,0% to 17,5%. Increase in the number of the unemployed in the middle and southern part of the Republic as compared to the northern part is, primarily, the consequence of the migrations of the population, which is still ongoing. Participation of women in the total number of the unemployed (%) (Data from ) Table 1. Year Women % , , , , , , , , , , ,6 Source: Republican Statistics Agency Statistical Yearbook Data from Table 1 shows that in the past 10 years there has been a high unemployment rate among women. The highest unemployment rate for women is noted in ,6%, which is explained by the large influx of female labor force on the basis of technological and economic surplus workers in the companies that have been privatized and where women were dismissed from work, as well as a result of the natural increase in the number of female workers (coming out of school). In practice, women wait longer for employment than men. Causes of such a discriminatory status are multiple. (8 van 15) :45:58

220 Doc Unemployment by sex ( ) Table 2 Year Men % Women % ,4 54, ,7 58, ,6 59, ,7 59, ,7 60, ,5 60, ,9 60, ,4 59, ,4 58, ,6 60, ,4 60,6 Data from Table 2 shows the difference in percentages, related to the unemployment by sex, which can be interpreted in several ways. In order to reduce the differences between men and women in relation to the unemployment rate, it is necessary to achieve better family and social standard that would enable women to get a job more easily and to perform it more easily. Also, it is necessary to be more aware of women's problems, to create legal preconditions for gender equality, as well as to develop knowledge in the field of gender studies. It is necessary to develop services in order to assist the needs of modern working women (better family services, preschool institutions for children and institutions that care for the elderly, and similar). Also, it is necessary to eliminate discrimination at the time of employment and in promotion possibilities, sexual blackmail and other negative things. One encouraging fact is that there is an increase in the number of women entrepreneurs, which affects the unemployment of women, and there is also an increase in the number of women taking employment loans, and similar. One of the most important things is, surely, the introduction of adequate legal regulations that would sanction any form of violation of the right to work, on one hand, and that would stimulate responsibilities, as well as rights of the workers on the basis of employment, on the other hand. Characteristics and specificities of unprotected work Social and demographic characteristics of unprotected work Structure according to sex In the total number of workers in the informal economy, men participate with 50,74% and women with 49,26%. Age structure Most of the workers in the informal sector belong to the age group of up to 25 years old 36,5%, and 44,4% of them belong to the age group of 55 years and above (according to the Survey on informal economy). Qualifications of the workers Most of the workers have primary school education 47% of them, or have only vocational training as ordinary workers 42,8%, while there are 11,5% of the workers with University education. According to profession, most of them are construction workers bricklayers 75%, then 50% of waiters, salesmen 25,4%, and the lowest is the number of administrative workers. Territorial coverage The highest number of workers engaged in the informal sector is found in the southern part of the Republic 39,4%, while in the northern part the participation of informal work is 21,3%. Sectoral coverage Looking at different sectors, it can be said that the highest number of informal workers is seen in the field of catering 41,6%, civil works 38,5% and trade 25,7%, while the number is lowest in the field of transportation. Survey shows that there is a slightly higher number of men working in the informal sector 33% than women (9 van 15) :45:58

221 Doc 28%. Then, younger workers of up to 25 years of age, as well as the older ones over 55 years of age are forced to work in this sphere of work for purely existential reasons. Main reasons for engagement in the informal sector are: - provision of funds for life - inability to find legal employment - long period of waiting for employment - loss of permanent job - insufficient salary at the legal job. Duration of employment in the informal sector Up to 2 months - 6,8% 2-6 months - 16,1% 6 months-1 year - 27,6% 1-2 years - 14,6% and more than 2 years - 34,9% Salaries in the informal sector Salaries of the workers usually range from Euro per month. A smaller number of workers (approximately 20%) receive Euro. Salaries are paid out regularly only to some 85,8% of the workers and these salaries are higher than the ones in the formal sector by approximately 30% (the difference is in the amount of taxes in contributions that are not paid to the state). Working hours vary. From 8-12 hours for 40,2% of the workers, more than 12 hours for 4% of them, up to 4 hours for 2,2% of the workers and from 4 to 8 hours for 53,6 of them. On the basis of the above-mentioned data it is clear that these workers are deprived of the basic labor and social rights, they are exploited by the employer, without any social security. In order to legalize this kind of work, that is, to reduce the number of problems related to registration of workers and payment of all the contributions for them by the employer, the state started an action and reduced taxes and contributions for the first year of employment of the newly registered workers. Government of Montenegro, as well as CITUM, will work on the implementation of certain measures in order to reduce the problem of informal work to the lowest possible level, as this is in their mutual interest. This is the way to make this a priority issue for the society and to include as many actors in the process of solving this problem as possible. Pensions In the Republic of Montenegro the right to pension is based on the Law on pension and disability insurance. In August 2003 there were pensioners (age, disability and family pensions), with the average pension of 112,87 Euros. The lowest age pension for the full number of years of work experience was 107 Euro in this period, and limited pension for a small number of beneficiaries (approximately 91 of them) was 403 Euros. In the structure of age and disability pensioners, there are men and women, which is 81,95%. Average pension of the age and disability pension beneficiaries is 129,29 Euros for men, and 106,52 Euros for women, or 21,37% lower for women than for men. Average age pension is 137,83 Euros, average disability pension is 99,66 Euros, and average family pension is 90, 87 Euros. Family pension is awarded to the family of a deceased worker (spouse, children and other members of close family, in accordance with the Law), and it was not analyzed from gender aspect at this occasion. In the labor sphere, there are more men employed than women, thus there are more men as pension beneficiaries, and the situation is the same from the aspect of salary level. Higher salaries of men are later followed by higher (10 van 15) :45:58

222 Doc retirement benefits. Jobs performed by women are usually less complex than the ones performed by men, thus they are valued less from the aspect of salary calculation, and this results later in a lower retirement benefit. Level of retirement benefit is not sufficient for existence in case of most of the pensioners, thus the Republican fund for pension and disability insurance awards a number of pensioners with the lowest benefit one-time only financial assistance, from time to time, through the local associations of pensioners. There is no statistical data from the gender aspect in relation to this type of assistance, thus we cannot say how many women received it. According to some estimates, 10-12% of the pensioners provide the lacking funds for normal existence through the engagement in the informal sector. On the basis of the Law on pension and disability insurance, apart from pension, citizens have other rights, such as: financial assistance on the basis of physical disability of the worker in cases, financial assistance for the disabled of the 2nd category on the basis of part time work (4 hours) for 689 workers, then disabled at work of the 3rd category and there are of them according to the register of the Employment Agency, and they are awaiting employment and in the meantime receiving financial assistance in the amount of 65% of the minimum wage, which is 32 Euros monthly. These are the so-called derived rights, financed by the Republican Pension Fund. The analysis shows that the existing pension system does not provide adequate protection to the elderly and that it results in the unfair distribution of assets. Every society should decide what is the optimal level of redistribution of funds from the younger to the elderly, from the rich to the poor, from the capable to the incapable. Balance must be achieved between sufficient revenues for the elderly and sufficient assets in the hands of those capable of production. We need a balanced approach, in order to secure equal treatment of different generations, thus providing for minimum social security for those who can no longer work, and at the same time, to provide enough funds for economic growth and development. In the last few years, funds collected as contributions participated with 60% in the total revenues of the Fund necessary for the payment of retirement benefits, and the remaining 40% were provided from the Budget of the Republic. Due to that we have started the reform of the pension system and the new law was adopted ( ) on pension and disability insurance, which is much more restrictive than the previous one, and the implementation of this law will start on So, practice will show after some time what are the levels of protection of the elderly secured by this Law. Table 1 Data on the number of the insured from Year No of the insured No of pensioners Source: Pension Fund The analysis shows that this big increase in the number of pensioners is a big burden for the economy, and at the same time it causes other consequences, such as evasion of payment of contributions, increase of gray economy and increased participation of pension insurance expenditures in GDP, etc. Table 2 Number of pensioners, structure and average benefit for August 2003 Total no of pensioners ,87 Age pension ,83 Disability pension ,66 Family pension ,87 Source: Pension Fund On the basis of this data it can be concluded that the age pension users are the most common ones, which was not the case in the past, where the largest group were disability pension users. Table 3 Size of pension Average pension 112,87 Minimum pension for full no of working years 107,00 Limited pension (maximum) 403,00 Source: Pension Fund (11 van 15) :45:58

223 Doc According to this data it can be concluded that due to difficult economic situation in the past 10 years, there has been a sudden increase in the number of pensioners, in the way that many companies have used the institute of buying the remaining number of years until retirement for their workers, in order to release them, thus since 1990 approximately workers were retired on these grounds. At the same time, it can be concluded that there is an unfavorable ration of the number of pensioners and the number of workers of 1:1,3; there is also high participation of the expenditures of the Pension Fund in GDP 17%, etc. Social support to women Coverage of children with preschool education and upbringing by age, for the age group 1-7 Preschool network in Montenegro consists of 20 institutions. There are 175 children per building and 35 children in a group. There is a difference between different areas. Central part of the Republic is the most burdened one, and the burden is smaller in the northern part of the Republic. According to age, 90,8% of the kids are of the age 3-7, while 9,2% are groups below 3 years of age (nursery). On the basis of the official data coverage of children from 1-7 years of age is as follows: 1975/76 covered 7% of children up to 7 years old 1982/83 ² 13% 1999/00 ² 19,04% 2000/01 ² 21, /03 ² 22% Source: - Republican Statistics Agency Statistical Yearbook for Ministry of education of Montenegro Data shows that coverage of children with preschool institutions is slowly increasing. This is, primarily, due to the lack of space that is currently 1,89 m2 per child, while the existing pedagogical standards prescribe 8 m2 per child. Due to that, number of children in groups is much higher than the normative. Thus, there is still a big gap between the capacity of the preschool institutions network and the needs of the parents for this form of care for children. This low level of coverage of children with preschool institutions (nursery and kindergartens) reduced the possibility for higher employment among women, as many of them are not able to provide adequate care for their children in some other way. To be honest, in Montenegro, apart from the official preschool institutions network, there are a number of private kindergartens in the education system, for children between the age 3 and 7, but for a high compensation, which makes these services inaccessible to many parents. If we wish to secure higher employment of women in the future, it will be necessary to provide space for nursery and kindergartens, as well as to develop adequate social services, that is family support services. Children born in marriage or not within marriage structure ( ) In Montenegro we still have a patriarchal family and the institute of marriage is still traditionally respected as a form in which children are born. However, children born in marriage or outside such a structure are equal in their rights, thus, there are no problems from this aspect in order to achieve their legal rights. But, irrespective of the reasons that have caused to persons not to get married, children from these kinds of communities non-marital ones are still faced with the lack of understanding of the social environment they live in. On the other hand, in recent times there has been an increase in the number of non-marital units in which children are born, which is a reflection of the change in tradition and change of the patriarchal view of the family in Montenegro. The data in the following table best shows the type of changes that are happening in the Republic in relation to the children born in marriage or outside such a structure. Children born in marriage or not within marriage structure 1993 and 2002 Table 1 (12 van 15) :45:58

224 Doc Year Children born in marriage Children born outside marriage structure % , ,53 Source: Republican Statistics Agency Data shows that in 2002 there were 16,53% of children born outside marriage structure, which is 54% higher than in 1993, and this clearly proves that the occurrence of non-marital unit as a family model is slowly being accepted by the young couples. Number of single parents There is no data on the number of single parents, as the official statistics do not follow this. ISSP research of family situation, undertaken in 2003, shows that single parents represent 5,7% of the total population. These are mostly women as single parents, with one or two children that they have to care for, with the help of their families (parents, brothers, sisters and other members). Single parents have some assistance provided by the society through the system of social and child protection, which is realized as increased child allowance, or through material allowance for single parents if they have no other source of income. There are also some other forms of social care for children, such as free summer vacations, winter vacations, one-time-only financial assistance, free provision of school textbooks, and other. But, irrespective of all that, although they are present as a category in labor and social legislation, as well as in the General Collective Agreement in the part related to paid leave related to care for children, this is still not the adequate system of social protection of parents and their children. It can be expected that the reform of labor and social legislation reform that is underway will resolve the status of single parents in a quality way. Average number of children in families. There are no official statistics on this issue. There are some estimates and researches undertaken by some institutions in Montenegro. So, here is the data published by ISSP (Institute for Strategic Studies and Prognoses) Household Survey, which shows average number of children (up to 15 years of age) in families in Montenegro: Roma 2.61 children per family Refugees 0.72 IDP's 0.78 Residents 0.57 Total in Montenegro 0.61 In order to analyze this occurrence in more detail, it is necessary to give more information about the birth rate in Montenegro. Birth and death rate in Montenegro per 1000 inhabitants Table 1. Year Children born alive Children who died Birth rate Babies that die per 1000 of babies born alive ,5 7,9 5,5 14, ,1 8,1 3,9 13, ,5 8,2 5,2 13, ,0 8,2 5,7 11, ,3 8,3 5,2 14,6 Source: Republican Statistics Agency Statistical Yearbook for 2002 Analysis of data presented in Table 1 shows that the birth rate in Montenegro is still showing positive trend, although some municipalities show negative rate of population increase, such as Žabljak, Plužine, Šavnik, Cetinje and Andrijevica. Data collected on this issue shows that in 7 other municipalities in Montenegro there is a small birth rate, close to negative: Danilovgrad, Kotor, H. Novi, Pljevlja, Kolašin and Mojkovac. (13 van 15) :45:58

225 Doc So, more than one half of Montenegrin municipalities have a reduced rate of population growth right now. Contrary to them, in some municipalities this rate is much higher, such as in Rozaje (421 babies born, and 121 died). In other Montenegrin municipalities, in the northern and central part of Montenegro there are twice as many children born than those that die, which contributes to the increase in the population growth rate. In 2002 there were children born in Montenegro, while persons died. On the basis of these indicators, population of Montenegro was increased only by inhabitants last year. All this shows that Montenegro is faced with such a demographic process where the natural birth rate is at the edge of becoming negative. Population policy is an important question for every state; thus, statistics on birth rate are followed closely in order to maintain the optimal population growth rate. In that sense, certain measures of population policy are defined that will result in population increase, especially in the municipalities with the negative population growth rate. It is well known that with the lower number of child births every society becomes older and less capable to create new values. Thus, selfish views that one cannot provide enough funds to support one or two children, will result in a situation where those children will not be able to provide for better life of their own children tomorrow, as there will simply be no work force available. Renowned demographic experts, economists, sociologists and analytics say that the white plague is dangerous for every society, and it is storming through most of Europe right now. This trend is explained by the destruction of villages, tradition, destruction of families, increase in social pathology, difficult economic situation in the family and society in general. There are many persons who feel that the increase in white plague is also the result of giving women the right to interrupt pregnancy. All these reasons are present in Montenegro, as well, and must be solved quickly in order to avoid negative rate of population growth, which does not allow even for basic reproduction. Sexual harassment of women at the workplace According to positive legal regulations in Montenegro, problem of sexual harassment at work is not regulated by law, nor by any other bylaw, which is a big problem in relation to protection of women in the sphere of labor. It is a fact that Criminal Act of Montenegro regulates rape and mistreatment within marriage by a spouse and punishment is defined for such actions. However, in practice it is difficult to prove this, and to punish the offender. By the end of 2003 we expect to adopt changes and amendments of the Criminal Act of Montenegro, and the Association of working women»woman Today«within CITUM will submit an initiative to the Legislative committee of the Parliament of Montenegro to add an article in the Criminal Act that would relate to sexual harassment of women at the workplace. We expect this initiative to be accepted by the responsible committee and the deputies in the Montenegrin Parliament. On the basis of the research undertaken by Center for entrepreneurship and development of Montenegro, related to the discrimination of women in the process of employment and at the workplace, obtained results show that there is sexual harassment at work. It is seen in excessive jokes made by men, in demands to dress provocatively, comments related to the way a woman looks, touching, a director insisting on having a meeting, in the form of letters, invitations and messages to women, following or spying on them, open invitations to have sex, and similar. These things happen in practice, but not to a great extent, thus, they should be prevented from spreading if not in other ways, than through legal regulations and criminal prosecution of the offenders. Case study based on visits to several boutiques, cafes, where primarily young women are employed, included interviews with employed women. The following questions were asked Is there any sexual harassment at work, as well as blackmails? The answer was shyly presented to be YES, without an explanation, which proves that this occurrence is present in the sphere of labor, especially among private employers in the fields of catering, trade, where mostly young women are employed. If it happens that a case of blackmail or sexual harassment occurs at the workplace, this usually results in a person leaving that job, and the offender is not punished, and even the closest family of the young women is never informed about it. *** This research shows that the position of women in the labor market, in the society, and family is inadequate (bad) as compared to their contribution in all the segments of life and work. In order to change this situation to improve the position of women, it is necessary, among other things, to do the following: To provide a higher level of family and social standard; Education on gender equality at all education levels; Adoption of legal regulations on gender equality; Change of textbooks in schools, where women are treated differently than men (remove the stereotypes related to women as less valuable creatures); Greater participation of women in the authorities (Parliament, Government, Trade Union, Judiciary, and similar); Organize a campaign on relations between sexes public debates; Greater solidarity among women themselves (solidarity of all types); (14 van 15) :45:58

226 Doc Encouraging women to achieve better status in the family, society, and similar, as well as a whole set of other activities. REFERENCES: Draft PRSP and ISSP Living standard and poverty in Montenegro, 2003 Republican Statistics Agency, Statistical Yearbook Republican Statistics Agency, Statistical Yearbook year 2000 Republican Statistics Agency, Statistical Yearbook year 2002 About the author: Rosa Popovic, subregional coordinator of the women's trade unions network of Southern Europe, International Confederation of Free Trade Unions, president of the Employed Women's Association «Women Today» at the Trade Union, Montenegro. Obtained her BA at the Facutlty of Political Sciences, University of Belgrade, Serbia. She has published a number of papers and articles. (15 van 15) :45:58

227 Doc The Quintessential Step of Serbia and Montenegro towards the European Union: Facing Historical and Present Day Myths and Delusions By Ognjen Radonjic, Faculty of Philosophy, University of Belgrade, Serbia and Montenegro Abstract: Political stability goes together with economic stability. What is more, both are preconditions that must be fulfilled in order to provide fertile ground for economic growth and development in the future. Consistently, we think that the European Union is the only rational future road to political and economic development for Serbia and Montenegro. On the assumption that Serbia and Montenegro sincerely wants to join the European Union and to become a reliable ally of the international community, this study is pointing out two tasks that have to be accomplished at the very beginning in order to achieve this goal. The first is to face myths about the Serbs as sinless Celestial people, Serbian historical justice and self victimization, and international conspiracy aimed to destroy the Serbian nation. The second is to create and activate as soon as possible political mechanisms that will provide undisturbed and smooth cooperation with the International Tribunal in The Hague. Key words: political stability, economic stability, myths, delusions, cooperation, European Union, international community, Serbia and Montenegro Introduction The European Union (EU) is the only rational future road to political and economic development for Serbia and Montenegro. At the same time, it is also a powerful guarantee of peace and stability in the region. Serbia and Montenegro is very far from the European integration processes at this moment. In order to make the process of accession faster and easier and at the same time to prevent eventual wars in the near and distant future, this study has the aim of revealing two extraordinary delusions on the part of Serbian people and present day national leaders. First is that Slobodan Milosevic (along with his former close political and military collaborators) [1] was a politician occupied with the welfare and the future of his country. Second is that Serbia and Montenegro is enjoying international credibility and trust at the moment that enables the present government to constantly delay fulfilling its obligations towards the International Tribunal in The Hague. A short historical background After the devastating WWII, enormous efforts have been made by the Western countries to institutionalize world peace and secure harmonized economic development worldwide through international political and financial institutions. The most prominent ones are the United Nations, the World Bank, the International Monetary Fund, the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development, the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade and, later, the World Trade Organization. [2] Spontaneously, as time passed and war wounds started healing, nations realized that the ideals of peace and sustainable economic development were about to be carried out in the most efficient way by intensification of the world integration process. However, integration processes where largely slowed down after the biggest threat in history to the existence of humankind took place the Cold War. The Cold War was a classical example of ideological clashes between the extreme political and economic elite movements in both Western and Eastern blocs. After those years living on the edge of a third world war, the Iron Curtain finally fell down in 1989 when communist systems collapsed. The end of the war threat and the achievement of peaceful consensus worldwide opened new opportunities for acceleration of the integration processes. [3] At the same time in 1991, seemingly unexpectedly, so soon after the Cold War period had ended multiethnic conflicts in the territory of former Yugoslavia began. The conflicts escalated into violence and destruction where many innocent people were killed, tortured, imprisoned and left without homes and property. Terrible atrocities were committed. In order to punish war criminals, provide justice for war victims and prevent eventual new conflicts in the future, in 1993 the United Nations Security Council established the International Tribunal in The Hague. Cooperation with the International Tribunal is compulsory for all countries that took part in the wars. In other words, cooperation is a precondition for approval of financial loans and donations and for accession of Serbia and Montenegro to all political, military and financial international institutions including the European Union. [4] Serbian virtual reality (1 van 7) :46:09

228 Doc Political stability goes together with economic stability. What is more, both are preconditions that must be fulfilled in order to provide fertile ground for economic growth and development in the future. [5] Aware of this fact, Deputies of the House of the Republics of the Federal Parliament on 11 April 2002 passed the Law on Cooperation with The Hague Tribunal. [6] This law contains a provision about extradition of citizens of Serbia and Montenegro charged with committing war crimes. [7] During the pragmatic Serbian government under the leadership of assassinated Prime Minister Zoran Djindjic, [8] the Law was enforced and cooperation with The Hague was not without difficulties but was satisfactory. At this moment, although the present authorities [9] are to a great extent aware of the need to cooperate with the international community, they do not show the will to do so. [10] At the same time, putting into effect full cooperation with the international community requires existence of national consensus concerning this issue. Unfortunately, at this moment Serbia does not have agreement because about thirty percent of the electoral body, mainly supporters of the former regime and its policies, are very hostile toward international ultimatums. In other words, they are strongly opposing delivery to the illegal International Tribunal in The Hague of Serbian heroes and patriots, like former president Slobodan Milosevic, who bravely defended their country against numerous aggressors. [11] In addition, they have been pointing out that during the wars in former Yugoslavia, the international community was biased, supporting financially, politically and militarily only the Serbs enemies; whereas, on the other hand, Serbia was under heavy sanctions imposed by the United Nations. We think that there is no doubt that the international community has made some strategic mistakes that primarily resulted in a sharp drop in ordinary people s living standards, thereby giving the Serbian oligarchy an excuse for leading such a destructive and dangerous policy. Furthermore, we think that the international community, probably unaware of the very complicated political situation in the country, is still making mistakes. More concretely, mistakes including imposing ultimatums and not practicing a more flexible approach in negotiations with current Serbian authorities concerning the arrest of persons who are accused by the International Tribunal of crimes against humanity. Nevertheless, in our view it is more important and beneficial for our country to face the tragic policy and irreversible mistakes, with all their deterrent consequences, which former Serbian authorities under the leadership of Slobodan Milosevic have committed. The main purpose of this action should not be simply to achieve eligibility for loans and financial support, but rather to condemn war crimes. In our opinion, this would be the first but at the same time the quintessential step towards European integration. Consistently, we strongly believe that Slobodan Milosevic (and the like) was not a political leader occupied with the welfare and the future of his country. On the contrary, the only thing he was worried about was how to seize power and later to keep it by all means. In order to dismiss the mythical delusion of part of the Serbian nation about unjustified allegations against him and his self-victimization and patriotism we will briefly turn to his style and the legacy of his ten-year reign: He is the primary (but not the only) one who has to be blamed for violent dissolution of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (SFRY); for civil war in Croatia, in Bosnia and Herzegovina, and in Kosovo; and, as a result, for the Balkan s hell during those painful years with numerous human victims who lost their lives, families, friends, property and homes. [12] As a consequence, in 1992, the United Nations imposed very severe economic and military sanctions against the Federal Republic of (F. R.) Yugoslavia. In addition, F. R. Yugoslavia was expelled from all international political, financial and trade organizations. His reign was strongly based on using cruel and severe repression measures against citizens of Serbia who did not support his policies. (Some of them were imprisoned and tortured, put under surveillance and bugged.) He controlled media heavily, isolated Serbia from the rest of the world and, often fiercely and mercilessly, clashed with political opponents and independent journalists using all means of repression (secret and regular police, military intelligence and paramilitary formations like the Unit for Special Operations). [13] HHJe and his clique usurped national natural resources, industrial and agricultural capacities, and old currency savings of citizens. We experienced two hyperinflations [14] in a five-year interval that had a devastating influence on the Yugoslavian economy and investments, monetary, fiscal and foreign trade stability. The drastic drop of investments (especially in industrial production) caused a systematic and rapid depreciation of the popular wealth. [15] (2 van 7) :46:09

229 Doc The living standard of common people sharply decreased to the level of Third World countries. In such a way, the average monthly salary in Serbia was 752 DM (Deutsche Marks) in December 1990, 21 DM in December 1993, 87 DM in December 1999, and just 70 DM in December In December 1990, only 15% of families had an income of less than 100 DM per family member. In 1993, about 50% of families had an income of less than 100 DM per family member. [16] According to the Report of the World Bank, in 1999 about 73% of the Serbian population had incomes less than 2 US dollars per day. [17] Recorded GDP at current prices declined from about 28.5 billion US dollars in 1990 to about 9 billion US dollars in In 2000, Yugoslavia s external debt amounted to over 12 billion dollars. About 4.5 billion dollars of old foreign currency savings (internal debt) should be added to this amount. [18] Are these facts convincing enough to dismiss the delusion that domestic traitors are sending national heroes to The Hague? On the eve of Milosevic s fall, we believed that the majority of the Serbian inhabitants were aware of his and his clique s crimes, abuses, corruption and violent nature. It seems that we were wrong because today, five years later, a significant part of the nation still shows very hostile attitudes towards international institutions and politicians. Why is it so? Partly the answer derives from the second delusion, but this time, of actual present day national leaders. The second delusion we want to deal with is that present day government seems to think that Serbia has the credibility to defy the international community by refusing to arrest persons charged with committing war crimes. To be honest this is not a delusion, this is a hallucination. We do not want to put this delicate issue in some theoretical framework, because in our opinion we need, now more than ever, pragmatism and not fairy tales. Political forbearance under the slogan problems will be solved by themselves or give us some more time to do our best is incompatible with current international or Serbian realities. Consequently, the USA imposed partial financial sanctions on Serbia and Montenegro in January, [19] Is this our return to the past or the fact that members of the former regime have never lost their positions and power? It seems the truth is somewhere in between. This game with the patience of the international community irresistibly reminds us of Milosevic s uncompromising attitude towards international diplomatic incentives and his unwillingness to cooperate and negotiate with the international community until it became too late. Similarly nowadays, instead of managing and solving luke-warm Serbian problems, the present government makes them more serious and complicated from day to day by expressing its irresoluteness and obvious lack of interest and initiative. The features of our current foreign policy are almost the same as they used to be during the 1990s; In other words irrationality, formal legalism, arrogance, negation of international policy factors and the worst kind of political autism. So we firmly ask the present national leaders and the nation in general if they have not learned anything from the mistakes and failures made by the post-second world war communist leaders and their successors (Milosevic s clique). Conclusion On the assumption that Serbia and Montenegro sincerely wants to join EU and to become a reliable ally of the international community, there are two tasks that have to be accomplished at the very beginning in order to achieve this goal. The first is to face myths about the Serbs as sinless Celestial people, Serbian historical justice and self-victimization, and international conspiracy aimed to destroy the Serbian nation. The main purpose of this act should be to condemn war crimes without reservations and finally to lay foundations for long term friendly relations with the international community. In our opinion it would be the first, but at the same time the quintessential, step towards European integration. The second is to create and activate as soon as possible adequate political mechanisms that will provide undisturbed and smooth cooperation with the International Tribunal in The Hague. Appendix: Macroeconomic and Country Risk Indicators Desirable levels of some economic quantitative indicators that must be reached in order for a country to be eligible for nomination for accession to the European Union are listed below: [20] GDP per capita should tend toward the EU average value (about 9000 US dollars per year). The minimum GDP per capita should be 6000 US dollars (USD) per year. The current account deficit should be below 5% of annual GDP. (3 van 7) :46:09

230 Doc Foreign Direct Investments (FDI) should be about 10% of annual GDP. The fiscal deficit should not be more than 3% of annual GDP. Public spending should not be more than 40% of annual GDP. Public debt should not be more than 60% of annual GDP. Foreign debt should not be more than 30% of annual GDP. The unemployment rate should not be more than 10%. The annual inflation rate should not be more than 5%. The money market interest rate should be slightly above the annual inflation rate. Values of some economic quantitative indicators in Serbia Year GDP (USD millions) GDP per capita (USD) Current account deficit, before grants (% of GDP) FDI (% of GDP) Fiscal deficit (% of GDP) Public spending (% of GDP) Public debt (% of GDP) Foreign debt (% of GDP) Unemployment rate (%) Annual inflation rate (retail prices in %) Money market interest rate (%) a a Average weighted interest rate on commercial papers issued by the National Bank of Serbia. Sources: Bilten javnih finansija. Ministarstvo finansija, Republika Srbija, Beograd, Decembar 2004 (Public Finance Bulletin, Ministry of Finance, Republic of Serbia, Belgrade, December 2004) and Statisti ki Bilten, Narodna Banka Srbije, Decembar 2004 (Statistical Bulletin, National Bank of Serbia, December 2004), As we can see, at the moment Serbia is rather far from reaching desirable levels of economic indicators (except for the fiscal deficit and the public debt). Consequently, as country risk rating indicators of the Coface Group [21] show, lack of political and economic stability results in low attractiveness of Serbia and Montenegro for foreign investors (intolerantly high investment risks). The country rating issued by the Coface Group measures the average level of short-term non-payment risk associated with companies in a particular country. It reflects the extent to which a country's economic, financial, and political outlook influences financial commitments of local companies. However, international trade actors know that sound companies can operate in risky countries and unsound companies in less-risky countries and that overall risk will depend not only on a company's qualities but also on those of the country in which it operates. Consistently, ratings are based on twofold expertise: macroeconomic expertise in assessing country risk based on a battery of macroeconomic financial and political indicators and microeconomic expertise that draws on Coface databases covering 44 million companies worldwide and 50 years experience with payments in trade flows it guarantees. Coface Group ranks country ratings on seven risk levels: A1 The steady political and economic environment has positive effects on an already good probability of payment record of companies. Very weak default. A2 Default probability is still weak even in the case when one country's political and (4 van 7) :46:09

231 Doc economic environment or the payment record of companies is not as good as in A1-rated countries. A3 Adverse political or economic circumstances may lead to a worsening payment record that is already lower than the previous categories, although the probability of a payment default is still low. A4 An already patchy payment record could be further worsened by a deteriorating political and economic environment. Nevertheless, the probability of a default is still acceptable. B An unsteady political and economic environment is likely to affect further an already poor payment record. C A very unsteady political and economic environment could deteriorate an already bad payment record. DThe high risk profile of a country's economic and political environment will further worsen a generally very bad payment record. Source: Coface North America Group, In January 2005 Serbia and Montenegro was ranked in the C risk level group as along with, for instance, Ethiopia, Chad, Mozambique, Kenya, Angola, Uganda, Mauritania and Niger. For comparison, Slovenia was ranked in the A2 risk level group along with Czech Republic and Hungary. Poland was ranked A3; Croatia was A4; and Romania and Bulgaria ranked B. [22] References Bilten javnih finansija. Ministarstvo finansija, Republika Srbija, Beograd, Decembar 2004 (Public Finance Bulletin, Ministry of Finance, Republic of Serbia, Belgrade, December 2004). Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve System, Chomsky, N Profit iznad ljudi. Neoliberalizam i globalni poredak (Profit over People. Neoliberalism and Global Order). Svetovi, Novi Sad. Dimitrijevi, B Best Practices of EU Accession of Select Countries in Transition. Policy and Legal Advice Centre, Beograd. G17 Plus, Bela knjiga Miloševi eve vladavine (The White Book of Milosevic s Reign). yu/ Nikoli, M The Tragedy of Yugoslavia The Rise, the Reign and the Fall of Slobodan Milosevic. Nomos Verlagsgesellschaft, Baden-Baden. Radonji, O A View on the War, Dissolution and Economic Collapse. The Case of Serbia and Montenegro ( ). Statisti ki Bilten, Narodna Banka Srbije, Decembar 2004 (Statistical Bulletin, National Bank of Serbia, December 2004), April 2005 [1] Slobodan Milosevic is a personification of the tragic policy that was led by Serbian authorities during the 1990s. This refers to all his former political and military collaborators within the territory of ex-yugoslavia. [2] Of course, there are also opposite opinions. For instance, Noam Chomsky (1999) thinks that those institutions are nothing but the tools of powerful governments to force other countries to accept diverse agreements that enable multinational corporations to dominate the world by unlimited exploitation of their resources. [3] Today, world integration processes are commonly defined as the process of globalization. Naturally, it is not easy to define the process of globalization. This is because it involves numerous aspects, where the economic one (5 van 7) :46:09

232 Doc is surely the most important. Briefly, economic globalization is characterized by elimination of international trade barriers in order to promote free and fast flows of goods, services and factors of production. [4] However, cooperation is only a precondition. Another issue is the quality of the investments undertaken (naturally these investments are covered by foreign sources) in order to reach institutional and legislative standards necessary to enter the European Union. [5] For further discussion on quantitative economic indicators of convergence towards the European Union and the current position of Serbia and Montenegro, see the Appendix. [6] The Law was adopted under strong political and financial pressure exerted by the United States and Europe. [7] We must point out that the Law has a few controversial loopholes. For instance, the Law applies only to the individuals against whom indictments had already been issued. But full cooperation requires extradition of individuals charged with committing war crimes no matter when indictments are issued. [8] The reformist political leader of the Democratic Party, Zoran Djindjic, was assassinated in March 2003 in action named Stop The Hague. Some soldiers of the paramilitary formation Unit for Special Operations, several secret police agents and the members of the criminal organization, Zemun clan, are charged with committing this terrible crime. [9] The coalition government of the Democratic Party of Serbia (Prime Minister Vojislav Kostunica), G17 Plus, the Serbian Renewal Movement, New Serbia and the Socialistic Party of Serbia ( Milosevic s political party). [10] The present government's foreign policy strategy is based on the concept of two-way cooperation with the International Tribunal and voluntary surrender of individuals charged with committing war crimes. [11] The Croats, the Bosnian-Muslims, the Albanians and the NATO countries. [12] In essence, the civil war was the battle for redistribution of power, territory and resources between new authoritarian rulers that came to power mainly by inflaming national and confessional hatred. Milosevic, no doubt, had heavy influence on the drastic rise of tensions in the region by practicing his uncompromising style and intolerance. However, he was not alone. He initiated conflicts to which the Croatian, the Bosnian-Muslim and the Albanian leaderships reacted mercilessly and furiously. [13] A few of them were killed. The most prominent were former Serbian communist leader Ivan Stambolic (killed in autumn, 2000) and independent journalist Slavko Curuvija (killed in spring, 1999, during the NATO air raids). [14] Among other things, accumulated bad loans of well-connected banks and enterprises (so-called political favorites ) were heavily financed through monetary expansion. In 1992, yearly inflation was 8993%, while in 1994 yearly inflation reached a 15-digit number, 116 trillion percent. Only in January, monthly inflation reached 313 million percent. [15] The average rate of investment in F. R. Yugoslavia was -20.1% in 1990; -12% in 1994; -3.7% in 1995; -5.7% in 1996; 0.8% in 1997; and -2.2% in Source: G17 Plus, Bela knjiga Miloševi eve vladavine (The White Book of Milosevic s Reign). [16] The 1 DM ranged from 0.47 to 0.7 of one US dollar during the 1990s. Source: Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve System, [17] At the same time, the percent of the population with incomes less than 2 US dollars per day was 77.8 in Bangladesh, 84.6 in Rwanda, 2 in Slovenia, 2 in Slovakia, 2 in Czech Republic, 4 in Hungary, and 10.5 in Poland. Source: Nikoli, M The Tragedy of Yugoslavia The Rise, the Reign and the Fall of Slobodan Milosevic. Nomos Verlagsgesellschaft, Baden-Baden. [18] For more details, see Radonji, O A View on the War, Dissolution and Economic Collapse. The Case of Serbia and Montenegro ( ). (6 van 7) :46:09

233 Doc [19] In our opinion, if persons charged with committing war crimes were true heroes and patriots they would surrender immediately in order to avoid threats to their country. [20] Desirable levels of economic quantitative indicators are not theoretically precisely defined. They represent opinions of numerous world economic experts for macroeconomics and transition. For example, see Dimitrijevi, B Best Practices of EU Accession of Select Countries in Transition. Policy and Legal Advice Centre, Belgrade. [21] Coface North America Group is a well-known credit insurance and country risk rating company. [22] For more details see (7 van 7) :46:09

234 Gender Equality GENDER EQUALITY Importing marginalization? Gender, work and globalization: Sri Lankan experience By Sriyani Mangalika Meewalaarachchi Globalization, with regulation of economies, has the potential to be a powerful contributor to gender equality, as a creator of new economic opportunities for women. However, these positive effects are still only potential and need to be unleashed. Therefore there is much controversy surrounding the actual impact of globalization, particularly in terms of gender equity. The Women s Movement in Russia: Yesterday, Today, and Tomorrow By Zoya Khotkina The women s movement in contemporary Russia exists as the social, cultural, and political activity of women s groups and organisations, aimed at bringing together the interests of various social strata of women and bringing about a change in the system of gender relations. The Ministry of Justice of the Russian Federation has officially registered over 600 women s organisations. The women s movement in Russia is one of the most active parts of the Third Section Movement, encompassing approximately 10% of the most active NGOs. The New Constitution of Serbia and Gender Equality By Marijana Pajvanèiæ, Ph.D. The constitutional issue in the Republic of Serbia has been open for a long time now. The debate on the constitutional issue was initiated among experts as early as the moment of adopting the Constitution, and debate has continued. The constitutional debate has been conducted in stages, focusing on various constitutional issues. Constitutional guarantees of gender equality did not come into the focus of attention of the expert and political community until late Some other constitutional contents had been the object of interest until then. The Enlarged EU and Its Agenda for a Wider Europe: What Considerations for Gender Equality? - EU Neighbouring Countries: the Western Balkans - By Tatjana Djuric Kuzmanovic and Mirjana Dokmanovic WIDE briefing paper The privatisation process has lead to the abolishment of economic and social rights and inadequate protective mechanisms; a lack of respect for international labour and environmental standards; a lack of transparency. Moreover, there is no legislation on corporate responsibility. The need to make the economy attractive for foreign investments is being used as justification for all these legal changes. Of course, all these policies are not gender-neutral. Women have absorbed the shock of the adjustment by intensifying their unpaid work necessary because of budget cuts in basic public services such as education, social services, and health care. The Enlarged EU and Its Agenda for a Wider Europe: What Considerations for Gender Equality? - EU Neighbouring Countries in Eastern Europe/ Former Soviet Union - By Zofia Lapniewska, Raisa Sinelnikova, Shorena Dzotsenidze, Halyna Fedkovy and Oksana Kisselyova, PhD The transition from centrally planned to market-based economies was based on privatisation, liberalisation and a strengthening of the financial and tax discipline of companies. These changes had serious implications for the redistribution of resources and budgetary spending. Price increases and an increase in foreign debt put pressure on national budgets resulting in cuts in public expenditures - including in health, education and family related benefits. The transition process had significant social impacts including destabilising the labour market and creating a class of so-called new poor. (1 van 2) :46:33

235 Gender Equality The Enlarged EU and its Agenda for a Wider Europe: What Considerations for Gender Equality? - EU Candidate Countries - By Irina Moulechkova, Ph.D., with Plamenka Markova, Ph.D. and Genoveva Tisheva Structural reform, privatisation, attracting foreign direct investments and accession to the European Union in 2007 are the main priorities of the Bulgarian government - but the government is not taking into consideration the negative effects of globalisation on social protection, especially among vulnerable groups (women, young people, pensioners). Armed conflicts in the Balkans and financial constraints related to structural adjustment programmes have negatively affected the ability of the previous and the current governments of Bulgaria to promote social development through better safety nets. The Enlarged EU and its Agenda for a Wider Europe: What Considerations for Gender Equality? - EU Central and Eastern European New Member States - By Anita Seibert and Kinga Lohmann, with Jana Javornik The CEE countries share a common economic history of being centrally controlled until the end of the 1980s - including wages, prices of goods and services, and real estate, followed by the subsidisation of a great range of goods and services (and hence those goods were relatively affordable). At the beginning of the 1990s, the process of political, social and economic transition led to the privatisation of state assets and the integration into the global capitalist market. The Enlarged EU and its Agenda for a Wider Europe: What Considerations for Gender Equality? - EU Old Member States - By Elizabeth Villagómez From a women s rights and a gender equality perspective, and indeed from a social protection perspective in general, there is growing evidence that social directives and guidelines from the EU are at odds with those ruling economic matters. It is undeniable that in some countries the social directives and guidelines have done much to introduce and accelerate an increased awareness and needed change with respect to women s economic and social rights and gender equality in general. However, economic policies can work directly and indirectly against adequately guaranteeing these rights inasmuch as these policies assume gender neutrality when in fact they are gender blind. The enlarged European Union and its agenda for a wider Europe : What considerations for gender equality? By Mandy Macdonald WIDE Report Among the shared values the EU wants its new and future members and its neighbours to foment are democracy, respect for human rights and the rule of law. But do these values include gender equality? The European Commission s 2003 Communication Wider Europe - Neighbourhood: A new framework for relations with our Eastern and Southern neighbours is silent on the subject. The hearing held by Women in Development Europe (WIDE) at the European Parliament on December 2, 2004 explored the potential for mainstreaming gender equality in key areas of national policy in the new member states and other Eastern European countries, and the extent to which the EU can help in this respect. The hearing followed up WIDE s consultation on gender equality in EU accession negotiations held in 2003 in Brussels, and aimed to carry the discussion forward to the formulation of recommendations to be taken back to the participants national governments. (2 van 2) :46:33

236 Doc The Women s Movement in Russia: Yesterday, Today, and Tomorrow By Zoya Khotkina, Ph.D., Moscow Centre for Gender Studies, Russian Academy of Sciences, Russia 1. What does Russian feminism (as the basis for a social movement) look like? The women s movement in contemporary Russia exists as the social, cultural, and political activity of women s groups and organisations, aimed at bringing together the interests of various social strata of women and bringing about a change in the system of gender relations. The Ministry of Justice of the Russian Federation has officially registered over 600 women s organisations. The women s movement in Russia is one of the most active parts of the Third Section Movement, encompassing approximately 10% of the most active NGOs. To understand the originality of the contemporary Russian women s movement, and to distinguish it from Western feminism, it is essential to give at least a brief overview of its historical roots. I shall present only the main theses on this issue and shall state a few historical fact and instances. Thesis one Russian feminism (as a theory) and women s movement (as practice) were not imported to Russia from the West; rather than that, they had a deep historical tradition, dating back to the mid-19 th century. This means that Russian feminism is over one hundred and fifty years old, rather than fifteen, as argued by some Russian and Western specialists. Russia has had two great waves of feminism: the first wave from the mid-19 th century until 1930 and the second wave from the late 1980s to the present. The first wave of feminism in Russia (mid-19 th century until 1930) The beginnings of feminism in Russia are closely connected with the 19 th century liberation and peasants rights movement. (Serfdom was abolished in Russia in 1861.) It was the struggle for the peasants rights that actualised the issues of women s status and rights in the Russian society. Western researchers are better informed about the Soviet-period feminism in Russia, associated with the name of Alexandra Kollontay, while being insufficiently familiar with the pre-revolution stage of the first wave of feminism in Russia. But nowadays, owing to the efforts of modern Russian feminist historians, the scientific discourse has included a multitude of documents and theoretical texts of pre-revolution (up to 1917) Russian feminists. These texts show how strong and efficient the women s social movement was at the time and that it had a serious theoretical basis. The massive nature of the Russian women s movement is illustrated, for instance, by the occurrence of the First Pan-Russian Women s Congress in St. Petersburg in The Congress was attended by 1000 delegates from all over Russia (while the interest was even higher). They represented various types of women s organisations from women s fractions within political parties to charitable and proletarian organisations. The texts of their speeches show that the essential issues and problems discussed at the Congress were women s social and political status, their economic status and the issue of paid work, participation of women in local government, the fate of democracy, women in Russia, etc. Obviously, the agenda of the Women s Congress held a hundred years ago is still relevant! The maturity of the first wave of Russian feminism as a theory is evidenced by the following facts. For over ten years ( ), Russia saw the publication of feminist magazines such as Women s Gazette and Women s Association containing serious articles (on the problems of women workers, on the participation of women in local government, on marriage, abortion, and prostitution), informative ones (on the work of political, provincial, and foreign women s organisations), as well as theoretical articles (such as A. Kalymanovich s A Few Words on Feminism, E. Kuskova s Women and Equal Rights, M. Pokrovskaya s Prostitution as a Form of Violence against Women, etc.). Even then, the theory of feminism was elaborated in two basic streams: egalitarian feminism and the feminism of diversity. The egalitarian stream was more popular and stronger, as the struggle for equal rights with men was the most relevant at that moment. However, the positions of the adherents of diversity feminism, with their idea of equality in differences were represented both in speeches at the Congress and in publication. Here is a quotation from a speech entitled Women s Self-Awareness as a Factor in the Restoration of the Society presented at the Congress by Olga Sapir: It is time to stop proving that SHE can be like HE: no! First of all, she must be herself and develop her own individual abilities. (1 van 7) :46:39

237 Doc Thesis two In view of the above, my second thesis is that rights of Soviet women were not granted from above as argued by some Western and Russian authors. It was an act of realisation of the results of many years of struggling by Russian women for their rights. In 1917, women got all these social and political rights for which they had fought for over 50 years. Bolsheviks, who took power as a result of the October Revolution in 1917, cleverly used the women s protest movement to win them over by giving them full social and political rights. Aleksandra Kollontay played a significant and tragic role in the process through which the traditions and ideas of the Russian women s movement and theoretical first-wave feminism were discontinued, forgotten, and even banned in the Soviet era. Before the Revolution, she assured female workers that they have more common social interests with male proletarians than with bourgeois feminists (Kollontay, 1909). The protest of proletarian women that she lead against bourgeois feminism in Russia in the early 20 th century bears certain resemblance to the political protest of African-American feminists against white feminism of middle-class women that challenged Western feminism in the 1980s. In the early 1920 s, Kollontay also strove to abolish and ban all women s organisations apart from women s sections of proletarian organisations. Established at her initiative after the 1917 revolution, trade unionist and territorial Women s Councils and Women s Sections were called in to perform the tasks of work (as the country was initiating its industrialisation and needing labouring hands) and political mobilisation (as the Bolsheviks were reinforcing their power). Still, when Women s Sections tried to widen the scope of their activities and started to gain control over the work of the government bodies and the budget they were banned. It means that 75 years ago our grandmothers made the first steps towards gender budgeting. Unfortunately, they were prevented; otherwise, we would have found it much easier to work today. Here is an extract from the agenda of the Women s Section of the Central Committee of the Bolshevik Party for 1928/29: "Supervise the work of trade unions, co-operatives, Councils for the Improvement of Women Workers Lives; supervise the work of the Ministry of Health and the Ministry of Education in improving the lives of peasant women, and also how much the federal and local budgets of the country have reflected the measures for the improvement of living and working conditions of the Easterners (women from Central Asian republics)." The document is kept at the RCCHDNI Archives and was published in E. Kostyusheva s Women and Feminism in Women s Issues in the Context of National Culture (Materials of the International Congress at the Nevsky Language and Cultural Institute, St. Petersburg, 1998, p. 48). The establishment of Stalin s totalitarian regime lead to the destruction of all forms of civil activities and, in the early 1930s, to closure of Women s Sections. It was announced that the women s issue in the Soviet Union was resolved and, accordingly, no women s organisations were required. Over the following 60 years of Soviet rule (from the mid-1930s until the mid-1980s), the women s movement in Russia was practically non-existent. In 1944, for the purpose of propagating the achievements of Soviet women abroad, the government formed the Soviet Women s Committee. It, however, did not encompass solving the practical problems of Soviet women. An attempt was made in the late 1970s to publish a dissident women s magazine Maria for which Tatiana Mamonova and her colleagues were exiled from the USSR. In the mid-1980s, Gorbachev proposed reinstatement of Women s Councils, which were controlled by the Party and, in most cases, were purely ceremonial in character. The Iron Curtain and Soviet censorship gave practically no opportunity for information on the development of feminism in the West to reach the country. A new era in Russian feminism (late 1980s to the present) The beginning of a new era in Russian feminism is associated with the period of glasnost and perestroika. Women s NGOs as a phenomenon of social life emerged in the late 1980s. The activities of new feminist organisations in Russia in the 1990s and their critique regarding the solution of the women s issue in the Soviet Union are rather well-known in the West. This information is considerably welldistributed owing to the active work of the Moscow Centre for Gender Studies. They introduced to Russia in 1991 and 1992 the First and Second Independent Women s Forums in Dubna, and they published in English the book Women in Russia: A New Era in Russian Feminism which I co-authored. Nearly 600 women s organisations exist in Russia now but only 5-10% of them declare themselves to be feminist organisations. The activities of all other women s organisations are connected with the following (by rate of occurrence): human rights, women s social security, reproductive rights, committees of soldiers mothers, etc.; educational and training organisations for women and related programmes, including university centres and programmes of Women s and Gender Studies in the universities; information work (production, storage, and dissemination of information; women s archives and libraries; information centres and programmes, including the women s portal (2 van 7) :46:39

238 Doc work with the public and services for women (emergency centres for women, legal and psychological consulting, public reception offices, etc.); family assistance (organisations of single mothers and mothers with many children, mothers of disabled children, work with minors, charity work for poor and other children); women s entrepreneurship (associations, clubs, and programmes); feminism, research, resource, and training centres; political activities (parties, women voters clubs, organisation and active participation at rallies, actions, and picketing); and women s creative organisations and associations, and women s SMIs (mass media). There are several women s organisations in Russia that either form a wide regional network or are networks themselves. They usually work in several directions. For example, the Information Centre of the Independent Women s Forum connects about 100 organisations; the Consortium of women s NGOs (1998) connects 85 organisations; the Union of Women of Russia (former Soviet Women s Committee) registered in 1991 formally comprises 94 regional departments; and the Women s Movement of Russia (1996) has 59 regional departments. The peak of activity of the second wave of feminism in Russia can be placed in the mid-1990s. In this period ( ), the Duma (the Federal Parliament of Russia) included a faction of the Women of Russia advocating the interests of women in the country s highest legislative body. Moreover, 1995 was the time of preparation and occurrence of the 4 th World Women s Conference and NGO Forum in Beijing. At the Beijing Forum, Russia was represented by more than 270 women (delegates and women from NGOs). In comparison, in Nairobi in 1985, the Soviet Union sent only 10 people, mainly men from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. Enriched by the experience of active participation in the women s movement in the late 1990 s, Russian researchers started their active involvement in empirical research, as well as in introducing feminism into university curricula. The Moscow Centre for Gender Studies, together with regional universities of the Russian Summer School on Gender Studies in , contributed greatly to unification and consolidation of Russian feminist-oriented research. I was the Director of the first three summer schools (Valday-96, Volgga-97, and Azov- 98). This initiative was accepted then by universities; and, since 2000, such schools have been operating regularly in various regions of Russia. The end of the 1990s in Russia can be regarded as the institutional phase of gender relations studies as a scientific and educational stream. Not only at certain Russian universities, this was the time when the research of gender relations was introduced as a compulsory university standard for experts in social work and sociology. The results of the development of Russian research of gender relations became more obvious at the beginning of the 21 st century. There was a real boom in publications on gender relations; dissertations on this topic are being presented all over the country; and hundreds of qualified university instructors have been educated. At Russian universities, hundreds of students write their graduation papers on and thousands of students attend courses in the history and theory of feminism. This is all contributing to the process of establishing knowledge in this field and wide dissemination of feminist ideas in Russia. 2. How and why is Russian feminism different from Western feminism? The first thing to mention is that feminism is theory and practice that has emerged and developed as a response to women s social demands. Thus, if real problems faced by women of the East and West, white and non-white, rich and poor, from various countries and cultures are not the same, then their feminisms are different as well. According to Russian feminists Anna Temkina and Elena Zdravomyslova, these differences are ontological, political, and gnoseological. In ontological terms (as the experience of the relationship between masculinity and femininity), the Russian system of gender relations is essentially different from the Western one. The experience, practices, and deprivation of the Soviet working mother differ significantly from the situation of an economically dependent American housewife, and this is why the issues of oppression, conceived in the West through the prism of patriarchate, are not quite apparent in Russia. Among the political factors determining the different character of Russian feminism, one must first highlight the change of the political system as a whole and the occurrence of public discourse in the real sense of the word, as the possibility of dealing with a problem whose solution is the interest of the civil society rather than of the government. The second factor is the emergence of the women s movement. Originally, the Russian women s movement was diversified into two streams the post-soviet women s movement (Women s Councils) and the feminist faction. In accordance with those, two streams of research and education developed as well feminology (vaguely similar to Women s Studies) and more radical gender studies of feminists. It must be pointed out that now such a clear-cut distinction no longer exists, neither in the Russian women's movement nor within the groups of researchers and university lecturers. The gnoseological factors also affected the specific character of the formation of feminism in Russia because all other scientific approaches and theories were banned and tabooed during the era of dogmatic Marxism. Analysing barriers to spreading feminist philosophy in Russia, researchers argue that the Soviet scientific discourse saw the discontinuation of the theoretical tradition that had formed a basis for feminist critique and that was characteristic of feminist gnoseology and the Western women s movement. (3 van 7) :46:39

239 Doc In connection with the significant differences in the contemporary socio-economic situations of Russia and of Western countries, Russian feminism and women s movement are naturally targeted toward solving their own or others social tasks and cannot imitate the traditional Western institutions and patterns of social relationships. As the philosopher Irina Zherebkina believes, not only Russia but also the entire East European region was definitely, in this context and in the eyes of Western analysts, the cultural other, unharmonised with Western-type democracy. This exotic other was hardly comprehensible to Western feminists. This is why, for example, they could not hear what East European women wanted to tell them at the NGO Forum in Beijing in 1995 about ethnic wars, the lack of basic human rights, unemployment among women, the rise in violence, control of women s bodies and reproductive ability, sexism, and the emergence of new forms of social inequality. However, in the documents of the Beijing conference, the transition of former Communist countries to democracy was termed a completed and relatively peaceful process. The reality of women of the East European region was characterised by the West with terms of categorical imperative: the ideology of democracy must transform your lives for the best; if you claim the opposite, then it is your personal feeling that nobody is interested in (Zherebkina, p. 11). But as the Russian proverb goes, there is no bad without good. The disregard shown by the international women s movement for the problems of women in countries with transitioning economies, on the one hand, and real development of Russian gender studies, on the other, have given impulse to the active study of feminist heritage in Russia, not only that of Western origin but of genuinely Russian origin as well. In various towns and at universities, the 1990s saw the beginning of active study of the historical heritage of the first-wave Russian feminism. Russian feminism of the first wave is currently actively studied and taught at universities, first of all by Svetlana Aivazova and Natalia Pushkareva (the Russian Academy of Sciences in Moscow), Irina Yukina (Nevsky Institute in St. Petersburg), Valentina Uspenskaya (the University of Tversk), Olga Hazbulatova and Olga Shnirova (Ivanovsky Institute), etc. Owing to their publications and lectures on these subjects, modern researchers and activists of the women s movement, as well as students, have not only found a lot of new information on the history of feminism in Russia, but also have gotten an opportunity to read texts by Russian feminists of the first wave. 3. What barriers in Russian society and politics have prevented feminism from developing as a movement? The barriers in the Russian society and politics that have prevented feminism from developing as a movement are similar to those in other countries gender stereotypes; sexism; and the absence among women of the material, governmental, and institutional resources necessary to build a more humane, gender symmetrical, and just society; however, additional barriers exist in Russia. Concentrated ideological pressure through SMIs (mass media), religion, and literature pertaining to the propagation of the traditional wife-and-mother role for women, does not allow Russian women to realise the true status of work and the importance of their own roles in the contemporary society. The process of democratisation and market quasi-reforms in Russia and other East European countries is a men s project. It has targeted appropriating former state property rather than improving the quality of life. The dramatic situation of Russian women is reflected in the fact that now they are forced to protect the rights and guarantees that they already had under the Communist regime but that were lost for them in the process of liberalising state policy: the rights to free medical services and free education, financial assistance for mothers and cheap kindergartens, reproductive rights (e.g., free abortion), and the right to work. Even more today, the Russian women s movement has been forced to fight for what already had been acquired ten years ago. For instance, the national mechanism of gender equality was formed before the Beijing Conference, in the form of: 1. The Committee for the Issues of Women s Rights in the Russian Federation, headed by the Deputy Prime Minister, whose decisions were mandatory and executive (dissolved by Decree no. 215 of the Government of the Russian Federation, dated 16 April, 2004); 2. The Committee for the Issues of Family, Women, and Demography, within the Ministry of Labour and Social Development of the Russian Federation (but the Ministry of Labour has not existed since 2004 so there is no Committee either); and 3. The Committee for the Issues of Family, Women, and Demography, working with the President of the country since 1994 (which disappeared in 2000 with the election of President Putin). This endless Sisyphean task of continued endeavour to achieve what already had been achieved and then was wasted is by all means a clearly visible feature of the modern Russian women s movement. Barriers preventing the development of the women s movement in Russia can be divided, conditionally, into three types. These are barriers of society, of state policies, and of women themselves, as outlined below. 1. The most significant barriers at the level of society are: the traditionalism of Russian society and the wide incidence of sexism and gender stereotypes in it; (4 van 7) :46:39

240 Doc underdeveloped civil society; and sharp social segmentation of the Russian society and differentiation of social groups. 2. Barriers created by state policy include: abolishing the national mechanism of gender equality in early 2000 (i.e., formal governmental and executive structures for protecting women s interests and promoting their status in the Russian society); neglecting the interests of male and female populations in forming basic social policies (e.g., priorities in solving the social problems of military and law enforcement personnel) actions which place many women s social problems outside the focus of attention of state structures; weakening state control in the implementation of legislation, forcing the women s movement to fight for the implementation of laws securing women s rights because Russian legislation is harmonised with international standards of gender relations but de facto they are not implemented; failing of masculinised governmental structures to implement anti-discrimination laws (e.g., in the late 1990s the Duma (90% men) voted against legislation to prevent domestic violence; for the past five years, the Duma has failed to pass the law on state guarantees of equal rights, and freedoms and equal opportunities for men and women in the Russian Federation ); lacking coherent state policy on women s relations (i.e., the demographic policy is the only relevant one clearly articulated and institutionalised at the state level but its existent form implies control of women s reproductive function and sexuality); and initiating only decorative and declarative state-level activities (i.e., announcing the significance and importance of women s issues for state policy, while the Government and the Duma are doing nothing even in cases of open and intolerable breeches of women s rights, like discrimination at work and domestic violence). 3. Barriers at the level of women themselves and within the women s movement: the Russian women s movement should not be called massive because its major segment encompasses educated, politically-active, middle-class women (e.g., academic researchers, professors, and students from university circles), while mass surveys show that almost one-half of women are unaware of the existence and work of women s organisations; there is a lack of models, programmes, and concepts of development of the women s movement in perspective; and many representatives of the women s movement lack clarification or acceptance of the basic theses of feminist theory, which frequently gives rise to conclusions about bad feminism and good gender relations. In comparison with the mid-1990s, nowadays Russia is obviously experiencing a decline in the women s movement. In view of this, I would argue that the situation in the Russian women s movement needs to be considered not only as something separate, but also in the context of overall processes occurring today in the global women s movement. As Seyla Benhabib wrote 10 years ago, We do not know, in fact, what this general feminist we means, but it is sure that today we should not feel a nostalgia for expired integrity in the women s movement, because it is the healthy pluralism of viewpoints and practical strategies that expresses the various aspects of the modern women s movement (Seyla Benhabib, From Identity Politics to Social Feminism, p.29. In: David Trend, ed., Radical Democracy: Identity, Citizenship and the State. NY: Routledge, 1996). 4. Are there any strategies that would help a feminist movement to develop? Despite the above mentioned problems and barriers, in the past 15 years, the Russian feminism of the second wave has accomplished a lot! The main achievement is that basic ideas and notions of feminist and gender theories have become part and parcel of the life of modern Russian society. They have transformed considerably public discourse and public awareness of the population and decision makers. Such notions as gender, reproductive rights, and sexual harassment have been brought into scientific usage and have become known not only to specialists. In discussions about the status of Russian women, the discourse about women s rights is used actively now alongside the discourse about women s problems. The taboo has been lifted on public discussion of such topics as discrimination of women in the sphere of politics, labour, and family violence. Now many Russians and decision makers understand that these are not personal problems of separate women but are social and political problems of the society. Thousands of militia and local administrative officers, judges, and journalists have had training in Russia and abroad in the issues of prevention of violence against women. Gender expertise of legislation at all levels, programs of political parties, statistics, media, textbooks, and now also budgets, have become practiced widely in Russia. Methods and results of gender expertise are published in books, web sites of women s organizations, and a women s portal ( These are available to everyone. The process of reproduction of gender knowledge and specialists is making good progress through development and implementation of university programs on women s and gender studies, as well as through publication of books and articles plus defence of dissertations and students diplomas on gender issues. We witness a real boom of publications on gender issues. In the directory Gender Studies in Russia and NIS: Who is Who, prepared by me (5 van 7) :46:39

241 Doc in 2000, there were about 2000 titles of books and articles, but by now the number of publications on gender issues has tripled. The women s movement is making a substantial contribution to development of the civil society in Russia when the Government is pursuing the policy of monetization of children s and pensioners privileges. Women s organizations have established public consulting offices that provide free consultations with lawyers and psychologists. These services are used widely by women in regions. They express a high opinion of the work of women s organizations (Saratov, Smolensk, Syktyvkar, Murmansk, etc.). A network of crisis centres and hot lines for women has been established across the country and is successfully operating now. A professional expert community of highly skilled specialists has been created in the field of gender studies, whose reputation is recognized both in Russia and abroad in international organizations. For example, my colleagues from Moscow Center of Gender Studies, Olga Voronina, Marina Malysheva, Elena Ballayeva, and Marina Baskskova, are experts of UNDP, ILO, UNIFEM, World Bank, and other international organizations. I, myself, am an expert of UNDP and a consultant to ILO in gender and related areas. Regional women s movements are successfully preparing and promoting women to oblast, city, and municipal legislative bodies. For example, in such regions as Yekaterinburg, Murmansk, and Snezhinsk, 30-40% of local authorities are women. Over ten years, Russian women s information networks have been working successfully to disseminate information about the women s movement in Russia and worldwide, about workshops and conferences, as well as about new publications, calls for grant proposals, and experiences and achievements of organizations and women in Russian regions. During all 15 years, the Russian women s movement of the second wave has been working in hard conditions, when the advanced ideas of gender equality were moved forward despite the traditionalist policy and ideology imposed on women and society. Therefore, we are deeply grateful to the international women s community for the great moral and material support rendered to us. Financial support from the West made it possible to carry over 60% of our projects and programs conducted by the Russian women s movement in these years. At present the activity centres of the women s movement are moving more and more from the centre to regions and from large-scale mass events and actions to intricate everyday work at the local level. While in Moscow the low-skill government is pursuing anti-popular and anti-gender policy (for example, monetization of privileges, liquidation of the National mechanism on women s affairs), at the local level women are making efforts to ensure successful and fruitful work to solve many social and political problems of women, including by promoting women to power. For example, in Syktyvkar there is a Women s Chamber successfully working, and in Yekaterinburg and Veliky Novgorod are Women s Parliaments; and no serious political and economic decision can be taken without their participation. Regretfully, these local women s activities have not been investigated and conceptualized by Russian feminist science. This is partly due to domination of the liberal-democratic egalitarian orientation of the Russian feminist discourse; it is more sensitive to examining drawbacks and to being critically minded, but is not quite fit for analyzing and summarizing the policies of small actions and positive practices. Yet, the results of the local activities are mostly appreciable and effective at the level of women s everyday lives. This strategy of small actions of women and women s organizations that show themselves in everyday practices, rather than in large-scale events, was called constructive feminism by a researcher from Syktyvkar, Svetlana Yaroshenko. The main work on changing the society and women s consciences has been started by the women s movement, and no barriers can stop it. Therefore, today we have not to struggle but to act and create constructive feminism every day, everyone in her own place and we shall change the world for the better! Translation from Russian: Women s Center for Democracy and Human Rights, Subotica, Serbia and Montenegro REFERENCES: Alexandra Kollontay, The Social Basis of the Women s Questions, See at: kollonta/works/1909/social-basis.htm E. Kostyusheva, Women and Feminism, in Women s Issues in the Context of National Culture,Materials of the International Congress at the Nevsky Language and Cultural Institute, St. Petersburg, 1998, p.48 Seyla Benhabib, From Identity Politics to Social Feminism, p.29. In: David Trend, ed., Radical Democracy: Identity, Citizenship and the State. NY: Routledge, (6 van 7) :46:39

242 Doc (7 van 7) :46:39

243 The New Constitution of Serbia and Gender Equality The New Constitution of Serbia and Gender Equality Marijana Pajvancic, Ph.D, Law School, University of Novi Sad, Serbia and Montenegro 1. The Constitutional Process in Serbia: Contents and the Progress of Constitutional Debate The constitutional issue in the Republic of Serbia has been open for a long time now. The debate on the constitutional issue was initiated among experts as early as the moment of adopting the Constitution, and debate has continued. The constitutional debate has been conducted in stages, focusing on various constitutional issues. Constitutional guarantees of gender equality did not come into the focus of attention of the expert and political community until late Some other constitutional contents had been the object of interest until then. The search for new constitutional solutions began after a phase of critical consideration of the 1990 Constitution, which brought about a lot of criticism concerning this constitution. The first incentive to the discussion on new constitutional solutions for Yugoslavia was a project by a group of authors, Proposal for a New Association of the Republics of Former Yugoslavia. [1] The initial debate was conducted on the most important open constitutional questions and constitutional principles, which are the foundation of the basic constitutional consensus. This is further evidenced by the studies on individual constitutional issues [2] and constitutional projects published between 1995 and 2000: A Draft Constitution of Serbia; [3] The Constitution of the Regional State of United Serbian States, [4] Constitutional Principles for a Democratic Serbia. [5] After the year 2000, this theoretical debate was substituted by a debate on specific constitutional issues, [6] and more specific definition of the contents of constitutional principles and the most important constitutional institutions. [7] The experts attention was focused on two groups of issues: the concept of the new constitution and vertical power sharing. Interest in constitutional issues grew in 2003, with the commencement of work on the new Constitution of Serbia. The discussion was focused on four constitutional projects that were the objects of particular attention: Constitutional Solutions for Serbia and Yugoslavia, [8] Draft Constitution of the Kingdom of Serbia, [9] A Model of the Constitution of Serbia, [10] and The Basic Principles for a New Constitution of Serbia. [11] Four groups of questions were differentiated during the debate: [12] the basic principles and definition of the state, human rights, organisation of government, and territorial organisation. The third phase began in It was marked by the commencement of work on the preparation of the new Constitution of Serbia at the National Assembly of the Republic of Serbia. During the work on changing the Constitution, the Democratic Party of Serbia specified their views, previously stated in The Basic Principles for the New Constitution of Serbia, in a document Draft Constitution of Serbia (2003). A different party, Democratic Party submitted another Draft Constitution (2003), while some political parties supported the fundamental ideas stated in the projects elaborated by expert groups. [13]. The first attempt at adopting the new Constitution of Serbia resulted in a failure. The work of the Constitutional Committee [14] was discontinued by the dissolution of the National Assembly of Serbia in late When work on the preparation of the Constitution was recommenced in Serbia, the attention was focused on eight constitutional projects. [15] Three of the eight projects were prepared by political parties, [16] two were the work of expert groups gathered by NGOs, [17] one was the original work of a professor of constitutional law, [18] and the most recent proposals were submitted by the Government of Serbia and the expert group formed by the President of the Republic. [19] Gender aspects of these eight alternatives are discussed in section two of this paper. A brief overview of the constitutional debate so far points to the conclusion that no serious attention has been paid to considering the ways in which general constitutional guarantees of gender equality are to be provided in the future Constitution of Serbia. We find this issue important because it refers to the constitutional status and human rights of the citizens of Serbia, so it will be the object of our particular attention. A democratic constitution is legitimised by consensus, not only of political actors of the constitutional process, but also of the widest circle of citizens on the most important issues comprising the basis of the community in which they live. The constitutional process and the adoption process of a constitution should make it possible to reach a consensus on the fundamental issues of a political community s structure and of the position of citizens in it. Serbia needs a new constitution that would constitutionalise the framework of democratic transition and, within this framework, would set the rules providing and specifying the constitutional principle of gender equality. Adopting a constitution means defining the new identities and the institutional framework of future new communal life. This applies not only to all individual citizens, but for the political association as well. A constitution is not only a fundamental but also a founding act - legislation which legally formalises decisions enabling the existence of (1 van 9) :46:48

244 The New Constitution of Serbia and Gender Equality citizens and of the state in a manner of constitutional democracy. The status of individuals and the nature of the political association will depend on which principles and criteria the constitution makers choose in approaching these and the related questions. For the new Constitution of Serbia to meet all these requirements, the constitutional process must equally include men and women. As early as the time of the French Revolution and the preparation of the Declaration of the Liberties and Rights of Man, Olympia de Gouge ( ) warned in the Declaration of the Rights of Women and Citizens that female citizens had the right to participate actively in creating and adopting a constitution: The Constitution is null and void if the majority of citizens comprising the Nation did not participate in adopting it. Led by this principle, we state our willingness to participate in the constitutional debate and the process of preparing the new Constitution of the Republic of Serbia. 2.Constitutional Solutions of Gender Equality in the Projects of the New Constitution of Serbia In this section, we point to the fundamental solutions and the manner of setting up gender equality in the eight constitutional projects that were the focus of special attention from the expert and political communities. These can be used as sources for new constitutional solutions. A Proposal for the New Constitution of Serbia by Belgrade Centre for Human Rights starts from the international standards of human rights. Guarantees relevant to gender equality include: equality before the law; the right to equal legal protection without discrimination; [20] prohibition of direct and indirect gender discrimination; the right to marriage with free consent of future spouses; equality of spouses entering, during, and ending marriage; protection of the family, mother and child; the right to the lawful state pregnancy and postnatal benefits; health care for children, pregnant women, and senior citizens, if not provided on other grounds; and affirmative action as required to achieve equality, special care, and advancement for people in inequitable positions so they can enjoy human rights fully under equal conditions. Although the authors of the project are trying to use gender sensitive vocabulary, they do not do it in full. [21] The policy of equal opportunities is not established as a right and an obligation of the state. Reasons for prohibiting the work of a political party do not include gender-based discrimination only racial, ethnic, and religious hatred and discrimination. Parental rights are not provided as equal rights and obligations of father and mother. Special rights after childbirth (maternity leave) are guaranteed only to mothers, not to fathers. The right of decision regarding procreation is not specifically guaranteed. A Draft Constitution of the Kingdom of Serbia by P. Nikoli, Ph.D. guarantees equality of all before the law including citizens in terms of gender; availability of all jobs and positions under equal conditions; the right to fair wages and equal remuneration for work of equal value without difference; special job safety and special working conditions for women, youths and invalids; mandatory social security for all employees and members of their families; the right to health care from public revenue for children, women, and senior citizens not receiving those benefits on other grounds; special care for families, mothers, children, and minors without parents; marriage with free consent of the future spouses; equality of the spouses in marriage; free decision of the spouses regarding procreation; parents rights and obligations to support, raise, and educate their children. The project uses gender sensitive vocabulary [22] inconsistently. Measures of affirmative action are not provided separately. There are no specific provisions regarding indirect or direct discrimination. The policy of equal opportunities is not established as a constitutional right and obligation of the state. Reasons for prohibiting the work of a political party do not include gender based discrimination only racial, ethnic, and religious hatred and discrimination. The right to decide regarding procreation is guaranteed only to married spouses, not those in common law marriage. The right to maternity/paternity leave is not guaranteed specifically. A Project of the Constitution of Republic of Serbia by Forum Iuris guarantees human rights originating from international standards. In accordance with the principle of social solidarity, it stipulates that it is the obligation of the state to actively undertake measures of economic and social aid to citizens and social groups who are in underprivileged position for various reasons. Such measures must be aimed at removing economic an social barriers to achieving equality of rights; equality before the law; equality in the protection of freedoms and rights; equality of parents in parental rights and responsibilities; the right to marriage; equality of men and women entering, during, and ending marriage; marriage based on free consent of future spouses; citizens rights to enter public service under equal conditions and to perform political functions; the right to equal opportunities and equal treatment in choosing employment; employment without gender-based discrimination; special rights for women, youth, and the handicapped; the right to equal remuneration for work of equal value without any difference; the right to personal dignity at work; right of employed women to the protection of maternity; the right to equal opportunities and equal treatment of employment versus family responsibilities; obligations of the state and employees to take legal measures in terms of labour rights; availability of all forms of education under equal terms; the right to shelter from gender-based persecution; and obligatory state-provided health care for children, pregnant women, and the elderly, if they are not receiving those benefits on other grounds. The authors of this proposal use gender-sensitive terminology. [23] The proposal does not explicitly stipulate prohibition against direct and indirect discrimination and does not explicitly provide the possibility of undertaking affirmative action measures. The policy of equal opportunities is not established as a general obligation of the state, except in the case of the principle of social solidarity. Reasons for prohibiting the work of a political party do not include gender based discrimination only racial, ethnic, and religious hatred and discrimination. The right of (2 van 9) :46:48

245 The New Constitution of Serbia and Gender Equality decision regarding procreation is not guaranteed. The right to maternity/paternity leave is not specifically guaranteed. A Draft Constitution of Serbia submitted by the Democratic Party also starts from the international human rights standards. It prohibits gender based discrimination; restrictions on human rights under the pretence that they are not constitutionally guaranteed; and forced labour, explicitly defining whether sexual or economic exploitation of disadvantaged persons is considered forced labour. It guarantees the rights of equal legal protection without discrimination; shelter from gender-based persecution; men and women of the age of consent to marry and to have a family; the pregnancy and post-natal support and care for mothers during the lawful period; special protection of the family, mother, and child; and parents and guardians to educate their children according to their religious and moral beliefs. It stipulates equality before the law; the possibility of introducing affirmative action measures; equality of spouses entering, during, and ending marriage; and special health care for children, pregnant women and senior citizens, if not received on other grounds. The authors of the proposal have striven to secure gender sensitive vocabulary [24] but this rule is not followed consistently throughout the text. Some important rights are not provided, for example, the rights to decide regarding procreation, to maternity or paternity leave, to equality of the mother and the father in parental responsibilities, to special workplace safety for pregnant women and mothers, and to equal remuneration for work of equal value. Special care and support are guaranteed only to mothers during pregnancy and post-natal periods, while the right to this support and protection after childbirth is not guaranteed to the father. Reasons for prohibiting the work of an association include only racial, ethnic, and religious hatred and not gender based discrimination. It does not stipulate equal opportunities policy as an obligation of the state. A Draft Constitution of the Republic of Serbia prepared by the Democratic Party of Serbia guarantees human rights starting from international standards in this field. The proposal specifically guarantees the rights to equal legal protection without discrimination; marriage; parents and guardians to develop their children according to their religious and moral beliefs; support and protection of mothers in pregnancy and the post-natal period; and health care from public revenue for children, pregnant women and the elderly not receiving those benefits on other grounds. It prohibits direct and indirect gender based discrimination and forced labour, explicitly defining sexual or economic exploitation of disadvantaged people as forced labour. It guarantees equality before the Constitution and the law and equality of spouses entering, during, and ending marriage. It guarantees equality of parents in their rights and responsibilities to support, raise, and educate their children and the possibility of revoking or limiting the rights of one or both parents in the child s interest, by court decision and in accordance with the law. The proposal stipulates affirmative action measures to achieve full and effective equality of persons or groups in really unequal positions to other citizens; special workplace safety and special working conditions for women, youths and invalids; marriage based on free consent of men and women; stimulation and help by the Republic of Serbia to parents in deciding on procreation; and special protection of the family, mother, and child guaranteed by the Republic of Serbia. This proposal does not follow the standard demanding that the vocabulary of legislation be gender sensitive. [25] The proposed Constitution does not include the obligation of the state to implement an equal opportunities policy. Special protection and support is guaranteed during pregnancy and the post-natal period only to the mother, while the right to this support and protection is not guaranteed to the father. The right to maternity/paternity leave is not specifically guaranteed. There is no guarantee of social security and protection for pregnant women and mothers. Reasons for prohibiting the work of an association include only racial, ethnic and religious hatred not gender-based discrimination. There is no explicit prohibition against expressing gender-based intolerance. The right of asylum is not specifically guaranteed. The Constitution of Serbia proposed by the Liberals of Serbia also starts from international human rights standards and specifically stipulates the rights to equal legal protection without discrimination; to the lawful state support and protection for mothers during pregnancy and post-natal periods; and for parents and guardians to educate their children according to their religious and moral beliefs. It prohibits gender based discrimination and forced labour, considering sexual or economic exploitation of disadvantaged persons to be forced labour. It stipulates equality before the law; special protection of the family, mother, and child provided by the society and the state; and special healthcare for children, pregnant women, and senior citizens not receiving those benefits on other grounds. It guarantees the possibility of taking measures of affirmative action. This proposal does not respect the standard demanding that the vocabulary of legislation should not be discriminatory. [26] It does not explicitly stipulate the forms of discrimination (indirect and direct). The proposed Constitution does not include the obligation of the state to implement an equal opportunities policy. Special care and support is guaranteed during pregnancy and post-natal periods only to mothers, while these rights are not guaranteed to fathers. The right to maternity/paternity leave is not specifically guaranteed, nor are social security and protection for pregnant women and mothers. Reasons for prohibiting the work of an association include only racial, ethnic, and religious hatred not gender-based discrimination. There is no explicit prohibition against expressing gender-based intolerance. The freedom of decision regarding procreation is not guaranteed. Two draft constitutions will be the subjects of our special attention. They are the Draft Constitution of the Republic of Serbia prepared by the Government of Serbia, and a proposal by an expert group gathered by the President of the Republic. The reason for this is that these proposals came from persons who are entitled, under the current Constitution of Serbia, to submit proposals for adopting a new constitution. (3 van 9) :46:48

246 The New Constitution of Serbia and Gender Equality The Draft Constitution of the Republic of Serbia prepared by the Constitutional Committee of the Government of Serbia contains both general provisions on gender equality and several special guarantees regarding gender equality. General provisions that should be mentioned include direct application of international law and constitution in the national law (Article 17), and explicit constitutional prohibition against direct and indirect discrimination (Article 19). These provisions enable direct application of all universal and regional conventions and standards, both general and specific to gender equality. In addition, the draft constitution includes the prohibition against discrimination, among others, on the ground of gender; and, in accordance with international standards, specifically emphasises direct and indirect discrimination as the fundamental modalities of discrimination (Article 19). Positive discrimination (Article 20), which includes regulations, measures, and activities, is a new concept of the constitutional system, contributing to the elimination of discrimination. Among particular provisions specifically concerned with gender equality, we point would point out: prohibition against trafficking of human beings (Article 25); prohibition against sexual exploitation, which, by explicit constitutional provision, is considered as forced labour and subject to prohibition as such (Article 25); equality of husband and wife (Article 60); guaranteed freedom of decision regarding procreation; parental rights (Article 63); constitutional guarantees of special care for the family, mother, and child (Article 64); and special health care for pregnant women (Article 66). The proposal, however, does not use gender sensitive vocabulary, nor does it oblige the state to implement equal opportunities policies, which are international standards in this area. There is no explicit guarantee of the free consent of spouses before entering marriage or of protection of single parents. A general provision enabling positive discrimination is not specifically stipulated by the draft constitution, nor is that content specified in relevant chapters. A Proposal for a New Constitution of Serbia by an expert group [27] formed by the President of the Republic also contains general guarantees and specific rights regarding gender equality. This proposal is characterised by the use of gender sensitive vocabulary in accordance with international conventions (CEDAW). Among the general provisions, the fundamental principles of the proposed constitution guarantee equality of men and women (Article 15) and oblige the state to implement an equal opportunities policy (Article 15). The general provisions in the chapter on human rights guarantee the direct application of international law as well as direct application of constitutional provisions on human rights (Articles 23 and 24). Those general provisions also prohibit discrimination (Article 25) and list direct and indirect discrimination as forms of discrimination, while measures of positive discrimination are provided as instruments to eliminate discrimination (Article 25). In addition, among the general provisions on human rights, this proposal includes provisions which indirectly protect constitutional rights from possible restriction or elimination that may occur by the interpretation of constitutional guarantees which would imply the right of the state, group or individuals to take action aimed at abolishing a constitutionally guaranteed right or imposing restrictions greater than those permitted by the Constitution (Article 26), and explicitly prohibits placing restrictions on human rights under the pretence of their not being guaranteed by the Constitution (Article 28). The proposal also contains several special guarantees specifically concerned with gender equality including prohibition against sexual exploitation, which is considered as forced labour (Article 34). Matters of gender equality in family relations include guarantees of free consent of the spouses when entering into marriage (Article 49), equality of spouses in marital relations (Article 49), special protection of mothers and single parents (Article 63), and equality of parents in parental responsibilities (Article 63). In the political area, guarantees concerning gender equality are explicitly guaranteed measures of positive discrimination in the elections, both parliamentary and local (Article 57) and the guarantee to at least one seat as the Vice President of the National Assembly for the underrepresented gender (Article 97). This overview of constitutional solutions specifically concerned with the general constitutional principle of gender equality points to ten general conclusions: 1. Although there is a noticeable attempt to use gender sensitive vocabulary in the highest legal act of the state, it is done with only partial success. Only two of the projects pay attention to this aspect using both genders of the noun citizen in the preamble, while only one uses this vocabulary consistently. 2. Most of the proposals guarantee equality of men and women, either by positive norm or by prohibiting gender based discrimination. There are specific guarantees of equality before the law as well equality in the right to the protection of freedoms and rights. Some of the projects lack the definitions of forms of discrimination (indirect or direct). It is noticeable that causing gender-based intolerance or hatred is not prohibited, nor is gender-based discrimination listed as a reason for prohibiting the work of a political party or citizens organisation. In both cases the prohibition only applies to racial, religious, and ethnic intolerance. 3. All projects, except one, lack the provision on the obligation of the state to implement an equal opportunities policy. 4. Measures of affirmative action are provided as a possibility in most of the projects, and the discontinuation of these measures is connected to achieving the goal of these affirmative action measures. 5. The freedom of decision regarding procreation is guaranteed by most of the projects, but it is noticeable that its contents are determined differently. In some projects, it is guaranteed by a general provision. In others, the decision regarding procreation is the parents right. (4 van 9) :46:48

247 The New Constitution of Serbia and Gender Equality 6. Most of the rights guaranteed by project proposals concern the special care for women in their reproductive roles (mothers and pregnant women in pre- and post-natal periods). Still, none of the projects specifies, for instance, the right to paid maternity (or paternity) leave for the employed. Also lacking is the guaranteed right to social security for parents (men or women), especially single parents having children up to a certain age. Despite the obvious attempt in some projects, they are not fully successful in emphasising the rights and responsibilities of both parents in relation to their children. For instance, the rights to health care and special post-natal care are guaranteed only to mothers, not to fathers. Only one of the projects explicitly stipulates the funding source for this form of health care (public revenue), which is especially significant for the possibility of effective implementation of the right. There is no guarantee whatsoever of rights of single parents. Some rights are guaranteed by the general norm that requires further specification in order to be implemented effectively (e.g., the provision under which families, mothers and children enjoy the special care of the society and the state). 7. It is obvious that the authors are trying to provide special forms of protection for employed women. Although in this respect there could be some more decisive guarantees, these are definitely the most completely regulated guarantees, now formulated in the form of blanket provisions (e.g., rights could be formulated as the employer s responsibility). It is significant that only a few proposals contain an explicit provision regarding the right to equal remuneration for work of equal value. Only one of the projects explicitly guarantees the right to equal opportunities and equal treatment in the choice of profession and employment without gender-based discrimination. 8. The right to education is guaranteed in all projects as a general right enjoyed by every person. Yet, there are certain differences regarding education levels (e.g., whether it includes only primary education or all educational levels). Wording should be unambiguous, and the right should be guaranteed for all levels of education, as equal availability to all levels of education. 9. Equality of future spouses when entering marriage, freedom of decision of future spouses about entering marriage, and their equality during the marriage and at its dissolution are guaranteed by all projects. 10. In some projects, sexual or economic exploitation of disadvantaged persons is considered to be forced labour prohibited by the Constitution. These are definitely solutions to be supported, and they should find their place in the future Constitution of Serbia. All of the above speak in favour of the need to approach the constitutional matters regulating the equality of men and women in a responsible and careful manner. This is because the Constitution remains the fundamental framework defining the contents of the constitutional principle of equality and the source of accompanying regulations, notably laws regulating this matter more specifically. Therefore, it is important to have a Constitution with a firm and clear guarantee of equality of women and men and with a reliable guide for legislative activity. 3. Gender Equality and The Charter on Human and Minority Rights and Civil Freedoms The legal reference framework for the constitutional arrangement of gender equality in Serbia is represented by two types of legal sources to be borne in mind when writing the Constitution. One source is international legal sources and the other is the Charter on Human and Minority Rights and Civil Freedoms as an act of national legislation. This is why we shall make a brief overview of these documents. Specific proposals of constitutional norms for the new Constitution of the Republic of Serbia start from the international human rights standards established in international conventions. Especially important are those ratified by the competent authorities of the Union of Serbia and Montenegro and specified through the practice of international institutions for human rights protection and the generally accepted rules of international law. Specific proposals especially refer to constitutional guarantees of gender equality and prohibition of indirect and direct discrimination and the obligations of the state and the government to implement an equal opportunities policy. Another important provision is for closer definition of the contents of the gender-equality principle in individual spheres of social life, especially in the spheres of economics (e.g., work and employment) and politics (e.g., the principle of equal participation of women in electoral and appointed positions). Also vital are establishment of the possibility of taking affirmative action measures to eliminate actual inequality and protection of the right to gender equality (e.g., the right to protection, tools, and procedures). When stipulating the principle of gender equality, it is necessary to bear in mind the general and regional international standards in this field. They are contained in ratified international conventions. [28] They are operationalised specifically through the practices of international bodies in charge of the implications of these standards and of international institutions in charge of the protection of human rights. These standards need to be implemented in the new Constitution of Serbia. In addition to the above, it is necessary to point out the guarantees regarding the principle of gender equality stipulated by the Charter on Human and Minority Rights and Civil Freedoms. Provisions in the Charter relevant to constitutional solutions of the gender-equality principle include several guarantees. These are prohibition against direct and indirect discrimination (Article 3, Paragraph 3); affirmative action measures (Article 3, Paragraph 4); prohibition against placing restrictions on human rights under the pretence of their not being guaranteed by the Charter (Article 8); guarantees of acquired rights (Article 47, Paragraph 1); the right to marriage based on the (5 van 9) :46:48

248 The New Constitution of Serbia and Gender Equality free will of the spouses (Article 9, Paragraph 1); equality of spouses entering, during, and dissolving marriage (Article 9, Paragraph 1); special protection of mothers and children (Article 40); special health care for pregnant women (Article 45); and the right to asylum based on fear of gender-based persecution (Article 38, Paragraph 1). However, the Charter on Human and Minority Rights and Civil Freedoms does not include some significant guarantees of gender equality that represent international standards. Thus, the Charter does not meet the standard demanding that legislation, especially the Constitution as the most important legal act, should be written in gender-sensitive vocabulary. We shall quote a few examples to illustrate. The right to vote is enjoyed by citizens, but the noun is only in masculine-gender form (Article 33, Paragraph 2); The right to participate in decision-making in all public affairs is guaranteed to citizens, but the noun is only in masculine-gender form (Article 33, Paragraph 1). The right to citizenship is guaranteed to citizens, but the noun is only in masculinegender form (Article 35). The Charter also contains good examples of gender sensitive vocabulary that should be used as a model. For instance, every person has the right to establish newspapers and other means of public communication (Article 30, Paragraph 1); every person enjoys the freedom of association (Article 32, paragraph 1). The Charter on Human and Minority Rights and Civil Freedoms does not guarantee some rights or freedoms of special importance for effective implementation of the constitutional principle of gender equality. Unlike other rights and freedoms guaranteed by the Constitution, without guaranteeing these rights, the principle of gender equality remains at the level of a programmatic constitutional norm without effective and direct implementation. In the area of constitutional protection of family and marriage, there are no guarantees to equality of spouses in marriage. There are no provisions regarding the principle of equal responsibilities of parents in bringing up children and for rights and responsibilities to children. Freedom of decision regarding procreation is not guaranteed. In the area of political rights, there is no explicit guarantee of equal opportunities for both genders to participate in political life and public government, nor of equal representation of men and women in all elected and appointed positions. Reasons for prohibiting the work of a political party do not include gender-based discrimination only racial, ethnic, and religious intolerance and hatred, etc. In the area of work and employment there are no guarantees of the right to equal remuneration for work of equal value, to availability of each job under equal conditions, to equal opportunities for professional advancement and training, etc. In the areas of social security and health care, there are no provisions for some important rights connected with the production of reproductive rights that would point to the special care of the state in the area of reproductive rights such as the right to maternity and paternity leave; special rights to social and health care for single parents (fathers and mothers) with children up to a certain age; special rights to financial security during the unemployment period for single parents (fathers and mothers) with children up to a certain age; and the right to health care for household workers, etc. 4. A Point of View to the A Constitutional Framework to Provide Gender Equality in the New Constitution of Serbia The remaining section of the paper will contain the author s specific proposal regarding gender equality and specific stipulations of this fundamental constitutional principle in the future Constitution of Serbia. The Preamble to the Constitution should be written with the noun citizen in both grammatical genders. [29] In the introductory part of the Constitution, among the fundamental principles underlying the Constitution, it is necessary to include provisions on equality between women and men and on the obligations of the state to develop an equal opportunities policy and to undertake special affirmative action measures towards this goal. The wording of the constitutional provision could read: The Republic of Serbia provides for equality of citizens of both genders. It promotes the equality of women and men by developing the policy of equal opportunities, including special measures of affirmative action (positive discrimination). [30] The part of the Constitution regulating freedoms and rights should include several important guarantees, so as to provide the following: Guarantees of an attained level of rights. The wording of this norm could be, The attained level of human and minority rights, individual or collective, may not be reduced. This Constitution shall not abolish or amend any rights or freedoms acquired by way of confirmed and publicised international treaties. A similar guarantee is contained in the Charter on Human and Minority Rights and Civil Liberties; whereas, there are no such guarantees in the Draft Constitution of Serbia; therefore, they should be included. Prohibition against restricting and minority rights under the pretence that they are not guaranteed by Constitution. The wording of this norm could be, It is not permitted to restrict human and minority rights guaranteed by generally accepted rules of international law, adopted and ratified by international treaties and laws, under the pretence that they are not guaranteed by Constitution or that they are guaranteed to a lesser extent. Such a provision is contained in the Charter on Human and Minority Rights and Civil Liberties (Article 8). The Draft Constitution does not contain this prohibition as an important guarantee of human rights; therefore, and it should be incorporated into the new Constitution of Serbia. The right to effective judicial protection of human rights guaranteed by the Constitution and international law. The wording of the norm could be, Everyone shall have the right to effective judicial protection in cases of infringed or denied human or minority rights guaranteed by generally accepted rules (6 van 9) :46:48

249 The New Constitution of Serbia and Gender Equality of international law, adopted and ratified by international treaties and this Constitution. Everyone shall have the right to the elimination of the consequences of such infringement or denial of these rights. A norm formulated this way is clearer. It guarantees that effective judicial protection of human rights and liberties is the individual right of each person whose right has been infringed. Prohibition against instigating and encouraging discrimination. The text of the article could read, Each and every instigation and encouragement of inequality - as well as of hatred or intolerance based on race, gender, ethnicity, religious denomination, political or other persuasion, age, mental or physical disability, social origin, property ownership, educational level, culture, language, birth or other personal status or feature - shall be prohibited and punishable by law. Listing only some personal features (such as race or membership to a nation) or persuasion (such as religious denomination) neglects the other, no less important, forms of discrimination based on personal characteristics (such as skin colour, gender, age, or mental of physical disability) or beliefs (such as political persuasion). Measures of affirmative action in the field of electoral law. The text of the norm could read, In order to provide full equality of women and men in elected or appointed positions, the law shall provide for measures of affirmative action (positive discrimination) to represent the underrepresented gender. Special measures shall remain in force until their purposes are fulfilled. Affirmative action measures aimed at eliminating factual inequality of women in elections for public positions are stipulated by international documents on human rights. [31] The right to work. The text of the norm could read, Men and women shall have the right to free choice of profession and employment, equal conditions of employment, equal remuneration for work of equal value including benefits with equal treatment of work of equal value, equal treatment for the assessment of their performance at work, and equal conditions and opportunities for training and promotion at work. An especially important form of implementing the principle of gender equality is achieved in the field of employment and occupation. International documents on human rights [32] emphasise this area, which, as in political life, is characterised by discrimination of women. This is why it is necessary for the Constitution to provide special guarantees of fundamental rights in the area of work and employment. Special measures of affirmative action regarding the right to work, rights related to work, and parental rights (e.g., parental leave, protection of single parents, etc.). The norm could read, Discrimination of women on the grounds of marital and maternal status shall be prohibited. Dismissal from the job during pregnancy, maternity, or paternity leave shall be prohibited. Constitutional protection of reproductive rights specifically includes protection of employment for women at the beginning of work, especially from dismissal during pregnancy and maternity leave. This type of protection is especially guaranteed by Article 11, Paragraph 2, of the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women. The States that are parties to this Convention are liable to prohibit, subject to the imposition of sanctions, dismissal on the grounds of pregnancy or of maternity leave and discrimination in dismissals on the basis of marital status. In addition to guaranteeing special workplace safety and special work conditions, the Constitution must provide for prohibition against discrimination on the grounds of marital status and maternity, including prohibiting job dismissal during pregnancy and maternity leave. Finally, following the principle of gender equality in terms of equal rights and responsibilities to their children and equal status of both parents, there should be guarantees not only of the mother s right to maternity leave, but also of the equal right of the father to paternity leave, thereby making parents equal in their rights to raise children. Translated from Serbian: Women s Center for Democracy and Human Rights, Subotica, Serbia and Montenegro [1] The authors were national and international experts lead by B. Vukobrat; see Predlozi za novu zajednicu republika bivše Jugoslavije (Proposals for the New Community of the Republics of the Former Yugoslavia), Belgrade, [2] See Ustavna i pravna pitanja jugoslovenske države (Constitutional and Legal Issues of the Yugoslav State), Belgrade 1999; Ustavnost i vladavina prava(constitutionalism and the Rule of Law), Centre for the Promotion of Law Studies, 2000; Kriza i reforma pravosuđa (Crisis and the Reform of the Jurisdiction), Centre for the Promotion of Law Studies, Belgrade, [3] Author: M. Pajvan i ; see the collection of papers, Srbija između prošlosti i budu nosti (Serbia Between Past and Future), Forum for Interethnic Relations, Belgrade, [4] Author: M. M. Jovi i, Member of the Academy; see Ustavni principi za demokratsku Srbiju (Constitutional Principles for the Democratic Serbia), Vajat, Belgrade, [5] The authors are national experts headed by Professor L. Basta, Ph.D. See Ustavni principi za demokratsku Srbiju (The Constitutional Principles for the Democratic Serbia), Belgrade Centre for Human Rights, Belgrade, [6] Sources: Srbija država regiona (Serbia State of Regions), Council for Democratic Changes, Belgrade, 2000; Predlog za novi Ustav Srbije (Proposal for the New Constitution of Serbia), Belgrade Centre for Human Rights, Belgrade, 2000; The New Serbia Forum A Programme for the Re-Constitution of Yugoslavia, London, 2000; (7 van 9) :46:48

250 The New Constitution of Serbia and Gender Equality Ustavno pravni okvir decentralizacije Srbije i autonomija Vojvodine Constitutional Legal Framework for the Decentralisation of Serbia and the Authonomy of Vojvodina), Centre for Regionalism, Novi Sad, 2001; Ogledi o regionalizaciji komparativna studija (Assays about Reginalisation a Comparative Study), Open University Subotica, 2001; Ustavno preuređenje Savezne republike Jugoslavije (The Constitutional Rearrangement of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia), Centre for Liberal Democratic Studies, Belgrade 2002; Novi koncept lokalne samouprave u Srbiji (New Concept of the Local Selfgovernment in Serbia), Agency for Local Democracy, Subotica; Regionalizacija Srbije (Regionalisation of Serbia), Centre for Liberal Democratic Studies, Belgrade, [7] M. Pajvan i et al., Principi ustavne deklaracije (Principles of the Constitutional Declaration), Forum for Ethnic Relations, Belgrade, [8] Conducted by a group of authors lead by L. Basta Flajner, Ph.D. See the publication of the Belgrade Centre for Human Rights, Belgrade, [9] P. Nikoli, Ph.D., was the project author. [10] Conducted by a group of authors lead by M. Pajvan i, Ph.D. See the publication of Forum iuris, Novi Sad, [11] Prepared by the Democratic Party of Serbia. [12] See Prizma magazine, Centre for Liberal Democratic Studies, January 2003; papers in Pravni sistem i država u demokratskoj tradiciji (Legal System and the State in the Democratic Tradition), Konrad Adenauer, Belgrade, 2003; papers in Ustavni Sud Srbije u Susret novom ustavu (Constitutional Court of Serbia In Approaching the New Constitution), Constitutional Court, Belgrade, The new quality of constitutional debate identified issues on which views were similar and issues on which project authors views differed notably. G17+ summarized the issues in Pravni sistem i država u demokratskoj tradiciji (The Legal System and the State in the Democratic Transition), Konrad Adenauer, Belgrade, [13] Citizen s Association of Serbia supported A Proposal for the New Constitution of Serbia. Reformists of Vojvodina supported A Model of the Constitution of Serbia. [14] Results of their work are in papers in Proposals for a New Constitution of Serbia, Friedrich Ebert Stiftung, Belgrade, [15] See Proposals for a New Constitution of Serbia, Friedrich Ebert Stiftung, Belgrade, 2004, with Belgrade Centre for Human Rights, A Proposal for the New Constitution of Serbia; P. Nikoli, Ph.D., A Draft Constitution of the Kingdom of Serbia; Forum Iuris, A Project of the Constitution of Republic of Serbia; Democratic Party, A Draft Constitution of Serbia; Democratic Party of Serbia, A Draft Constitution of the Republic of Serbia; Liberals of Serbia,The Constitution of Serbia; the Constitutional Committee, A Draft Constitution of the Republic of Serbia. G17+ a summary of open constitutional issues. [16] A Draft Constitution of the Republic of Serbia, Democratic Party of Serbia (2003); A Draft Constitution of Serbia, Democratic Party(2003); A Constitution of Serbia, Liberals of Serbia (2004). [17] A Proposal for the New Constitution of Serbia, Belgrade Centre for Human Rights, Belgrade, 2001; A Project of the Constitution of the Republic of Serbia, Forum Iuris, Novi Sad, [18] P. Nikoli, Ph.D., The Constitution of the Kingdom of Serbia: A Draft, published by the author, Belgrade, [19] Proposals for a New Constitution of Serbia II, Fiedrich Ebert Stiftung, Belgrade, [20] Prohibition against discrimination based on sexual orientation, set forth in this proposal, was not supported unanimously by the project group; therefore, there was a separate opinion by two group members regarding this issue. [21] See, for example, guarantees of voting rights ( citizen ) citizenship ( subject ) nouns in their masculine form. [22] Nouns such as citizens, subjects, and foreigners are in the masculine form. [23] The Preamble to the Constitution begins with the term citizens of Serbia in both genders, with a note that all nouns referring to the subjects of freedoms and rights and bearers of public functions, used in the text in masculine grammatical gender, imply the appropriate feminine form. [24] The Preamble to the Constitution begins with the words citizens of Serbia in both grammatical genders, but (8 van 9) :46:48

251 The New Constitution of Serbia and Gender Equality later on this is not done consistently, nor is there a general remark that nouns are to be understood as referring to both genders. [25] E.g., articles 1, 2, 12, 13, 16, 50, 51, and 55. [26] E.g., articles 1, 2, 5, 7, 9, 43, 54, and 57. [27] The expert group included Prof. M. Gruba, Ph.D.; Prof. V. Dimitrijevi, Ph.D.; Prof. M. Pajvan i, Ph.D.; Prof. D. Popovi, Ph.D.; O. Nikoli, Ph.D.; V. eri, M.Sc.; S. Bulaji, M.Sc.; S. ipli, M.Sc.; and R. Žarevac, M.Sc. [28] The Universal Declaration of Human Rights (1948); the Convention on the Political Rights of Women (1952); the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (1966); the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (1966); the Declaration on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (1967); the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (1979); The Convention on the Nationality ofmarried Women; Convention on Consent to Marriage, Minimum Age for Marriage and Registration of Marriages; the Convention on the Equality of Women and Men (1988); The Conclusion of the Conferences in Strasbourg (1986), Vienna (1989), Rome (1993); the conclusion of the Fourth Conference on Women (Vienna 1994); Beijing documents 1995 (Parliamentary Declaration, Platform for Action) the Council of Europe Declaration on Equality Between Women and Men as a Fundamental Criterion of Democracy (1997); the Universal Declaration on Democracy (1997); the final document of the Interparliamentary Conference in New Delhi (1997); the final document of the Interparliamentary Conference on Security and Cooperation in the Mediterranean (2000); the European Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms; the Charter on Fundamental Rights in the European Union (2000); the document adopted in Bucharest (2001); the International Labour Organisation Convention 3 Concerning the Employment of Women in Pre-natal and Postnatal Period; ILO Convention 45 Concerning the Employment of Women on Underground Work in Mines of All Kinds; ILO Convention 89 Convention Concerning Night Work of Women Employed in Industry; ILO Convention 100 Concerning Equal Remuneration for Men and Women Workers for Work of Equal Value; Maternity Protection Convention no. 103; ILO Convention 111 (1958) Concerning Discrimination in Respect of Employment and Occupation, etc. [29] See the documents of the Interparliamentary Union especially the agenda for correcting the current discrepancy in the participation of women and men in political life (Point B IV / Paris 1994) stipulating that language used in legislation must not be gender blind and recommending that states revise their constitutions and eliminate vocabulary that tends to advocate gender stereotypes. [30] The basic principles especially guarantee the protection of three categories of citizens: subjects of the Republic of Serbia living abroad, members of the Serbian nation (Article 13), and ethnic minorities (Article 14). We believe that the introductory section of the Constitution should also specifically stipulate equality of women and men, and especially the policy of equal treatment. This is supported by the comparative constitutional practice and international documents (Articles 3 and 4 of the Convention on the Elimination of all Forms of Discrimination against Women; the Final Document of the 4 th UNO Conference on Women, Beijing 1995; Paragraph 3 of the Charter on European Security; Sections A and B of the Declaration on Equality Between Women and Men as a Fundamental Criterion of Democracy, Istanbul Nov. 1997; Article 17 of the Directive of the Council of Europe No. 78 of 27 Nov. 2000, etc.). [31] E.g., Articles 4 and 7/1 of the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women; Point 14 of the Final Document of the Interparliamentary Conference, New Delhi, 18 Feb. 1997; Section A of the Declaration on Equality between Women and Men as a Fundamental Criterion of Democracy, Istanbul, 1997; Section C-III, Point 104 of the Universal Declaration on Democracy, Paris, 1997; Strategies G-1 and G-2 of the Final Document of the Interparliamentary Conference, Marseilles, etc. [32] E.g., Article 11, Paragraph 1, of the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women; Strategies G-1 and G-2 of the Declaration on Equality Between Women and Men as a Fundamental Criterion of Democracy, Istanbul, 1997; Convention 111 of the International Labour Convention prohibition of discrimination against women in employment and occupation; Article 23 of the European Charter on Fundamental Rights no. 364/01 of 7 th November 2000; the European Charter on Social Rights, etc. (9 van 9) :46:48

252 The enlarged EU and its agenda for a wider Europe: The Enlarged EU and Its Agenda for a Wider Europe: What Considerations for Gender Equality? - EU Neighbouring Countries: the Western Balkans - By Tatjana Djuric Kuzmanovic, PhD, Advanced Business School, Novi Sad, and Mirjana Dokmanovic, Women s Center for Democracy and Human Rights, Serbia and Montenegro WIDE briefing paper Short description of the region The countries of the region, Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina, the Former Yugoslav Republic (FRY) of Macedonia, Serbia and Montenegro, with a total population of 19,6 million, belong to the least developed countries in Europe. The average Gross Domestic Product (GDP) per capita in 2002 was Euro ranging from 710 Euro in Kosovo to Euro in Serbia and Montenegro. Albania and Macedonia are members of the World Trade Organization (WTO); Bosnia and Herzegovina and Serbia and Montenegro are in the process of joining. These Western Balkan countries are also progressing towards EU membership within the framework of the so-called Stabilisation and Association process. Macroeconomic overview Transition to the market economy has been delayed because of armed conflicts and exclusion from the international community during the periods of conflict. The region s Structural Adjustment Programmes (SAPs), dictated by the International Monetary Found (IMF), are similar to other SAPs in that they require the removal of obstacles to international trade and foreign investments, the privatisation of public services, labour market flexibility and the reduction of all social costs. The countries of the region are characterised by political uncertainties and weak institutions. Moreover, they are struggling to transform their economies. The dissolution of the former Yugoslavia and associated hostilities and conflicts, followed by sanctions, cut off important markets and transit routes to all the countries. This, plus the Kosovo crisis and the NATO intervention in 1999, have severely crippled economic activities and engendered a high level of uncertainty in all the successor states. As the economic system was designed to foster close ties among the republics, its dissolution has magnified the downward spiral of economic activity. Albania Bosnia and FYR Macedonia Serbia and Kosovo Herzegovina Montenegro GDP per capita in 2002 Year: Real GDP growth 12,7 6 15,6 3,5 3,4 3,0 6,7 3,0 21,2 4,7 % Trade balance % -22,8-22,8-48,4-36,6-14,4-17,2-13,1-25, ,8 of GDP Foreign debt In 0,9 1,2-1,8 1,2 1,3 9,0 12,2 - - billion EUR FDI in million EUR FDI % of GDP 1,5 2,7 2,9 4,9 3,3 1,0 0,8 5,8 - - Unemployment 17,8 14,9 37,4 41,0 34,5 36,7 27,0 30,0 - - % Poverty rate [1] 25,4 19,5 10,5 - - Corruption rank 2003 [2] Source: European Commission, Directorate-General for Economic and Financial Affairs, The Western Balkans in transition, Occasional Papers no. 5, Brussels, January 2004 Impact of EU policies on the region In 2000, within the framework of the Stability Pact for South Eastern Europe (SPSEE), the World Bank (WB) and its main regional development partners adopted a report on a comprehensive approach to development for South East Europe (SEE). The report outlined how quickly the SEE countries and their private sectors should move towards trade integration with the EU [3]. Domestic sector reform priorities have been put in place including the implementation of privatisation and structural reforms as well as policies to encourage Foreign Direct Investment (FDI), to eliminate labour market inefficiencies and reduce rigidity in labour market legislation, to promote trade (1 van 4) :47:02

253 The enlarged EU and its agenda for a wider Europe: liberalisation, and to reduce the size of the public sector and overall level of public spending. Most of the experiences of moving from a communist/socialist regime and state-led economies to free market economies have been negative. The effects have included increasing poverty, insecurity, unemployment, crime, and corruption; a vanishing middle class; and new economic and political elites arising from amongst war profiteers and former communist leaders. Furthermore, there is a widening gap between the poor and the rich. Registered unemployment is very high as much as 36% in Serbia and Montenegro. However, real unemployment levels are believed to be much higher - possibly as high as 55% in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Decreased opportunities for employment are also leading to a brain-drain of young educated people as they seek opportunities elsewhere. The privatisation process has lead to the abolishment of economic and social rights and inadequate protective mechanisms; a lack of respect for international labour and environmental standards; a lack of transparency. Moreover, there is no legislation on corporate responsibility. The need to make the economy attractive for foreign investments is being used as justification for all these legal changes. Of course, all these policies are not gender-neutral. Women have absorbed the shock of the adjustment by intensifying their unpaid work necessary because of budget cuts in basic public services such as education, social services, and health care. The costs of the care economy and other reproductive costs are not included in the national income outputs and thus they become invisible. This is just one example of the negative effects of the SAP and how it impacts women s lives. With regard to gender equality in the economic sector, two other issues emerge: the extent to which a gender bias exists in the shift to the informal market; and the increased pressure on women s time, with its negative effect on their health and welfare. As the state has retreated from its role as a social institution and public expenditure is reduced, so too the tax and benefit systems have been objects of region-wide reforms. The general trend has been to maintain the individual as the unit for taxes and benefits, and use an individual s employment history to determine benefits and entitlement levels. But the employment history of women is more likely to have been interrupted and shorter which means they are more adversely affected. Across the region, pension systems are also being reformed with substantial erosion in the value of the benefit paid to all recipients. Men will benefit more than women from both these reforms and will gain more in terms of total benefits. Common characteristics in the region regarding gender equality issues The economic and social status of women is declining. This is due to: A re-patriachalisation of the societies, pushing women from the public sphere and labour market (paid work) to the private sphere (family and child care); High levels of bankruptcy leading to the dismissal of workers; Increasing unemployment and flexibility of labour market; Cuts in social services and public spending; The abolishing of economic and social rights gained; A reduction of workers rights and protection laws plus weakened trade unions; The horizontal and vertical segregation of women in the labour market; The increasing shift of the labour force, particularly of women, from a formal economy to informal economy; The fact that women are more ready than men to accept unfavourable working conditions, often in the informal economy. Women have been excluded from the privatisation process: very few women are owners of enterprises; they tend more often to be employees rather than employers. Women own less land, and other assets. Poverty is becoming increasingly feminised. Those most vulnerable to poverty such as self-supporting mothers, rural women, minority women, the elderly, Roma, housewives, are the least visible. Women are often excluded, isolated or removed from decision making. This can be seen in the decreasing number of women in parliaments and in decision making positions. Women are also excluded from the peace negotiations and stabilisation processes. Discrimination and violence against women are both increasing. Despite the adoption of many of the acquis international commitments to secure equal opportunities for women these are not respected de facto. The principles of gender mainstreaming are widely acknowledged but implementation lags behind. Laws and other measures are inadequate to eliminate discrimination and violence against women. There is a lack of research on women s position in society, their position in the labour market, the level of violence against women, and the impact of economic and social policies on women s livelihoods. In addition where data is available it is rarely gender disaggregated. Gender sensitive budgeting does not exist or, as in the case of Serbia, has even been rejected. Policy makers and the public lack gender awareness. Impact of EU legislation on gender equality issues The harmonisation of domestic legislation with EU legislation has been beneficial for women, as it has meant adopting and developing laws, legal measures and mechanisms for protecting women s rights and empowering women. As part of the EU membership process, all the governments in the region have started to develop and set (2 van 4) :47:02

254 The enlarged EU and its agenda for a wider Europe: up national machineries for advancement of women [4] and adopt laws on equal opportunities of both sexes [5]. The governments have set quotas for women s political participation; and women s concerns relating to their position in the labour market and their access to resources are integrated into the Poverty Reduction Strategy Papers (PRSPs). In spite of these achievements, de facto gender equality is far from being realised. In all countries of the region, the governments give priority to the managing of the economic and political situation, with gender issues being a much lower priority. In addition, implementation of the adopted legislation is slow and inconsistent. Recommendations for policy change To the EU institutions To promote a human rights/women s rights based approach to development, and to create a social Europe, not one focusing purely on profit and economic growth. To analyse the impact of EU policies on the neighbouring countries from gender and human rights perspective, and to develop policies that would create opportunities for economic development and well being for all people in all the European countries. To take appropriate measures and develop a long-term policy aimed at promoting rule of law, gender equality, social justice and human rights in all the European countries, including the EU non-members countries, in order to build a new Europe without borders, wars, conflicts, poverty, unemployment etc. The achievement of this goal is not possible without the elimination of the existing gap between the EU members and non-eu members. To support comparative research/analysis of past accession processes and how the EU enlargement has influenced the neighbouring countries (looking at unemployment, poverty, migration of workers, living standard, cross-boarder crime and sex-trafficking, etc.). The EU also needs to look at how the isolation/ exclusion of the EU neighbouring countries influence the EU (e.g. in terms of wage levels, labour markets, unemployment). To include gender perspectives and gender assessments of the EU policies in all agreements and negotiations with the EU neighbouring countries. To support and encourage women to put forward their candidacy for the European Parliament elections, and to promote women s interethnic cooperation within parliamentarian and non-parliamentarian frameworks. To develop corporate responsibility mechanisms that would oblige enterprises and corporations to protect human rights and provide safe working environments. To urge governments in the EU neighbouring countries to interact with and support women s NGOs and create sustainable national structures/mechanisms for the advancement of women. To support national governments to implement and regularly assess gender mainstreaming policies, including gender budgeting as a tool for monitoring and assessing the differentiated impacts of EU policies on women and men, and for supporting gender equality objectives. To establish a European agency on advancement of gender equality and women s rights. This agency should have enforcement powers. To take measures to engender macroeconomic and trade policy decision-making. This should include identifying the impacts of current policies and programmes on different groups of women and men; addressing gender power relations; and recognizing the care economy as a component of the formal economy. To support national governments in Europe to stop the current negotiations in the framework of the General Agreement on Trade in Services (GATS). The privatisation of social services and public goods will increase poverty in all EU and non-eu member states. To the national governments in the Western Balkans To include gender mainstreaming and gender equality issues in all domestic legislation. To adopt and implement effective equal opportunity legislation. Sufficient financial support should be provided to support the implementation of this legislation. To integrate gender issues into all national strategies (economic development, employment, poverty reduction, access to training, education, health, etc.), with special attention to the most vulnerable groups of women. To develop a National Strategy for Advancement of Women based on commitments to the CEDAW, Beijing Platform for Action, ILO conventions and the EU directives and recommendations. To secure adequate representation of women in the parliaments and decision making positions, as well as in the conflict prevention and post-conflict reconstruction. To introduce and implement sex-disaggregated data in the analysis of the impact of economic, trade, social, pension, health, education etc. policies. To formulate indicators to measure gendered impact for reporting, monitoring and policy change. To reject the transition model based merely on economic growth and profit; to avoid copy-paste programmes and strategies dictated by the International Financial Organisations in creating healthy environment for economic development and democratisation of the countries, without taking into consideration the particular economic and political context and needs and interests of families, women and men. To analyse the consequences of joining the EU from gender perspective. This infosheet was produced with the financial assistance of the European Commission, DG Education and Culture. The views expressed herein are those of the author(s) and can therefore in no way be taken to reflect the official (3 van 4) :47:02

255 The enlarged EU and its agenda for a wider Europe: opinion of the EC or of WIDE. Women in Development Europe [1] World Bank Group, 2004 World Development Indicators, 2004 [2] Table 1: Transparency International Corruption Perceptions Index [3] Stability Pact for South Eastern Europe, The Road to Stability and Prosperity in South Eastern Europe - A Regional Strategy Paper, 1 March With the World Bank (WB) and cooperation with its main development partners in the region (European Commission (EC), European Bank for Reconstruction and Development (ERBD), Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD), European Investment Bank (EIB), Council of Europe and Council of Europe Development Bank) it looked at the speed of acceptance for trade integration with the EU was the SEE primary goal in moving forward. [4] For example, the Secretariat for Labour and Gender Equality at the Executive Council of Vojvodina, the counselling body at the government of Serbia, the office for gender equality in Montenegro. [5] For example, in the Serbian province of Vojvodina the provincial parliament has recently adopted a Declaration on Gender Equality. (4 van 4) :47:02

256 The Enlarged EU and Its Agenda for a Wider Europe: What Consideration...ity? EU Neighbouring Countries in Eastern Europe/ Former Soviet Union The Enlarged EU and Its Agenda for a Wider Europe: What Considerations for Gender Equality? - EU Neighbouring Countries in Eastern Europe/ Former Soviet Union - By Zofia Lapniewska, NEWW-Polska. With the contribution of Raisa Sinelnikova, Counterpart Alliance for Partnership, Belarus; Shorena Dzotsenidze, Center for Women and Development, Georgia; Halyna Fedkovych, Women s Perspective, and Oksana Kisselyova, PhD, Liberal Society Institute, Ukraine. Short description of the region The Russian Federation and the fourteen Newly Independent States (NIS) - Armenia, Azerbaijan, Belarus, Estonia, Georgia, Latvia, Lithuania, Kazakhstan, Kyrgystan, Moldova, Ukraine, Uzbekistan, Tajikistan and Turkmenistan - form the region of EU neighbouring countries in Eastern Europe/ Former Soviet Union (FSU). Three of them - Estonia, Lithuania and Latvia - are already European Union (EU) member states. This report analyses the situation of women in the remaining eleven countries, with a special focus on Belarus, Georgia and Ukraine. Belarus Georgia Ukraine Population 9.89 million 4.7 million 47.7 million GDP per capita (USD) (2003 est.) [1] World Trade Organization (WTO) membership status [2] EU relationships Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) inflows Observer status since September The EU-Belarus relations are regulated by the 1997 General Affairs Council conclusions [3] on Belarus. 84 million Euro (0,7 percent of GDP) [4] Member since June EU-Georgia cooperation: the EU will aim at ensuring a coordinated use of all available policy and assistance instruments and focus on three key areas: (1) Promoting rule of law, good governance and respect for human rights and democratic institutions, (2) Reducing poverty, targeting assistance to the most vulnerable groups, especially in rural areas, (3) Enhancing stability and security through confidence building measures aimed at the prevention and settlement of internal conflicts and actions in favour of affected populations. USD million (4,9% of GDP) Observer status since November EU relations with Ukraine are based on the Partnership and Cooperation Agreement (PCA) which entered into force in 1998 for an initial period of ten years, and on the EU s Common Strategy of Technical assistance has been provided since the early 1990s in support of the transition process towards democracy and market economy, through the TACIS programme. Ukraine has been considered a priority partner country within the European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP). [5] USD million (1,6% of GDP) Unemployment level 2.7% (2002) (women 1.69%) 17% (2001 est.) [1] (women 11.80%) 3.7% (2003) [1] (women 2.53%) Overview on common macroeconomic tendencies The transition from centrally planned to market-based economies was based on privatisation, liberalisation and a strengthening of the financial and tax discipline of companies. These changes had serious implications for the redistribution of resources and budgetary spending. Price increases and an increase in foreign debt put pressure on national budgets resulting in cuts in public expenditures - including in health, education and family related benefits. The transition process had significant social impacts including destabilising the labour market and creating a class of so-called new poor. In one decade ( ) the poverty rate in Central and Eastern (1 van 4) :47:11

257 The Enlarged EU and Its Agenda for a Wider Europe: What Consideration...ity? EU Neighbouring Countries in Eastern Europe/ Former Soviet Union Europe (CEE) and the NIS region increased by 19% and now the percentage of the population living below the poverty line is 27% in Ukraine and 54% in Georgia [6]. The present economic conditions have forced many unemployed people to emigrate - most of these have been women. Over the last 13 years the Georgian population decreased by 20% and various estimates state that today between 3 to 7 millions Ukrainians are working in foreign countries. Another significant trend is the shift from formal to informal work. According to a World Bank survey informal work in Belarus generates 48.1% of the gross national income. The shadow economy, corruption and smuggling form critical obstacles to democratisation in the region. Gender equality - Common characteristic in the region In spite of the economic and political differences, one common feature of all the countries in the region - supported by a wide range of research and data [7] - is the worsening position of women and the reduction of their economic, social and political rights. The reasons for this deteriorating situation include: Women shifting from the public sphere to the private sphere, to traditional gender roles within the family and the household. A revival of patriarchal values and prejudices against women have led to this shift. The changes in practices and attitudes are further discussed below. The increased vulnerability of women to poverty. The adverse economic and social conditions in the countries have particularly affected women, who today constitute the largest number of the poor, powerless and disenfranchised. The region has experienced the rising feminisation of poverty and unemployment, as well as increased prostitution and trafficking in women and children within and across borders. Women are more vulnerable to poverty as their reproductive and family responsibilities increase (as a result of the reduction in social services and cuts in social budgets) and as they lack opportunities to participate in formal economic activities. The most vulnerable are single mothers, divorced women with children, rural women, elderly single women, disabled women, mothers having disabled children, and unemployed women. Moreover, the economic and social position of women has worsened as discrimination increases, as they are excluded from decision-making, and because ownership of assets by women is very low. During the Soviet period Ukrainian women held very few partyleadership positions or managerial positions. Once privatisation began, this meant that men inevitably ended up controlling more assets than women. Women in Ukraine own no more than 5-7% of privatised assets. The share of women in the labour market is declining. Women continue to be seen as secondary income earners partly because of their domestic and care roles. In women made up 80% of the discharged workers in Ukraine [8]. The negative effects of the economic structural adjustments pushed women out of the formal labour market into the informal economy and into their own, mostly small, enterprises. In Belarus for example, more than 60% of shuttle traders and street vendors are women. In Belarus women can legally become entrepreneurs, as can men. However, this opportunity is rarely taken up. Women own only 5% of small and medium enterprises (SME); they often have less start-up capital than men, and they have limited access to finance and credit for business operations and expansion. It is even more difficult for women in rural areas to own their own business. Increased discrimination and horizontal and vertical segregation of women in the economic sphere. Despite their relatively higher education (more than 57% of working Ukrainian women and 58.5% of Belarusian women have higher education), women are still discriminated against in the labour market and face more difficulties than men in accessing stable and well paid jobs. In Ukraine, despite the fact that equal pay for both sexes is guaranteed by the Constitution and the Labour Code, the average nominal salary of women is 17% less than the average salary of total labour force, and constitutes only 65% of men s salary. In Belarus the ratio of female to male monthly earnings is 80.9%. Georgian wages of employed women in total are more than 1.5 times less than men, and the proportion remains the same for the average net income of self-employed women/men. The gender wage gap is a result of the concentration of women working in low paid sectors, the lack of women in top management positions, and discrimination through lower pay for equal value work. This demonstrates that high female participation rates are not sufficient to guarantee gender equality in the context of a patriarchal society where caring activities remain primarily the responsibility of women, and where women continue to be seen as secondary income earners. Under-representation in politics and decision making positions. Women are underrepresented and even excluded at all policy levels. In Belarus, although 62.8% of the employees in governmental bodies are women, only 10.4% hold management-level positions. The cabinet includes only 7.3% women, while in the legislature there are 23.7% women. In Georgia, the situation is similar with women now holding only 22 out of 230 seats in Parliament. This is a very slow rise from the 14 women that held seats in In Ukraine women represent 75% of civil servants but there are very few women in senior positions. And when women do rise into management positions, they tend to be at the lower levels of management 68% of the managers of the lowest category are female, only 7% of womenmanagers can be found in the highest category. Reforms of the social security scheme, cuts in social services, health, public services, privatisation of health institutions, childcare institutions. Ukraine has undertaken significant restructuring of its social security programs with resultant negative impacts on women. Following the requirements of the structural adjustment programmes, welfare state (2 van 4) :47:11

258 The Enlarged EU and Its Agenda for a Wider Europe: What Consideration...ity? EU Neighbouring Countries in Eastern Europe/ Former Soviet Union institutions and provisions were adjusted to be compatible with a market economy environment. As a result, the majority of public pre-school childcare institutions have been closed or sold and women are now facing difficulties combining work and motherhood. Private childcare is inaccessible for many families as it is unaffordable, state childcare allowance stays miserably low and as a consequence, women are forced to stay at home and take care of children. Since 1994 national expenditures on the public health sector in Ukraine have been cut at least four times, making medical and health services less accessible for many people, particularly for unemployed, poor, rural, and elderly women. The shift to a chargeable healthcare system has created overwhelming difficulties for the majority of the population; the tariffs for medical services often exceed the family budget; and access to free medical services is limited. As a result, the morbidity of the population has rapidly risen in the region. Lack of legislation on gender equality and protection from discrimination, accompanied by a lack of effective mechanisms for monitoring and implementation. The countries within the region differ with regard to their formal acceptance of the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW) and the (non)existence of National Action Plans (NAP) and machineries for the advancement of women. What they do have in common, however, is a large gap between the declared de jure and the de facto gender equality. Ukraine is signatory to the CEDAW, but does not have a NAP based on the Beijing Platform for Action (BPfA). While many of the provisions in the Ukrainian Constitution are designed to be favourable for women, they are in fact discriminatory. Civil servants in the state employment centres and departments of family and youth lack an understanding of gender issues and the importance of gender equality. In addition, they lack the necessary legal provisions to support the elimination of discrimination against women. Belarus is not a signatory to a number of key international human rights conventions, but has recently signed the CEDAW. Gender segregation in the labour market is reinforced by the lack of equal opportunity legislation. However, national mechanisms have been put in place to implement a policy for ensuring gender equality and the elimination of discrimination against women, and a NAP has been drafted. Recommendations for policy change To the EU institutions: To develop mechanisms to facilitate the sharing of best practices (within EU member countries and with countries and institutions outside the EU) to illustrate where gender equality has played a significant role in addressing poverty and social exclusion. To facilitate a common framework for the promotion of gender equality. This should include training, learning and creating long-term strategies based on core values, knowledge and skills. To ensure that EU-supported projects implemented in the region are based on gender equality and that they take necessary measures to reduce gender disparities and promote equal opportunities. To assist national governments to develop employment and social policies based on the European Employment Strategy and the European Social Policy. To assist with projects focussing on development, not only on humanitarian aid. To facilitate the closer collaboration between (national and local) governments and non-governmental, grassroots and community-based organisations in the region. To the national governments and institutions: To adopt a Law on Equal Opportunities of Both Sexes; to integrate gender equality in all legislation; to adopt and/or develop National Action Plans for the advancement of women followed by effective implementation and monitoring measures, including affirmative actions. To promote equal opportunities of women and men via the establishment of national gender machineries at national, regional and local levels. To introduce and implement affirmative actions programmes and policies aimed at increasing the participation of women in the national parliaments, the governments and the ministries, the judiciary, and local decision making bodies, as well as eliminating obstacles for the advancement of women in all spheres of the public life. To make efforts to raise gender awareness of state officials and the judiciary through education and training, financially supported by the state; to improve and promote the court system as a mechanism of protection from discrimination. To make efforts to harmonise domestic legislation with EU legislation; to integrate the EU gender equality directives into domestic legislation and policies. To conduct and financially support an analysis, in cooperation with NGOs and business representatives, of the main constraints to economic development and gender equality; to initiate a public dialogue on key findings and develop a framework for state action over the next three years to be monitored by the EU institutions and national NGOs. To fund women's economic development initiatives aimed at developing economic strategies and opportunities for women. (3 van 4) :47:11

259 The Enlarged EU and Its Agenda for a Wider Europe: What Consideration...ity? EU Neighbouring Countries in Eastern Europe/ Former Soviet Union To stop the further abolishment of the social welfare system and cuts in public spending in the areas of education, health, child care, and other social services; to develop a social care system, including the improvement of state pre-school childcare systems at the local level; to take efforts to stabilise the economies by reviewing the budgetary allocations and improving the tax system, instead of cutting spending for social services. To review, control and limit the liberalisation and privatisation of social services and public goods. To change the taxation law to take into account the number of children in a family; and to provide statefunded financial compensation for working mothers for childcare services. This infosheet was produced with the financial assistance of the European Commission, DG Education and Culture. The views expressed herein are those of the author(s) and can therefore in no way be taken to reflect the official opinion of the EC or of WIDE. Women in Development Europe (WIDE) [1] The World Factbook: [2] WTO Statistics Database: [3] More information on EU-Belarus relations is available on the European Commission website: [4] Country Strategy Paper National Indicative Programme, Belarus , Adopted by the European Commission on 28 May 2004: [5] For more information: [6] Country Strategy Paper , National Indicative Programme , Ukraine. [7] UNECE, Economic Survey for Europe 2003 no. 1, Some aspects of labour market performance in Eastern Europe and CIS, Geneva, 2003; UNECE, Employability Policies in the Transition Countries: Issues, Good Practices, and Policy Options, Regional Symposium on Mainstreaming Gender into Economic Policies, January 2004, Geneva; Dokmanovic, M. (ed.), Transition, Privatisation, and Women, WCDHR, Subotica, [8] Human Rights Watch report, 2003: Women s Work: Discrimination Against Women in the Ukrainian Labour Force (4 van 4) :47:11

260 Doc Short description of the region The Enlarged EU and its Agenda for a Wider Europe: What Considerations for Gender Equality? - EU Candidate Countries - By Irina Moulechkova, Ph.D. with the contribution of Plamenka Markova, Ph.D. and Genoveva Tisheva, Bulgarian Gender Research Foundation, Bulgaria The European Union (EU) membership candidate countries are Bulgaria, Romania, Croatia and Turkey. All of them are situated in South Eastern Europe (SEE) but they are culturally, economically and socially very different. This paper does not examine Turkey as it is at a very different stage with respect to membership of the EU. As a part of the accession process these countries will take on board a different set of values, commonly included in the concept of the European Social Model, with its emphasis on employment, equality, social protection and social dialogue. Bulgaria: Population: 7.8 million; Gross Domestic Product (GDP) per capita of USD Bulgaria lags far behind EU countries, including the new member states, in per capita GDP with an average monthly income of 120 Euro. The discrepancy between economic growth and living standards in Bulgaria is obvious. Bulgaria s corruption index has risen from 2.9 in 1998 (compared to 4.6 for Poland; 5.0 for Hungary and 3.0 for Romania [1]) to 4.1. Since November 2002, when Bulgaria was invited to join the NATO, Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) has increased four times and is expected to be 2.5 billion Euro in Croatia: Population: 4.7 millions. Romania: Population: million. Turkey: Population: 67.8 million. All four countries candidate countries are members of the World Trade Organization (WTO). Overview on common macroeconomic tendencies Romania and Bulgaria began the process of transition to the market economy at the end of 1980s. Croatia s process of transition was delayed by several years due to armed conflicts and the break up of former Yugoslavia. All three countries show a trend of high growth for this last period. The average growth of all the eight SEE countries is 5.1 % for 2003 and 4.5% for 2004 [2]- but their GDP is still much lower than in other EU member states. The real GDP per capita for 2002 for the all the eight SEE countries was USD 6.372,50 compared to USD for the fifteen old member states and USD ,10 for the new member states. Bulgaria and the other candidate countries (excluding Turkey) have many common characteristics. This has allowed us to draw many conclusions and arguments for the region based on information from and the experience of Bulgaria. Bulgaria joined the WTO as of 1 December 1996 and has signed onto every multilateral trade agreement annexed to the Marrakech Agreement from the date of accession, without recourse to a transitional period. The country has also accepted as a single undertaking the three major agreements - the General Agreement on Trade and Tariffs (GATT), the General Agreement on Trade in Services (GATS), and Trade-Related Aspects of Intellectual Property Rights (TRIPS). Prior to this, until 1991, Bulgaria belonged to the Council of Mutual Economic Assistance (COMECON) and practised state monopolisation of foreign trade. The International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the World Bank (WB), as in many other countries, promoted trade liberalisation as an essential element of Bulgaria s structural reform and financial stabilisation package. Facing the challenge of deregulation and abandoning the socialist planning and centralised system, the Bulgarian government took too long to find a form of regulation that would stimulate competition and as a result enterprises have been exposed to the chaos of a hazardous post-communist market. Bulgaria s difficulties have been compounded because it joined the WTO as a developed country, which meant that structural reforms had to be conducted in a framework of fully liberalised markets and exposure to strong international competition. Trade liberalisation can only correct trade imbalances and reduce foreign debt if the national economy is healthy and competitive. Instead, the unrealistic terms on which Bulgaria joined the WTO have jeopardised the country s structural reforms and they have had a negative impact on crucial sectors of economy, in particular industry. (1 van 4) :47:19

261 Doc Shortly before joining the WTO Bulgaria began the process of EU accession, which has also entailed structural reforms in order to comply with EU standards. The establishment of a free market economy is a core EU requirement for a country and its citizens to be able to operate within the liberal European market. The positive aspect of the EU accession for Bulgaria is that the process imposes high environmental and social, including gender, standards. The Bulgarian government has had to respond to the double challenge from the EU and the WTO of carrying out structural reforms and raising social and environmental standards. The Bulgarian government is now involved in a complex dual process. In its pursuit of liberalisation as required by GATS, the Bulgarian government has had to provide extensive market access to foreign suppliers of services in sectors, such as business, research and development, information technology, transport and tourist services. But because of the EU accession, the government is bound to a large extent by the common trade policy of the Union, and therefore has had to harmonise its position regarding the liberalisation of trade in services with that of the EU. EU accession, economic restructuring and liberalisation [3]and their impact on gender equality Structural reform, privatisation, attracting FDI and accession to the EU in 2007 are the main priorities of the Bulgarian government - but the government is not taking into consideration the negative effects of globalisation on social protection, especially among vulnerable groups (women, young people, pensioners). Armed conflicts in the Balkans and financial constraints related to structural adjustment programmes have negatively affected the ability of the previous and the current governments of Bulgaria to promote social development through better safety nets. Unemployment is a main concern of the region [4]despite clear signs of improvement in Bulgaria and Romania. SEE countries have seen a deterioration in employment security and social protection. Employment growth and quality remain core issues to be addressed. Gender discrimination is another serious issue - women still encounter greater difficulties than men in securing decent work with equal wages; in obtaining adequate social protection; and in being able to participate in social dialogue. Unemployment often affects women more acutely than men and gender segregation in employment is widespread, with women tending to be concentrated in low-paid occupations and sectors. The employment rate of women in Bulgaria (38.4 % compared to 46.8% of men in 2003) is still far from the ambitious goals set at the Lisbon Summit. From the first quarter of 2004 to September 2004 unemployment rate fell from 13.3% to 11.74%. Despite that, the analysis of the data of the State Employment Agency shows that from 1990 women s unemployment is higher than men s. Bulgaria does not receive funding from EU programmes such as PHARE [5]for gender equality issues and no accession funds have been allocated to gender issues [6]. At the same time Bulgaria s domestic labour, social security and non-discrimination laws have been harmonized with the European Community law, including directives regulating equal opportunities for men and women and gender issues, such as non-discrimination based on gender, equal remuneration of men and women, elimination of sexual harassment at the work place as well as paid and unpaid parental leave for both parents or grand parents [7]. Formally the government is able to declare compliance with the EU standards of gender equality. However, NGOs and trade unions have revealed gross violations in all sectors, especially in relation to the principle of equal remuneration especially as this relates to private small and medium size companies. Problems of enforcement and implementation of the adopted new labour and anti-discrimination legislations are common for all the countries under review. The negative consequences of privatisation of formerly state-owned property and liberalisation of public services have led to the violation of labour and social security legislation by both Bulgarian and foreign investors. Such violations include low salaries, forced and unpaid overtime, non payment of social and health security instalments by the employer, etc. Podkrepa Labour Confederation estimates that around 65% of Bulgaria s population live in moderate to serious poverty. The trade union states that the most vulnerable groups in the current economic situation are families with children, long-term unemployed, old people and the disabled. Muslims and the Roma also find it very difficult to meet even their basic needs for physical survival. And poverty is growing among women-headed households which comprise 21.4% of households in Bulgaria and their number continues to increase partly because of the higher life expectancy of women. Of women-headed households, 64.9% live in absolute poverty and they are poorer than male-headed households. For women, balancing their roles as breadwinners and primary caretakers has become especially difficult. As state support for families shrinks, especially for single mothers, more responsibility is shifted to individuals, who, in turn, appear to rely more heavily on kinship systems and local support networks. The average monthly earnings for women as a share of male earnings in Bulgaria in the public sector is around 69%. The government claims that women earn less because they have different levels of education and qualifications and they accrue shorter working records, often as a result of family responsibilities. All major amendments to the Labour Code in the past four years are reported to be in response to a need to increase labour market flexibility, but it is the women that have been most adversely affected. During the transition period differences in opportunities and income levels became more pronounced and had a negative effect on the social and economic status of women. Women traditionally have had very limited access to financial resources for independent economic activity and today there are no targeted programmes or affirmative action policies to increase the access of women to credit or finance to try and narrow the gap. (2 van 4) :47:19

262 Doc Opportunities to acquire industrial or real estate property or to make any profits apart from salaries were restricted in socialist times. As a result the majority of Bulgarian citizens lack the financial means to participate actively in the case-by-case cash privatisation. Lack of clear, consistent regulations and control over the privatisation process has meant effectively that privatisation of the existing state and municipally owned assets has occurred behind closed doors and in a very un-transparent manner. To sum up, trade liberalisation and related structural adjustment policies in Bulgaria have resulted in: Substantial impoverishment of the population. Despite the lack of specific gender disaggregated data, it is clear that women are more likely to be victims of poverty. Substantial loss of social benefits for women during the transition period. A number of budget constraints that combined with further liberalisation has resulted in a new social security system with built-in inequalities. Job insecurity, unemployment, systematic and in some cases gross violations of employment rights and gender discrimination, as well as a rise in female participation in the informal economy. The privatisation of basic services. Women are more adversely affected by the privatisation of basic services as they are the main beneficiaries of services as health, social security, social assistance and other social services. Gender equality legislative and mechanisms Well-functioning and transparent regulations and institutions have not been established in Bulgaria: the ombudsperson for equal opportunities was not supported by the Parliament Act on equal opportunities; a commission against discrimination was not included under the Act on Protection against Discrimination (in force since 1 January 2004); and the envisioned consultative body on gender equality - the consultative council on equal opportunities - was not approved by the government. However, the Employment Agency has started the project Back to work for the period aimed at promoting real gender equality through interim affirmative measures for access to employment [8]. Other projects incorporating affirmative actions include the New professional qualification in the field of information technologies and computer networks [9]and the Promotion of independent economic activities of women in child care services [10]. These projects should be evaluated as a first step to articulate a unified strategy on gender equality in Bulgaria. During 2004, the first EU funded governmental project was implemented in the field of gender mainstreaming. In addition, a special unit on equal opportunities was created in the Ministry of Labour and Social Policy. Romania and Croatia are further ahead on gender equality in terms of legislation and institutional frameworks. Both countries have gender equality acts. Romania adopted a National Action Plan for equal opportunities in 2000 and established a commission for equal opportunities within the Economic and Social Council. Croatia has a deputy ombudsperson on equal opportunities and a national office on equal opportunities. In addition a commission on gender equality was established in the government, which approved a National Policy for promotion of gender equality. Despite this institutional progress, the effectiveness of these bodies need to be improved and the level resources allocated to them need to be increased. Conclusions The Bulgarian government would like us to believe that its sole priority is the harmonisation of domestic legislation on equal opportunities for men and women with EU standards. However, it ignores the obligation to take measures, including affirmative action interim measures, to guarantee the real equality of opportunities for men and women. Transposing the acquis communautaire in Bulgarian domestic legislation is not enough to declare that gender equality objectives have been reached in Bulgaria, and that the state has no further obligations to promote and protect gender equality through state policy and programmes initiated and funded by state agencies. The above mentioned projects are not enough to promote an integral strategy on equality and equal opportunities for women and men. In order to guarantee proper implementation of the new standards, further strengthening of the capacities of labour administration is needed, particularly a mechanism for labour inspection and a properly functioning and effective legal system. Recommendations for policy change To the EU institutions: The EU institutions should monitor closely the implementation of the new adopted standards on gender equality and exert pressure on the government in the region to adopt a consistent gender equality policy and gender mainstreaming approach. (3 van 4) :47:19

263 Doc To the national governments: Institutional mechanisms for gender equality should be established. Where they already exist, guarantees for their effectiveness should be given and they should be supported by appropriate and sufficient personal and financial resources. Additional budgetary resources should be allocated to monitor the effects of liberalisation and EU accession on gender equality. This infosheet was produced with the financial assistance of the European Commission, DG Education and Culture. The views expressed herein are those of the author(s) and can therefore in no way be taken to reflect the official opinion of the EC or of WIDE. Women in Development Europe [1] The higher the index, the lower the level of corruption in the country. For example, the three top countries that is, those with the lowest levels of corruption - are Finland 9.7, New Zealand 9.6 and Denmark [2] For comparison the growth in the 15 EU countries for the same period is respectively. 0.8% and 2 %. Source: UNECE [3] For this part information is from: Genoveva Tisheva, Irina Moulechkova. Structural Reform versus Social Development, Social Watch, N 4/2000; Genoveva Tisheva, Plamenka Markova, Irina Moulechkova European Union: Opportunity or Marginalisation, Social Watch, N 5, 2001; Faites vos jeux, Messieurs! or A case study on the impact of GATS in Bulgaria, A BGRF WIDE publication, [4] For 2002 the unemployment rate for 7 SEE (without Turkey) is 17.2 %, compared to 7.7% for the old member states and 14.8 % for the new member states. Source: European Commission [5] The PHARE programme is one of the three pre-accession instruments financed by the EU to assist applicant countries of Central and Eastern Europe in their preparations for joining the EU. [6] Information received from the Ministry of Labour and Social Policy, Division for Equal Treatment of Men and Women in Labour Market. [7] For the first time parental leave for both parents has been introduced. [8] [9] [10] (4 van 4) :47:19

264 Doc The Enlarged EU and its Agenda for a Wider Europe: What Considerations for Gender Equality? - EU Central and Eastern European New Member States - By Anita Seibert and Kinga Lohmann, Karat Coalition, Poland. With the contribution of Jana Javornik, Institute for Macroeconomic Analyses and Development, Social Analyses and Development Department, Slovenia Short description of the region Eight of the ten new European Union (EU) member states that joined the European Union on 1 May 2004 are from the Central and Eastern European (CEE) states: the Czech Republic, Estonia, Hungary, Latvia, Lithuania, Poland, Slovakia, and Slovenia. Basic economic indicators show some significant differences between the countries. The Gross Domestic Product (GDP) per capita ranges from USD (Latvia) to USD (Slovenia). This is still is below the GDP level of the old EU member states. Before rising to the current level, GDP in all the countries in the region dropped significantly during the 1990s. In the early 1990s the inflation rates increased dramatically and came under control only in All CEE states are members of the World Trade Organization (WTO). Macroeconomic overview The CEE countries share a common economic history of being centrally controlled until the end of the 1980s - including wages, prices of goods and services, and real estate, followed by the subsidisation of a great range of goods and services (and hence those goods were relatively affordable). At the beginning of the 1990s, the process of political, social and economic transition led to the privatisation of state assets and the integration into the global capitalist market. The countries applied a variety of privatisation strategies from a gradualist approach (Slovenia, Hungary and Czech Republic) to shock therapy (Poland). Price and wage liberalisation followed. The transition to the market economy has eliminated the shortage of goods and alternative economies, led to the disappearance of about 10-30% of jobs, and resulted in the erosion of services such as childcare and social protection related to motherhood. These countries are now characterised by mass unemployment, poverty, and economic inequality between the haves and have nots in a region accustomed to relative equality. Foreign capital flowed into the region following privatisation. Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) has played a significant role in the economic development of the countries [1]. While FDI rates vary between each country in the region, in early 2000 the Czech Republic, Hungary and Estonia had the highest rates in the whole of the EU. One of the outcomes of the socio-economic changes was the creation of a capitalist class. Unfortunately few women managed to join this class and of those that did most of them gained access to assets through family connections (as wives or daughters of the new capitalists) rather then independently. For example in Hungary in 2004 only 3 women were listed among the top 100 richest Hungarians. In Poland, women currently constitute more then 1/3 of company owners, but these companies are predominantly very small firms which do not generate significant economic and political power. Nevertheless this illustrates that women were able to take advantage of the changing economic situation, even if, economically, they still lag behind men. Common characteristics regarding gender equality issues The EU enlargement process has had an impact on gender equality policy and implementation, but it has been difficult to assess the depth of the effects until now. Gender (in)equality is a political issue and political choice. Accession to the EU has not led to significant changes in gender equality in the CEE countries because of the choices made by the governments. One of the reasons for this is that in order to achieve gender equality, gender justice has to be incorporated into all policies (both at the EU and national levels). This document briefly describes how this has not been undertaken or achieved with special reference to labour market and social policy. Two case studies from Poland and Slovenia illustrate these points. It is important to understand that the new EU CEE member states share a joint history of Soviet domination (except Slovenia, which was a part of the former Yugoslavia). This has affected their economic, social and political conditions - and the position of women in all these countries. The EU needs to recognise the shared history and characteristics of the CEE states as it addresses issues of gender. At the same time, the differences between the eight CEE states should not be underestimated. A policy of gender equality in official policy during the pre-transition period did not result in the practice or implementation of gender-friendly policies. While women had guaranteed access to employment, education and political participation in most of the CEE states, the provision of services such as childcare and social security did not fully compensate for the traditional division of labour. The already disadvantaged position of women was (1 van 4) :47:29

265 Doc exacerbated by the transition process. The deterioration was caused not only by the macroeconomic changes but also by strengthening of patriarchal values into policy by various political formations in the eight countries. In Poland this is particularly worrying due to the political power of the Catholic Church supporting conservative views and policies. For example, the Church plays a leading role in the reproductive rights arena, resulting in laws and policies preventing women from taking control of their fertility and sexuality. Many citizens of the CEE states see EU membership as an opportunity to counteract the negative impact of the transition from being a centrally planned economy to becoming a market controlled economy. This is particularly the case in relation to gender issues, as the EU accession process required the introduction of new laws and policies focusing on and addressing gender issues. However, reaching certain levels of economic development was also one of the requirements of becoming an EU member and this was given priority over social issues. The post economic transition fused with macroeconomic adjustments associated with the EU accession process and therefore, some of the recent negative changes to the economic situation of women can be linked to the EU accession process itself. Case Study 1: Poland - EU policy and the situation of Polish women in the labour market In Poland, as in other EU CEE member states, the reforms associated with the introduction of a free market economy and to meet EU economic criteria had negative impacts on the socio-economic position of many women and led to a monumental increase of the gap between the wealthy and poor. The disadvantaged economic situation of women is largely related to their position in the labour market. It needs to be understood that the position of women in the labour market is not exclusively linked to the economic situation of the country or employment policies alone, but to all policies including those focusing on social services, security and reproductive rights. Poland joined the EU with the highest unemployment rate of all the new member states. Despite historically having almost the same level of unemployment of women and men, the situation of women in the labour market is now much worse than that of men. The participation rate of women has dropped from 54% in 1992 to 48% in Women tend to be discriminated against due to their assumed reproductive responsibilities; they have problems reconciling work and family responsibilities caused by a lack of affordable care services; they tend to remain unemployed for longer periods then men; and when they are employed they are rarely economically independent due to the gender wage gap. Country Unemployment rate 1995 in % Unemployment rate 2003 in % Women Men Women Men Czech Republic Estonia Hungary Latvia Lithuania Poland Slovakia Slovenia EU 15 average Table 1: Source Eurostat, World Bank EU membership required a number of legal and policy changes that has provided new opportunities for Polish women. For instance, the availability of funds to target gender issues in a country where social expenditure is largely restricted to very limited financial support to the most disadvantaged groups, is an innovation. No immediate improvement, however, should be expected as the administration struggles to implement projects and is resistant to innovative methods of addressing these issues. Further, the lack of specific recommendations/requirements in EU policy focusing on social policy allows governments to cut budget expenditure on social provisions - this predominantly impacts the poorest women. An example of this was the elimination of the child maintenance fund in 2004 and its replacement with a smaller, flat rate payment available to unmarried custodian parents which led to a skyrocketing of divorce among the poorest groups of society. The European Employment Strategy is now reflected in documents produced by the government and programmes focusing on (re)integration of women in the labour market are being implemented. These programmes are important not only for their impact on women but also because they challenge the belief that equality already exists and that additional targeted policies are not necessary. One example is Program Equal, which explicitly focuses on equal opportunities of women and reconciliation between family and professional life. It is a pilot programme that will soon be implemented simultaneously in Poland and other EU countries. Generally, there is not enough emphasis on effective social policy. The government focuses on economic policy but not in such a way that guarantees long term growth which will benefit society as a whole. It is also important (2 van 4) :47:29

266 Doc to note that social issues, including gender issues, are not addressed unless specifically required by the EU. An example of this is Poland s response to the Lisbon Strategy. So far the Lisbon Strategy and its recommendations for childcare have been largely ignored, with debate around it focusing almost exclusively on economic growth. Still, the Lisbon Strategy is an important, if inadequate tool for NGOs focusing on gender justice. Case Study 2: Slovenia - Women in the labour markets and the European Employment Strategy In Slovenia labour market shifts and challenges have resulted in a declining labour force regardless of sex. An analysis of the unemployment rate by sex over the whole transition period shows that the previously held advantage of women did not last long. In 2000, women comprised 50.7% of the unemployed; in 2003 their share had risen to 52.8%. Further trends will greatly depend on the future restructuring of employment activities. The gender pay gap in Slovenia (10.2 percentage points in 2002, SORS) is also significantly smaller than the EU 25 average. At the end of the 1990s various programmes of active labour policy were in place in Slovenia, but it was not until the late 1990s that actions targeted women. Before questions of gender equality came increasingly to the fore of attention of international organisations and associations, the prevailing and generally accepted perception of gender equality in Slovenia was that all had already been achieved in the former political system and that equality between women and men was fully established. For that reason, over the last 10 years, the most considerable improvements in the area of gender equality were achieved in the legislative area. The main legal mechanisms of promoting equal opportunities are now provided in three acts: the Parental Care and Family Cash Benefits Act, the Equal Opportunities Act and the Labour Act. These have not been (fully) implemented. The Development of the Labour Market Strategy through the year 2006 states that the achievement of gender equality in the labour market is one of its long-term objectives. The National Action Plan for Employment is a fundamental programme document for the implementation of policies in the labour market. Yet, this does not indicate a real shift in the implementation and enforcement of gender equality as there is no process of laying clear grounds and setting high standards of achieving gender equality in the labour market. The Ministry of Labour, Family and Social Affairs has, however, in accordance with the European Employment Strategy, developed a system of labour market indicators which can now be monitored with regard to gender. This provides a means to monitor disparities between women and men in the labour market and plan future measures for guaranteeing equal opportunities for both genders. Moreover, the implementation of the EQUAL Community Initiative programme is intended to achieve objectives in this area. In only theme 8 (Reducing the Gender Gap and Supporting Equality at Work) is planned to be carried out. One of the main challenges to promoting gender equality in the labour market is the elimination of both horizontal and vertical segregation as well as correlated pay gaps. Slovenia has not yet put gender mainstreaming as a tool or strategy into practice nor does it fully understand the principle of gender mainstreaming. It rather argues for gender neutrality, which is too often understood as not taking gender dimension into consideration at all. Recommendations for policy change To the EU institutions: EU strategies addressing the position of women in the labour market should be revised to respond more effectively to the situation in all eight new EU member states from the CEE region. This includes the European Employment Strategy, the Lisbon Strategy and the Social Policy Agenda. Social concerns and social policies should be given greater emphasis within the EU policy context. The EU should ensure that social policy is given priority and is effectively monitored. Policies targeting the poorest of women, and responding to the realities and needs of women in the new member states should be developed at the EU level. The principle of gender mainstreaming should serve as a standard tool in shaping and developing policies to include the gender perspective into the process of all policy development. For this to work gender mainstreaming needs to be understood and supported by the CEE countries. To the national governments: Increasing women s participation in the labour market is a necessary condition for achieving gender equality, but it is not a sufficient one. Gender equality in the labour market also requires major improvements in the nature of jobs, their quality and the conditions of work. National governments should not only focus on economic policy but also on social policy. The two policies have to be closely linked and should not contradict each other. Gender equality objectives should be integrated in all policies. (3 van 4) :47:29

267 Doc This infosheet was produced with the financial assistance of the European Commission, DG Education and Culture. The views expressed herein are those of the author(s) and can therefore in no way be taken to reflect the official opinion of the EC or of WIDE. Women in Development Europe [1] Except in Slovenia. (4 van 4) :47:29

268 Doc Short description of the region The Enlarged EU and its Agenda for a Wider Europe: What Considerations for Gender Equality? - EU Old Member States - By Elizabeth Villagómez Almenara Estudios Económicos y Social, S.L. Spain WIDE briefing paper Prior to the European Union (EU) enlargement in 2004, there were fifteen European member countries now considered the old EU. The old EU or Western Europe consists of Austria, Belgium, Denmark, Germany, Greece, Finland, Portugal, Spain, France, Ireland, Italy, Luxembourg, the Netherlands, Sweden and United Kingdom. Except for Greece, Portugal and Spain, all of these countries have a Gross Domestic Product (GDP) of greater than USD , ranking them amongst the most developed and the richest of countries both at the European and the global level. They are also amongst the most highly ranked countries in terms of the Human Development Indicators as developed by UNDP. All of the countries are members of the World Trade Organization (WTO) and all have ratified the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW) and various conventions of the International Labour Organization (ILO). Macroeconomic overview From a women s rights and a gender equality perspective, and indeed from a social protection perspective in general, there is growing evidence that social directives and guidelines from the EU are at odds with those ruling economic matters. It is undeniable that in some countries the social directives and guidelines have done much to introduce and accelerate an increased awareness and needed change with respect to women s economic and social rights and gender equality in general. However, economic policies can work directly and indirectly against adequately guaranteeing these rights inasmuch as these policies assume gender neutrality when in fact they are gender blind. The gender implications are many as nation states restructure themselves, reform their tax and benefit systems and decentralise operations. Many of these countries are already characterised by inequalities within the systems and institutional discriminatory practices. Many of the EU mandated structural changes result in the continued cutbacks of social services or their privatisation. This seriously diminishes women s possibilities to access and maintain their footing in the labour market as they struggle to reconcile their work and private life. The assumption that the household will absorb the shocks that these changes provoke continues to assume specific gender roles, in particular the unpaid care work of women. Macroeconomic stability, or at least a good part of it, can thus be credited to women s unpaid work. Given the importance economic growth is granted in reaching convergence targets and in achieving greater welfare for all members of society (what neo-liberal terminology calls the trickle-down effect), it has to be noted, that economic growth alone does not fully guarantee economic development, nor welfare and much less gender equality. Under the Swedish presidency of the EU in 2001 a paper on Gender Equality and Economic Growth was prepared where it was clearly established that gender equality and economic growth is a two-way street. There are at least two issues which must be addressed in order to reinforce this relationship: pay differentials and the tax-benefit systems. The setting, design and finance of these two issues are closely related to the goals and objectives for economic convergence in the EU. The trickle-down effect will not reach the wider population without planned and targeted policies that address baseline inequalities. This has been demonstrated in many countries outside the EU who have followed this flawed neo-liberal advice. Macroeconomic policy and its gender impact The stability and convergence programmes that have been in place since 1999 for all the fifteen old EU member states make up the main core of macroeconomic policy across the EU. Although a Council Regulation ((EC) No. 1466/97) sets out the essential elements of these programmes, they are not homogeneous in design and practice, but they should show the medium-term objective of the Stability and Growth Pact (SGP) as being achieved and maintained in accordance with the budgetary recommendations in the broad economic policy guidelines. Therefore, having ceded the main elements of monetary policy to the Central European Bank (except in those countries outside the Euro zone), budget or fiscal policy then becomes the main macroeconomic policy instrument. Fiscal reforms must strike a balance between increasing incentives to business to invest and increasing household incomes to consume which are based on tax reductions and reducing social services. These social services, in particular, are crucial for women s employment as can be demonstrated by a recent EU parliament study which points out that for the fifteen old EU countries there is a clear link between higher levels of taxation and higher participation of women in the labour market. (1 van 4) :47:39

269 Doc There is growing recognition that macroeconomic policy plays an important role in affecting living standards and economic opportunities for the population in general and women in particular. This provides the rationale for the introduction of a gender perspective into government budgets. According to Elson, (2002) there are costs associated with lower output, reduced development of people s capacities, less leisure and diminished well-being when macroeconomic policy, through its different instruments, increases inequalities instead of reducing them. Increasing access to resources and opportunities has, consequently, positive economic effects. This is particularly true for women and other members of the population that endure inequalities. A gender impact assessment of all policies is yet another instrument that should be used regularly by governments. Budgetary discipline is often another way of talking about cut-backs in government spending, particularly with regards to social services, education, health and culture as well as human resources in the government, an area where in general a large proportion of women work. Statistics show, that expenditure on social protection and other benefits as a percentage of GDP has fallen - social expenditure can therefore not be blamed for growing deficits. These policy choices contrast with increasing expenditure in other areas such as military or security, particularly after September 11. The choices made by governments thus respond to political and not just purely economic arguments. If economic growth indeed makes the cake larger, the partitioning of the cake is a discretionary exercise. Commitments to CEDAW and to the protection of human rights must be given at least the same level of importance as commitments to NATO or to the fight against terrorism. The level of social expenditure on benefits related to childbirth, child-raising and dependency (long-term care) shows a positive relationship with women s activity and employment rates. The recommendation is given that member states with lower employment rates should increase expenditure on these benefits, especially through better provision of child and adult dependent care services at affordable prices. While at an individual level, there is a negative relationship between taxes, especially income tax and female employment, at an aggregate level there is a positive relation between the average tax level and the employment rate for women. In other words, countries with higher taxation levels are those with a higher percentage of working women. This apparent contradiction is explained by the positive effects that targeted public expenditure can have on the demand and supply of female labour. Higher taxes allow a higher public expenditure in services such as health, education or social services - areas that traditionally employ many women. But also, importantly, higher tax levels are associated with more and better social infrastructures, especially with regards to childcare and dependent adults, areas that favour women s labour supply and affect women s ability to take work outside of the home. It is also important to highlight that women continue to be over represented in low-wage positions and in jobs that have less than favourable conditions of employment (for instance temporary, part-time, and informal positions often in un- or under-regulated sectors of the economy). Improving these wages and conditions could, through increased productivity, improved taxing revenues, higher consumption, etc, advance the process of achieving convergence. This is also relevant in understanding the gender dimensions of trade. Systems which continue to treat women as secondary income earners and assume that they have access to another, often higher male-related income in effect perpetuate the problems of women exiting the labour market, receiving lower hours and pay, and undertaking undeclared work, as households calculate that the extra income from women s work in effect results in higher taxes for the household unit. The participation of women in the labour market has not been fully taken into account in any of the reforms, plans and pacts that affect fiscal and social security reform issues. And these reforms have not resulted in equal pay for men and women. The principle of equal pay, that has been included since the Treaty of Rome, has not been enforced. Indeed, only five of the fifteen old EU member states have consistent data showing a narrowing of the gap - the rest show stagnation or a widening of the gap. Internal market and trade As recently illustrated in Germany, Italy and the Netherlands, cuts to social services or reforms to social protection systems are not easily implemented. In this respect, the Bolkestein initiative (proposal for directive COM (2000) 507 final 2000/0260 (COD)) later approved as a directive, has failed to take into account the gender implications of occupational pensions. It is also clear that directives affecting the free movement of persons, services and goods across the EU still fail to recognise and identify gender dimensions and implications. Also, the trend to privatise social services connected to these occupational schemes will impact adversely on women s ability to access resources. The most recent publication of Employment in Europe points more to the benefits than to the costs of outsourcing and globalisation on European employment. An obvious policy question would be how to increase women s access to the better jobs and how to protect women stuck in the lower paying, less protected jobs, those that are more likely to be outsourced to third countries. It can therefore be seen that the downward trend in employment growth highlighted in the previous section, is affected by both globalisation and growing government deficits. Employment, gender equality strategies, social protection and social inclusion The objectives of EU social policy seem to run contrary to the objectives of economic policy particularly when looking at the distribution of income, social exclusion and equality, and on quality of employment. Although (2 van 4) :47:39

270 Doc unemployment has decreased over the past 10 years (from 10% to 7% in EU15), and the employment and poverty reductions strategies at EU level make coordinated and some targeted efforts to address the needs of those who are excluded or at risk, there are still persistent shortfalls and gaps in particular for women. The improvement in economic conditions and access to health and education are not sufficient to close gaps created by inequalities and discrimination in the access to the labour market where most social benefits are obtained. Furthermore, the higher percentage of women, particularly those over 65, under the relative poverty threshold (60% of median equivalised income) reinforces the idea that closing the pay gap and improving the participation rates of women in the labour market throughout their lifetime is crucial to prevent poverty later in life. The many benefits of paid, declared work reiterates the importance of reforming systems in a way that take women s reproductive role into account. At the same time, policies must be put in place to encourage an increase in men s participation in social reproduction, particularly in the care of children and other dependents. Pension reforms that do not take this into account will be detrimental to women. Brief comment on the EU Constitution The constitutional text has, for some, meant a lower standard in the equality legislation that has already been achieved. However, Article II-23 as it stands states that equality between men and women must be ensured in all areas, including employment, work and pay and that the principle of equality shall not prevent the maintenance or adoption of measures providing for specific advantages in favour of the under-represented sex. Therefore, both mainstreaming and positive action remain as the basis for moving forward with gender equality. Given that member states have already made commitments to women under international conventions such as CEDAW, the Constitution would be a stronger document if these commitments were expressly mentioned. It should be noted that the Constitution does, in effect challenge these commitments as it is based on a patriarchal social and neoliberal economic model, neither of which advances the position of women. Recommendations for policy change There must be implicit recognition by the Directorate General for Economic and Financial Affairs of the gender dimensions of the stability and convergence programmes, particularly around appropriate mediumterm budgetary targets. Gender budget analysis and gender impact analysis of policies, as tools mentioned in the Community Framework, should be moved forward more decisively. There is an urgent need to address the question of coherence: Economic policies need to be in compliance with women rights and gender equality issues. In the context of on-going reforms to tax and social security systems, the European Commission (EC) and the European Parliament must encourage member states to do away with the last vestiges of malebreadwinner models that discourage women from active participation in the labour market. WIDE recommends collective responsibility and horizontal subsidising. The effects of globalisation phenomena such as outsourcing should be analysed by the EC through a gender lens. Particular attention should be paid to the fact that women are concentrated in low-paying jobs with less than favourable employment conditions. National Action Plans for employment and for social inclusion should continue to strengthen the gender dimension of both analysis and the corresponding measures to address inequalities. In this sense stronger language on affirmative action should be included in addition to the gender mainstreaming approach taken and the references to specific problems such as the pay-gap and reconciliation of work and family life. The provision of social services and public goods must be guaranteed - the EC should take measures to encourage member states to protect and to ensure access to public goods and social services for all, and discourage privatisation and commercialisation in the interests of private companies and international corporations. The EC should take measures to eliminate the gap between the adopted gender equality legislation and its implementations in the area of employment and equal pay; this includes the need to build and strengthen mechanisms and institutions responsible for monitoring the progress of implementation of relevant legislation. Moreover, the monitoring needs to be linked to the general process of the European Employment Strategy. The EC should urgently take the initiative to eliminate the neo-liberal, patriarchal and militaristic structure of the European Constitution and to integrate a rights-based approach to development that will ensure equal access to resources and rights for all. The EC should take measures to eradicate poverty by strengthening social policies and economic rights instead of further weakening them. This infosheet was produced with the financial assistance of the European Commission, DG Education and Culture. The views expressed herein are those of the author(s) and can therefore in no way be taken to reflect the official opinion of the EC or of WIDE. Women in Development Europe [1] A Report on Gender Equality and Economic growth, Åså Löfström, University, S-Umeå. [2] European Commission Directorate-General for Economic and Financial Affairs, European Economy Nº 3/2002, (3 van 4) :47:39

271 Doc Opinion on the content and format of stability and convergence programmes (2001 code of conduct). [3] European Parliament, Women s Human Rights Committee. Social Security Systems in the EU and their Impact on Reconciling Family Life and Work Life, prepared by Almenara Estudios Económicos y Sociales, S.L. [4] Diane Elson (2002) Integrating Gender into Government Budgets within a Context of Economic Reform, in Gender Budgets Make Cents, Commonwealth Secretariat, Gender Affairs Department, London [5] Op. cit. [6] Here the choice lies between horizontal equity principles, in other words equality on tax treatment for families with the same capacity to pay, and neutrality to the civil status of individuals. The choice of an individual tax system or of a joint tax system means to a great extent choosing one or the other. [7 ] EGGE EC s Expert Group on Gender and Employment, The Gender Pay Gap and Gender Mainstreaming Pay Policy. [8] Directive 2003/41/EC of the European Parliament and of the Council of 3 June On the activities and supervision of institutions for occupational retirement provision. (4 van 4) :47:39

272 Doc The enlarged European Union and its agenda for a wider Europe : What considerations for gender equality? By Mandy Macdonald Women in Development Europe (WIDE) Report On 1 May 2004 ten new countries joined the European Union (EU): Cyprus, Czech Republic, Estonia, Hungary, Latvia, Lithuania, Malta, Poland, Slovakia and Slovenia. Four more countries - Bulgaria, Croatia, Romania and Turkey are now sufficiently advanced in the negotiations for EU accession to be classed as candidate countries. Further back in the queue are the countries now known as EU new neighbours - those countries in the Western Balkans and the Former Soviet Union (FSU) which now border upon the ever-expanding EU and are being encouraged by it to adopt values and policies consonant with those of the EU - but without any guarantee of accession in the short term. Among the shared values the EU wants its new and future members and its neighbours to foment are democracy, respect for human rights and the rule of law. But do these values include gender equality? The European Commission s 2003 Communication, Wider Europe - Neighbourhood: A new framework for relations with our Eastern and Southern neighbours is silent on the subject. This hearing held by WIDE at the European Parliament (EP) explored the potential for mainstreaming gender equality in key areas of national policy in the new member states and other Eastern European countries, and the extent to which the EU can help in this respect. The hearing followed up WIDE s consultation on gender equality in EU accession negotiations held in 2003 in Brussels, and aimed to carry the discussion forward to the formulation of recommendations to be taken back to the participants national governments. Forty invited participants from 12 European countries met in the European Parliament building in Brussels. They included Members of the European Parliament (MEP) and their researchers, members of staff from two relevant European Commission Directorates (DG Enlargement and DG Employment), feminist researchers from a number of countries, and WIDE staff. The meeting was especially pleased to welcome two representatives of the Provincial Secretariat for Labour, Employment and Gender Equality of the Serbian province of Vojvodina, whose provincial parliament adopted a Declaration on Gender Equality in The hearing was facilitated by Bettina Musiolek of the Protestant Academy of Meissen, and the opening speech was given by Elisabeth Schroeder, Member of the Parliament (MEP), Green Group, who hosted the meeting. Two pairs of presentations were made, interspersed with work in small groups, so as to alternate information-sharing with discussion and practical strategising. Outcomes of the Hearing Two consistent themes emerged in the four presentations and the discussions: the gap between policy and legislation and its implementation, and the need to intensify international networking. Concerns were expressed that the ever-expanding EU is more concerned with economic growth and the maintenance of secure borders than with social and gender justice for all its citizens, even though there is clear evidence from all the regions represented at this hearing that even the largely formal equality enjoyed by women under the socialist regimes has been swept away on a rising tide of feminised poverty and renewed patriarchy. Where there is legislation to address gender equality, it is often not implemented or enforced, and participants were keen to dialogue with representatives of the EU on ways in which it could influence the governments of their countries in this respect. Civil society and non-governmental organisations (NGOs) are struggling to move the gender equality agenda forward, and there have been some notable successes, but inadequate resources put a strong brake on their efforts. In this context, international networking among NGOs and women s movements is proving invaluable, and participants urged governments to cooperate in the same way both among themselves and with civil society. These themes formed the basis of the strategic discussions held in the four working groups and are reflected in the recommendations put together by the groups and presented at the conclusion of the hearing. Recommendations 1) New EU member states in Central and Eastern Europe To the EU institutions: EU strategies addressing the position of women in the labour market should be revised to respond more effectively to the needs of new member states as well as regional, social and economic differences between women in old member states. (1 van 3) :47:51

273 Doc The EU institutions should increase the capacity and role of civil society and facilitate its participation in existing EU-related bodies, by providing funds and expertise, simplifying the procedures for civil society participation, and making the existing mechanisms more visible. The EU institutions should effectively monitor the implementation of gender-specific policies and recommendations, and should develop specific mechanisms to do this. To national governments: Gender budgeting should be applied to EU funds received by national governments, and to national government budgets. Policies to address the drop in activity rate for women in the new member states must be implemented. The role of civil society in policy-making processes, including gender mainstreaming, should be strengthened and institutionalised. To EU and national governments: Ensure that national equality bodies play a meaningful role in monitoring gender-related issues, including gender mainstreaming. Promote cooperation between decision-makers in old and new EU member states, so that the Central and Eastern Europe (CEE) new member states can benefit from best practice across a range of countries. Policies and laws introduced, in particular those referring to gender equality, should be specific to country situations, and should not be merely based on a blueprint designed for the old EU states. 2) EU candidate countries To the EU institutions: Monitor the gap between policy/legislation and implementation, and exert pressure on governments in the region to adopt a consistent gender equality policy and gender mainstreaming approach. Gender should be mainstreamed effectively through PHARE assistance, training, and publications. Strengthen the demand that gender mainstreaming be taken into account by appropriate departments in the European Commission when designing and planning programmes and projects, using mechanisms such as gender markers (OECD) or gender evaluation guidelines. There should be greater transparency in EU expenditure on gender-related matters. Ensure that at least 40% of those participating in high-level and other meetings on accession between the EC and the candidate countries are women and 40% are men. To national governments: Be more proactive in dialogue with civil society. Be more proactive in promoting gender-mainstreamed projects. Establish institutional mechanisms for gender equality. Where these already exist, guarantees/ indicators for their effectiveness should be given and they should be supported by appropriate and sufficient human and financial resources. Additional budgetary resources should be allocated to monitor the effects of economic liberalisation and EU accession on gender equality. Consider the possibility of refusing offers of funds which come accompanied by identifiable World Bank conditions. 3) EU neighbouring countries in the Western Balkans To the EU institutions: Promote an approach to development based on human and women s rights rather than one focusing only on profit and economic growth, and develop an economic model which is open not only to productivity but to production of social value. Make space in the European Structural Funds (ESF) for the neighbouring non-eu countries. Promote the sharing of experiences among countries by greater networking in civil society; support such networking with adequate resources. Educate/lobby policy-makers on development and implementation of gender equality legislation and instruments. To national governments: Support women s activities in the region. Integrate gender perspective and women s needs and interests in the reforms of pension system, social security, etc. Make a gender analysis of economic policies. Make space for a gender-responsive social economy. (2 van 3) :47:51

274 Doc 4) EU neighbouring countries in Eastern Europe/ Former Soviet Union To the EU institutions: Use their power and influence in Eastern Europe to promote and monitor human rights. Support NGOs and civil society for public dialogue. Support cooperation between CEE/NIS governments and new member state governments and civil sector (especially women s NGOs). Put pressure on national governments to ensure that border regimes do not discriminate against people living in border areas in terms of mobility of workers etc. Facilitate and support the creation of programmes/projects promoting equal opportunities in CEE/NIS countries. Projects should aim at long-term, sustainable development, including capacity building for local populations. Revise the European Employment Strategy (EES) to take account of the situation of Eastern European Former Soviet Union countries. To national governments: Observe human rights in general and women s rights in particular. Develop and execute legislation on gender equality and establish gender machineries at local, regional and national levels. Raise the gender awareness of government officials through education and training, and resource this activity adequately. End cuts in public spending on core services such as education, health, water; adopt a more gradual approach to economic reform. Full Report has been recently published and is available at: WIDE, rue de la Science 10, 1000 Brussels, Belgium phone: fax: Women in Development Europe (3 van 3) :47:51

275 Engendering Macroeconomics ENGENDERING MACROECONOMICS Feminist Economics Challenges Mainstream Economics By Diane Elson, PhD A feminist alternative would make social reproduction the dominant domain, with production and finance acting to serve it. The macroeconomic policy objective would be decent work for all, with an equal sharing of unpaid work between women and men, supported by public policy which recognises the importance of this work. In analysing how to move to this alternative from where we are no, we argue that feminist macroeconomics will need to build on and extend heterodox macroeconomics, while challenging neoliberal macroeconomics. Introduction to Feminist Economics: Household, Market and State By Tatjana Djuric Kuzmanovic, PhD Gender is a complex category using economic structure, symbols and identities to express culturally and socially constructed differences between men and women. Decision on who is to generate income outside family and how the family income is to be allocated are strongly gender structured and based on power relations. They greatly influence not only the relations within households and enterprises, but also market relations and the state s economic policy, and thus the total economic and social development of any national economy. Briefing Paper on the Feminisation of Poverty By BRIDGE The term the feminisation of poverty originates from US debates about single mothers and welfare, dating from the 1970s. Recently there has been much discussion, in both academic and development policy circles, of the phenomena. However, there is little clarity about what the feminisation of poverty means, or about whether such a trend can be empirically verified. The feminisation of poverty has been linked to firstly, a perceived increase in the proportion of female-headed households (FHHs) and secondly, the rise of female participation in low return urban informal sector activities, particularly in the context of the 1980s economic crises and adjustments in Sub-Saharan Africa and Latin America. 9:47:56

276 Feminist Economics Challenges Mainstream Economics Feminist Economics Challenges Mainstream Economics Diane Elson, PhD, Professor, University of Essex (UK) and Senior Scholar, Levy Economics Institute, Bard College, (USA) In this presentation I will discuss some of the ways in which mainstream macroeconomics has been extended by gender analysis; and some of the ways in which feminist economists, taking heterodox macroeconomics as a starting point, are seeking to challenge mainstream macroeconomics. I want to distinguish between extending the mainstream paradigm and challenging the mainstream paradigm. The paradigm can be extended by adding new features, filling in gaps, and replacing simple assumptions by more complex assumptions. I think that feminist economics can be more ambitious than that. We can and should seek to challenge the fundamental assumptions of the mainstream. And begin to develop alternative forms of analysis and policy. I will draw upon the macroeconomics I learned as a student in Oxford, at St Hilda s college in the late sixties; a macroeconomics witch drew inspiration from Keynes, Kalecki, and Marx; and was grounded in an appreciation of the importance of institutional context and of history. I would particularly like to salute the women who taught me macroeconomics at Oxford, especially Nita Watts, Fellow of St Hilda s College. I will also draw upon the research of the International Working Group on Gender and Macroeconomics, and informal international network of women and men, co-ordinated by Niluer Vagatay, Cren Grown, Rania Antonopolous, Sergy Floro and myself. The Group produced two special issues o World Development (November 1995 and July 2000) and has for the last two years organized a summer school on gender, macroeconomics, and international economics at the University of Utah. I will define the scope of macroeconomics broadly, to consider analysis that looks at the economy as a whole, as distinct from microeconomics, which analyses the economic behaviour o individuals, households and enterprises; and meso economics, which analyses the operation of mediating institutions such as markets and state agencies. Feminist economics has, to date, produced more analysis of the operations of economies at the micro and meso level. The programme for the 2004 IAFFE conference contains many more sessions on micro and meso economics than on macroeconomics. Nevertheless, there is a growing body of feminist research that has produced the following critiques of mainstream macroeconomics: mainstream macroeconomics is gender blind It is based on an incomplete understanding of how economies work. This promotes the introduction of policies which disadvantage women, especially poor women; macroeconomics should recognise and incorporate the unpaid domestic work that is vital for social reproduction (the reproduction of the whole society, including the day-to-day and intergenerational reproduction of labour power); macroeconomics should incorporate gender inequality variables. Feminist economists have done empirical and conceptual work to incorporate social reproduction and gender inequality variables in macroeconomic analysis. So also have some mainstream economists. I will discuss examples of each. Mainstream macroeconomics that incorporate gender analysis We learnt in a Conference presentation by Irene van Staveren that macroeconomists in the Netherlands have incorporated the unpaid domestic work of caring for family members in the model that is officially used to analyse macroeconomic policy. They have modelled the supply and demand for this labour in much the same way as the supply and demand of paid work, with one important exception. The performance of unpaid work is assumed to generate utility for the provider as well as for receiver; but the performance of paid work is assumed to generate utility only for the receiver. Irene challenged this on the grounds that both paid and unpaid work can generate both utility and disutility for the provider; and there is no good reason to assume that unpaid work uniquely generates utility for the provider. Because women so often do unpaid care work out of love, does not mean that they always love doing it! Another area in which mainstream economists have engaged with gender is in the analysis of the determinants and benefits of economic growth. World Bank economists David Dollar and Roberta Gatti have run cross-country and time series regressions and come to the conclusion that growth is food for gender equality and gender (1 van 4) :47:59

277 Feminist Economics Challenges Mainstream Economics equality is good for growth. In other words, all i sfo the best in the best o all possible worlds. But Dollar and Gatti examine only a restricted range of gender inequality variables, focusing on education and not on the labour market. This is in line with the major focus of the World Bank policy advice which argues that investing in the education of girls promotes benefits for all. World Bank economists have also incorporated gender into the model of the small dependent economy that underpins the design o structural adjustment models. Collier treats gender as a market imperfection that hinders the reallocation o female labour from the production of non-tradables to the production of tradables in low-income sub-saharan African economies. Gender is in this view a barrier to successful structural adjustment. Gender as a market imperfection also provides the theoretical framework for recent research by Black and Brainard at the US National Bureau for Economic Research on the impact of international trade on the gender wage gap in the USA. They find that import competition has reduced discrimination against women in the US labour market, a result given considerable prominence by Jagdish Bhagwati, Professor of Economics at Columbia University, in his recent book on the benefits of globalisation. Contrasting examples of feminist macroeconomics Feminist economics that challenges the mainstream dose not see gender as just another market imperfection. It takes a more structuralist view of economies, as incorporating persistent asymmetries in power and knowledge. Stephanie Seguino finds no convulsive evidence to support the view that women do better in countries that grow faster. Moreover, using cross-country and time series regression analysis she finds evidence that gender inequalities in the labour market has facilitated economic growth in semi-industrialised countries. Underpinning this last result is a more structuralist model in which low female wages stimulate industrial investment, in a profits-led process of growth. Sandy Darity offers a different understanding of gender in a low-income Sub-Saharan African economy. He models gender not as a market imperfection but as a relation of power which structures how the agricultural sector responds to structural adjustment. He brings to light the contradictory interrelation between gender and structural adjustment. If women have sufficient bargaining power to resist demands on them to supply more labour to produce export crops controlled by their husbands, there will be a weak supply response to structural adjustment policies. If they do not have sufficient bargaining power and do re-allocate their labour from locally consumed food crops, which they control, to export crops which their husbands control, then there is a more elastic supply response in tradable production, but food security is likely to suffer and the nutritional status of women and children may deteriorate. A number of feminist economists have a very different take on gender wage gaps and globalisation. Ebru Kongar mounts a direct challenge to the work of Black and Brainard. She acknowledges that the gender wage gap has narrowed in the USA in the period of increased import competition, but points to a very different explanation: not reduction of discrimination against women, but a process in which import competition has resulted in downward pressure on male wages, and downward pressure on female employment in tradables Kongar s model does not assume that labour markets clear rapidly and that full employment is the norm. Gunseli Berik finds that gender wages gaps worsened in South Korea and Taiwan in the period of expansion of manufactured exports while improving slightly when there was a contradiction of manufactured exports, due to a decline in male wages. From the real economy to the capitalist money economy A limitation of all of the analysis discussed so far, whether mainstream or feminist, is that it abstracts from the specificities of capitalist monetary economies. It is grounded in real economy models, in which finance is not specifically modelled. It is therefore of limited help in responding to the challenge issued to me by a former finance minister of Chile, in the summer of 2002: I can see how gender analysis can be useful to Ministers of Education and Health, and even Ministers of Agriculture and Industry, but I do not see why it is relevant to Ministers of Finance. It would not have helped me when I was Minister of Finance. To respond to that challenge, one needs to bring finance specifically into the analysis. Korkut Erturk, Nilufer Cagatay and I have been working together on ways on doing that. We propose and analysis based on the interrelation of three domains: finance, production and social reproduction. All three domains are considered to be bearers of gender in the sense that they are structured through social relations which are gendered, implicitly, if not explicitly. We propose an understanding of the macro-economy in terms of the interrelation of these domains. In the period of the Keynesian consensus (1950s and 1960s), production dominated, with social reproduction and finance at the service of production. This was founded upon heterodox macroeconomics. It was not assumed that economic agents would automatically respond to price signals emerging from markets in ways that produced growth and full employment. International trade and financial links were managed in the service of the objectives of full employment and national development. Social reproduction was articulated to the other domains through systems of wage determination, social protection social insurance (for the formal sector); and systems of patronage and clientilism (for the agricultural and informal sectors); all o which were based on the assumption what men were the breadwinners and women were dependent housewives who would carry on doing the necessary unpaid work without any support from public policy. Feminist analysis re-emerged towards the end of (2 van 4) :47:59

278 Feminist Economics Challenges Mainstream Economics this period to challenge the articulations that placed women in a position of dependency. Ministers of Finance did not see the relevance of this analysis because they assumed that the unpaid work would be done regardless of their policies, and their attention focused on the medium term dynamics of how to maintain the appropriate level of aggregate demand to ensure full utilization of the capacity of the paid economy. Since the mid 70s this has been overturned and the Washington Consensus has emerged, putting finance in the dominant position, with production at the service o finance and social reproduction at the service of both. The Washington Consensus assumes that economic agents will respond to price signals emerging from markets in ways that produce full employment and growth. Economic problems are assumed to set mainly from public policies which distort prices. Thus international trade and finance must be liberalized. it is recognised that markets may be imperfect and incomplete, so there is some role for public policy to make markets perfect and complete. This has resulted in changes of the articulation of social reproduction and production, demonstrated in some detail for the case of Australia in a Conference paper by Ray Broomhill and Rhonda Sharp. Social reproduction is increasingly articulated to the other domains through individuals participating in flexible labour and credit markets. However, much of the male breadwinner mode of articulation persists for poor people. In better-of households unpaid domestic work has been replaced by paid domestic work, often done by migrant women. But the system is still heavily reliant on the unpaid work of women in poor and average households; and it is still largely assumed that this work will be done regardless of public policy. Finance Ministers do not see the relevance of gender analysis because they make this assumption; and because they are too busy dealing with the very short run dynamics o the domain of finance, in which lage movements of currency can move in and out o a country overnight. A feminist alternative would make social reproduction the dominant domain, with production and finance acting to serve it. The macroeconomic policy objective would be decent work for all, with an equal sharing of unpaid work between women and men, supported by public policy which recognises the importance of this work. In analysing how to move to this alternative from where we are no, we argue that feminist macroeconomics will need to build on and extend heterodox macroeconomics, while challenging neoliberal macroeconomics. Heterodox macroeconomics points to intrinsic limits to the ability of the money mechanism to co-ordinate capital accumulation that set from within the money mechanism itself, in the context o a necessarily uncertain world. Feminist heterodox macroeconomics shares the starting point that monetary contracts are necessarily incomplete and contradictory; that, to use Polanyi s language, money is a fictitious commodity that ultimately rests on nonmarket relations for its value. But feminist heterodox macroeconomics also insists that the domain of social reproduction also constitutes an unsurpassable limit to the ability of the money mechanism to co-ordinate capital accumulation. The fact that social reproduction is not co-ordinated by markets and is not governed by the profit motive is not the result of purely contingent problems of missing and imperfect markets that could be remedies by extending and improving markets. The absence o markets and the profit motive in this domain is an essential aspect of the functioning of a capitalist monetary economy. Such an economy is based on the large scale availability of free labour, both free from servitude and free from access to the means of production, except via the sale of labour power. Commercialisation of the production and nurture of human beings does of course take place in capitalist economies (surrogate motherhood for cash, babies for adoption via sale, paid care services) but production of people on the same basis as the commercial production of chicken, pigs and cows would call into question the whole operation of a free labour market and the legitimating myths of capitalist monetary economies. Polyani went some way to identifying this problem when he referred to labour as a fictitious commodity. Contracts in a capitalist money economy are necessarily incomplete nof only because of the characteristics o the domain of finance, but also because of the characteristics o the domain of social reproduction. Moreover the capitalist monetary economy adjust not only through forced savings, in which poor consumers are priced out of markets for consumption gods, but also through forced unpaid labour in which social norms lead women and girls to attempt to maintain family consumption by doing more unpaid work to produce non-market substitutes. There are limits, however, to the ability of women and girls to do this. Beyond narrow limits, substitution is not possible, with the result that human capabilities and social networks deteriorate. This reduces the productive capacity of the economy. This is indeed a problem for Finance Ministers, but if the rules of international trade and finance force their attention to be focused on the problems of the next 24 hours, they will not have time to consider the problems of the next 24 years. The fast dynamics of hyper-liberalised finance tend to obscure the slower dynamics of social reproduction. This is changing in some parts of the world, as major changes take place in the organisation of social reproduction through the ageing of the population structure in the North and the ravages of HIV-Aids in many countries of the South. Heterodox macroeconomics recognizes that economic growth and fluctuations are not independent, and that fluctuations in demand lower the overall productive capacity o the economy. They have not yet recognized that changes in the domain of social reproduction also lower the overall productive capacity of the economy. More work needs to be done to develop quantitative feminist heterodox analysis that would reveal the significance of these interactions. In the Conference session on feminism and post-keynesian economics, Haroon Akram-Lhodi made the interesting suggestion of doing this by building on the work of Kalecki. Feminist macroeconomics can also build on the work of Marx, who recognized that the problems of capitalist monetary economies cannot be (3 van 4) :47:59

279 Feminist Economics Challenges Mainstream Economics reduced to insufficient aggregate demand, and stem from the dynamics of production that is governed by profit. A feminist macroeconomics can show that the dynamics of production that is NOT governed by profit (ie social reproduction) is also relevant. Feminist macroeconomic policy Feminist economists are beginning to work on alternative policies. For instance, valuable work has been published by Isa Bakker and Brigitte Young on the critique of macroeconomic policy rules (including balanced budget laws, asymmetric inflation targets for central banks, rules on debt to GDP ratios and budget deficit to GDP ratios). Caren Grown and Stephanie Seguino have produced a paper on a feminist-kaleckian approach to policy. We must build on this work to show in what ways a feminist approach goes beyond the alternative polices proposed by heterodox macroeconomics. This, for me, is the appropriate task of extension and completion, while seeking to undermine the paradigm of mainstream macroeconomics. Note: This piece originally appeared in 'Feminist Economics Challenges Mainstream Economics' edited by Bina Agarwal, Special issue of the newsletter of the International Association for Feminist Economics, Vol.14, No. 3, 2004 International Association for Feminist Economics (4 van 4) :47:59

280 Doc Introduction to Feminist Economics: Household, Market and State By Tatjana Djuric Kuzmanovic, Ph.D. Advanced Business School, Novi Sad, Serbia Summary: This paper addresses the feminist perspective in economy and the significance of gender relations governing the allocation of resources at household, market and state levels. Gender is a complex category using economic structure, symbols and identities to express culturally and socially constructed differences between men and women. Decision on who is to generate income outside family and how the family income is to be allocated are strongly gender structured and based on power relations. They greatly influence not only the relations within households and enterprises, but also market relations and the state s economic policy, and thus the total economic and social development of any national economy. Key words: gender methodology and indicators, household resource economy Feminist methodology and gender indicators definition and methodology The entire economic science is about answering the key question: how limited resources are distributed, allocated and used by people in economy not only at global level but also at macro- (national) level, meso- (sectoral and local community level) and micro-levels (household, company, individual). Despite the pronounced absence of people at the level of macroeconomic theory and measurement, economic science is built on assumptions of rational individuals and natural reproduction, according to which women s work is infinitely elastic, and the belief that all factors are relatively equally mobile. The analysis of economy in a feminist sense is based on understanding unequal power relations between men and women and the need to transform the current power relations towards gender equality. Feminist economics identifies gender inequalities within economy, defines gender objectives for economic policy and develops gender indicator necessary to observe how gender objectives are being achieved. Feminist economy redefines economy from the viewpoint of gender as an analytic category and its relation to other identity categories such as racial, class and gender orientation, comprising and demonstrating the governing hierarchies and privileges in economic and social systems. Gender affects economy, but economy also affects gender relations such as different positions of men and women on labour market labour market segregation makes it less efficient, and is based on the gender assumption of appropriate jobs for women. Using gender as an analytic category, one considers inequalities that occur between men and women in the private and public spheres of their action. Gender inequalities between men and women stem from their different social roles and unequal power relations (such as work invested in care). Feminist economics is a scientific and theoretic discipline approaching economic issues from a wider social and political standpoint. It enhances all existing theoretical approaches to economy (neo-classical, post-keynesian, neo-institutional) with political, interdisciplinary, philosophical approach to economy, demonstrating that the lack of gender analysis is related to male interpretation of science as a whole. Feminist critique of methodological individualism and other key assumptions of economics is a challenge to market economic paradigm. The economic assumption of a rational and genderless economic agent implies an assumption of traditional gender roles, racial, class and national hierarchies and thus a privileged male agent. Feminist economics investigates the ways in which theoretic concepts of economics are gendered, and how gendered concepts and theories help in the distribution of power relations and status. The feminist perspective (Barker, Drucilla, and Edith Kuiper, 2003, pp.1-18, Bina Agarwal, ed., 2004, pp. 1-2, Bina Agarwal, 2004, pp. 2-6, Dian Elson 2004, pp. 6-9) simultaneously offers a theoretical and ethical position. In the ontological sense, feminist economics starts from the position that events and experiences rather than objects are the basic factors of reality in an imperfect and evolving world whose main determinants are time and changes. Objectivity does not exist, as each one of us comprises a component of reality with our own positions (Amartya Sen s positional objectivity ). Ethical attitudes (such as the elimination of discrimination and human rights, equality of people and nations) are, thus an integral part of economic analysis and evaluation. Outside statistical mathematical and economist reasoning, there is a multitude of explanations conceptualising economy as an integral part of cultural power relations and changes in line with ethic and democratic principles. In feminist economics, human welfare is the measure of success, and housework and care work are included in the economic analysis and evaluation of an economy s performances. Accordingly, the key areas of feminist, but increasingly of traditional economic analysis as well are: market, state and household. Feminist economics is focussed on a variety of approaches in economic analysis (problem-oriented approach): (1 van 6) :48:05

281 Doc 1. Structuralist approach identifies and analyses gender as an economic phenomenon through structures, symbolism and identity; 2. Empirical approach identifies measurable gender inequalities by gathering and analysing primary and secondary data; 3. Political approach analyses possible policies aimed at improving economic positions of women and girls (such as the impact of fiscal policy on women). Gender is expressed in economy and society (Sandra Harding) in three ways, through: 1. Economic structures: segregated markets, discrimination in wages, labour division etc expressed in economic variables, institutions, policies and models; 2. Symbols: femininity vs. masculinity, job characteristics, paid vs. unpaid work, mathematical vs. verbal explanation; 3. Identity expressed in preferences, rationality, beliefs and metaphors. Gender indicators in feminist economic analysis Gender sensitive indicators contribute to the visibility of women s position and the dimensions of gender inequalities in economy and society. Gender indicators offer a possibility of comparing various accomplishments of various development actors over time and various relationships established between gender inequality and economic growth, economic and social development (Tables on GDI and GEM, Human Development Report 2004: , Rekha Mehra and Sarah Gammage, 1999: ). Alternative gender indicators focus on measuring human dimensions of development in terms of evaluating choices and opportunities which women and men face, their freedom and dignity, self-respect and respect for others, and which greatly surpass their incomes an example of feminisation of poverty (Durbin Elizabeth, 1999: , Fukuda-Parr, Sakiko, 1999: ). The lack of indices of economic and social growth and gender inequalities, their insufficient disaggregation and gender sensibility is one of the key manifestations of the problem i.e. situation in Serbia (Sanja Æopiæ, 2001: 11-37, Marija Lukiæ, 2002: 2-8, Marija Lukiæ i Slaðana Jovanoviæ, 2002, Tatjana Ðuriæ Kuzmanovic, 2002: 49-65). Household economics a feminist view of intra-household resource allocation Economics processes occur in two key spheres of human activity. The private sphere comprises production for domestic purposes, whereas the public sphere comprises production for exchange and accumulation. What is a household and why is it significant? Household is a social institution. It is in the household that specific relationship patterns between units as biological and social beings are established. These relationship patterns are based on various gender ideologies socially constructed roles whereby men and women are defined differently in relation to one another. Gender is therefore the basis for their material and social inequality. Three forms of reproduction occur simultaneously in a household: biological, labour and social. Reproduction occurs within a household through: consumption of goods, childcare, clothing maintenance, providing accommodation, maintaining hygiene and cleanliness, and providing care for household members, and wider to persons outside the household. Household reproduction requires resource allocation. Women s labour predominates in the processes of providing these biologically and socially required services. Resource allocation occurring within a household is a prerequisite for resource allocation occurring through the market. The unitary model of intra-household resource allocation According to the unitary model (Gary Becker), the intra-household allocation of work is based on comparative advantages of all household members based on which their work is allocated between the household and the market. Maximising the household welfare is a result of intra-household gender division of labour based on the decision of the male household member. Abandoning the assumption of the male benevolent dictator who makes all the key decisions in the household, leads to the domain of intrahousehold conflicts and inequalities resolved through various co-operative and uncooperative models or negotiation models (World Bank, 2001: ; Appendix of World Bank, 2001: ). The feminist critique of unitary model Feminist critique of unitary models (Blau F, Ferber M and Winkler, A, 1998: 31-75) refers to the critique of: the concept of household itself; the concept of individual preferences, the logic of competition; the concept of gender (2 van 6) :48:05

282 Doc homogenous work and identity; unitary production function of the household. Feminist economists approach household as a social institution, meaning that our preferences in the household are not formed independently, but rather as a result of numerous social factors, various lexicographical preferences, demonstration effects and income levels. Our choices are socially constructed and determined, and therefore our behaviour can surpass our individually formed preferences. The logic of competition and contest cannot be fully transferred onto the household situation. Our decisions regarding supply and demand are inseparably interlocked, and cannot be separated theoretically or empirically. Men and women have different approach to intrahousehold resources, approach reflecting their asymmetrical gender identities, so that consequently the production opportunities that they face are different. Households have a gender specific production function within which the production factors cannot be easily substituted by one another, both within and outside the household. Work can be differentiated on the basis of gender, age and status gender relations are socially constructed and reflect the structure of household and asymmetrical gender identities of household members. The assumption of intra-household resource allocation is problematic, because in many cases men and women do not share resources, but rather have different approaches to different resources and thereby different types of income, resulting in gender specific consumption patterns. The common utility function is often fictitious, being based on the assumption that some household members will altruistically submit their individual tastes and preferences to the needs of household Care economy Women are largely absent from economics, both as researchers and the subject of economic research. The situation is the same in terms of economic evaluation of domestic, traditionally women s work. Therefore the huge significance of feminist economic analysis of the quantitative and qualitative significance of unpaid work in economy. Care economy is the allocation of scarce resources (mostly work) contributing to the welfare of others, within and outside household (Susan Himmelweit, 1999: 27-38, Folbre Nancy, 1995: Lourdes Beneria, 1999: ). Care work comprises specific activities such as child care, providing for others needs without expected reciprocation and without remuneration. Similar are the concepts of family work and unpaid work. The most common motives of care providers are altruism, expectation of long-term reciprocation, or obligation and responsibility. Moral values cannot be bought or sold on the market. On the other hand, the positive external effects of care are that while providing care we learn values such as trust, loyalty, responsibility and reputation that reduce transaction costs on the market as well (e.g. asymmetric information). In a negative sense, the values of care can be abused (when somebody wants to be educated but is expected to care for a family member). Dimensioning care is complex. Intuitively, however, it is possible to draw a boundary between care as unpaid work and leisure activity (the teacup story). Somewhere between making and drinking tea is a demarcation line: it is the context that makes a difference. The dimensions of the economy of care are illustrated by the fact that globally, out of the total (paid and unpaid) hours worked, men take up 47% and women 53% (HDI, UNDP, 1995). In other words, ¾ of total men s hours worked is paid work, compared to 2/3 of women s total hours worked that are paid. It is estimated that the financial value of unpaid work is 70% of global GNP (HDI, UNDP, 1995). Feminist redefinition of economics as a science dealing with the allocation of scarce resources, therefore, refers to three interlocked key economic domains: market (exchange relations), state (redistribution relations) and care economy (gift relations). Macro economy the market and a State as engendered institutions The experiences of structural adaptation of global economy in the 1980 s, globalisation and transition processes, have confirmed the deterioration of the position of women in many aspects of human development. Such a situation has resulted in a growing interest of feminist economists in investigating the interdependence of macro economy, gender and development. The general conclusion of the feminist analysis of the above mentioned processes was that the deterioration of women s economic and social position is the result of their minor influence on the decisions shaping their lives, in relation to men. The neo-liberal approach to economic development and economic policy, based on methodological individualism, naturalness of the market and the rational economic actor, was profoundly shaken by events and trends occurring in the global economy (Asian economic crisis, liberalisation of global trade and the Washington Consensus). The issues of social policy (Joseph Stiglitz, 2002 : 23-52) thus reach the focus of the debate on desirable macroeconomic policy. With their analysis, feminist economists have disclosed the ways in which gender inequalities occur in domains such as trade, financial services, and international labour division. Feminist economists have exposed the popular myths (FENN Seminar Report, 2002: 35-62) occurring in the context of globalisation: - That exploiting women is better than excluding them from the development process; (3 van 6) :48:05

283 Doc - That women working in export oriented industries are in privileged position; - That globalisation and the development of information and communication; technologies will facilitate access to information for women; - That privatising social services leads to the increase in their efficiency; - That macroeconomic policy must be evaluated by market criteria. The effect of the market relies on the effect of social and institutional norms reflecting asymmetrical power relations based on the interdependence of the categories of gender, race and class. The market and a State are institutions comprised of formal rules, conventions and informal codes of conduct limiting human autonomy. These institutions have a gender dimension reflecting and influencing the institutional context. Markets are gendered (Lourdes Beneria, 2003: 63-90), as the purchases and sales on the market are bound by gender relations and the changing constructions of gender identities. Capital, land and goods are also gendered, because what happens in the family in terms of time and resource allocation influences how a household is included into the factor and commodity markets. The role of state is important in the development process, but state macroeconomic policy does not necessarily have to be a neo-liberal one. Moreover, neo-liberal policy is often inefficient in the realisation of macroeconomic goals. What is necessary today is a macroeconomic policy that is gender sensitive (Nilufer Cagatay, 2003: 22-41, Ingrid Palmer, 2003: 42-87). For example, the aim of a balanced budget, or the reduction of its deficit/sufficit does not be have to be achieved only by focussing on cost cuts. An alternative to it may be an increase in state revenue, or redistribution of state revenue within the budget itself. Namely, among the budget expenditures, items supported by strong political interests, such as defence budget, tend to decrease less than it is the case, for instance, with costs aimed at satisfying the interests of the poor and women. The experiences of globalisation and transition in Serbia The subordinate position of women is analysed in the context of directed non-development and patriarchal society (Tatjana Ðuriæ Kuzmanoviæ, 2002). One defines directed non-development as a process occurring in Serbia in the nineties, i.e. a process of institutional, state discouragement of economic and social development in Serbia. In other words, the state took measures to prevent transition (for example, the privatisation in the early nineties and subsequent revalorisation of already privatised capital, with a simultaneous rapid process of bottom-up conversion of socially-owned capital into private hands). The subordinate position of women dates back to the socialist era. In short, the socialist state proclaimed a humanisation of gender relations and gender equality. Accordingly, women were supposed to be at the same time participants in the process of socialist economy as a whole equally with men, as well as educators and carers of future generations. In reality, patriarchal gender regimes dominated women s lives inside the household, and gender inequalities remained present both in the private and public spheres of women s lives. Women were more commonly employed in poorly paid industries (such as textile) or services. Gender-based wage difference for the same quality and quantity of work occurred both in apparent and latent forms: compared to men, women received 15% lower salaries or when the salary was the same, they were given jobs below their education levels. Such women s position was added to by the austere nineties. Serbian Socialist government was refusing transition, while simultaneously dragging the country through dramatic economic and social changes and wars. These dramatic changes had their synthetic expression in a sharp rise in poverty among the population, even higher that the social price of transition paid by other countries of Eastern and Central Europe. Women in Serbia experienced the painful consequences of the government s nationalist and sexist policies. Women were favoured as mothers and carers, but hindered in expressing their own total potentials. Patriarchal social relations and sexism were a basis on which women were represented as symbols of nationalist polity. It was a context which one terms state-supported gender discrimination against women. This context was rooted in the lack of specific non-violent culture and decomposition of the society as a consequence of all above mentioned. Passing the Law on Employment and Law on Privatisation (2001) inaugurated the beginning of the transition of our current economic system towards an economy with an integral marked comprised of factors (work and capital) and final products. Transitional changes and privatisation have lead to further growth of unemployment among women, primarily as a result of confluence of two opposed trends: fall in the demand for women s work and rise in the supply of female labour. The arguments above speak in favour of a need to redefine state policy in terms of gender, i.e. to focus the state s attitude towards gender first towards the economic aspect of gendering so as to consider the costs and benefits contained in gender as a category. To promote gender equalities during the period of transition and privatisation of Serbian economy, the state must provide an adequate answer to at least these key questions: - How much does it cost when a woman really earns as much as a man? (4 van 6) :48:05

284 Doc - How expensive is it not to take in consideration women s leadership and total potential? The key question is how economic policy car be reformulated so as to benefit women, and whether economic policy can be reformulated at all, in view of women s multiple roles and social construction of their lives. Significant gender sensitive questions to be posed in the process of economic restructuring, which are usually neglected, refer to intrahousehold labour division, gender segregation of labour market and social gender costs (health, safety, violence). The analysis of gender relations should therefore include: the market (where, due to women s labour invested in reproduction, a woman does not enter with the same resources and mobility as a man), and expert approach to the state policy and the budget. Literature: Myths and Working Group Discussions in: FENN Seminar Report, 2002, Gender Tools for the Development. A Feminist Economics Perspective on Globalisation, The Hague: Institute of Social Studies, 2002, pp Amartja Sen, Aktivnost žena i društvene promene u: Razvoj kao sloboda, Beograd, Filip Višnjiæ, 2002, str Amartja Sen, Uvod: Razvoj kao sloboda u: Razvoj kao sloboda, Beograd, Filip Višnjiæ, 2002, str Appendix 4 of World Bank, Engendering Development: Through Gender Equalitz in Rights, Resources and Voice, Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2002, pp Barker, Drucilla, and Edith Kuiper, Introduction: Sketching the Contours of a Feminist Philosophy of Economics, in Drucilla Barker and Edith Kuiper, (eds.) Toward a Feminist Philosophy of Economics. London: Routledge, 2003, pp Bina Agarwal, Challenging Mainstream Economics: Effectivenes, Relevance and Responsibility, IAFFE Newsletter, 14(3), 2004, pp Bina Agarwal, ed. Feminist Economics as a Challenge to Mainstream Economics? IAFFE Newsletter, 14(3), 2004, pp Blau F, Ferber M and Winkler, A, The family as an Economic Unit, in The Economics of Women, Men and Work, 3 rd edition, Saddle River, New Jerse: Prentice Hall, 1998, pp , 9. Dian Elson, Feminist economics Challenges Mainstream Macroeconomics IAFFE Newsletter, 14(3), 2004, pp Durbin Elizabeth, Towards a Gendered Human Poverty Measure, Feminist Economics 5(2) 1999: Folbre, Nancy, Holding Hands at Midnight: the Paradox of Caring Labour, Feminist Economics 1 (1), 1995, pp Fukuda-Parr, Sakiko, What Does Feminization of Poverty Mean? Isn t Just Lack of Income, Feminist Economics 5 (2), 1999, pp Harding, Sandra, Can Feminist Though Make Economic more Objective? Feminist Economics 1 (1) 1995, pp Ingrid Palmer, 'Macro-economics and Gender: Options for their Integration into a State Agenda', in: Martha Gutierrez (ed.), Macro-Economics. Making Gender Matter. Concepts, Policies and Institutional Change in Developing Countries, London, New York: Zed Books, GTZ, 2003, pp Isabella Bakker, The Strategic Silence. Gender and Economic Policy, London, Ottawa: Zed Books and The North-South Institute, Joseph Stiglitz, Broken Promises in: Globalization and Its Discontents, London: Allen Lane and Penguin Books, 2002, pp Lourdes Beneria, Markets, Globalization and Gender in: Gender, Development and Globalization. Economisc as if All People Mattered, New York and London: Routledge, 2003, pp Lourdes Beneria, 'The Enduring Debate over Unpaid Labour', International Labour review, 138 (3), 1999, pp (5 van 6) :48:05

285 Doc 19. Marija Lukiæ i Slaðana Jovanoviæ, Konkurentnost žena sa decom na tržištu rada, Beograd: Glas razlike, Marija Lukiæ, Ekonomski položaj žena u: Ekonomski ravnopravne, Beograd: Glas razlike, 2002, str Marilyn Waring, If Women Counted. A new Feminist Economics, London: Macmillan, Nilufer Cagatay, 'Engendering Macro-economics', in: Martha Gutierrez (ed.), Macro-Economics. Making Gender Matter. Concepts, Policies and Institutional Change in Developing Countries, London, New York: Zed Books, GTZ, 2003, pp , 23. Rekha Mehra i Sarah Gammage, Trends, Countertrends, and Gaps in Women Employment, World Development, 27(3) 1999: Richard Swedberg, Gary S. Becker in Economics and Sociology, Princeton, New Jersey: Princeton University Press, 1990, pp Sanja Æopiæ, Položaj i uloga žene u društvu, u: Ljiljana Dobrosavljeviæ Grujiæ (ur.) Žene u Srbiji. Da li smo diskriminisane? Beograd: Sekcija žena UGS Nezavisnost i ICFTU CEE Women s Network, 2001, str Susan Himmelweit, Caring Labour in Annals of the American Academz of Political and Social Science, 561 (0), 1999: Tables on GDI and GEM. 2004, in Human Development Report 2004, Oxford: Oxford University Press, p , 28. Tatjana Djuriæ Kuzmanoviæ, 2001, Ekonomika Jugoslavije. Ekonomika razvoja i tranzicije, Novi Sad: Alef 29. Tatjana Djuric Kuzmanovic, Rodnost i razvoj u Srbiji od dirigovanog nerazvoja do tranzicije, dvojezièno (Gender and Development in Serbia From Directed Non-development to Transition), Novi Sad: Buduænost i Ženske studije i istraživanja, 2002, str World Bank, Engendering Development: Through Gender Equality in Rights, Resources and Voice, Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2002, pp (6 van 6) :48:05

286 Doc Briefing Paper on the Feminisation of Poverty By BRIDGE 1. Introduction The term, the feminisation of poverty originates from US debates about single mothers and welfare, dating from the 1970s. Recently there has been much discussion, in both academic and development policy circles, of the phenomena. However, there is little clarity about what the feminisation of poverty means, or about whether such a trend can be empirically verified. The feminisation of poverty has been linked to firstly, a perceived increase in the proportion of female-headed households (FHHs) and secondly, the rise of female participation in low return urban informal sector activities, particularly in the context of the 1980s economic crises and adjustments in Sub- Saharan Africa and Latin America. It has been used to mean three distinct things: That women have a higher incidence of poverty than men; That their poverty is more severe than that of men; That there is a trend to greater poverty among women, particularly associated with rising rates of FHHs. 2. Addressing poverty and gender inequality The household is a key site of gender discrimination and subordination and is thus an important focus for examining gender and poverty issues. However, aggregate national poverty estimates based on household surveys (whether on income or food availability type indicators) assume that household resources are equally shared. Little systematically gender-disaggregated data on income and other welfare measures is available and so an empirical assessment of poverty trends and incidences by gender is impossible. Consideration of poverty often neglects differentials between men and women in terms of their access to income, resources and services. Such differentials may occur within households between men and women, or between individuals (i.e. between single men and single women), or between households with women-headed households at a disadvantage to male-headed households. There are also gender-based differentials in vulnerability to illness and violence (Wratten, 1995). Any poverty-reducing programmes may not reach women directly, due to their lack of command over productive resources and control over output, as well as (particularly for poor women) lack of time. The costs of economic restructuring under structural adjustment are often disproportionately borne by women, through increased labour or reduced intake of food, with severe human development consequences for women themselves and potentially for children, especially girls, who may be drawn into household or income earning labour. Moreover, existing safety-net programmes have tended to target men, explicitly or implicitly. Wider social security and welfare provisions have not taken account of changes in social relations (including gender relations) which are occurring as a result of economic restructuring, as well as political and social conflict (Masika et. al., 2000). Not all evidence reveals discrimination against women in the household; there are some case studies that demonstrate disadvantages for men once the gendered division of labour is taken into account (Razavi, 1999). A substantial body of literature now exists to show that men and women experience poverty differently such that women's poverty status cannot be 'read off' that of the household. What is less clear, is the relationship between household-level poverty and female well-being, i.e. does gender discrimination intensify or diminish with poverty? Evidence from South Asia shows that discrimination does not disappear and may even intensify as household income increases, but this may be region specific. Sub-Saharan Africa shows no clear evidence of gender bias in consumption, but women have very little leisure time compared to men and this may be further curtailed as poverty increases. In general, as household-level poverty increases, there may be a tendency for men to retain an increasing share of their income in order to maintain personal consumption levels at the expense of contributions to the household. Women's limited claims on male income may diminish. In more extreme cases, there may be a total breakdown in normative entitlements through marriage or other familial support, resulting in FHHs (Baden and Milward, 2000). Despite this lack of clarity, multilateral and bilateral development agencies have focused their gender polices on the presumed connection between gender inequality and an increase in the incidence of poverty. According to UNDP Poverty has a woman s face - of 1.3 billion people living in poverty, 70 percent are women (UNDP, 1995:4). However, the lack of systematic data that disaggregates expenditure or consumption by gender means that such broad statements are often based on questionable assumptions. There is a need for further research to avoid making simplistic correlations, such as between increases in female-headed households and any feminisation of poverty. (1 van 6) :48:13

287 Doc 3. Female-headed households (FHHs) In the absence of good gender-disaggregated data, there has been a tendency to rely on comparisons between male and female-headed households in order to examine gender and poverty questions. The limited data available seems to indicate a slightly upward trend in the number of FHHs in eight of the twelve Sub-Saharan countries surveyed by DHS [1]. In Latin America, DHS data also showed an increase in FHHs in five of the six countries for which data was available. Data on the other regions is sparse and does not indicate a clear trend (United Nations, 2000). However, this does not necessarily signal an increase in the number of women living in poverty. Moreover, this method of analysis does not address the questions of intra-household resource allocation and poverty, relevant to the majority of women. There is now a considerable body of evidence on the relative income levels, household structures and work patterns of male versus FHHs. There is some evidence of a link between female headship and poverty, but the relationship is by no means straightforward and there are considerable methodological and conceptual difficulties surrounding studies of this issue. Female-headed households are a heterogeneous category and may include relatively well-off women. There are now more sophisticated analyses of female headship which disaggregate this category into subgroups, such as those determined by lifecycle stage, marital strategies or labour deployment. Different subgroups are more likely to be vulnerable to poverty than others. The characteristics of these subgroups vary considerably between contexts depending on a number of factors, including the extent of social support available and the degree of social legitimacy accorded to different types of FHHs (Baden and Milward, 2000). Female headship may have positive aspects. FHHs are likely to be less constrained by patriarchal authority at the domestic level and female heads may experience greater self-esteem, more personal freedom, more flexibility to take on paid work, enhanced control over finances and a reduction or absence of physical and/or emotional abuse. Female heads may be empowered in that they are more able to further their personal interests and the well-being of their dependants (Baden and Milward, 2000). Studies have shown that the expenditure patterns of FHHs are more biased towards nutrition and education than those of male households (Chant, 1995). However, while FHHs may be better off in some ways, they may face greater difficulties than men in gaining access to labour markets, credit, housing and basic services, and there are sometimes additional layers of discrimination against female heads. Single parent households, most of which are FHHs also face the difficulties of one adult having to combine income earning with household management and child rearing. This generally means that the parent can only take on part-time, informal jobs with low earnings and few if any fringe benefits (ibid.). In terms of the impact of female headship on child welfare and education the evidence is conflicting (Buvinic and Gupta, 1994). There is a need for more subtle categorisation of female headship and a cross checking of large-scale survey data with qualitative studies, paying attention to the differences between female heads, in particular those related to life cycle issues, marital status and social support. More detailed and systematic data are required on work hours, income sources, expenditure patterns, assets and claims of different types of household, both male- and femaleheaded. The variation in incidence of female headship within as well as between countries requires more attention. It is also vital not to treat female headship as a proxy for gender discrimination in general (Baden and Milward, 2000). 4. Labour force participation The rise of female participation in low return, urban, informal sector activities is also considered evidence of the feminisation of poverty. Due to household survival strategies during economic restructuring, there is an increasing reliance on informal sector employment for both men and women. However, UN statistics show that the informal sector is a larger source of employment for women than for men (United Nations, 2000). The greater insecurity and lower earning capacity in the informal sector is therefore seen as another reason for the feminisation of poverty. Moreover, because of the concentration of women in casual labour of informal sector work, legislative measures have either excluded or not been enforced in relation to most of their economic activities. Labour market approaches offer an alternative framework for examining questions of gender and poverty, which avoid the problems of aggregation at household level. However, the question of whether and why women s participation in the informal sector labour force has risen and the relationship between this and poverty trends is not clear. The empirical evidence here is also relatively weak due to lack of time series data for many countries (Baden and Milward, 2000). Conventional labour market categories have tended to be gender-blind and generally focus on formal sector activities. They therefore have a limited value in identifying poor people. Measurement problems are exacerbated by the wide range of activities and diverse modes of operation that the informal sector incorporates. Although informal sector activity is often associated with poverty in general and specifically with female poverty, there is considerable heterogeneity here and men particularly can prosper in the informal sector. Where women earn income outside the home, there is some evidence that gender biases in resource allocation within the household may diminish (Baden and Milward, 2000). Since, in many developing countries, the majority of women (and indeed of the overall labour force) work in the informal sector, it also does not provide a useful guide to poverty status (ibid.). (2 van 6) :48:13

288 Doc 5. Changes in how poverty is understood A review of current approaches to understanding urban poverty points to the need of broadening the way poverty is understood and measured. Poverty is multidimentional, and hence limiting measures to income shortfalls and poverty lines masks the true extent of poverty, particularly for women and children. Standard income/ expenditure data fails to capture the complexity of gender differences in poverty and a gender-differentiated assessment of well-being. It can therefore be helpful to examine broader indicators of well-being: Health indicators, e.g. nutrition, life-expectancy, maternal mortality; Access to resources e.g. employment participation and earnings, land ownership, and access to safe water and sanitation. These reflect the outcomes of income/expenditure decisions rather than the means whereby well-being is achieved (Kabeer, 1996). Gender disparities in development can be captured by using the Gender-related Development Index (GDI) and the Gender Empowerment Measure (GEM) devised by UNDP (UNDP, 1995). These measures can be used to rank countries in order of achievements on gender equality, rather than just on human development, as with the Human Development Index (HDI). The GDI attempts to capture achievement in the same set of basic capabilities included in the HDI life expectancy, educational attainment and income but adjusts the HDI for gender inequality. The GEM measures gender inequality in key areas of economic and political participation and decision-making, such as seats held in parliament, and percentage of managerial positions held by women. The GEM thus differs from the GDI, which is an indicator of gender inequality in basic capabilities (UNDP 1995: 39; Wach and Reeves, 2000) Measures, such as GEM and GDI have added credence to the view that women are more vulnerable to poverty. The Gender-related Development Index value of every country is lower than its Human Development Index value (UNDP 1997:39). Cagatay (1998) also argues that if indicators of well-being associated with human poverty are used, such as literacy, women on average are unambiguously worse off than men in almost all contexts. A case study from Bangladesh also cites evidence to support women s disadvantage (Khaleda, 1998). However, as Shahra Razavi (1998) argues, these measurements of well-being outcomes (health indicators and access to resources) are prone to be employed in making simplistic correlations with aspects of gender equality. This not only leads to questionable polices (see section on policy implications) but also may sideline other aspects of gender inequality such as mobility in public spheres and decision-making power, which have an ambiguous connection with poverty indicators. In addition, gender-sensitive well-being outcomes are extremely difficult to quantify and national poverty assessments still tend to rely on traditional measures such as household income and nutritional intake. Recent years have seen a further broadening of debates around poverty, which has led to a more pluralistic approach to measuring or assessing poverty and deprivation. There is increasing emphasis on self-assessment of poverty, leading to issues such as domestic violence and social support networks becoming part of the mainstream poverty debate. From a gender perspective, this opens up the possibility for highlighting the genderspecific dimensions of deprivation, through concepts of vulnerability, shocks, fluctuation, powerlessness and so on (Baden and Milward, 2000). However, participatory methods for assessing poverty (e.g. PRA, PLA) can obscure gender-specific interests unless careful contextual analysis is carried out (Cornwall, 2001). Gender-sensitive participatory methodologies need to be further developed. Even where gender-sensitive participatory methods are employed, for example, by the World Bank in their Participatory Poverty Assessments (PPAs), results are too often sidelined or ignored when policy recommendations are made (Whitehead and Lockwood, 1999). 6. Policy implications Concerns have been raised about gender issues becoming a subset of poverty concerns with attention being focused solely on poor women, rather than gender inequality. As Jackson (1994) points out, gender subordination does not arise out of poverty per se. Collapsing gender concerns into a poverty agenda narrows the scope for a gender analysis which can fully address how and why gender inequalities are reproduced, not just among the poor, but in society as a whole. In the same way, conflating gender and poverty issues may not assist the poverty alleviation efforts, in that it could lead to confusion in targeting since not all women are poor and not all the poor are women (Kabeer, 1994). 6.1 Women in development approach The feminisation of poverty idea can be problematic where it informs poverty-reduction approaches which target resources at women - in particular microcredit interventions - without attempting to change the underlying rules of the game (Goetz, 1995; Fraser, 1989 cited in Jackson, 1996). Where women are targeted with resources it is often assumed that benefits accrue directly to them and also to their children, to a greater extent than resources targeted at men (Buvinic and Gupta, 1997). It has also been argued that where women gain access to external resources, perceptions of their value to the household may change, increasing their bargaining power and leading to more equitable allocation of resources and decision-making power within the household (Sen, 1990). Beyond this, claims have been made for example, that credit programmes empower women economically, socially and politically, as well as in the context of the family (Hashemi et. al, 1996). Focusing on women in isolation from their social relationships does little to address the power imbalances rooted in these social relations that lead to women s greater vulnerability to poverty (Baden, 1999). (3 van 6) :48:13

289 Doc Poverty reduction approaches that focus on women s and girls education are also the result of simplistic assumptions. The World Bank advocates the education of women and girls particularly in Sub-Saharan Africa because of its supposed benefits to household welfare, agriculture production and fertility reduction. Their focus on this win-win situation does not reveal the causal dynamics of low levels of female education and how gender inequalities underlie educational outcomes (Razavi, 1999). 6.2 Focusing on gender relations It is important to consider how power embedded in gender relations may, in some circumstances, mediate these desired outcomes. It may be that benefits from targeting resources at women are siphoned off by men (Goetz and Sen Gupta, 1996), or that men reduce their levels of contribution to household expenditure as women s access to resources increases (Bruce, 1989). Even where women do gain greater access to resources, this maybe at the expense of increases in their burden of labour, leaving them exhausted. Where they have control over resources, they may be unable to effectively mobilise these resources to support sustainable livelihoods. Women may feel compelled to invest resources, including their labour, in family businesses or in children, identifying their own interests with those of other household members and thereby leaving themselves vulnerable in the event of family breakdown (Baden, 1999). 7. Conclusion Because of the consistent use of inappropriate and gender-blind statistics it is difficult to substantiate the claim that the number of women living in poverty is rising. Although there is evidence to support the trend of rising rates of FHHs it is important not to treat female headship as a proxy for gender discrimination in general. Furthermore, due to the heterogeneous nature and difficulties of measuring activities in the informal sector, caution also needs to be taken in using this as an indicator of the feminisation of poverty. There is evidence to demonstrate that because of the weaker and conditional basis of their entitlements, women are generally more vulnerable to poverty and once poor, have less options in terms of escape. Gender discrimination in the household and the market can result in the unequal distribution of resources leading to women experiencing a greater severity of poverty than men. However, what makes men or women more vulnerable and the different ways they are able to move out of poverty have to be further explored to avoid simplistic policy recommendations that may fail to address the underlying causes of gender inequality. Although a substantial amount of work has been conducted on gendered experiences of poverty, there is still a need for more attention to gender-disaggregated data collection, detailed context specific research, and comparative empirical research. Also important is the exploration of how and whether gender-sensitive policy changes take effect in implementation. Bibliography Baden, S., 1999, Gender, Governance and the feminisation of poverty, second version, BRIDGE (unpublished report) Baden, S. and Milward, K., 1995, Gender and poverty, BRIDGE Report No 30, Brighton: Institute of Development Studies Baden, S. and Milward, K., 2000, Gender inequality and poverty: trends, linkages, analysis and policy implications, BRIDGE (unpublished report) Bruce, J., 1989, Homes divided, World Development, Vol 17 No 7 Buvinic, M. and Gupta, G.R., 1994, Targeting poor women-headed households and women maintained families in developing countries: views on a policy dilemma, ICRW/The Population Council, Family Structure, Female Headship and Poverty Projects, February Buvinic, M. and Gupta, G.R., 1997, Female headed households and female-maintained families: are they worth targeting to reduce poverty in developing countries, Economic Development and Cultural Change, Vol 45 No 2 Cagatay, N., 1998, Gender and poverty, UNDP Social Development and Poverty Elimination Division, Working Paper Series No 5 Chant, S., 1995, 'Gender aspects of urban economic growth and development', paper prepared for the UNU/ WIDER Conference on Human Settlements in the Changing Global Political and Economic Processes, Helinski Cornwall, A., 2001, Making a Difference? Gender and participatory development, IDS Discussion Paper 378, (4 van 6) :48:13

290 Doc Brighton: Institute of Development Studies Goetz, A.M., 1995, Institutionalising women s interests and gender-sensitive accountability in development, editorial in Getting institutions right for women in Development, IDS Bulletin, Vol 26 No3 Goetz, A.M. and Sen Gupta, R., 1996, 'Who takes the credit? Gender power and control over loan use in rural credit programs in Bangladesh', World Development, Vol 24 No 1 Hashemi, S.S., Sidney, R. and Riley, A.., 1996, 'Rural credit programs and women's empowerment in Bangladesh', World Development, Vol 24 No 4 Jackson, C., 1994, Rescuing gender from the poverty trap, paper presented at the conference: Gender and Development: Looking forward to Beijing, at the University of East Anglia, 9-10 September Jackson, C., 1996, Rescuing gender from the poverty trap, World Development, Vol 23 No 4 Jazairy, I. and Alamgir, M., 1992, The State of World Rural Poverty: An Inquiry into its Causes and Consequences, Rome: International Fund for Agricultural Development Kabeer, N., 1994, Not all women are poor, not all the poor are women: conceptual, methodological and empirical issues in the analysis of gender and poverty, mimeo Kabeer, N., 1996, Agency, well being and inequality, IDS Bulletin, Vol 27 No 1, Brighton: IDS Khaleda, S., 1998, Feminization of poverty: Bangladesh in perspective, Bangladesh Journal of Political Economy, Vol 14 No 2: Masika, R., de Haan, A., and Baden, S., 2000, Urbanisation and urban poverty: a gender analysis, BRIDGE (unpublished report) Razavi, S., 1999, Gendered poverty and well-being: introduction, Development and Change, Vol 30 No 3: Sen, A., 1990, Gender and cooperative conflicts in I.Tinker (ed), Persistent Inequalities, Oxford: Clarendon United Nations, 2000, The World s Women 2000: Trends and Statistics, New York: United Nations UNDP, 1995, Human Development Report 1995, New York: UNDP UNDP, 1997, Human Development Report 1997, Oxford: Oxford University Press UNDP, 1998, Overcoming Human Poverty: UNDP Human Poverty Report, New York: UNDP Wach, H. and Reeves, H., 2000, Gender and development: facts and figures, BRIDGE Reprt 56, Brighton: Institute of Development Studies Wratten, E., 1995, Conceptualising urban poverty, in Environment and Urbanisation, Vol 7 No 1 Whitehead, A., and Lockwood, M., 1999, Gendering poverty: a review of six World Bank African Poverty Assessments, Development and Change, Vol 30 No 3: April 2001 Institute of Development Studies ISBN Source: BRIDGE (development - gender) Institute of Development Studies University of Sussex Brighton BN1 9RE, UK Tel: +44 (0) Fax: +44 (0) [email protected] Website: / (5 van 6) :48:13

291 Doc [1] The Statistics Division of the United Nations Secretariat from Demographic Health Surveys (DHS), country reports (6 van 6) :48:13

292 Gender Budgeting GENDER BUDGETING Gender Budgeting Initiatives in Serbia and Bulgaria: Experiences and Challenges By Tatjana Djuric Kuzmanovic, Mirjana Dokmanovic and Genoveva Tisheva Gender budgeting includes range of strategies examining whether gender rhetoric are reflected in government spending and taxation policy. It links gender equality with budget and promotes more equitable and transparent budgetary process and more efficient use of public resources. Thus, gender budgeting is very successful both in economic and gender sense. A Glance at Some Gender Budgeting Initiatives Throughout Europe By Elisabeth Klatzer. Ph.D. Gender Budgeting initiatives have started in many European countries, initially inspired by the work in Australia, South Africa and the UK. In recent years a diversification of strategies, methodologies and practices adopting to country-specific circumstances can be observed throughout Europe. In several countries there is work on its way to implement Gender Budgeting into the regular tasks of public administration. Gender Budgeting and Initiatives in Serbia By Tatjana Djuric Kuzmanovic, Ph.D. A major problem of standard budgeting processes is that they are based on prevailing economic opinion that assumes the rational behaviour of individuals who are exclusively market-oriented and led by their own best interests, without considering gender, class, age, or ethnicity. Such individuals live beyond specific historical, geographic, and social contexts. It is also assumed that the decisions made by such individuals are not affected by ruling power relations. Differences between men and women remain unrecognised due to the assumption that economic policy objectives and instruments are broadly applicable and gender neutral accordingly. 9:48:18

293 Gender Budgeting Initiatives in Serbia and Bulgaria: Experiences and Challenges Gender Budgeting Initiatives in Serbia and Bulgaria: Experiences and Challenges By Tatjana Djuric Kuzmanovic, PhD (Serbia and Montenegro), Mirjana Dokmanovic, MA (Serbia and Montenegro), and Genoveva Tisheva (Bulgaria) Introduction Why gender budgeting Gender budgeting includes range of strategies examining whether gender rhetoric are reflected in government spending and taxation policy. It links gender equality with budget and promotes more equitable and transparent budgetary process and more efficient use of public resources. Thus, gender budgeting is very successful both in economic and gender sense. Besides, gender budgeting is not by itself pro state nor contra state. Sometimes, market could be better for women than paternalistic state. Government budget s functions are allocation of resources, distribution of income and wealth and stabilization of the economy. Government budget reflects the values of the country. In broadest sense, it shows total public expenditures (consumption, maintenance, investment) and revenues (tax money). Also, government different sectoral budgets show public expenditures and revenues for particular sectors (education, health, transport, agriculture, finance, defence, etc.). Budget is often done in gender blind economic framework with lack of socioeconomic statistics, transparency and participation. Whole economics is study of how limited resources are distributed, allocated and used by people within the economy at the levels of global (world), macro (states), mezzo (sectors, communities), micro (households, firms, individuals). Any analysis of economy in feminist sense is grounded in an understanding of unequal power relations between women and men and about need to transform those power relations towards gender equality. Gender analysis in economics provides tools that can identify gender inequalities within economy; define gender objectives for economic policies; and develop gender indicators to monitor how gender objectives are met. Liberal feminist critiques focuses on the conditions of women within structures and institution and highlights ways in which women s need and priorities are absent from descriptions of economy. Radical feminist critiques examines social structures and institutions and hierarchical gender relations; seeks to reduce existing disparities between women and men in income, resources and opportunities and challenges existing systems and institutions and underlying power relations. In both senses gender budgeting is only one strategy towards gender equality and should be a part of a broader strategy to address unequal power relations. Gender budget analysis is financial connection between economic development (economic growth, poverty reduction, investments and savings) and gender equity (female poverty and accesses to resources). Gender budget initiatives (GBI), or women s budgets are gender aware analyses of government budgets and how it allocates resources for women and children. Gender budget is not separate budget for women (and children), but it is attempt to disaggregate expenditure and revenue according to their different impact on women and men. GBI contributes to greater gender equity, accountability, transparency, efficiency and effectiveness by mainstreaming gender into the budget process. Gender budget means looking at the government budget through a gender lens to see where is collection and distribution of public money unequal and inefficient. Thus, government should be concerned about gender issues both because of economic efficiency and gender equity. There are some very useful tools for a gender budget analysis (Lecture I. van Staveren, FDE 300 (9) 2004: 3): 1. Gender aware policy appraisal should analyze the policy objectives and shows are policies and their associated resources likely to reduce or increase gender inequalities. It is looking at the policy in relation with care economy and opportunity costs and follows its impact on gender lines. 2. Gender disaggregated beneficiary assessments assume to find and to do the survey on the data in different studies to find out what are needs of women and children, their particular problems and gendered structure at the sectoral level (overview of sectoral inputs, outcomes and impact disaggregated to gender) always taking care economy and gender- differentiated cross-sectoral linkages into account. 3. Gender-disaggregated public expenditure incidence analysis about budget itself to compare public expenditure for some programme with the distribution of expenditure between women and men, boys and girls to show who benefits (for example, percent of public spending for education for boys and girls). 4. Gender disaggregated tax incidence analysis to examine both direct and indirect taxes paid by individuals (1 van 10) :48:22

294 Gender Budgeting Initiatives in Serbia and Bulgaria: Experiences and Challenges and households, measuring gender difference in tax burden. 5. Gender-disaggregated analysis of the impact of the budget on time use to examine the relation between the way time is used in the national budget and the households, taking into account care economy, time use studies, rural and urban differences and male and female children. 6. Gender-aware medium term policy framework to incorporate gender into economic models and sectoral budgets 7. Gender aware budget statement to ensure coordination through ministries of government, parliament and non-government organizations. Budget is the most important government political decision, because it assumes allocation and reallocation of the resources. Budgets are instruments for allocation of resources according to social priorities. Therefore budgets should follow the principles of efficiency and equity. Budget policy could follow patriarchal values of the society or it could make attempts to transform them towards the gender equality. Gender budgeting initiatives in Serbia critical reflections The first step in formulating the national budget planing is defining the problems which are main in Serbia, causes and consequences. This is a phase of identification of social responsible development strategy which should be adopted by the Parliament. Afterwards sugestions of additional stimulative legislatives, economical, and political measures, programmes and activities should be established through additional acts. Serbia still doesnot have suitable strategy of social development and new Constitution is in process of checking and changing. In the condition of political instability in the country and frequent changes of government this process is slow and inconsistent. Existing budget in Serbia is invisible. In the proces of establishing budget the problem of women unequality must be recognised. Thus, the aim of budget in Serbia is to be settled at diverse programmes which will include situations which should be solved, aims, activities, means, indicators and gender problems. The next step is incorporating items which would be assigned to wome, or to dispose means regarding proportional gender representation budget holder. It assumes developed gender statistic, which Serbia also doesnot have with exceptions of (un)employment statistic. In any case, Serbia lacks gender strategy budgeting and other mechanisms, which will not make un-equality deeper but correct existing injustice. In 2002 gender policy promoting group «The Voices of Differences»in cooperation with Institute G17 and Center for Human Rights, Women in Action, PAZ, STAR Network of Women Learning took out campaign for economical equality and growing power of women and from the economical unequity of women in Serbia, during which it commented existing and announced acts from the gender perspective points. At the beggining of 2003, United Nations Developing Programm, Belgrade office, organised ephemeral workshop for civil society members, in the gender equity area, especially from the preparing National Budget according to gender equity. However, no government in Serbia since democratic changes in 2000 till now hasn't accepted gender budgeting as strategy. Obstacles are manysided, as a most important regarded those coming from political unpreparedness to accept such proposals. The gender equity questions are disregarded and dealed with as unimportant, and it seems that only pressure and EU conditioning can contributed gender problematic. Serbia is still at the beggining of forming institutional councils at local, regional and Republic levels. For example, Republic Council for Gender Equality, announced in 2000, never has started working because it has never be constituted as Government council. The third government did it, in October In the process of establishing are also gender equality councels at local levels in province of Vojvodina. Gender budgeting in Serbia Launching the initiative In spite of the fact that in 2000 Serbia started a complex process of the transition to the market economy, fostering political, social and economic changes, based on harmonization of domestic legislative with the EU standards, gender equality has still not been recognized as an important political and economic issue. Accordingly to the former practice, the budgeting process is still gender blind, although not gender neutral by its effects. The particularities of and differences between women and men go unrecognized under the assumption that policy objectives and instruments are broadly applicable, and hence seen as gender-neutral. Hence, the gender sensitive budgeting is not implemented at all, while gender disaggregated statistics exists in a few policy fields, e.g. on structure of unemployed, the population, or life expectancy. The key driver of formulating the national budget planning and its executing, monitoring and evaluation is the Government, which passes formulated and defined Budget Proposals to the Parliament that approves them. The Executive Council of the Province of Vojvodina and the Parliament of Vojvodina are the key players in the Province of Vojvodina in budget planning and executing, while local municipalities are authorized for formulating and executing budget programs at the local level. The analysis of the legislative shows that it adopts the assumption that the equality between women and men is achieved during the former socialist period, and that the discrimination based on sex is a solitary and not a mass occurrence. Therefore, the state, when determining a policy, does not recognize a need to develop any program or policy aimed at elimination of discrimination based on gender. Hence, there is no developed strategy, measures or mechanisms built to measure any effect of (2 van 10) :48:22

295 Gender Budgeting Initiatives in Serbia and Bulgaria: Experiences and Challenges adopted and implemented policies regarding women and girls, men and boys. As a result, the real economic and social position of women is not visible in the public, but only in a few estimations of feminist researchers, women s groups or international organizations as the UNIFEM, and UNECE. Having in the mind that the way in which the national, regional and local budgets are usually formulated ignores the different, socially determined roles and responsibilities of women and men, and that there is a need to have a state liability towards implementation of the adopted human rights legislative through the budgetary commitments, the Women s Center for Democracy and Human Rights (WCDHR), Serbia, and the Bulgarian Gender Research Foundation (BGRF), Bulgaria, have implemented in 2003 as partners a joint project Budgetary Implications of Domestic Violence in Bulgaria and Serbia. The project was supported by the Association of Women s Rights in Development (AWID) Innovative Grant in The goal of the project was to initiate a system for estimating and monitoring budgetary implications of domestic violence in Bulgaria and Serbia, which would represent the first attempt for methodology of gender budgeting in these countries, contributing to the establishing of consistent gender equality policies. Domestic violence was identified as one of the major women s issues in the both countries that have, amongst other, implication on economic and social position of women. The challenges of changing legislation regarding domestic violence in both countries under the pressure of women s groups were considered as a fertile soil to initiate studies on budgetary implications of domestic violence and thus introduce gender budgeting as a strategy for gender equality policy. In spite of the outspread of the phenomena of domestic violence, Serbia lacks adequate social and legal treatment of domestic violence and an efficient and consistent mechanism of protection. In 1998 the Victimology Society of Serbia presented the New Model of Laws on Domestic Violence [1], based on the research findings and reports on trial monitoring, as well as on research on international and domestic law. The New Model presented harmonized changes of five relevant laws: the Criminal Code, the Criminal Procedure Code, family law, civil procedure law and the law on weapons and munitions. As a result of a number of awareness raising and advocacy campaigns in the next several years, the first changes in the law regarding domestic violence in Serbia happened and in March 2002, a new criminal offence called domestic violence, which is prosecuted ex officio, was introduced into the Criminal Code [2]. However, budgetary implications have not been explored so far. They are crucial for estimating the costs of the response by the state and NGOs in relation to the future implementation of the legislation. That would ensure both the adoption and the implementation of the law and would create a realistic picture of the effectiveness of the existing strategies and of the needs in the future. The project was implemented by sending out calls to NGOs, women s groups and individuals for initial papers on this issue in both countries. As the final outcomes of the project, initial papers were reviewed by experts and adopted as a basis for a methodology for an extensive research budgetary implications of domestic violence. Along with the direct effect on the response to domestic violence, this initiative had established a good and very concrete base for starting gender budgeting in Bulgaria and Serbia in other fields, too, and the co-operation between civil society and the state in this specific area. The aim of the project was to bring the attention of the society and specialized institutions and agencies at gender responsive budgeting as a key strategy to be adopted by the government. In Serbia, the outcome of the project was an initial study on budgetary implications on domestic violence. The subject of the study of budget implications of domestic violence in Serbia encompasses budget allocations for implementation of activities in the field of prevention and elimination of domestic violence, especially the resources necessary for prevention and elimination of domestic violence. The accepted methodology, developed by the Novi Sad Women s Center and WCDHR, refers to the way we learn of the phenomenon of violence; therefore we suggest that the way we learn of this phenomenon and its budget implications should be by follows phases: - Analysis of the problem of domestic violence (frequency, victims, reaction of government institutions, measures of prevention, sanctioning) which would include gathering data and reports on existing research and data by women s groups, Victimology Society of Serbia, hot lines, shelters, Council for gender equality of the Government of Serbia and various institutions and organizations (e.g. with certain donors, international organizations, etc.), and by interviewing subjects whose work is related to the issue of domestic violence (officials of the Treasury Department, Ministry of Internal Affairs, Ministry of Health, Ministry of Education, Ministry of Social Protection, Ministry of Justice, members of the Council for Gender Equality within the Government of Serbia, members of the Council for Gender Equality within the Provincial Executive Council of Vojvodina, Provincial Secretariat for Labour, Employment, and Gender Equality within the Provincial Executive Council of Vojvodina - Designing a case study aimed to identify and analyze costs of domestic violence from the moment it occurs until its resolution - Designing a standard questionnaire that could be applicable in all cases of domestic violence identify all situations that require expenses, that is, imply various costs for both private entities and government institutions that came into existence because of violence, that is, which are direct or indirect result of violence, and it should include the category of lost profit. (3 van 10) :48:22

296 Gender Budgeting Initiatives in Serbia and Bulgaria: Experiences and Challenges - Defining the context policy of elimination and prevention of domestic violence and budget policy in Serbia. Understanding international standards in the field of human rights and eliminating domestic violence, comparison against the regulation of Serbian legislature, as well as establishing responsibility and role of the country in eliminating and preventing domestic violence on the basis of international legal instruments and international standards of exercising and protecting human rights - Overview of acts and procedures of government institutions which should be applied in cases of domestic violence on the basis of international regulations which are, however, not being applied - Estimate of expenses of those procedures and interventions that are not being applied and they should be. Sum of expenses of interventions which are applied with those that are not being applied, and they should be, gives the most accurate picture of the expenses of domestic violence in one case. Following further analysis of occurrence and frequency of violence would give a close picture of the cost of domestic violence - Estimate of direct and indirect users of budget funds (who the indirect and direct users of budget funds are and how their work is related to the phenomenon of domestic violence) for implementation of the Criminal Law and the Law of Torts, Law on Marriage and Family Relations - Estimate of time and budget dimensions of the expenses of domestic violence for the entire society on the basis of gathered data, that is, the amount of money spent over a certain period of time (e.g. one year) on fighting domestic violence, as well as budget expenses on the basis of analysis of the gathered data - Estimate of the relation between the needs of budget support for the programmes of prevention and elimination of domestic violence and current budget allocations on the basis of the analysis of the gathered data, that is, the amount of money needed for elimination of domestic violence on the basis of the prevention programme - Defining obstacles for estimating and calculating budgetary implications of domestic violence, making proposals and recommendations. As guiding principles for the budget analysis from the gender perspective we have defined: - Establishing statistics on victims of domestic violence, - Sensitivity for gender based segregation, cultural standards and practice, and gender norms, and the way policies support them and encourage their reproduction, - Interdepartmental cooperation of government agencies and policies - Awareness of the existence of gender issues and ability to discover and analyze hidden aspects of gender inequality - Methods and means for setting goals and priorities in policies - Awareness of complexity of gender inequality in the process of setting goals - Ability to define policies in conformity with certain social phenomena. As main obstacles in estimating and calculating budgetary implications concerning this field we have identified: - Lack of a National plan and strategy for eliminating and preventing domestic violence - Lack of statistics on victims of domestic violence - The problem of approach to information about budget and government administration /budget transparency/ - Lack of records on cases of domestic violence in health institutions, police, investigation authorities, public prosecution, courts, and misdemeanor bodies, and poorly trained personnel in this field within these institutions - The problem of calculating the expenses - Lack of systematic research in this field, except individual researches and surveys by women groups, Victimology Society of Serbia, and women experts in this field The main achievement of the project was that it was the first introduction of the gender budgeting in Serbia, as (4 van 10) :48:22

297 Gender Budgeting Initiatives in Serbia and Bulgaria: Experiences and Challenges an innovative strategy for prevention and elimination of domestic violence, and protection of its victims. In the same time, these were the same reasons that have created difficulties during the implementation of our project. There are a very few experts in Serbia who are familiar with the issue of gender budgeting, so they were few adequate reactions to our call on proposals. Majority of women s groups have not had nor experience neither expertise in gender budgeting. We estimate that this initiative will establish good base for starting gender budgeting in Serbia, and that it will enhance cooperation between civil society and policy makers. These activities are developed within the framework of the Gender Budgeting Initiative, a regional cooperation in CEE/NIS aimed at fostering gender budgeting launched at the 2003 NEWW-Polska [3] and NEWW Gender Policy Conference Women and Economy which took place in Gdansk, Poland. Our follow-up plans include: finalizing the detailed Study on Budgetary Implication of Domestic Violence, as the initial Study Proposal was the first step in this direction; introducing the Study to the public, the government and other stakeholders; translating to Serbian tools on gender budgeting; training on gender budgeting for women s groups, women in politics and women in media; advocating and lobbying for implementation of gender sensitive budgets. Gender budgeting initiative in Bulgaria - Proposal on financing initiatives aimed at the protection of women who have suffered violence In principle, when a concept is being developed the objective is to find a medium-term and/or long-term perspective to major problems within a system threatening either its existence or development. Currently, such a problem can be seen in finding adequate prerequisites to a steady development of specialized services targeting the protection of women who have suffered violence. In this country, the above-mentioned services are the prerogative of non-governmental organizations (NGOs). The state represented by its national and regional (local) authorities gives some support as well, but not beyond the scope of its general policies and activities directed at decreasing all varieties of violence in society. The problem of domestic violence has not been so far well identified by the government(s) as a separate problem demanding the corresponding specific measures to be taken. Accordingly, even the funds provided for small-scale and less significant initiatives melt into the implementation of general strategies that promote women and ban violence, or otherwise, these funds are simply cut down or reallocated. NGOs combating family violence are, for the time being, mainly financed by foreign donor organizations and programmes. Complying with universally accepted rules and with standards established in international practice, foreign fiscal and technical support is offered at the early stages of structuring the respective organizations and for the start of their activities. It is presumed that, further on, representatives of the state, municipalities, and businesses will properly assess the importance of the respective activities and will foster their steady development. Considering the fact that the initial stage of these activities has almost expired, it is crucially important to acknowledge the necessity to regulate survival techniques after the donors have turned the tap off. The proposal on financing initiatives for the protection of women who have suffered violence involves methodological, organizational, legal and socially acceptable alternatives of sources and ways of financing the initiatives for the protection of women suffering domestic violence. The leading principle when outlining those alternatives is to guarantee a steady development of the organizations assisting the victims. 1. NGOs expenditures targeted at women's protection NGOs combating violence within the family require serious financial subsistence. It has so far (as already mentioned) come mainly from foreign sponsors. Experts claim that in 2002 the budget is over one million BGN. Small-scale organizations (employing 1-3 people administrative staff) and a limited range of activities existed on thousand levs in Larger organizations with a wider scope of initiatives (excluding shelter and/or crisis centre) required between 70 and 90 thousand levs. A major share in the expenditure structure is taken by psychological and legal counselling of the victims. Individual psychological consultations cost levs each and the same applies to the average cost of the consultation within a group. A legal consultation costs levs per person daily. With social rehabilitation and re-integration sessions the calculation is 10 levs to a participant and per session. It is expected that the sector's financial needs will increase in the future. The grounds for this are the well-built large-scale NGO sector structure, as well as the accumulated positive inertia in its development. The services the sector offers answer the combined needs for violence prevention, stabilizing and rehabilitating the victims. These are psychological consultations (individual, familial and group ones); psychological services and legal actions (primary consultations, initiating divorce proceedings; minor and average physical injury suits; filing complaints to the respective authority); services towards social rehabilitation and reintegration (advocacy in governmental and other institutions; assistance with finding employment, etc). Alongside the services women and their children are guaranteed a temporary stay in shelters (temporary accommodation). Three branches of this kind were functioning in early These are the two shelters at Nadya Centre (Sofia) and at "Ekaterina Karavelova" Women' s Association (Silistra) and the Crisis Centre at Animus Foundation. Each of them provides facilities for sheltering women and their children over certain periods of time and the stay combines with treatment, psychological support, psychiatric counselling, placement of children into children's homes, advising women on finding job and other types of help if necessary. There is a high demand for a temporary stay in these centres. (5 van 10) :48:22

298 Gender Budgeting Initiatives in Serbia and Bulgaria: Experiences and Challenges The range of these services is being constantly renewed and supplemented. Efforts made to help out victims of domestic violence have their real social projections, and the services themselves - established social impacts. The services, which the NGO network offers, are popular among and sought by those who need them. Maintaining these positions of the sector will also call for an increase of its expenditures. NGO possess a substantial potential encompassing well equipped offices (judging by our national standards), highly qualified specialists ready to deal with sensitive issues, successfully developed and applied methods of psychological and other help, as well as procedures and ways of organizing it. Maintaining the facilities now available, keeping and renewing the staff of experts, will also impose the necessity to improve the sector's budgeting. In the opinion of specialists working in the sector for protection of women who have suffered violence the ever-expanding range of services offered by the NGO sector may, in itself, be a catalyst for a higher demand. This will also require an increase in the costs incurred by the functioning of these organizations. Reporting the results of a special survey [4] of the NGO sector for protection of women who have suffered violence and the additional above-mentioned grounds, we have every right to conclude that the NGO require a regular and serious financing corresponding to their developmental demands. Remaining in "survival regime" will deprive victims of actual protection of their basic rights as citizens. This group of NGO has very limited abilities to self-finance itself via paid activities and services, which was objectively proved by repeated studies. The grounds for this are the following ones: a very low paying capacity characteristic for these victimized women who most often come from humble origins and belong to ethnic minorities; the low general activity of the private business and its limited abilities to finance such initiatives; the feeble financial stimuli which are supposed to encourage sponsorship. The necessity of state financial back-up for NGO against violence in the family becomes obvious. Furthermore, it is worth noting that NGO can be a reliable partner of the state in combining efforts to protect women. In the draft for The Law for protection against domestic violence (Art.6) the role of the state is strictly and correctly specified. What is expected is that the state should create conditions for implementation of programmes to prevent domestic violence and assist its victims. Executive authorities are expected to carry out selection and training of persons responsible for the protection. They will work together with physical persons and juridical entities registered under the Social Assistance Act, Art.18, para 2 and 3 to protect the rights of individuals who have suffered domestic violence. State institutions retain the opportunity to play a leading role in designing and carrying out the strategies during the protective activities. 2.Guidelines on financing the protection of women who have suffered violence A standing problem in any type of financing is whether there are tangible legal grounds for it take place. Those grounds, which exist in Bulgaria for the time being, are neither complete, nor conclusive. Such an 'a priori' state of affairs hinders a lot the overall activities of the sector active in the field of violence Financing at the national level Financing based on special funds Creating a specialized fund can prove to be a basic instrument when financing women protection activities. Distribution of fund resources is, in essence, a granting scheme that exists as long as it can rely on donor funds and own revenue. To start functioning the fund needs at least one million levs at its disposal. Provisions for creating a fund should be made in The Law for protection against domestic violence. We shall assume from now on that The Law has already been enforced and that The Rules on its application are unambiguous as to the existence of such a fund. What are the key features of its design? The Fund will be managed by its Board of directors including representatives of the interested parties and of governmental institutions. Simultaneously, a Supervisory Committee will be established, which is a traditional part of such enterprises. In their procedures these bodies will be led by the letter of the law and by the good practice of more experienced similar funds. A major prerequisite to fund structure implementation is the availability of a given juridical organization supporting its existence. This should be some kind of an anti-violence NGO alliance that will be financed by the fund. Setting up such a fund is a completely achievable task, considering the widely spread national network of NGOs. A successfully functioning kind of organization at this stage of our country's development is the 'foundation'. A possible working name for this foundation is "NGOs - against violence". After establishing such a structure (or a similar one) there will also be an organizational prerequisite (alongside the above mentioned Board and Council) for the Fund to operate normally. In view of the above mentioned arguments regarding the necessary interference of the state, and most importantly, because the activities have a social profile and the people seeking protection have a very low paying capacity, it is advisable to plan an annual subsidy from the Government Budget (GB) in the fund's revenue part. The amount of the subsidy will be negotiated between representatives of the Fund and GB and justified through the corresponding expenditure plans. (6 van 10) :48:22

299 Gender Budgeting Initiatives in Serbia and Bulgaria: Experiences and Challenges A second possible source is along the line of other (including own) revenues. This is support from foreign and local donors, proceeds from the fines paid by violence perpetrators, endowments made by individuals or government entities, membership dues and the like. Fund resources may be targeted to the following directions: * Financing of projects in specialized areas of anti-violence activities; carried out complying with competition principle; * Paying for specific protective measures, such as formal council for the defence of women in law suits; expenditures intended to meet psychological counselling and therapy, expenditures on preventive work, on guardianship, as well as similar expenditure embracing major services and care-giving activities that NGO provide for women; * Social benefits (both money and goods) as one-time aid towards family maintenance; and also, for medicines and dressing materials; for textbooks and notebooks for use by the violence victims' children, for transport, and the lot; * Other expenses which are likely to be imposed by needs of the public and the NGO sector (maintaining the facilities at crisis centres and shelters; printed materials; correspondence costs, etc.) The structure of expenditures proposed above will cover the support of basic NGO activities ( Micro-credit) co-operative societies Another possible way to organize the NGO sector financing is through the micro-credit co-operative societies that have recently become popular. This is a mechanism of non-gratuitous funds distribution. It is based on competition principles and ensures the organizations their economic stability. The most attractive side of this mechanism is that (effective management provided) it presupposes a steady process of functioning. This results from the opportunity to accrue own income from the rates of interest coming from credit granted for various projects. At the same time, there is no need to issue bank license. Obtaining one is a heavy and time-consuming procedure; moreover, it requires a substantial initial capital. With micro-credit societies, members of NGOs against violence are expected to join the society (the law on co-operative societies imposes that their members should only be individuals). On applying for credits to use by their organization, those individuals respectively form a group and apply as a group of persons including all engaged with NGO work (or that specific part of them who are going to use the credit) thus identifying themselves with this organization. Paying the commensurate interest should be envisaged when giving credits, and the debtor together with the loan capital pays this back. It is only when a micro-credit society starts operating that it needs help on the part of GB. Subsequently, the society is expected to reproduce its initial capital and keep on working. Besides, it can additionally attract donor support. Membership dues paid by the society's members constitute another serious source of means. The mechanism of micro-credit societies can only be used to finance paid NGO activities. At present, these include some legal services. It is possible to look for opportunities to hold paid consultations with a psychologist, to organize specialized training, to pay for publishing printed materials, etc. As far as these NGOs only have limited opportunities to raise money from paid services, financing through micro-credit society can have an additional importance for NGO activities. The mechanism of micro-credit societies may be useful in assisting victimized persons to set up a business of their own. The can become members of the society, too, and apply with it for credits. Their membership fees may be deducted in advance from the loan they get or from salaries. However, it is necessary in cases like these to plan a comprehensive training course, to find reliable guarantees for paying the loan back, and to provide a strict supervision over funds spending Financing services for persons who have suffered violence through budgeting by the corresponding ministries related to the problem Further on in this report what is meant by the group of ministries is: the Ministry of Labour and Social Policy (with the Employment Agency), the Ministry of Health, the Ministry of Education, the Ministry of Justice, the Ministry of Home Affairs (with the National police). The list is by no way a conclusive one, it is a subject of constant perfection through identifying the interested entities, persons and their specific interests. There are two possible premises when outlining the financing procedure. The first one obtains on condition that on a national level there is no fund to finance the protective initiatives and, eventually - the possibilities for credit. State institutions are expected to envisage expenditures for a full range of general and specific services (measures) and other activities aimed at the victims of violence as well as designing a policy for the relevant sector. This will enable the structures of state institutions: to provide services to the victims, to pay for the lawyers who provide legal assistance, for the professionals who ensure treatment and rehabilitation of the victims, for prevention campaigns, support for children's education and possibly getting them into boarding school, subsidizing new employment for such victims and preferences on their enrolment on training courses. All these (7 van 10) :48:22

300 Gender Budgeting Initiatives in Serbia and Bulgaria: Experiences and Challenges initiatives should be incorporated in the plans for future work of the above-mentioned institutions. The budgets of institutions may also include means to distribute on a competition principle between NGOs applying on projects. These NGOs will also be given the chance to apply for additional funding on projects with outside financing. They will act as auxiliaries to state administration and will fulfil strictly specific functions in their work with the victims of domestic violence. The second option presumes the availability of a state-subsidized fund. Only initiatives with crucial importance and impact nationally and proposing the policies for this sector will then be eligible and financed through the budgets of ministries and institutions. This can happen both through purposeful directing of these means to the relevant governmental structures and through implementing the above-mentioned schemes which NGOs will use to apply for financing of projects. A critical reading of current legislation shows that neither the first, nor the second alternative is accepted. Besides, there is no all-embracing framework as to what parameters the state employs in its policy to stimulate the development of these activities. For instance, Art.1, para 2 of the Social Assistance Act (SAA) reads that it settles 'consolidation and development of public solidarity in hard life situations', which also implies those associated with women who have suffered violence in the family. According to Art.16, social services are based on social work and aim to support the assisted persons in their efforts to cope with everyday activities and social integration. This is a part of the care necessary for women who, having left their families, seek help accommodation, facilities for bringing up children and providing for them, finding job (or starting work after long unemployment). According to Art.6, items 3, 4 and 5 of SAA, the Social Assistance Agency at the Ministry of Labour and Social Policy will inspect the observance of established criteria and standards to follow when providing social services; will authorize setting up and closing of specialized institutions for social services; will register physical persons with registration under the Trade Law and juridical persons providing social services. The Rules on the Act application have yet to clarify this registration procedure, the criteria content, and the possibility to register NGO protecting women who have suffered violence. According to Art.18 of the SAA, social services are carried out by the state, the municipalities, by physical persons registered under the Trade Law and by juridical persons. However, the two latter groups can provide social services only following their inclusion into the register of the Social Assistance Agency. Since no constraints exist as to the range of these services, NGO working with women who have experienced violence in the family could also be entered into this register after the respective clarifying of the rules for participation in it. In actual fact, however, NGO also work with victims' children (below 18 years of age), which requires their registration under the Law for Child protection. It is obvious that Art.18 needs an amendment making special provisions for an opportunity to register organizations under the Law on protection against domestic violence (after its adoption) on condition that they also provide services to the women's children. This is one of the arguments necessitating the speedy enforcement of this law. According to Art.18. par 5 social services can be provided with joint participation of the state, municipalities, physical persons registered under the Trade Law, and juridical persons on a contract basis. This implies a possibility to combine the potential of NGOs against violence with the one of other interested organizations in the public sector. The rules for this joint work have not been specified yet; neither have the responsibilities of the parties involved. According to par 7 of this Article, NGO can apply for funds to the Social Assistance Fund if they have an approved project. In most cases, this option of financing on competition principles could be utilized with wavering success. To ensure a better financial security it is possible to introduce the "limit" practice popular in other countries whereby the municipality is obliged to spend defined budget limits on the purchase of social services, including those on protection of women who have suffered violence. If there were doctors engaged by the National Health Insurance Fund (NHIF) who works for the NGOs, it will not present a problem to arrange that the NHIF cover part of the expenditure on psychological recovery of the victimized women. Another option is to draw additional agreements between the NHIF and NGOs ensuring referral of women entitled to special recommendation notes for preferential payment treatment or free treatment which is covered by the National Health Insurance Fund. To sum up, at the national level, it is necessary for the state to actively participate in assisting the victims of domestic violence alongside assisting the NGOs protective activities for them through: organizing therapy for victims of domestic violence; employment commencement and the very process of finding job for the women; therapy for women and sending their children to children's homes or to school; disseminating information on domestic violence with preventive purpose and, also, to facilitate the access of the interested individuals to help; the state should contribute to enable any changes required in the legislation and their co-ordination; it should envisage adequate forms to subsidize and credit these activities. Irrespective of the specific mechanism of the funds transfer to be agreed upon in future, there is no alternative to the participation of the state. The studied expert opinion of those engaged in the NGO sector is in favour of founding a specialized fund with state participation for the support of these activities. Municipal level (8 van 10) :48:22

301 Gender Budgeting Initiatives in Serbia and Bulgaria: Experiences and Challenges At this level, the financial support for NGOs working against domestic violence can be achieved by contributing money and goods. It has, so far, been expressed mostly in goods by supplying aid for crisis centres and shelters. Municipalities provide them with premises and equipment. On the model of child protection desks operating at municipal level, centres tackling psychosocial issues may open to cater for women who have experienced violence within the family. Putting this proposal into practice demands a thorough assessment of activities, which are not effective enough to be undertaken by NGOs, and which can, therefore, be assigned to municipalities (the governmental sector), but without suppressing the functions of the NGO sector by the government. Another proposal is to find full-time employment positions at municipalities for social workers, psychologists and pedagogues who work with NGOs. Implementing such a proposal would facilitate care for victimized women, provided NGO activists are given the opportunity to choose their co-workers on competition principle. What seems a feasible proposal considering municipal financial deficits is to recruit full-time employees only for NGO administrative staff. An even more economical option, which may be considered at the beginning, is to appoint one single person on administrative full-time position. NGO self-financing initiatives Limited as they may be, there still exist possibilities for NGOs to offer paid services, technical assistance and materials. To identify and use them effectively NGOs should be prepared to show a higher initiative and commitment. Funding projects by home and foreign donors will remain a basic form of financing in the future. Conclusion There are ways enabling the organization of functioning and socially effective mechanisms of financing NGOs in their work against family violence. The choice should be based on well-studied needs in order to find the relevant justified solutions. In the expert opinion of the authors, currently the most suitable one is applying a fund structure. It will allow for the state to retain its position as a policy designer within the field, acting simultaneously as a main guarantor for its successful functioning. Ministries and institutions will be in charge for (among other things) the support of large-scale national activities and campaigns combating violence within the family. At the same time, this mechanism will make possible the decentralization process in funds utilization and the employment of democratic principles of distribution and supervision, a relatively autonomous development of NGO sector dealing with domestic violence and its structural stability and financial sustainability. NOTE: Paper presented at the IAFFE Conference "Central and Eastern Europe: A Feminist Economic Dialogue on Transition and EU Enlargement", January 21-22, 2005, Budapest, Hungary References: 1. The Gender Responsive Budget Initiatives (GRBI), ( ) 2. Debbie Budlender, Rhonda Sharp & Kerry Allen: Commonwealth Secretariat: Budlender, Debbie and Rhonda Sharp with Kerri Allen, How to do a gender-sensitive budget analysis: Contemporary research and practice. 3. Sweetman, C., ed., 2002, "Gender Budgets: What's in it for NGOs?", Gender and Development 10 (3): 82-87, Oxford: Oxfam 4. Simel Esim UNIFEM, Gender-Sensitive Budget Initiatives for Latin American and the Caribbean: A Tool For Improving Accountability and Achieving Effective Policy Implementation esim_budgets.htm 5. Gender Analysis of Budgets, 2002, ICRW/UNIFEM Background Brief January, Gender_Budgets/Conference 6. Noeleen Heyzer, 2001, Gender Responsive Budgets. What is Gender Responsive Budget Analysis? UNIFEM- OECD-Nordic Council-Government of Belgium 7. Gender Advocacy Programme, South Africa, Making the Act Work, A Research Study into Budget Allocations for the Implementation of the Domestic Violence Act, December ICWR, How to Make the Law Work?, Budgetary Implications of Domestic Violence Policies in Latin America, Synthesis Paper, July Nikolic-Ristanovic, V. (ed.) (2002) Domestic Violence in Serbia, Belgrade, Victimology Society of Serbia About the authors: (9 van 10) :48:22

302 Gender Budgeting Initiatives in Serbia and Bulgaria: Experiences and Challenges Tatjana Djuric Kuzmanovic, PhD, assistant professor of European Economics and Gender and Economics at the Advanced School of Business, and at Postgraduate Gender Studies at the University of Novi Sad in Novi Sad, Serbia. She has published several books and a dozen articles addressing gender in transitioning economies. Contact: [email protected] Mirjana Dokmanovic, international lawyer, consultant on human rights and gender issues, coordinator or the Women s Center for Democracy and Human Rights, Subotica. She has coordinated numerous projects aimed at fostering human rights and women s rights. She has published several books and a number of articles addressing gender and human rights. Contact: [email protected] Genoveva Tisheva, Executive Director, Bulgarian Gender Research Foundation. Contact: [email protected] [1] Nikolic-Ristanovic, V. (ed.) (2002) Domestic Violence in Serbia, Belgrade, Victimology Society of Serbia [2] Article 118a of the Criminal Code of the Republic of Serbia [3] Network East-West Women (NEWW) is an NGO in Special Consultative Status with the Economic and Social Council of the United Nations. With members in more than 30 countries NEWW is among the largest and most respected networks in CEE/NIS, and is a trusted source of expertise, resources and information about gender in democratizing societies. The international secretariat is run by the NEWW-Polska in Gdansk. More information on NEWW Gender Budgeting Initiative at [4] The survey was conducted by the Bulgarian Gender Research Foundation in the beginning of (10 van 10) :48:22

303 Doc A Glance at Some Gender Budgeting Initiatives Throughout Europe By Elisabeth Klatzer, Ph.D, Austrian Gender and Budget Group, Austria Gender Budgeting initiatives have started in many European countries, initially inspired by the work in Australia, South Africa and the UK. In recent years a diversification of strategies, methodologies and practices adopting to country-specific circumstances can be observed throughout Europe. In several countries there is work on its way to implement Gender Budgeting into the regular tasks of public administration. At the central government level, the examples of France and Sweden demonstrate established procedures, Other countries are on its way (e.g. Belgium, Austria). Nordic countries pursue common Gender Budgeting activities in the frame of the Nordic Council. Examples of ambitious initiatives at the regional local level are the Basque country (Spain), Berlin (Germany) and some communities in Italy (Modena, Genova). In some countries, civil society initiatives take the lead (e.g. UK). Initiatives in Eastern Europe are emerging recently (e.g. in Bulgaria and Serbia). Some of these will be described in the following. Switzerland Switzerland is one of the Gender Budgeting pioneer countries in Europe. In a period of restrictive budgetary policy the focus of analysis was on who bears the major cost of cuts in public expenditure. A Gender Budgeting pilot study, commissioned by the National Women s Conference of the Trade Union of Public Employees and the Swiss Conference of Equal Opportunities Officers, was published in The researchers, assisted by an expert group of women (equal opportunities officers and of the federal statistical department) looked at the consequences of fiscal cuts at all three levels of government activity (Federal, cantonal/bern and communal/city of Biel). The research focus was not an analysis of the budget as a whole but an analysis of the effects of changes in budgetary policy on men and women. The aim was to develop a methodology to analyse the impact of changes for the whole budget. Three criteria were used to analyse the effects of expenditure cuts: Impact on employment of men and women; Impact on men and women as beneficiaries of public services; Impact on unpaid work of women. The analysis of employment effects looked at the development of public administration employment as well as on the employment effect of public expenditures for goods and services by calculating a type of gender multiplier. The results of this initial research demonstrated clearly that at all levels women had to bear an over-proportional cost of restrictive budgetary policies. It led to wide-spread follow-up initiatives. Since the publication of this pilot, several initiatives at the national, cantonal and communal level have been started by women s coalitions, equal opportunity officers, members of parliament and trade unionists. All were aimed at raising the issue of gender awareness in budgeting. An important strategy is lobbying parliamentary bodies to obtain favourable votes to initiate deepen the analysis. Among the follow-up activities the work in the canton Basel is particularly interesting. A large coalition of women s groups and institutions pushed for pursuing the topic. In Basel further research was conducted in cooperation with the Statistical Office and in consultation with a group of experts on Gender issues. The methodology was refined and besides gender the criteria age and nationality were included. The results were published in 2003 under the title The small difference in public finance [1]. France Since 2000 the French government publishes the Yellow Paper on Women s Rights and Gender Equality (download of the current document in French at the Finance Ministry homepage: minefi/publique/budget_etat/index.htm). Its publication is based on a legal obligation. The document is published as part of the annual budgetary material. The first part of the document gives on overview of progress towards equality in different spheres of life. In the second part of the Yellow Paper each Ministry and Department sets out the expenses relating to the promotion of women s rights and gender equality. In addition, the institutions are requested to be explicit about their policy on gender equality and present indicators to measure progress. It is intended as an information and monitoring instrument, primarily for the legislature. France is a good example of a continuous inside government exercise. As such it is a good starting point. Even though this exercise is not a fully fledged Gender Budgeting analysis it puts together information which serves as a tool for Gender Mainstreaming. Further work to deepen the analysis and formulate specific recommendations on policy action to reduce inequalities is needed. Austria (1 van 4) :48:29

304 Doc The Austrian case will be described somewhat more in detail due to two reasons: Firstly, the Austrian activities are still quite unknown and not included in standard survey articles about the state of Gender Budgeting. Secondly, the author being Austrian can contribute her insight knowledge. In Austria the independent Women and Budget Group, founded in 2001, plays a leading role. Its initial work was devoted to make the concept of Gender Budgeting known in Austria, to spread knowledge and to motivate government, opposition parties and NGOs to pursue the issue further. With this in mind, the group published a book in 2002: Frauen Macht Budgets, Staatsfinanzen aus Geschlechterperspektive. The title plays with the word macht which means power and doing at the same time: Women power budgets/women, go over budgets. Public finance from a gender perspective (available in German only). This book explains the concept of gender budgeting, its potentials and its limits, reviews the main international initiatives and contains some approaches to engendering the Austrian national budget. The work on the Austrian budget addresses the overall macroeconomic strategy and its impacts on women as well as government revenue (focusing on taxes, social security and user fees) and selected areas of public expenditure (education and research, labour market policy and funding for women s organisations). The purpose of the book is twofold: on the one hand, the governments at federal, regional and local level are addressed with a list of demands both, to introduce the concept of Gender Budgeting in a meaningful way into government policy as well as specific recommendations on how to change policies in order to achieve more gender equality. The Austrian Women and Budget Group emphasises that Gender Budgeting is much more than a simple Gender analysis of government income and revenue. The aspects of transparency of the whole budgeting process, the translation of results of the analysis into alternative policies, the inclusion of the overall macroeconomic strategy into analysis as well as the focus on participatory processes are included as equally important. This approach equally guides all subsequent work. In response to the publication more attention was drawn on the issue, especially from women activists, NGOs as well as opposition parties (Greens and Social Democrats). Especially as a response to the increasing demand for more practical assistance in how to do gender budgeting at the local level, some women from the Women and Budgets Group embarked on developing a handbook for introducing Gender Budgeting at the regional and local level (published in 2004, German only, download ). Workshops addressed at a broad range of multipliers were designed as well. One main shortcoming of this civil society initiative is the lack of funding and the lack of time of the women involved as several have small children, many full time jobs and/or many other civil society engagements. There have been attempts to spread the ideas among NGOs in order to build up civil society pressure demanding government to take action. But it is hard to maintain the level of activities. Again, it is lack of time and funding. Currently Austria has a conservative/right wing government which is dedicated to neo-liberal policies, including restrictive budgetary policies. Funding for NGOs, especially women s organisations is being cut repeatedly. Still, due to the attention around the issue, the federal government moved forward. The Ministry of Finance carried out a small exercise in 2002 titled Is the Austrian tax system in fact gender neutral?, which actually was a short data analysis of income taxation. It clearly shows shortcomings of the tax provisions, for example, men profit over-proportionally from tax breaks. Still, even the few results where not incorporated in the current tax reform project, to the contrary, some effects of the current reform reinforce the gender bias. This fits into the trend of other reform projects, like a recent pension reform, women s special situation and needs are widely neglected. In 2004 the Austrian Federal government decided to implement Gender Budgeting. A Gender Budgeting Working group has been set up but without political power or clear guidelines and without additional resources. And somewhat hastily a section on Gender Budgeting was included in the 2005 budget material. Due to the uncoordinated last minute exercise the quality of the material is quite poor and public officials involved are frustrated about this additional task. Recently, two research pilot projects have been launched, one at the federal level and one at the regional level. Both are intended to develop methods and tools to implement Gender Budgeting as part of regular administrative tasks. In spite of the poor performance of the government so far, at this point the strategy of the Women and Budget Group is to cooperate with the government officials in charge and offer expertise. This is motivated by the hope to influence the scope of the exercise and push towards broad implementation and institutionalisation. The Gender Budgeting is part of an ongoing constitutional reform in Austria as well. Due to a coalition of women across political parties in cooperation with the non-governmental experts it was possible to include Gender Budgeting. Agreement has been reached to explicitly state in the Constitution that financial policies shall aim at gender equality. Furthermore it is stipulated in the draft Constitution that Gender Budgeting is included in the annual budget [2]. Sweden Sweden for over 10 years has been producing annual reports on an analysis of the gender impact of current economic policies, e.g. social insurance and pensions, women s contribution to GNP and productivity of men and women. The document has recently been upgraded by moving it to the responsibility of the Ministry of Finance [3]. A gender budget project started in 2002, which is aimed at making gender visible throughout the whole state budgetary process. The project is carried out in co-operation between the Division for Gender Equality and the (2 van 4) :48:29

305 Doc Budget Department of the Ministry of Finance. Its purpose is to develop methods and tools for gender budgeting and prepare an action plan covering the whole state budgetary process. Social welfare, regional development and transport have been selected areas for pilots. Basque Country In the Basque country (Spain), EMAKUNDE, the Basque Women s Institute, an autonomous organization dependent on the Presidency of the Basque Government, launched a Gender Budgeting initiative in With the aid of external experts a comprehensive strategy to implement Gender Budgeting was launched (a documentation of the efforts, including a broad range of materials and the pilot reports partly available in English can be found at The aim is to implement a gender perspective on budgeting into every administrative unit. An inter-ministerial task force was set up to guide and coordinate the endeavour. A special focus was on preparing public officials to take over the task. A series of seminaries and trainings in the initial phase as well as the set up of support teams facilitated spreading the concept and tools within public administration. Furthermore written material, like a comprehensive handbook, was developed to support analysis at this initial stage. For analysis during the pilot phase several portfolios where selected, Home Affairs, Industry, Trade and Tourism, Health, Culture, Environment as well as Transport and Public Works. The pilot phase was concluded end of It is especially this initial stage which can serve as a model for other projects to implement Gender Budgeting within public administration. Careful planning, the institutional framework and strategic implementation contribute to its success. Regarding the institutional setup the central role of Emakunde is important. In its board the Basque governor as well of representatives of all important state institutions are present. This gives the guidelines published by Emakunde the necessary backing and facilitates the following implementation. The step wise introduction of the concept at the political level and subsequent process of guided practical analysis in pilot areas created strong foundations for further work. Serbia and Bulgaria Gender budgeting initiatives in Bulgaria and Serbia [4] were initiated and coordinated in 2003 by two women s organizations, the Bulgarian Gender Research Foundation (BGRF) and the Serb Women s Center for Democracy and Human Rights (WCDHR). A starting point was the joint project on Budgetary Implications of Domestic Violence in Bulgaria and Serbia supported by a grant of AWID (Association of Women s Rights in Development). As domestic violence was identified as one of the major women s issues in both countries it was chosen as a pilot to develop a methodology for gender budgeting. At an initial stage, NGOs, women s groups and researchers were invited to contribute papers on the topic. These research findings formed the basis of developing a methodology to analyse budgetary implications of domestic violence. This initiative has established a concrete base for starting gender budgeting in Bulgaria and Serbia in other areas as well. It prepared the ground for the co-operation between civil society and the state in this specific area. The aim of the project was to bring Gender Budgeting as a key strategy to be adopted by the government to the attention of society in general as well as specialized institutions and agencies. Both organizations are involved in the Gender Budgeting Initiative in the CEE/NIS Region of the Network East-West Women (NEWW) initiated in This initiative is aimed at sharing information and experience on Gender Budgeting. A central goal is to make government policies and priorities more responsive to gender issues by popularising Gender Budget analysis, working towards fully incorporating gender concerns into public spending and towards increasing women s participation in budgetary decision making processes. European Union financial and macroeconomic policies call for attention The policies at the European Union level have an increasingly important impact on financial policies of the individual member states. Thus a focus needs to be directed to the EU macro-economic policy documents. There has been some activity around this issue in 2002 but without effective follow-up. Above all the Guidelines of Economic Policy need to be broadened by introducing a gender equality perspective and including gender budgeting instruments. Some major challenges ahead Not losing ultimative goals and political perspective out of sight. With the increasing involvement of governments in Gender Budgeting there is a risk that the governments take over the concept without changing policies substantively. Clearly, any Gender Budget project needs dynamic outside government monitoring activities. Move from analysis to policy action. At this point there is a strong focus on analysis. Clearly this is an essential part, but more attention needs to be directed towards changing policies in order to improve gender relations. Provide gender-disaggregated statistics in all areas and develop performance indicators as well as monitoring instruments. Strengthen the participatory element of Gender Budgeting. Develop instruments, methods and procedures to implement Gender Budgeting as standard task of governments and public administrations. Definition of and some sort of international understanding about quality control criteria for Gender Budgeting itself. Not everything which is called Gender Budgeting is actually fulfilling its purpose. Build ownership within public administration. This needs clear political commitment, continual training, support and resources. (3 van 4) :48:29

306 Doc Ensure continuity. About the author: Elisabeth Klatzer, Austria, PhD in Economics, Master in Public Administration Harvard University. Working on Engendering Budgets since about five years: as member of the Austrian Gender and Budget Group, a civil society initiative, as researcher and as public official (Austrian Federal Chancellery). Contact: [email protected] [1] Gleichstellungsbüro/Statistisches Amt/Frauenrat Basel (Ed.), Der kleine Unterschied in den Staatsfinanzen. Basel [2] The adoption of the provisions the idea of gender budgeting is included in several public finance articles depends on whether the whole constitutional reform will be adopted. [3] The current document is available in Swedish under [4] This section draws on: Dokmanovic, Mirjana. Djuric Kuzmanovic, Tatjana. Tisheva, Genoveva (2004), Gender Budgeting Initiatives in Serbia and Bulgaria Experiences and Challenges, proposal and paper, International IAFFE Conference on Central and Eastern Europe: A feminist economic dialogue on transition and EU-enlargement, January 2005, Budapest. (4 van 4) :48:29

307 Doc Gender Budgeting and Initiatives in Serbia By Tatjana Djuric Kuzmanovic, Ph.D. Advanced Business School, Novi Sad, Serbia Summary: The text presents key objectives and gender effects of governmental economic policy and its main instrument the budget. It points out the significance of the gender-sensitive approach to the budget from the point of view of the objectives of economic efficiency and gender equality that are integrated into all stages of the political process: analysis, formation, and evaluation. Key words: budget tools, gender budget initiatives, gender equality What Is a Gender Budget, and Why Is Gender Budgeting Important? A budget is a key political decision of government for it presents the process of funds allocation in accordance with set objectives. A political objective that goes beyond the financial resources necessary for its realisation remains only a futile dream or demagogy. Governmental economic policy usually means activities planned by a state through which the state directs economic growth and economic and social development. Each state defines particular objectives and uses relevant instruments to realise these objectives. For example, usual economic policy objectives are: growing the economy at a desirable rate, reducing the unemployment rate, achieving price stability, and a harmonised balance of payment (deficit decrease). Usual economic policy instruments are: monetary policy, fiscal policy and foreign trade policy. The objectives and instruments of economic policy are often mutually in conflict, i.e. the achievement of one economic policy objective usually results in the disturbance of or the failure to realise one or more other objectives. This is a well-known problem in economic theory solved by prioritising. A budget is the key point where information is outlined on the amount of governmental funds available for a period of time and on the sources and allocated uses of those funds (Andy Norton and Diane Elson, 2002: 5-14; Katarina Ott, 2000: Katarina Ott, 2003). In the narrowest sense, a budget indicates: total government expenditures (for spending and investment), income (mostly from taxation), and income distribution to sectors (education, health, transportation, agriculture, finance, defence, etc.). Usual budgetary functions are: resource allocation, income and wealth distribution, and economic stabilisation. To a great extent, feminist economics has shown that the gender neutrality of economic policies, their objectives, and their instruments is an illusion (Diane Elson, 1994: 33 45; Nilufer Cagatay, 2003: 22-41; Ingrid Palmer, 2003: 42-87). The engendering of economic policy covers a twofold analytical process. First, gender macroeconomic analysis studies the impact on men and women of emphasising paid activities and neglecting reproduction in macroeconomic policy. Secondly, macroeconomic decisions and constrains have a significant retroactive effect on gender-based social, economic, and political differences that should be analysed. The issue of direct versus indirect taxation presents a good example of how the effects of fiscal policy differ by gender. As for taxes, in principle there are no differences according to gender; however, some gender effects may be seen if observed as direct (income) taxes versus indirect (consumption) taxes. For example, indirect taxation is recognised as the one that has significant impact on women due to their general and prevailing role as household budget managers, while direct income tax is considered to have a greater impact on men because they have greater access to significant employment and higher income accordingly. Although there are few studies on this topic, it has been observed that indirect tax payment affects women more than men. When goods and services get more expensive, due to the increase of tax on particular goods and services, women then have two possibilities. One possibility is to try to increase their paid working hours. The other possibility is to try to invest more of their unpaid labour into the production of these goods. Thus, in both cases, they increase their efforts. Consumption taxes put a disproportionately higher burden on social groups with lower earnings because, relative to other groups, they spend a larger proportion of their money on consumption (Isabella Bakker, 1994: 2-29). Usual shortcomings of budgets are their gender neutral economic framework, the lack of socio-economic and gender-sensitive statistics, non-transparency, and the lack of public participation (Transparency and Participation in the Budget Process, 2002). A major problem of standard budgeting processes is that they are based on prevailing economic opinion that assumes the rational behaviour of individuals who are exclusively marketoriented and led by their own best interests, without considering gender, class, age, or ethnicity. Such individuals live beyond specific historical, geographic, and social contexts. It is also assumed that the decisions made by such individuals are not affected by ruling power relations. Differences between men and women remain unrecognised due to the assumption that economic policy objectives and instruments are broadly applicable and gender neutral accordingly. (1 van 7) :48:37

308 Doc Gender budgeting is not, by itself, either pro or contra government s role in the economy (plan versus market), and it does not mean the making of separate budgets for men versus for women. Budget gender analysis shows a financial relationship between economic development of a nation s economy (economic growth, poverty reduction, investment, and savings) and gender equality (women s poverty and access to resources). Therefore, gender budgeting relates to the processes of disaggregating expenses and income to show their various impacts upon women and men, thus indicating points where a state s collection and distribution of resources is unfair. In other words, this means that gender analysis of all forms of public consumption and the identification of causes and effects born by women compared to men may improve economic policy efficiency. On the other hand, gender budgeting is just one strategy focused toward gender equality, and it should be a constituent part of a wider strategy directed toward breaking unequal power relationships in societies. The Objectives of Gender Budget Analysis The key questions of gender-sensitive budget analysis are: Do resources reach those who need them and for whom they are intended? Do government economic policies and instruments decrease or increase gender inequalities? Including gender analysis in the process of national budgeting means taking the following steps (Debbie Budlender and Guy Hewitt, 2003; Isaac Shapiro, 2001; Debbie Budlender, 2002: 82-87): 1. Estimate the gender-awareness of policy to what extent do different ministries pay explicit or implicit attention to gender considerations by analysing to what extent their policies and available resources impact the decrease or increase of gender inequalities. (For example, in privatisation in Serbia: To what extent may women count on the resources generated through selling state-owned companies? May women get credit to buy the property from the state and so on?) 2. Conduct gender-disaggregated assessment of public services beneficiaries and of budget prioritisation by studying the attitudes of existing or potential beneficiaries (through interviews, group discussions, public polls, etc.), assessing the extent to which governmental policies and programmes reflect the beneficiaries priorities and needs. (For example, consider the methods in which the decrease of military expenses may be directed to programmes that will empower women, like employment programmes and training, campaigns against violence against women, assistance to the elderly, etc.) 3. Conduct gender-disaggregated analysis of public expenses using statistical data on households, the nature of the benefit provided by the public sector, and the distribution of benefits by gender. Is public spending of equal use to men and to women? This analysis measures the budgeted resource distribution to women, girls, men, and boys by recalculating the total volume of costs belonging to each group. To do this, first, annual expenses are calculated for particular types of services. Then, the expense totals are divided by the annual quantity of each service provided (hospital beds, places in school). Finally, the extent to which these units have been used by women versus men is analysed. Conduct gender-disaggregated analysis of public income regarding the amount of direct and indirect forms of taxation paid by various categories of the population (i.e. households) including governments at various levels. To evaluate how tax policy impacts men and women, the impact of direct taxes (on income) and of indirect taxes (on consumption) must be observed. The objective of gender budgeting in this case is gender-disaggregated analysis of taxes. For example, the amount of tax paid by an individual or household is observed, as well as whether tax exemptions are distributed in different manner for women than for men 4. Conduct gender-disaggregated budget analysis from the point of view of time, identifying the ratio between the national budget and the way time is spent in households. This provides for including time spent on unpaid labour in the analysis. Gender budget analysis studies the ratio between unpaid men s and women s labour and men and women s contributions to care economy. Such analysis assesses the degree to which the budget depends on the care economy and women s unpaid labour (such as care for the elderly, cooking, cleaning, ironing). This is analysis disaggregates the gender impact of the budget on the ways in which time is used. A decrease in public spending mostly results in increases in the time women spend in the care economy to compensate for lost public services. 5. Formulate a gender-aware, mid-term economic policy framework as the approach that includes the gender perspective in macroeconomic models. This assumes the measuring of various gender impacts of both national economic activities and those of each individual, including gender-sensitive indicators. Mechanisms to initiate and intensify dialogue between various government ministries and the civil sector (stakeholders) are necessary also. This objective, through the inclusion of the feminist gender perspective in mid-term policy, aims to change genderblind opinions assumed by prevailing economic models. Long-term budgeting facilitates the activity of the Ministry of Finance and provides for more effective gender mainstreaming of such policies into the future. 6. Formulate a gender-responsible budget statement. This is one of the objectives of gender budgeting initiatives. Such a statement takes into account a series of factors, such as the gender balance of employment in governmental institutions, the share of public spending on services used mainly by women, and gender-sensitive indicators of development. Gender Budgeting Initiatives (GBI) Gender budgeting initiatives are gender aware analyses of governmental budgets that recognise various contributions of men and women in production and goods and services distribution (Karen Judd, 2002: 13-86). Gender budget analyses consider whether budgets covers various interests, needs, rights, and obligations of (2 van 7) :48:37

309 Doc women and men, girls and boys, both in the paid economy and in the care economy. Gender budget initiatives answer the following questions: - Are budgets and tax systems actually gender neutral as it seems at first sight? - How may gender become a constituent part of governmental policy? - How may women and non-governmental organisations be involved further in budget proposal preparation, and in collection and analysis of macroeconomic data disaggregated by sex? Gender budget analyses have shown that governmental budgets are the instruments transferring and reproducing gender relations, but they can become important instruments in transforming gender inequalities (Maeve Taylor, 2003: 65-84; Karen Judd, 2002: ; Hazel Reeves and Heike Wach, 1999; Hazel Reeves and Charlie Sever, 2003; Debbie Budlender and Julius Mukunda, 2001: 17-21; Simel Esim, 2000). GBI Experiences of Various Countries During past dozen years, the interest in gender budgeting has been increased in the world (Debbie Budlender and Julius Mukunda, 2001: 1-31; Karen Judd 2002: ; Tatjana Djuric Kuzmanoviæ et al, 2005). Today, over fifty countries have some form of a gender-sensitive budget. Initiatives for gender-sensitive budgets have originated from civil societies, parliaments, or governments themselves. The majority of gender budgeting initiatives are not only aimed at identifying governmental tasks or promoting the of focusing more money toward women, but also aim to discontinue various impacts of governmental taxation and economic policy on women and men, girls and boys. Therefore, they may significantly contribute to the achievement of social, economic, and cultural rights of the whole population and to the realisation of good government. The earliest GBIs were inspired by women s budgeting initiatives accepted by the Australian Government in the 1980s. Further initiatives have followed the experiences of the South African gender budget and the Philippines gender development budget. Australia is the first country that introduced a women s budget in It assessed the extent to which women had or did not have benefits from the budget, considering the activities of all ministries. The governmental service for women s positions had a key role in coordinating activities among the Ministries of Finance, Economic Planning, and others regarding how to facilitate dialogue with the civil sector. From 1985 to 1990, Australia introduced gender-sensitive budget analysis as a comprehensive view of the budget from a women s standpoint. During one budget year, each ministry had the task to analyse its expenses. Feminists from the government strongly affirmed the management of the budget aimed at women, although to the detriment of broader women s activism. Many GBIs throughout the world were initiated through the application of three key categories used by the Australian women s budget. GBI required (Balmori, Helena Hofbauer, 2003) first, specification of women s costs (resources to be allocated to the programmes specifically related to women); second, provision for equal employment opportunities by providing assets to support affirmative actions (promoting an equal number of employed men and women, as well as equal presentation of men and women in managerial positions and equal salaries); and, third, coverage of the remaining expenses not covered in the previous two categories in such a way that government as a key player will advocate the engendering of its own policy. In Tanzania, a gender budget was first adopted in The non-governmental organisation Tanzania Gender Networking Programme (TGNP) focused its activity on the stimulation of gender equality at all social levels. During 1997, with twenty other non-governmental organisations, a GBI was started focused on macroeconomic policies and planning with specific emphases on the process of budgeting and on the budget s impact on various population categories. Within this process, studies at the macro level were managed by four ministries: the Planning Committee and the Ministries of Finance, of Education, and of Health. Also, selected research at the local level was done by a team of representatives from the governmental and non-governmental sectors, avoiding the threat of being co-opted by the government. In Mexico, non-governmental organisations researched governmental programmes in the field of birth rates in Afterwards, the non-governmental organisation Gender Equality organised workshops on budgets that dealt with the needs of the poor, and the non-governmental organisations Fundar Centre for Analysis and Research implemented budget research. After that, the Project Plan for Providing Support to Women and Local Budget Understanding was made. In South Africa, the assembly committee for finance and two non-governmental organisations established the Initiative for Women s Budget in Many researchers were involved in their activities, but economists were represented in the lowest number. They started their activities by analysing national budget items, public sector employment, and taxation. In the following years they prepared studies, reports, and research results, and influenced other groups to consider the impact of budgets on other population groups, above all children and people with disabilities. In 1995 in Brazil, the local government of Refice introduced a system of public consultations regarding budget. In the earliest stages of this process, attention had not been paid to gender inequalities until 2001 when Women's (3 van 7) :48:37

310 Doc Coordination Group was established, with the task to coordinate governmental gender policies. This group started various initiatives to increase women's involvement in participative budgets. One such initiative referred to the creation of recreational facilities to be used by children while their mothers were at meetings where a budget was discussed. Another initiative was related to the introduction of women's meetings with the participation of governmental officials, women's movement representatives, and other activists who searched for ways to increase women's participation in budgeting processes. In 2002 such meetings were transformed into the Women's Thematic Forum that defined the priorities to be applied by the General Council of Participative budgets within the budgeting process. In Uganda, women politicians, who were involved in the preparation of the proposal of a new constitution, established the non-profit organisation, Forum of Women for Democracy (FOWODE), comprised of men and women gender activists. This Forum was active in promoting gender equality with the aim of including gender in all government policies and programmes at all decision-making levels. Thus, this Forum, in cooperation with coalition of specific interest groups in Parliament (with representatives including women, the young, employees, and people with disabilities) did gender-aware budget analysis and organised two conferences on this topic (Maeve Taylor, 2003: 76). The majority of GBIs have developed their own methodologies, adjusting GBI objectives and approaches to their own experiences. In Scotland, for example, GBI is closely connected to the process of transferring political power to the Scottish Government. In Rwanda, it is related to the process of post-conflict reconstruction and social decentralisation; while in Peru, it is mostly located at the level of local communities (Helena Hofbauer Balmori, 2003). Many such initiatives are controlled by governments and sometimes include significant participation of donors. In any case, it is not sufficient to let governments make decisions regarding the gender budgeting process on their own. Therefore, the approach advocated in South Africa is significant, which has connected both civil society and MPs from the very beginning of the gender budgeting process. The Mexican initiative has represented a wide coalition of the civil sector of Mexican society, and as such it has been presented to Parliament. The Application and Benefits of Gender-Sensitive Budget Initiatives Although there is no pattern that would guarantee success in the application of gender budget initiatives, certain strategies may strengthen the gender budgeting process. It seems that central elements of gender budgeting initiatives are to be driven in parallel through the research process and public advocation. As for governmental and civil sector initiatives, it is important that they are based on good knowledge of processes, characteristics, and effects created by the budget. Although no country is able to claim that it has had a fully operational gender budget so far, women's training to impact Public finance is an important element of strengthening gender budgeting. Benefits resulting from gender-sensitive budget analysis flow to governments, women, and citizens. Governmental benefits from gender budget analysis include the improvement of policy efficiency, democratic progress, responsibility, and public strength, as well as ending corruption and all types of discrimination against women. Benefits of gender-sensitive budget analysis for women and other citizens include the intensification of civil initiative, the provision of gender-sensitive data as a basis for fighting corruption and discrimination, consideration of the needs of the poor, and responsibility intensification. Besides growing enthusiasm among donors, governments, and civil society, the majority of gender budget initiatives have been made at the level of analysis, while the key objective of GBI is to integrate gender into the criteria for the planning, formulation, and application of budgets. The key challenge for the majority of GBIs is to move from gender budget analysis to gender sensitive budget formulation (Helena Hofbauer Balmori, 2003:2-3). On this route, it is important to: - Estimate GBI impact: the success of previous GBIs, the difference of GBI types in relation to comprehensive objectives of empowerment, equality, and involvement (engagement, empowerment and equity); - Identify and document specific methodology resulting from the analytical framework; then, test, and focus it on the integration of gender as the criterion in budgeting; - Learn various GBI activity stages, and simultaneously build the capacities of GBI advocates at all levels and in all sectors of society; - Study new approaches, allies, and new objectives, such as participative budget initiatives and gender approaches to gender and budgets based on rights; and - Develop gender-sensitive, participative research techniques that integrate the needs identified at the core of society when formulating a budget, thus intensifying possibilities for broader participation in budgeting. What is necessary to realise GBIs is to interpret them as complementary strategies to the strategies of decreasing poverty and developing the national economy. To be efficient, gender budgeting means partnership among women's organisations, researchers, media, and those creating government policies. Steps in Defining GBI for Serbia: How Would We Like to See Our Budget? In 2002 in Serbia, the Group for the Promotion of Women's Political Rights, Voice of Diversity, in co-operation with (4 van 7) :48:37

311 Doc Institute G17, and the Centre for Alternative Study, researched the competitiveness of women with children in the labour market. In the same year, a group of non-governmental organisations (Association for Women's Initiative, Group for the Promotion of Women's Political Rights, Acting Women, Vojvodjanka, Paz, and Star Network of World Learning) made a campaign for economic equality and empowerment of women from the point of view of economic and social inequality of women in today's Serbia, and they made comments on existing and announced laws. In early 2003, the United Nations Development Programme s Belgrade Office organised a one-day workshop for civil society members in the field of gender equality and specifically in the field of national budgeting in accordance with gender equality. The first step in designing a gender sensitive budget is to define the key problems in Serbia, their causes, and their effects (Law on Budget, 2002, 2004). This is the stage of gender strategy identification that would be adopted by Parliament. Afterwards, proposals should be stated for good, stimulating legal, economic, and political measures, programmes, and activities through additional laws. Budget management should be targeted, but without excessive administration. The existing budget in Serbia is nontransparent. Therefore, mid-term objectives for the Serbian budget are for it to be made according to programmes that will commonly cover definition of the situations to be solved by programmes, including objectives, activities, resources, and indicators of gender concerns. Literature: 1. Andy Norton and Diane Elson, 2002, Key Issues in Understanding Budget Processes in: What is Behind the Budget? Politics, Rights, and Accountability in the Budget Process. London: ODI, pp Budlender, D., Sharp, R. and Allen, K., 1998, How to Do a Gender-Sensitive Budget Analysis: Contemporary Research and Practice, Canberra: Australian Agency for International Development and London: Commonwealth Secretariat 3. Debbie Budlender and Guy Hewitt, 2003, Engendering Budgets, A Practitioners Guide to Understanding and Implementing Gender-Responsive Budgets, London: Commonwealth Secretariat. 4. Debbie Budlender and Julius Mukunda, 2001, Country Experiences in: Gender Responsive Budgeting in East Africa, Kampala: Forum for Women in Democracy, pp Debbie Budlender and Julius Mukunda, 2001, Gender and Macro-Economics in: Gender Responsive Budgeting in East Africa, Kampala: Forum for Women in Democracy, pp Debbie Budlender, 2002 Gender Budgets: What s in It for NGOs? in: Caroline Sweetman ed. Gender and Development and Poverty, Oxfam, Oxford, pp Debbie Budlender, Diane Elson, Guy Hewitt and Tanni Mukhopadhyay (eds.) 2002, Gender Budgets Make Cents, Understanding Gender Responsive Budgets, London: Commonwealth Secretariat, thecommonwealth.org/gender/, 8. Debbie Budlender, Elson Diane, Guy Hewitt and Mukhopadhyay, T. (eds.), 2002, Gender Budgets Make More Cents, Country Studies and Good Practice, London: Commonwealth Secretariat, thecommonwealth.org/pdf/gender/gbmc%201%20understanding%20gb.pf, internationalbudget.org/resources/library/gbmmc.pdf 9. Diane Elson, Gender Budget Initiative, 1999, Background Papers, London: Commonwealth Secretariat Elizabeth Villagomez, 2003, Gender Responsive Budgets: Issues, Good Practices and Policy Options, paper prepared for the Regional Symposium on Gender Mainstreaming in the ECE Region 11. Hazel Reeves and Charlie Sever, 2003, Gender and Budget. Supporting Resources Collection, BRIDGE, London: Institute of Development Studies 12. Hazel Reeves and Haike Wach, 1999, Women s and Gender Budgets: An Annotated Resource List, BRIDGE. Development Gender, Bibliography No. 9, Hazel Reeves, 2003, Information Support for Gender Budget Analysis, Pan Islands Gender Budgets Conference 14. Helena Hofbauer Balmori, 2003, Gender and Budget. Overview Report, BRIDGE. Development gender, London: Institute for Social Studies, (5 van 7) :48:37

312 Doc Isaac Shapiro, ed., 2001, A Guide to Budget Work for NGOs, Washington: Center on Budget and Policy Priorities, The International Budget Project. 16. Karen Judd (ed.), 2002, Gender Budget Initiatives: Strategies, Concepts and Experiences, New York: UNIFEM 17. Katarina Ott (ed.), 2000, Proraèunski vodiè za graðane verzija (Citizen's Guide to the Budget), Zagreb: Institut za javne financije, Katarina Ott (ed.), 2003, Proraèunski vodiè za graðane, ažurirana verzija (Citizen's Guide to the Budget, newer edition) Zagreb: Institut za javne financije, Katarina Ott and Anto Bajo, 2001, Local Government Budgeting in Croatia, Zagreb: Institute of Public Finance. 20. Law on the Budget of the Republic of Serbia for the Year 2002, internal material. 21. Maeve Taylor, 2003, Module 3: Gender Budgeting, in: Looking at the Economy through Women s Eyes. A Facilitator s Guide for Economic Literacy, Dublin: Banulacht, pp Opening Budgets to Public Understanding and Debate: Results from 36 Countries, 2002, Washington: The International Budget Project, 23. Simel Esim, 2000, Gender-Sensitive Budget Initiatives for Latin American and the Caribbean: A Toll for Improving Accountability and Achieving Effective Policy Implementation, paper prepared for Conference on Women of Latin America and Caribbean Beijing +5, Lima, 8-10 February, organizations/healthnet/gender/docs/esim.html 24. Simel Esim, 2000, Impact of Government Budgets on Poverty and Gender Equality, paper written for the Inter-Agency Workshop on Improving the Effectiveness of Integrating Gender into Government Budgets, Commonwealth Secretariat, Marlborough House, London, April Tatjana Djuriæ Kuzmanoviæ and Mirjana Dokmanoviæ, 2004, The Enlarged EU and Its Agenda for a Wider Europe: What Considerations for Gender Equality? EU Neighbouring Countries: the Western Balkans, Brussels: WIDE Infosheet, Tatjana Djuriæ Kuzmanoviæ, Mirjana Dokmanoviæ and Genoveva Tisheva, 2005, Gender Budgeting Initiatives in Serbia and Bulgaria - Experiences and Challenges, paper prepared for the IAFFE-Europe Conference Central and Eastern Europe: A Feminist Economic Dialogue on Transition and EU-Enlargement, Budapest, January 27. Transparency, and Participation, in the Budget Process,2002, Washington: The International Budget Project, 28. Workshop on Gender Sensitisation and Gender Budgeting for Civil Society Organizations, Background papers, March 2003, Beograd: UNDP. 29. Zakon o budžetu Republike Srbije za 2005 godinu (Law on the Budget of the Republic of Serbia for the Year 2005), Beograd: Službeni glasnik Republike Srbije, pp Useful Internet Addresses: International Budget Project Gender Responsive Budget Initiatives UNIFEM, 2002, Gender Budget Initiatives: strategies, concepts and experiences - UNIFEM_GBI_2002.pdf BRIDGE, 2003, Gender and Budgets, BRIDGE Cutting Edge Pack, Brighton: Institute of Development Studies - (6 van 7) :48:37

313 Doc International conference: Taking Civil Society Budget Transparency and Participation Work Forward. Transparency and Participation in the Budget Process Elson, D., 2000, Accountability for the Progress of Women: Women Demanding Action in D. Elson, Progress of the World's Women: UNIFEM Biennial Report, New York: United Nations Development Fund for Women (UNIFEM) (7 van 7) :48:37

314 Security & Militarism SECURITY & MILITARISM Sexual abuse of women and exploitation of children by peacekeepers: Case of Bosnia and Herzegovina and Democratic Republic of Congo By Olivera Simic After the mission in Bosnia and Herzegovina was over, peacekeepers changed locations and countries, in following a war torn societies in need of peace. Still, the crimes perpetuated by peacekeepers against those in need, particularly women and children, did not change. Moreover, it looks like they exacerbated. Gender, Conflict, and Reconciliation: Where are the Men? What about Women? By Olivera Simic Reconciliation is a long-term process that includes the search for truth, justice, healing and forgiveness. It should be a broad and inclusive process that involves each member of a conflict affected society. In addition, the reconciliation process should be engendered because men and women experience war differently. In this regard, before we examine the nature of reconciliation we must acknowledge how conflict involves and affects women and men in different ways. Sex Trafficking: The Impact of War, Militarism and Globalization in Eastern Europe By Vesna Nikolic-Ristanovic, Ph.D. Uneven distribution of wealth has always been among the main generators of sex trafficking. However, only in the past several decades has sex trafficking become a global problem. As Dutch researcher Sietske Altink observes, more and more countries are joining the ranks of sending countries and increasing numbers are becoming target countries. Aspects of External Perceptions of Identity and Group-Belonging By Ann-Charlotte Nilsson The elite-driven conflicts that evolved in Rwanda and Bosnia-Hercegovina were driven by actors that used and manipulated members of the population to carry out violent acts based on ethnicity, and where in numerous cases former friends and neighbors turned into enemies. Maynard terms these types of conflicts, identity conflicts. These are conflicts among identity groups based on factors such as ethnicity or religion, and are characterized by their intense animosity, extreme brutality and widespread involvement by civilian actors in the context of societal collapse. Gender and Armed Conflict an Overview Report By Armani El Jack BRIDGE Armed conflict negatively affects women and men and results in gender-specific disadvantages, particularly for women that are not always recognised or addressed by the mainstream, gender-blind understandings of conflict and reconstruction. Gender inequality reflects power imbalances in social structures that exist in pre-conflict periods and are exacerbated by armed conflict and its aftermath. The acceptance of gender stereotypes is one of the main reasons that such gender blindness persists. 9:48:41

315 Sexual abuse of women and exploitation of children by peacekeepers 1. Introduction Sexual abuse of women and exploitation of children by peacekeepers: Case of Bosnia and Herzegovina and Democratic Republic of Congo By Olivera Simic, LL.M., M.A., gender consultant, Bosnia and Herzegovina The United Nations Organization Mission in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (hereinafter MONUC) is on going mission while the United Nations Mission in Bosnia and Herzegovina (hereinafter UNMIBH) is terminated almost three years ago. [1] Although scandalized with involvement of peacekeepers in trafficking in women and wide sexual abuse, the UNMIBH is graded by international community with a top mark: successful. [2] After the mission was over, peacekeepers changed locations and countries, in following a war torn societies in need of peace. Still, the crimes perpetuated by peacekeepers against those in need, particularly women and children, did not change. Moreover, it looks like they exacerbated. No doubt, the topic of sexual exploitation has always been sexy topic which attracts journalists but also readers around the globe. [3] Moreover, if sexual abuse could be related in any way with the United Nations (hereinafter the UN) and its personnel, that is even more interesting. However, media seems to be not very interested in, for example, economic opportunities mission could bring for local people such as possibility of their employment within the UN system. Indeed, curiosity to highlight positive outcomes that mission might bring to the host country rather then only failures is rarely of any one interest, except of the UN. In addition, the more shocking a title and story the greater is a sense of outrage and disappointment in overall UN system by a common public. People are always disturbed when someone is sexually abused but why particularly when it comes to peacekeepers? Is it about the prefix UN in front of them? Is it because they should be saviors of the vulnerable population not their abusers? Or we like to confirm what we know well: not everything nor everyone is perfect as the UN always likes to leave impression on the worldwide population. In the following essay I will try to explore what has been done so far in the UN system, in particular UNMIBH and MONUC, to address the alarming and growing problem of sexual abuse of women and exploitation of children by peacekeepers while on their missions. I attempt to observe if there were any improvements since 1995 when the UN peacekeeping mission came to Bosnia and Herzegovina and allegations on their involvement in sexual abuse and trafficking in women began to surface. How did UNMIBH respond to these allegations? What mechanisms for protection and prosecution were then and are now in place, if any? Has MONUC learnt a lesson from UNMIBH? Or Boys will be Boys no matter what steps are taken to prevent such occurrences. 2. UNMIBH and MONUC: past and current mission DRC and five regional states signed the Lusaka Ceasefire agreement in July To maintain liaison with the parties and carry out other tasks, the Security Council (hereinafter SC) set up MONUC on 30 November 1999, incorporating personnel authorized in its earlier resolutions. On 24 February 2000, the SC expended its size and mandate. [4] After that time the SC extended its mandate several times. The current mandate is mostly provided by Resolution 1493, dated 28 July 2003, whereby the SC, acting under the Chapter VII of the UN Charter, authorized the increase of MONUCs military strength to 10,800. [5] However, although war was declared over, hostilities persist to this day. Set up in 1995, UNMIBH exercised wide range of functions particularly regarded police reform and law enforcement activities. Both of the missions, UNMIBH and MONUC have had quite similar mandates: disarmaments, demining, human rights, elections, reform of security forces and reestablishing the rule of law. After seven years, following the successful conclusion of its mandate, [6] UNMIBH was terminated on 31 December Although they might be regarded as successful for some activities in their missions they both failed in the same: maintaining discipline and conduct of peacekeepers. And misconduct primarily affects (affected in the case of UNMIBH) women population as well as children in both countries. DRC is country of almost 55 million of people while Bosnia and Herzegovina is 13 times smaller with around 4 million of inhabitants. However, in terms of casualties they both lost almost equal percentage of their population due to war. [7] We do not have gender-segregated data so we do not know how many women lost their lives in those conflicts. What we do know is that almost 75% of Congolese refugees and international displaced persons (IDPs) comprise women and children. [8] Almost the same percentage of women refugees and IDPs was in Bosnia and Herzegovina which confirms world statistical data which says that almost 80% of all refugees and IDPs embrace children and women. [9] Still, this statistic does not say anything about percentage of women as it assumes that women and children are one homogeneous group of people. But, we know they are not. (1 van 9) :48:45

316 Sexual abuse of women and exploitation of children by peacekeepers 3. Peacekeeping missions: fertile soil for sexual abuse? What could be regard as a common feature to both missions is that they have triggered shocking reports on sexual abuse and rape. Although cases of sexual abuse and violence, which has become almost universal characteristic in peacekeeping context [10], were present (and in case of MONUC are still on going) in both missions, the nature of abuse between these two missions is different. For example, while trafficking in women boomed with shipping ten of thousands predominantly male peacekeepers in Bosnia and Herzegovina in 1995 [11], in DRC there are no cases (at least not transparent and publicly known) of involvement of peacekeepers in transnational crime of trafficking in women. DRC is rather source country for women and children trafficked for sexual exploitation, forced labor and soldiering. [12] However, lack of information does not mean absence of trafficking in women and children in Congo. [13] Hence, even if transnational crime of trafficking might not exist currently it could become problem and DRC should be prepared to punish those who might be involved in future trafficking networks. Since Penal Code in DRC does not have specific provision against Trafficking in Women and Children, [14] it should not wait to criminalize trafficking in humans after it becomes overloaded with cases or when it lose such necessity what exactly happened in Bosnia and Herzegovina. [15] In both missions peacekeepers use imbalance of power and have had sex with minors or adults for bizarre amount of money or in exchange for food or other goods. Cases of rape by peacekeepers in Bosnia and Herzegovina were not transparent and particularly known while in DRC they are wide spread. Sharp distinction in welfare between host population and peacekeepers drives opportunity to exercise power and authority over vulnerable population. However, in Bosnia and Herzegovina despite few cases where peacekeepers were sexually abused local minors, the main target were foreign women, victims of trafficking. This is another distinction between MONUC where sexual abuse involves peacekeepers and local girls/women/children while UNMBIH peacekeepers were mainly involved in sexual abuse of alien women. Brothels in Bosnia and Herzegovina were established close to military bases with predominantly women from Romania, Ukraine and Moldova. Having had limited freedom of movement and lots of spare time might be a reason for turning to the nearest brothels and night bars crowded with foreign women. Nonetheless, even the cases, which were actually rumors of a sexual abuse of Bosnia and Herzegovina minors, had as a spot places those just outside the fence of military bases. The stories that had been circling among local population were about local girls mainly from high schools performing oral sex for 5-10 euros in the front of military bases even (some said) through a fence wire. [16] It is difficult to confirm that girls had performed sex for survival in Bosnia and Herzegovina or some other reasons were behind it. However, it is well known that women who were performing sex activities with peacekeepers, with exception of trafficked women [17], were driven by poverty and lack of alternative ways to secure basic human needs for them and their family. Although there are no existing cases of transnational trafficking in DRC, some cases of internal trafficking have been recognized as such. Young local boys act as pimps for MONUC personnel, procurring girls for prostitution. Congo boys earn on average 1US$ for each girl or they end up not being paid at all. These young boys are predominantly minors age 8-18, former child soldiers from whom very few attend the school. [18] The majority of identified female victims were poor village children between 12 and 16 years of age. [19] Finally, I have noticed that Pakistani peacekeepers are one of the nationalities involved in serious allegations in Bosnia and Herzegovina in trafficking (purchasing) of women, in DRC in obstructing efforts to investigate sexual abuse but also in other recent peacekeeping operations (hereinafter PKOs). It would be valuable to do more serious research on possible assumption that some nationalities tend to be more involved in sexual abuse of women than others. That could be valuable in terms of keeping an eye on potential trouble makers but also to work with them more regarding preventive measures. 4. Women status in Bosnia and Herzegovina and DRC Status of women before PKO arrive in a host country should be analyzed and taken into account. Paul Higate as one of explanations for bad attitude towards Congolese women by peacekeepers see in already established imbalance and inequality of gender in DRC itself. In other words, if women are not respected by their own men how and why would you expect them to be respected by male foreign peacekeepers? Also, Higate is addressing the issue of racism by saying that male peacekeepers find Congolese women different from white, educated women back to their home countries. [20] While Bosnia and Herzegovina and Congolese women both live in patriarchal society situation with Congolese women is much different. Bosnia and Herzegovina women before war enjoyed relatively good status and were able to exercise their social and economic rights. Also, women had a high level of literacy, were well educated and employed before war. On the contrary, Congolese women were treated as a second class citizens [21] even before war. Moreover, the law as well social norms defined the role of women and girls as subordinated to men. [22] The Family Code in DRC requires women to obey their husbands who are recognized as heads of households. This is not to say that this is the reason for women to prostitute themselves but I think that previous social status and role of women might be important. Low self esteem of women, high levels of sexual violence during the conflict coupled with a widespread domestic violence and social and law norm that subordinate women to men could lead to a degree of local acceptance of violent and/or exploitative behavior against women and girls. [23] Also, we must keep in mind that DRC was a colony of white men for more that 60 years [24] and therefore white men could be still seen as a superior race that should be obeyed. (2 van 9) :48:45

317 Sexual abuse of women and exploitation of children by peacekeepers Furthermore, particularly after the war, the burden of survival and securing the survival of the family fall profoundly on Congolese women. Hence, survival sex might create a context in which abusive sexual relationships are more accepted, and in which many men-whether civilian or combatant-regard sex as a service [on which he has natural right that comes from his natural needs for performing sex whenever he feels need to do so] easy to get with the use of pressure. [25] This could explain the attitude of victims who were on the whole not aware of having been exploited or victimized, unless the act involved violence such as rape. [26] Yet, even in the cases of rape by accepting the money from the perpetrator, many women settled cases in this way and may even think that they cooperated with abuser by the fact they accepted the money. After this act women might feel guilty and find they do not have any reason to report case of abuse. By giving money or goods in exchange peacekeepers cover up exploitation and rape. It is being done on purpose to show mutual consent and willingness of both sides in the case women speak up and try to prove case of unconsentual sex. Along with stigma, and fear a major factor is also high illiteracy rate among girls which does not make them capable of reading name tags on uniforms of peacekeepers. In this regard, it will be very difficult to expect women to report incidents of sexual abuse and particularly to identify perpetrators. A combination of fear and stigma from her immediate community as well as illiteracy and absence of awareness that she is a victim of serious crime makes the situation very complex. Therefore, the civil society must play an important role as it did in the case of Bosnia and Herzegovina. They should make raising awareness campaigns, open SOS hotlines and try to provide alternatives for women. For Bosnia and Herzegovina women non governmental organizations (NGOs) played enormous role and helped hundreds of women who were trapped in brothels around the country by constant public campaigns, public discussions and statements and as a result of their open attempts to help women very often exposed themselves to life threatening situations. However, I would say that peacekeepers have looked upon women as inferior race in any case. Although it might be true that they are particularly violent towards black women, in Bosnia and Herzegovina they were involved in sexual abuse and trafficking of women from the former Soviet Union who are all white. In Bosnia and Herzegovina we did not have black victims of trafficking. Therefore, I believe that real source of violence is masculinity, in particular military ones, and the attitude it brings toward women in general. As one senior male peacekeeper suggested subordinate status [of women] was linked to their gender and following from this, men could exercise certain sexual rights over them, particularly when they had to share the same accommodation. [27] Truly, Congolese women share the same accommodation since they share the same country as a common place for living with peacekeepers. If peacekeepers share opinion of their senior staff then their level of hostility towards women should not surprise us. In addition, since peacekeepers are military men they are trained to dehumanize the other in order to be able to go into battle without emotional involvement. In the case of rape and sexual exploitation, foreign women are treated by peacekeepers as others. They are not looked upon as human beings with equal values and needs who deserve absolute respect of universal human rights. Prejudices and stereotypes about women of different color, race, social and educational status might be something to consider of importance to be addresses with peacekeepers before their arrival in a host country. How else is it possible to explain that a man who does not have a record of rape or any other crime in his country of origin and maybe never even thought of raping his woman will do all kinds of sexual abuse and exploitation (hereinafter SEA) and humiliate women in other countries? In addition, according to the study done by the UN Division for the Advancement of Women (DAW) it has been found that the incidents of rape fall significantly with just a token female presence men behave better when in the presence of women from their own culture. [28] This might explain difference in a treatment and respect of men towards their own and other women. As Jack Paul Clain [29] said in the documentary Boys will be boys those people [referring to women victims of trafficking by peacekeepers in Bosnia and Herzegovina] will tell you anything accusing them of lying and making false statements. The attitude of devaluation and disrespect some peacekeepers have towards foreign females when they arrive on a mission might be a cause for future potential abuses. 5. What has been done so far to address the issues of SEA in peacekeeping missions? It seems that West Africa had to happen to move things on in terms of bringing new policies. Bosnia and Herzegovina scandals of involvement of peacekeepers in sexual abuse were not good enough to put the policies on SEA in their much needed place. Only after the disgrace which came with UNHCR/SC UK report [30], the UN decided it was a time to do something. Although, sexual exploitation and abuse were always prohibited by the UN Staff Rules and Regulations it seems that very few of the UN staff have been taken this prohibition seriously. Also, the Policy Planning Unit of Department of Peacekeeping Operations (hereinafter DPKO) has issued the Ten Rules- Code of Conduct for Blue Helmets which promulgate expected behavior of every military person taking part in a peacekeeping mission in its paragraph 4 prohibits immoral acts of sexual, physical or psychological abuse or exploitation of the local population or United Nations staff, especially women and children. [31] Beside these general rules which apply to all military peacekeepers wherever they are on the mission, there are also countryspecific codes of conduct developed if a mission has some specific concerns to address. In-country codes of conduct are designed to draw attention to particular problems which have been acknowledged during the mission and are perceived by the mission as highly important to be addressed. MONUCs Code of Conduct has being developed and pronounced in April 2003 and it strictly prohibits any act of sexual abuse and/or exploitation of (3 van 9) :48:45

318 Sexual abuse of women and exploitation of children by peacekeepers members of local community, including children. [32] Still, these rules had to be reinforced and repeated once more by administrative instructions of Secretary General in bulletin on Special measures for protection from sexual exploitation and sexual abuse [33] released in October 2003, almost a year after the Bosnia and Herzegovina mission was over. Also DPKO issued the Compilation of Guidance and Directives on Disciplinary Issues of Personnel Serving in United Nations Peacekeeping and Other Field Missions [34] in 2002 with an aim to reinforce disciplinary procedures. In 2004 the Office of Internal Oversight Services launched an investigation into allegations and published a report on 7 January 2005 which identified 72 allegations of SEA by MONUC peacekeepers. [35] Other measures have also been undertaken to eliminate SEA such as the establishment of non-fraternization policy, comprehensive training and awareness-raising and the installation of a curfew for military contingents. [36] Only 3 years after MONUC had been established, gender issues started to receive attention and action has been taken. Peacekeepers in Bosnia and Herzegovina might have had an excuse since SC Resolution 1325 on Women, Peace and Security (hereinafter SC Resolution 1325) had passed in October 2000, however the precedent for mainstreaming gender into peacekeeping operations had already been established in 1995 in The Beijing Declaration and Platform for Action. Also, throughout 1990s, the language of the UN began to include promoting gender balance in all professional posts and adoption of a strategy called gender mainstreaming. However, UNMIBH beside attempts to work on gender balance did not really work on gender mainstreaming nor did it have a Gender Unit within its mission. We can say that formal inclusion of gender perspectives into peacekeeping operations is therefore an emerging phenomenon. In this regard, prior to adoption of SC Resolution 1325, gender units were established only in two peacekeeping missions. [37] Although MONUC was deployed in 1999, it was only in 2002 that the Gender Unit was set up. In addition, the Code of Conduct Officer was established as a new mechanism for fighting cases on SEA. What certainly did not happen in UNMIBH and was in MONUC is training on gender issues. In MONUC training is done in cooperation with civil society, using both men and women in its delivering. So far, this training has had successful results. [38] One of the UNMIBH tasks was also to closely monitor allegations of local police involvement, and to ensure that the local police internal investigations have been properly conducted. But one might ask who had closely monitored allegations of international police and UN personnel involved in sex abuse and trafficking? Local police were monitored by international police and international police monitored themselves? Moreover those international police officers who were brave enough to speak up about crimes of their fellow officers have been removed from their jobs. [39] Therefore, if allegations or evidence existed about UNMIBH civilian or civilian police involvement, the mission would conduct its own internal investigation and, if necessary, take appropriate measures. [40] Yet, appropriate measures are not defined. The case is the same with MONUC. If a MONUC staff member violates the Code of Conduct the sanction violating these rules would include: summary dismissal and repatriation if applicable. [41] The language of sanctions is too weak and too loose and it seems too much freedom has been allowed to contributing countries for undertaking disciplinary action if necessary. Victims are sure that action is necessary but does anyone ask them? In addition, the member states enjoy absolute autonomy in responding in the ways they consider appropriate. [42] What if a member state s notion of appropriate does not overlap with the wider idea of prosecution and justice but rather with narrow political interests? In majority of cases, appropriate means absolute impunity. Power dynamics and lack of political will by contributing member states to prosecute its citizens do not allow impartiality and justice to take place. Only between 1999 and 2001, UNMIBH took action to protect the human rights of trafficked persons, particularly through the support of the International Organization for Migration (IOM) program of victim protection [43] and creation of anti-trafficking law enforcement units. Six UN policemen in Bosnia and Herzegovina were sent home in 2000 for involvement in prostitution and trafficking of women and therefore exceeding the mandate of IPTF. [44] In July 2001, UNMIBH spokesman said that twenty-four officers had been fired for offenses ranging from bribery to sexual impropriety. [45] In November 2002, UNIMBH gave a statement on the involvement of eleven police officers who were found to have violated codes of professional conduct when frequenting night clubs, and for using sexual services in these establishments. These eleven cases of removal of provisional authorization are the result of the relentless efforts of the IPTF STOP teams in their fight against human trafficking in Bosnia and Herzegovina. [46] However, none of the repatriated police officers have been prosecuted by their country of origin after repatriation from mission. Their immunity was interpreted as absolute impunity for the crimes they committed in the country where the mission was taking place. Fortunately, the situation is progressing, and in the case of DRC member states, more action is taking place with regard to prosecution of their nationals. However, this is not enough, and we have to make sure that the protection of some member states reputation [does not] take precedence over issues such as gender. [47] 6. What else could be done? I would say that we are just at the beginning of the gender road and there is still a lot to be done on the path to achieving gender equality. Although gender units have started to be set up in the last few years they still lack support from the UN in both budget and human resources. There is also a lack of political will within the UN system to fully support work and activities of gender units. In addition, problem of SEA is complex and we should (4 van 9) :48:45

319 Sexual abuse of women and exploitation of children by peacekeepers look at its root causes when trying to develop and implement new strategies. Also, I do believe that our attention should be equally divided between perpetrator and victim as without simultaneously working with both of them I am afraid the problem will not be solved. Therefore, I would suggest following to be done in the future: 1. Develop programs which will target peacekeepers, but which will also address women victims of sexual abuse as well as children. Civil society organisations of the host country should be given the task to raise awareness before peacekeepers come to the country, and to continue the campaigns after their arrival. They should inform the population, in particular women, what might happen with their arrival, especially with regard to SEA. The UN should cooperate closely with civil society and work together to combat SEA. They have to build up confidence within the host country s population and develop cooperation to combat SEA. 2. Since it is much easier to control the UN military personnel (as they live in military bases) than civilian personnel, the UN should develop controlling mechanisms which will be able to follow more closely the UN civilian s life. Civilians live in apartments in cities, they have more freedom of movement and as such it is easier from them to get involved in criminal activities without fear of discovery. Some of them have even had sex slaves living with them in their residences without being discovered for a long time, and some of these cases will never be discovered. 3. Local NGOs as well as UN missions should open SOS hotlines where they will be able to receive anonymous telephone calls, both from victims but also from peacekeepers who know that their colleagues are involved in SEA. People who work in SOS hotlines should be trained and gender-sensitive. SOS hotlines should be confidential and anonymous so there is no fear that someone will be removed from their position as a result of blowing the whistle. 4.An ombudsman position or body should be established outside the UN machinery, which then could receive complaints from civilian population as well as peacekeepers. Such body should (hopefully) also be impartial and composed of people with strong human rights backgrounds. 5. The immunity of peacekeepers should be narrowed and not cover serious violations of human rights, regardless of whether they happen during the mandate of peacekeeping or not. No one should be immune from murder, rape or sexual abuse. These activities (!) are certainly not necessary for the independent exercise of their functions. [48] 6. Member states must, both more states and in more individual cases, start waiving the immunity of their citizens if they commit serious crimes while taking part in a peacekeeping mission. Their political interests and reputation must be sacrificed in the name of accountability and justice. The Secretary General also has to start waiving the immunity of peacekeepers in order to enable local courts to exercise their jurisdiction. I am convinced that if we start waiving immunity in each case that has legal grounds for immunity to be waived, we would have fewer cases of crimes taking place by peacekeepers during peacekeeping missions. 7. Transparency must exist in all cases. More specifically, peacekeepers should be named, and the cases themselves should receive high publicity and coverage. Follow-up on proceedings in peacekeepers home countries, and subsequent reporting back to the local population on what actions have been taken to address the crimes committed are crucial. 8. Reparation to victims of SEA must involve individual peacekeepers (!) and a high financial compensation benchmark should be established. Since money is their main motivator (if not the only one) to join peacekeeping missions we should seriously consider establishing financial punishment. The amount should be significant and be paid directly from the individual peacekeeper s account. This should take place in addition to the peacekeeper s dismissal from the operation, his repatriation, and subsequent appearance before a court in his home country, or alternatively in the mission country s local court in the cases where immunity is waived by the Secretary General. Money paid as a punitive measure by the peacekeeper should go directly to the victim. 9. Trainings on gender and SEA undertaken by civil society organizations, with trainers of both sexes, should utilise lessons learnt from UMNIC in developing training for all subsequent missions, and these changes in training should be implemented as soon as possible. 10. We need to put more emphasis the on the cultural context of host country in relation to the peacekeeper s country of origin. Peacekeepers should be trained not to be only gender-sensitive but also culturally-sensitive. They should also receive training on prejudices, racism and stereotypes. 11. I do agree that peacekeepers should have some short courses (maybe on culture of host country) or sport activities. Their cultural life must be enriched while on mission and not become a case of wasting time. 12. More women should be present in investigation teams in cases of SEA. 13. Civil society and government with support of UN mission should provide alternatives to vulnerable women and develop vocational trainings in their combating prostitution and sexual abuse. 14. Gender training should be broken down into several separate issues which will deal specifically with, for (5 van 9) :48:45

320 Sexual abuse of women and exploitation of children by peacekeepers example, children s rights and abuse of children, women s rights and abuse of women while also highlighting sanctions that will take place in cases of violation. Workshops and discussion groups with small number of men should be developed. Men might be more open and honest in smaller groups. I do not believe that in one training session you can cover all issues. Also, some issues do not necessarily need (maybe it is not possible due to time restriction) to be covered during an induction course, but such issues can be addressed later during the mission. This can be done by using audio-visual materials (e.g. movies). This can ensure as much as possible that an interactive discussion takes place. 15. Identify future trainers since we do not have enough staff to deliver the gender training required. The trainers must also include men who are more gender sensitive and understand the issues involved. They might at the beginning, for example, be modestly financially awarded for their willingness to be involved in training for trainers. This is particularly important because of language barriers. Therefore, until we convince member states to provide pre-deployment gender training, peacekeepers from different nationalities involved in the training can be of help. 16. Push for pre-deployment gender training. Since language is barrier and not everyone can be trained in the country of mission, it should be considered an obligation by the member states to organise pre-deployment gender training. 17. Bring in local civil society organisations to run training sessions, or bring in experts working outside of the UN to run the sessions who have experience in gender issues. 18. Decrease the age of experience for employment with UN civilian police for women. Women who have 8 years or more of experience have much more difficulty in leaving their families to go and work abroad. It is crucial to give opportunities to younger women, eager to learn and prove themselves. They are more willing to travel and do not usually have as many family obligations. 19. Training sessions should be culturally adjusted, both pre-deployment or in-mission. It is not the same to talk about gender to a guy from Norway and from Pakistan. Training should be designed from the prospective of their home country as well as their host country. Peacekeepers should know what they should expect to see in the mission country before they depart. 20. Distribution of condoms during the mission and at the same time prohibiting sexual intercourse sends a confusing message. Under this confused state of affairs, it is impossible to address the issue of safe sex, or to analyse to what extent peacekeepers use condoms for sexual activities, or to even inform them why is may be important to use them in a particular country. 21. The UN must take responsibility for children who were sexually abused, as well as for women. They must take part in the rehabilitation process of the victim and particularly for peace babies who are a result of peacekeepers sexual abuse. 22. More financial and human resources must be dedicated to activities related to mainstreaming gender. 23. Decreasing the number of military personnel in peacekeeping operations and increasing the number of civilian personnel and other staff. Having military boys maintaining peace has not proved successful so far, so it is time to start considering changing the strategy for the effective keeping of peace in a country. 24. If there are more cases of SEA committed by some nationalities, more work should be done with those particular groups of peacekeepers in identifying why this might be the case. This would help for designing better strategy in combating and prevention of SEA in overall peacekeeping missions. 7. Concluding remarks Too much attention has recently been focused on SEA cases in DRC, and the danger is that this exclusive focus results in potential cases of SEA in other missions being ignored. Spotlight on MONUC could be misused for better cover up of the same abuses which as a result could be going unnoticed. Also, if we already know that it is almost inevitable that with the arrival of thousands of predominantly male peacekeepers into a country, the sex industry will boom, it is high time to put all our efforts on prevention measures which will target both: local women and peacekeepers. However, it is a positive development that for the first time more emphasis is being placed on sanctions that will follow misconduct of peacekeepers. In addition, there is now much more publicity on sanctions imposed by member states on their citizens who were repatriated to their home countries for misbehavior. Despite all obstacles on the way to justice, it seems that things are moving in the right direction and that slowly, hopefully, impunity will be translated into accountability and prosecution. This is certainly a big positive step forward in comparison with the UNMIBH. About the author: Olivera Simic, Bosnia and Herzegovina, LLM and MA, holds LLM degree in International Human Rights Law (Essex University, UK, 2003) and MA in Gender and Peacebuilding (University for Peace, Costa Rica, 2005). Currently, she works as Gender Expert and Consultant for different agencies. For almost decade she has been working on women and children human rights as related to these topics. She worked as legal fellow in Human Rights Watch, (6 van 9) :48:45

321 Sexual abuse of women and exploitation of children by peacekeepers one of the biggest NGOs in the USA as well as in UNICEF office in Bosnia and Herzegovina where she was leading projects related to trafficking in children and gender based violence. Contact: [1] UNMIBH was terminated on 31 December [2] See: < accessed 28 August 2005 [3] The author used secondary sources, primarely articles, news and very few scholar papers that was possible to find on Internet in order to made this research. Other written materials, such as hard copy journals or articles that might consider this topic were not accessible to the author at the time this article was made. [4] MONUC For more see:< accessed 9 March 2005 [5] MONUC s Mandate & Resolutions. For more see:< accessed 11 March 2005 [6] UNMIBH, Supra, no. 1 [7] DRC has lost 7, 3% and Bosnia and Herzegovina 7,5% of population. In DRC, about 3.8 million people have died in the conflict, according to the International Rescue Committee, making it the most deadly since World War II. For more see: CNN UN accuses force of sex abuse, < accessed 12 March 2005 [8] P Higate, Gender and Peacekeeping, case studies: The Democratic Republic of the Congo and Sierra Leone Institute for Security Studies (ISS) Monograph Series, no. 91, March 2004 p. 10 [9] UNHCR: The world of Refugee Women. For more see: accesses 10 March 2005 [10] Ibid. p. 6 [11] M Rees, Market, Migration and Forced Prostitution Humanitarian Practice Newsletter 14 June 1999 in P Higate, Supra, n. 8 p. 21 [12] Country Narrative DRC (Tier2 Watch List) For more see:< accessed 11 March 2005 [13] N Masamba Sita, Trafficking in women and children: Situation and some trends in African countries See:< accessed 11 March 2005 [14] Ibid. p. 4 [15] Only in 2002 we adopted specific provision in our Criminal Code which deals with the crime of transnational trafficking although problem has existed in the country since [16] These were rummors among local population which the author belongs to. It is very hard, almost impossible to find any written prove of such behavior since authorities in peackeeping missions did not want this information to go out in public. Therefore, author received lot of data through informal conversation with local people as well as with some of peacekeepers who were on the mission at the time being. [17] Victims of trafficking are forced by their pimps on sex slavering. They do not earn money, are life threatened and tortured all the time. [18] UN General Assembly, Fifty ninth session Investigation by the Office of Internal Oversight Services into allegations of sexual exploitations and abuse in the United Nations Organization Mission in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (5 January 2005) p. 8 para 26 For more see:< accessed 13 March 2005 [19] Ibid para 25 [20] P Higate, Supra, no. 8. p (7 van 9) :48:45

322 Sexual abuse of women and exploitation of children by peacekeepers [21] Human Rights Watch (HRW) The war within the war. Sexual Violence against Women and Girls in Eastern Congo (New York, Washington, London, Brussels, HRW, 2002) p. 20 For more see: < >, accessed 11 March 2005 [22] Ibid. [23] Statement of women organizations in DRC. Internal document Report on mission to the DRC and Austria 24 October - 3 November 2004 p. 3 [24] DRC, Microsoft Encarta Encyclopedia Standard 2004 [25] HRW, Supra, n. 21. p. 21 [26] Ibid p. 4 [27] P Higate, Supra, n. 8 p. 14 [28] G J DeGroot, A Few Good Women: Gender Stereotypes, the Military and Peacekeeping, in Louise Olsson and Torrun Tryggestad, Women and International Peacekeeping (London, Frank Cass, 2001) p. 37 [29] Jack Paul Clain was the Head of the UNMIBH. [30] Sexual violence and exploitation: the experience of refugee children in Liberia, Sierra Leone and Guinea (UNHCR/SC UK, 2002) For full report see: < accessed 11 March 2005 [31] S A Corcoran, Women and Peacekeeping The UN Women s Newsletter Vol. 4 No. 2 Jun-July For more see:< >, accessed 10 March 2005 [32] P Higate, Supra, n. 8 p. 25 [33] ST/SGB/2003/13 See:< >, accessed 9 March 2005 [34] For more see:< >, accessed 13 March 2005 [35] Letter from the Secretary General to the Security Council introducing new measures for UN peacekeepers in DRC to address the allegations of widespread sexual exploitation and abuse (9 February 2005) For more see: < accessed 7 March 2005 [36] Ibid. [37] S Whitworth, Men, Militarism and UN Peacekeeping. A Gender Analysis (London, Lynne Reinner Publishers, 2004) p. 130 [38] P Higate, Supra, n. 8 p. 29 [39] Kathryn Bolkovac, a former IPTF gender officer from the U.S. served in UNMIBH. [40] UNMIBH launches STOP (Special Trafficking Operation Programme), For mote see:< >, accessed 8 March 2005 [41] P Higate, Supra, n. 8 p. 25 [42] Ibid p. 24 [43] IOM provides for the safe return home of trafficked girls and women entrapped in the sex industry in Bosnia and Herzegovina. IOM offers shelter, counseling, medical care, and transportation home for these women. To implement this project, IOM co-operates with IPTF, the OHCHR, local NGOs and many governments. See: < accessed 25 February (8 van 9) :48:45

323 Sexual abuse of women and exploitation of children by peacekeepers [44] HRW interview with deputy commissioner, IPTF, Sarajevo, 9 April HRW, supra, n. 12, at. 49 in Human Rights Watch (HRW), Hopes Betrayed: Trafficking of Women and Girls to Post-Conflict Bosnia and Herzegovina for Forced Prostitution, November 2002, Vol. 14, No. 9 (D). [45] William Kole and Aida Cerkez-Robinson, U.N. Police Accused of Involvement in Prostitution in Bosnia, Associated Press, 26 July [46] K Haupt, UNMIBH, Transcript-Press Conference, 17 October 2002, see:< accessed 11 March 2005 [47] S Whitworth, Supra, n. 37 p. 120 [48] 1961 Vienna Convention on Diplomatic Relations ( 7310 U.N.T.S. 96) (9 van 9) :48:45

324 Gender, Conflict, and Reconciliation: Where are the Men? What about Women? Introduction Gender, Conflict, and Reconciliation: Where are the Men? What about Women? By Olivera Simic, LL.M., M.A., gender consultant, Bosnia and Herzegovina Reconciliation is a long-term process that includes the search for truth, justice, healing and forgiveness. It should be a broad and inclusive process that involves each member of a conflict affected society. In addition, the reconciliation process should be engendered because men and women experience war differently. In this regard, before we examine the nature of reconciliation we must acknowledge how conflict involves and affects women and men in different ways. The following paper has three sections. The first section explores gender roles and militarization and how the social construction of masculinity and femininity nourishes and legitimizes militarism. In the second section, I highlight why and how gender roles shifts when war starts. Besides suffering, the conflict can trigger enormous strength and agency in women that they would not otherwise have the opportunity to exercise because of the patriarchal structures in their societies. Empowerment moves women from the private to the public sphere, which is usually reserved exclusively for men. Women are not only victims of war but capable and autonomous individuals who play an important role as peacemakers. However, at the end of the war, women frequently loose the gains they made during the war. In addition, women are rarely included in official peace negotiations where they could articulate their needs and concerns. Finally, third chapter will explore the aftermath of conflict and question the role of men and women in peace building and reconciliation. Do women and men have the same interests and concerns in reconciliation process? If they do not, why is that? 1. Gender and Militarism Militarism is an ideology structured around creating enemies and perceiving the other as a threat to one s own security. The other is defined by making a distinction between people, countries, religions or ethnic groups whereas the other is asserted to be less then Once distinction is made and accepted the other must be destroyed or she/he will destroy us. [1] The enemy is portrayed as both absolute and abstract in order to sharply distinguish the act of killing from the act of murder. [2] By dehumanizing the other and creating a sense of victimhood, authorities can convince their constituencies that war is unavoidable they must act in defense. [3] The sense of manhood and being male is challenged and manipulated by the state in order to sustain authority and public legitimacy of the military. The state has to ensure that militarization prevails and that men are willing to serve the army and go to combat. Authorities have to feed the ego and social construction of men as a brave and strong. Men are made to believe that serving in the military is a chance of a lifetime because it will enable them to prove the socially constructed male attributes. In combat, they become warriors. Furthermore, a soldier is portrayed as a warrior who self-sacrificially protects women, children and others who are in need of protection. It is very an important motivator for military recruitment. The concept of protected is crucial to the legitimacy of force and violence. Moreover, a protector needs to have an object of protection, something worth fighting for. When men are sent into war to protect their home and country, they are told to protect their womenfolk from defilement by enemy men. Women are usually perceived as objects who need protection but also create pressure and guilt in men if they have any doubt about war. In general, women are often seen solely as victims that men need to fight and even dying for. Militarism is important during war but also during the peacetime. [4] Hence, militarism is probably even more important before the war since war cannot be conducted unless militarism is nurtured before the war started. It is a form of structural violence imposed by the state, largely through mass rallies and state controlled media. However, for women who rather work towards common interests across conflict lines, it is harder to cast the enemy as the other. Their concerns about their children and family members give them a social legitimacy and a linkage with women from different sides of the conflict. [5] Indeed, women who first stand up against the war and sympathize with women across the ethnic lines are usually mothers whose sons are drafted into the war. Without any doubt it is of immensely importance for women to protest against war, hence it is a danger that only women mothers appear to upraise as protestors of a war. Women mothers are deliberately used as a part of militarism propaganda and their protests are presented in a (1 van 8) :48:52

325 Gender, Conflict, and Reconciliation: Where are the Men? What about Women? way that justifies claims of the national leaders about necessity of fighting to defend women and children. Media often chose to ignore the presence of some men but also single women in the demonstrations. It is once more denial of selfhood to women. [6] Women s identities are reshaped and engaged by authorities consisted of men for the sake of realization their successful national projects. It seems that their identities are only useful as procreators of children, culture and suddenly valued old, almost forgotten traditions. For that reason, reproduction in both biological and social sense is fundamental to national politics and practices. Finally, their heterosexuality has never been questioned. It was taken for granted that all women are heterosexual, fertile and willing to reproduce the nation. 2. Gender and War While there is a lot of information about women as victims, we have insignificant records about women s increase in independence and self-confidence as a result of conflict. [7] Media repeatedly covers abuses women endure during the war but they fail to focus on the actions taken by women as autonomous actors. Images of women as victims have serious consequences on the public s awareness of war. It impedes the recognition of unique solutions that women might propose. Indeed, women are victims of war but they are also survivors. Gender-based violence often exists on a wide-scale before the war but once violence increases, gender based violence does not disappear. Rather it escalates in a size but also in severity of abuses. [8] Women become battlefields and tools of severe tactics for males, warriors. Multiple layers of discrimination allow women to be targeted and experience violence, sexual abuse or slavery. The pre-existing culture of discrimination is often exacerbated. [9] As Cockburn said while men s lives and bodies are at disposal of the nation, women s bodies are at the disposal of men. [10] In fact, rape of the other women is seen as the most effective way of penetrating an enemy nation s defences, destroying its property [and] hurting its morale. [11] Since women are viewed as possessions of their men, when a woman is raped during the conflict it has been perceived as an effective attack on the manhood of her man. They are specifically and deliberately targeted to humiliate and degrade the enemy, his culture, the ethnic and the religious group. On the other hand, women are also empowered in the conflict by sudden shifts in gender roles. Conflict can open up unintended spaces for empowering women to create structural social transformations and produce new realities that redefine gender. [12] Women step out from their traditional roles in order to meet social and economic demands of war. Some women become for the first time sole breadwinners, active in politics and become leaders. Good example is women of Srebrenica who survived Srebrenica genocide. [13] The women of Srebrenica were forcibly evacuated from the enclave and today the majority of them live as displaced persons in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Prior to the war Srebrenica was male dominated society and males were the primary breadwinners and the heads of households. War, as well as the post-war situation, have dramatically changed women s roles. The role of primary breadwinner has now shifted to women. The majority of these women find themselves in this role for the very first time in their lives since Bosnia and Herzegovina is still very much a patriarchal society. Women from Srebrenica have on average less education then men and the majority were housewives prior to the war. The challenge to survive in the absence of men, create this sudden expansion of women s private as well as public roles. They organize formal and informal small local groups with an aim to provide relief to vulnerable populations, primarily women, elderly and children. As many men cannot move freely, in a fear of being hunted by military police and send to front lines, public space is left to women. [14] All the same, women use their traditional invisibility in the public sphere to create space for their activism. Many women start to work in informal sector, trying to provide minimum income for survival of their families, while men are in combat or hidden home. They are in situations to control their incomes and make decisions regarding distribution of their financial assets. Women redefine traditional gender roles prescribed by society in order to empower themselves and other women. New, committed women leaders are born and many of them assume leadership roles in the aftermath of war. Since women have multiple roles, it is very difficult to draw the line between women as victims and women as agents of change within the society. They can be at the same time victims but also agents of important change and usually bear these mutual roles. Their roles merge and make complex task set before society: to be recognized not only as victims but also as autonomous individuals who are capable to take action and demand the change. 3. Gender and Reconciliation Reconciliation is a complex term that can mean different things to different people. [15] Reconciliation can entail a variety of activities and actors within one country. They can include public hearings, rituals, retributive justice, symbolic acts of forgiveness or material compensation to be paid by the guilty side. However, whatever might be chosen as traditional way of healing and reconciliation, organizers and participants are almost universally men. [16] These practices tend to exclude women from active roles and tend to be about peace building efforts between men. As a result of gendered local politics and asymmetry of gender power women voices are often ignored and marginalized. (2 van 8) :48:52

326 Gender, Conflict, and Reconciliation: Where are the Men? What about Women? The issue of reconciliation has special importance and specific meaning for women that might differ from men. For example, amnesty does not mean the same for men and for women. For men, it relief them from responsibility and accountability for crimes, including those committed towards women. Therefore, they might never realize or comprehend and regret for severity of crimes committed towards women. On the other hand, amnesty leaves women vulnerable for further attacks, particularly when the attacker was a former neighbor, what commonly happen in civil wars. For example, in Bosnia and Herzegovina there are around people suspected for committing war crimes who still enjoy freedom, live and work in the country. [17] All of them live next to their former enemies and victims. In addition, women are sexually vulnerable during a conflict in the way men are not. They suffer abuses that are rarely inflicted upon men such as mass rapes, enforced pregnancies or sex slavering. Their experience of the conflict demands special attention because it is different from men s. For those women, reconciliation should acknowledge the gender specific violence so perpetrators are appropriately punished. However, punishment does not have to be necessarily retributive in its nature, it could be restorative. Instead of systematic punishment justified on grounds of the wrongdoing committed by a criminal and addressed by the action aganist criminal, restorative justice strives to achieve reconciliation between crime victims and the persons who have harmed them through the use of various non conflict resolution forms. [18] Also, for war widows reconciliation can include compensation and application of inheritance and family laws that recognize them as main family providers. [19] Women s suffering should be publicly recognized. However, women often do not have political and social power to address their concerns. Moreover, even when they have space to address their abuses, they do not feel comfortable speaking about sexual abuses in public hearings with males, their family, or community members. Even quite successful, South African model established by Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) was not gender sensitive. The debates were weak on extracting the truth about women. According to official statistics of who made statements to the Commission, more than 55 per cent were women; however they only talked about experiences of their menfolk and their children. [20] Women did not talk about their own experiences, about themselves. In general, men spoke directly about their own experiences while women, for the most part, addressed suffering of others, often men and children. According to some researches, some women did that intentionally in order to bring out their son s sory since men spoke about themselves when they come to the truth commission. Therefore, they think it is them (women) who should bring these stories, as there is no one else to do so. [21] Reconciliation can bring relief, but it also can bring stigma and shame for women. By coming forward to testify, in some situations, women and girls bring social shame not only on themselves but on their family members as well. This might have fatal consequences for women s future. They can become ostracized from community, targeted for the rape or deemed unmarriageable. Moreover, between risking of future and remain to live in their communities and valid prosecution of perpetrator there might exist a big imbalance so women might decide not to talk. In addition, even when they decide to speak up and risk social shame and their safety they can encounter legal difficulties. For example, Bosnia and Herzegovina law considers rape only as being penis-vagina penetration. Therefore, the woman who had an AK-47 shoved up in her vagina was not legally raped. Instead, the perpetrator committed an indecent act. [22] Furthermore, almost all peace processes do not have women present during the negotiations among conflict parties. Therefore, women s needs and concerns are left out form final peace agreements that often have longterm impact on future society. Peace agreements are not just about establishing a cease-fire but they are a framework for rebuilding and restructuring a whole war torn society. Men are involved in creation of reconstruction plans, which are very often gender blind. Men present at the negotiating table are usually interested in distribution of the land and the future power in the state. Who will rule the country and who will have more power in governmental structures are more of a priority than issues women might propose. Moreover, while transitioning from war to peace, men still keep high-masculinized society in which budget and all sources are tend to be allocated primarily to security issues. In Bosnia and Herzegovina, both national and international community (read men) have been primarily concerned with establishing the national army and international security forces. In this way, they (again) brought into the country large scale of weapons and military men who cost huge amount of money that could rather be spent for health and education. Men often do not see or they do not want to see that there is a need for formal recognition and acknowledgement of gender transformation that happen during the war. To recognize the strengths of women might be seen as threatening to the preservation of patriarchal society. Indeed, that would be the first step toward loosening patriarchal structures. Furthermore, militarism needs militarized masculinity in order to exist. Militarism needs men willing to fight. It nourishes warrior identity in men; his unique strength and his courageous and protective role. Still, with becoming a protector of the homeland, men loose his primary role as provider and breadwinner. This position can create clashes of masculinity interests and roles, resulting in frustration and anger particularly after the conflict when men have to rely on women who have assumed the role as family provider during the conflict. The effects of militarism are hard for women before and during the conflict but especially in the post-conflict period. Men returning from battlefields transfer their power to commit violence from war zone to their family but also their wider community. Long term separation from women prevented men to observe and rationally accept that women got another, more active role and proven that they are able to undertake male role in the family. The majority of men, after coming form war fields are jobless; their increase in usage of alcohol and practicing (3 van 8) :48:52

327 Gender, Conflict, and Reconciliation: Where are the Men? What about Women? domestic violence becomes apparent. [23] Being dependant on women s income might be quite frustrating and humiliating for men. Therefore, reconciliation process should recognize gender issues, relationships between men and women, in addition to cross-ethnic and religious issues that might have been the initial causes of the war. Reconciliation should reach all levels of a community. Reconciliation cannot be imposed by outside actors. Peace builders have an important role to play in any reconciliation process, but only after acknowledging the traditional ways addressing justice and forgiveness within a community. As a long-term process, reconciliation requires time and patience. Rehabilitation of victims and reconciliation between victim and perpetrator cannot be satisfied immediate after violent conflict. [24] If the need for change and reconciliation is not internalized, there is likelihood that change will be temporary. [25] As Zehr describes, the heart of reconciliation is the voluntary initiative of the conflict parties to acknowledge their responsibility and guilt. [26] However, acknowledgment of crime does not necessarily have to be linked with accepting the guilt for particular event. In the case of Dragoljub Kunarac at The Hague [27], on trial for mistreatment of women in Foca, he did not deny having had sexual intercourse with number of Muslim girls and women. However, Kunarac argued that the woman did not feel severe mental pain or damage because he had intercourse with her after she had been gang-raped by his comrades. [28] Radomir Kovac, Kunarac s codefendant, said that he believed that his victims had consented to intercourse because they did not forcefully resisted throughout the act and because he was in love with one of them. Moreover, he did not consider them as slaves since they had the key from his house and could escape at any time. Hence, Kovac did not clarify where Muslim girls could escape without money and clothes in Serb-controlled Foca in [29] Therefore, while Kovac [30] acknowledged that the rape happened there was a lack of guilt associated to the event. There was not a sense of responsibility and regret for the events that had occurred. Moreover, it almost seems that women enjoyed in being sex slaves and gang raped. The fact that Kovac was in love with one of them gave him assumed credibility to rape. Finally, none of them perceive those events as rapes since there was no forceful resistance on behalf of women. Admission of ones guilt and preach for forgiveness is one of the first steps toward reconciliation. If that is the goal, how we are going to move on with mentioned attitude? Men from both side of the conflict do not want to be accused for sexual crimes during the war since it happened in both sides. That is something in common for warring parties since sexual violence towards women is a common crime for all of them. Indeed, they would rather forget about it and move on but women cannot forget. They might forgive but certainly after male perpetrators, at least admit their acts and being held accountable in one way or the other. Therefore, for some women the truth as well as the confessional truth on behalf of perpetrators is needed. They need to acknowledge that perpetrator is really aware what he did and fell regret for it. For others, the identification of truth on those who committed the crimes and asking the victims for forgiveness have to happen in order to be able to move ahead. [31] Looking at the worldwide civil society grassroots projects and who is in majority of them engaged, one might say that women are more interested in process of truth and reconciliation. Indeed, many NGOs emerge at the outbreak of conflict and they are mainly female. [32] However, there are reconciliation activities initiated by men, former soldiers, in forms of public witnessing through which men in public spaces talk about their experiences and regret for their actions. However, there is a need that in this kind of debates, men besides apologizing to each other for committing the crimes do so towards women as well. Women s roles in reconciliation processes are complex, reflecting the multiple roles women have in one society. Their approach and life has to be holistically viewed since women symbolize peace educators within the family, in schools, in women s and mixed associations, and elsewhere. Their networks and knowledge of local affairs make them effective early warning monitors, alert for increasing tensions and others signs of potential conflict. Their often-extensive kinship relations, social prospects and training can make women highly effective mediators. Moreover, their status as outsiders and the perception that they are not primary stakeholders in conflict also reveals a role of possibly better negotiators and originators of new approaches to peace. [33] Without devaluation of destructions war brings itself, war also breaks down the patriarchal structures of society that degrade and confine political, civil and other liberties of women. It breaks down traditions and customs often imposed on women in order to control their behavior in society. Hence, war also creates space and opens up the door for new beginnings. [34] However, with demobilization of combatants, who are most often predominately men, there is a parallel process of demobilization of women from their new gained roles during war. With stripping of their military clothes and arms and going back into status prior to a war, men assume that women should do the same. They should be stripped of their painfully gained roles during a conflict: economic freedoms and independence. Therefore, the reintegration of demobilized combatants and demilitarization of masculinity clashes with women acquired mobilization during a conflict and their wishes to preserve it. To conclude, return to peace for women usually means return to the gender status quo that is irrespective of the nontraditional roles assumed by women during conflict. [35] How to keep and consolidate the gains made during the conflict is a challenge for women in many post conflict societies. Conclusion Building a culture of peace is a process that should involve both men and women to question different types of (4 van 8) :48:52

328 Gender, Conflict, and Reconciliation: Where are the Men? What about Women? violence, injustice and discrimination. Also, they should bear in mind that security cannot be measured through arms and guns but by measuring level of understanding among people. If the men in power continue to perceive women primarily as victims, war widows, or heroic mothers, we have little room for post conflict social transformation. [36] In order to change this perception women have to play an important role as well. They also sometimes expose only their role as a victim and by doing so, perpetuate gender stereotypes about women solely seen as victims. Indeed, women are victims of the war but they are also survivors. However, women are often perceived as passive victims due to wide range of violence they experience during the war. Media repeatedly highlights information that describes abuses women endure during the war while ignoring the actions taken by women as autonomous actors. Images of women as victims that convey in public have serious consequences on awareness of different impacts war have on men and women and impede the recognition of creative and new solutions that women might propose. Our common task should be not to abolish but to reshape gender roles. In other words, we should work to disconnect courage from violence as well as ambition from domination and exploitation. [37] The courage does not mean using violence nor ambition and power have to include domination over other less powered. Both men and women have the potential for peacemaking and the responsibility to build and keep the peace. In order to achieve this, we have to promote peace education not only in schools but also in other arenas such work places, community organizations, labor markets, mass media, science, and within family relationships. About the author: Olivera Simic, Bosnia and Herzegovina, LLM and MA, holds LLM degree in International Human Rights Law (Essex University, UK, 2003) and MA in Gender and Peacebuilding (University for Peace, Costa Rica, 2005). Currently, she works as Gender Expert and Consultant for different agencies. For almost decade she has been working on women and children human rights as related to these topics. She worked as legal fellow in Human Rights Watch, one of the biggest NGOs in the USA as well as in UNICEF office in Bosnia and Herzegovina where she was leading projects related to trafficking in children and gender based violence. Contact: [email protected] BIBLIOGRAPHY Books S. Meintjes, A. Pillay, and M. Turshen, (eds) The Aftermath: Women in Post Conflict Transformation (London, Zed Books, 2001) S. Cockburn, The Space Between Us: Negotiating Gender and National Identities in Conflict (London and New York, Zed Books, 1998) S. Hunt, This was not our war, Bosnian women reclaiming the peace (Durham & London, Duke University Press, 2004) Articles, Reports, Jornals ACCORD, Conflict trends, Special Issue on Women, Peace and Security 3/2003. (The African Center for the Constructive Resolution of Disputes and UNIFEM, South Africa, 2003) D. Pankhurst, Issues of Justice and Reconciliation in Complex Political Emergencies Third World Quarterly January 20, 1999 p D. Pankhurts, Mainstreaming Gender in Peacebuilding: A Framework for Action (London, Women Building Peace, 2000) at 24 D. Wilson, M Pilisuk, M. Lee, Understanding Militarism, Money, Masculinity and the Search for the Mystical, in Christie, D., Wagner, R.; and Winter, D. Peace Conflict and Violence: Peace Psychology for the 21 st century (New Jersey, Prentice Press, 2001) E. Cynthia, Deminlitarization-or more of the same? Feminist questions to ask in the postwar moment, in Cookburn, C., Zarkov, D. (Eds), The PostWar Moment, Militaries, Masculinities and International Peacekeeping (London, Lawrence & Wishart, 2002) H. Zehr, Restorative Justice in Reychler, L., and Paffenholz, T. (eds) Peacebuilding: A Field Guide (Lynne Rienner: Boulder, 2001) Infoteka, To Live With (out) Violence: Final Report [on] Violence against Women [in] Zenica, Bosnia and Herzegovina A Second Look, no. 2 (Zagreb, Infoteka, 1999) K. Kurtenbach, Dealing with the Past in Latin America in Reychler, L., and Paffenholz, T. (eds) Peacebuilding: A Field Guide (Lynne Rienner: Boulder, 2001) (5 van 8) :48:52

329 Gender, Conflict, and Reconciliation: Where are the Men? What about Women? L. Marshall, The connection between militarism and violence against women (26 February 2004) For more see: < >, accessed 3 March 2005 M. Turshen, Women s War Stories in What Women Do in War-time:Gender and Conflict in Africa, ed. Tushen, M. and Twagiramariya, C. (London, Zed Books, 1998) N. Puechguirbal, Women and War in the Democratic Republic of Congo in Signs, Journal of Women in Cutlure and Society (USA, The University of Chicago Press, August 2003) R. Connell, Arms and the men: using the new research on masculinity to understand violence and promote peace in the contemporary world in Breines, I., Connel, R., Eide, I., Male roles, masculinities and violence: A culture of peace perspective (UNESCO Publishing, 9-17 and 21-33, 2000) S. Ruddick, Mother s and Men s Wars in Harris, A., King, Y. Rocking the Ship of State (Westview Press, San Francisco and London) S. Slapsek, Hunting, ruling, sacrificing: traditional male practicies in contemporary Balkan cultures in I Breines, R Connell and I Eide., Male roles, masculinities and violence, A culture of peace perspective (Paris, UNESCO, 2000) V. Nikolic-Ristanovic, Truth, reconciliation and victims in Serbia: the process so far (New Horizons for Victimology XI th International Symposium on Victimology Stellenbosch, South Africa July, 2003) Draft paper Women, Peace and Security, At a Glance (UN Department of Public Information, 2003) Y. Sooka, Keynote Address to The Aftermath: Conference on Women in Post-war Situations (University of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg, South Africa, July 20-22, 1999) Research Anonymous (after Adolph Treidler), Untitled, ca , lithograph, 40 x 26 1/2 in.,slu See: < accessed 4 April 2005 Google on Gender. For more see:< accessed 3 April 2005 Google images on Gender and Peace. For more see: < accessed 3 April 2005 Bloofield, D., Reconciliation: am Introduction Available at: < accessed 2 April 2005 Anderson, S., Women s Many Roles in Reconciliation, see: < accessed 30 March 2005 E Hoffer, Retributive and Restorative Justice For more see: accessed 1 October 2005 Qoute from Ann-Maric. Pumla Gobodo-Madikizela Women s Contributions to South Africa s Truth and Reconcilliation Commission (Women Waging Peace, Hunt Alternative Fund, February 2005) For more see: accessed 23 September 2005 Cases ICTY, Transcript, Prosecutor v. Dragoljub Kunarac, Radomir Kovac and Zoran Vukovic, Foca case nos. IT T, IT-96-23/1-T (2002) ICTY, Appeals Judgment, Prosecutor v. Kunarac, Kovac and Vukovic, Foca case nos. IT PT, IT-96-23/1-PT (2002) [1] Marshall, L., The connection between militarism and violence against women (26 February 2004) For more (6 van 8) :48:52

330 Gender, Conflict, and Reconciliation: Where are the Men? What about Women? see: accessed 3 March 2005 [2] Ruddick, S. Mother s and Men s Wars in Harris, A., King, Y. Rocking the Ship of State (Westview Press, San Francisco and London) p. 79 [3] Nikolic-Ristanovic, V., Truth, reconciliation and victims in Serbia: the process so far (New Horizons for Victimology XI th International Symposium on Victimology Stellenbosch, South Africa July, 2003) Draft paper [4] Wilson, D.; Pilisuk, M.; Lee, M., Understanding Militarism, Money, Masculinity and the Search for the Mystical, in Christie, D., Wagner, R.; and Winter, D. Peace Conflict and Violence: Peace Psychology for the 21 st century (New Jersey, Prentice Press, 2001) p. 324 [5] Women, Peace and Security, At a Glance (UN Department of Public Information, 2003) at 11 [6] Cockburn, S., The Space Between Us: Negotiating Gender and National Identities in Conflict (London and New York, Zed Books, 1998) p. 167 [7] Puechguirbal, N., Women and War in the Democratic Republic of Congo in Signs, Journal of Women in Culture and Society (USA, The University of Chicago Press, August 2003) [8] J Barry, Rising up in response (Women in Black, Belgrade, 2005) p. 70 [9] ACCORD, Conflict trends, Special Issue on Women, Peace and Security 3/2003. (The African Center for the Constructive Resolution of Disputes and UNIFEM, South Africa, 2003) at 31 [10] Cockburn, C., Supra n. 7, p. 43 [11] Ibid p. 43 [12] Meintjes, S., Pillay, A., and Turshen, M. (eds) The Aftermath: Women in Post Conflict Transformation (Londo, Zed Books, 2001)at 6 [13] For more see: Gendercide Watch, Case Study: Srebrenica Massacre, July Text available at: < accessed 21 October 2005 [14] Slapsek, S., Hunting, ruling, sacrificing: traditional male practicies in contemporary Balkan cultures in I Breines, R Connell and I Eide., Male roles, masculinities and violence, A culture of peace perspective (Paris, UNESCO, 2000)p. 139 [15] Pankhurst, D., Issues of Justice and Reconciliation in Complex Political Emergencies Third World Quarterly January 20, 1999 p [16] Pankhurts, D., Mainstreaming Gender in Peacebuilding: A Framework for Action (London, Women Building Peace, 2000) at 24 [17] International Conference on Truth, Reconciliation and Global Human Rights, Sarajevo, August 2005, Statement from Criminal Court of BiH [18] E Hoffer, Retributive and Restorative Justice For more see: accessed 1 October 2005 [19] Bloofield, D., Reconciliation: am Introduction Available at: < accessed 2 April 2005 [20] Sooka, Y., Keynote Address to The Aftermath: Conference on Women in Post-war Situations (University of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg, South Africa, July 20-22, 1999) [21] Qoute from Ann-Maric. Pumla Gobodo-Madikizela Women s Contributions to South Africa s Truth and Reconcilliation Commission (Women Waging Peace, Hunt Alternative Fund, February 2005) For more see: < accessed 23 September 2005 [22] Infoteka, To Live With (out) Violence: Final Report [on] Violence against Women [in] Zenica, Bosnia and Herzegovina A Second Look, no. 2 (Zagreb, Infoteka, 1999) (7 van 8) :48:52

331 Gender, Conflict, and Reconciliation: Where are the Men? What about Women? [23] Nikolic-Ristanovic, V., Social Change, Gender and Violence: Post-Communist a nd War Affected Societies (Kluwer, Dordrecht, Boston, London, 2002), at. 99 [24] Kurtenbach, K., Dealing with the Past in Latin America in Reychler, L., and Paffenholz, T. (eds) Peacebuilding: A Field Guide (Lynne Rienner: Boulder, 2001) at 353 [25] Zehr, H., Restorative Justice in Ibid at 342 [26] Ibid at 341 [27] ICTY, Transcript, Prosecutor v. Dragoljub Kunarac, Radomir Kovac and Zoran Vukovic, Foca case nos. IT T, IT-96-23/1-T (2002) [28] Ibid [29] ICTY, Appeals Judgment, Prosecutor v. Kunarac, Kovac and Vukovic, Foca case nos. IT PT, IT-96-23/1- PT (2002) [30] Ibid. [31] Hunt, S., This was not our war, Bosnian women reclaiming the peace (Durham & London, Duke University Press, 2004) p. 170 [32] For example, in the former Yugoslavia almost all NGOs who emerged at the beggining of the war were consisted from women. It seems logical as well since men were recruited into the army and went into the war. [33] Anderson, S., Women s Many Roles in Reconciliation, see: < accessed 30 March 2005 [34] Turshen, M., Women s War Stories in What Women Do in War-time:Gender and Conflict in Africa, ed. Tushen, M. and Twagiramariya, C. (London, Zed Books, 1998) pp at 20 [35] Meintjes, S., Pillay, A., and Turshen, M. (eds), Supra n. 13, at 8 [36] Cynthia, E., Deminlitarization-or more of the same? Feminist questions to ask in the postwar moment, in Cookburn, C., Zarkov, D. (Eds), The PostWar Moment, Militaries, Masculinities and International Peacekeeping (London, Lawrence & Wishart, 2002) pp at 29 [37] Connell, R., Arms and the men: using the new research on masculinity to understand violence and promote peace in the contemporary world in Breines, I., Connel, R., Eide, I., Male roles, masculinities and violence: A culture of peace perspective (UNESCO Publishing, 9-17 and 21-33, 2000) at 30 (8 van 8) :48:52

332 Sex Trafficking: The Impact of War, Militarism and Globalization in Eastern Europe Abstract: Sex Trafficking: The Impact of War, Militarism and Globalization in Eastern Europe By Vesna Nikolic-Ristanovic, Ph.D., Faculty for Social Education and Rehabilitation, Belgrade University, Victimology Society of Serbia, Serbia and Montenegro In this paper [1] the author is exploring interlaced impact, which war, militarism and globalization connected changes, as macro processes, have on sex trafficking in women. Sex trafficking to, through and from the Balkans is analyzed as one of the best examples of cumulative effect of all above-mentioned macro processes. The analyses includes both immediate and long-term impact of ethnic conflicts and militarisation of the region as well as the impact of changes connected to transition from communism in both the Balkans and other parts of Eastern Europe. Special emphasis is put on Serbia, UN administered territory of Kosovo, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Macedonia and Bulgaria. The author is looking at interlaced influence of different political, economic and military factors on both criminalisation and victimization processes and their gendered character. An additional aim of the paper is to critically assess the role played by international community in fighting the problem of trafficking in this part of the world. Key words: sex trafficking, ethnical conflicts, militarism, globalization, the Balkans "The coffee bars springing up in Bosnia bear a chilling resemblance to these wartime rape houses, but the war is now a silent one...those who cause trouble are easily disposed of. Last year, the naked bodies of two women were found in a river near Arizona Market. Both bore the marks of mafia-style killings - hands tied behind their backs, feet bound to concrete. Tape over their mouth was marked "Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe. The symbols of protection had been used to stifle their screams. Their identities are impossible to trace." Kate Holt, Captive Market, The Sunday Times Magazine, February 18, 2001, 51. Introduction Uneven distribution of wealth has always been among the main generators of sex trafficking. However, only in the past several decades has sex trafficking become a global problem. As Dutch researcher Sietske Altink observes, more and more countries are joining the ranks of sending countries and increasing numbers are becoming target countries. [2] Economic hardships and their consequences for women create a potential supply of workers for the sex industry. But this "supply" would never be used for sex trafficking purposes without the creation of demand. The increased demand for women as sex objects is evident within both post-communist and developed countries. In the 1980s and 1990s sex trafficking of Eastern European women became more attractive for traffickers than trafficking in Asian women, because of shorter distances and consequently fewer expenses and risks, which led to bigger profits. Further, trafficked Eastern European women are more attractive to white Western male consumers since they fit better their racial, educational, and gender expectations (e.g. they are mainly white, educated, and ready to obey). Thus, we need to understand how global capitalism creates conditions for women to sell sexual services at far better rates of pay than the sale of another form of labor. [3] War and militarism particularly influence sex trafficking in women. Their impact is mostly connected to specific war and post-war situations, but sex trafficking may also be the consequence of the very presence of military in the region, regardless of whether there is war going on or not. Thus, the impact of militarism on sex trafficking is not necessarily connected to war, although war may produce militarist cultural ideals about gender which increase the vulnerability of women to socio-economic factors that lead to sex trafficking. [4] Moreover, examples from recent history show that the expansion of prostitution due to the extended presence of military forces has longterm consequences on the development of sex trafficking on both local and global levels. [5] The impact on sex trafficking of war, militarism, and social changes due to the transition from communism have been explored separately and without taking into consideration their interconnections. Moreover, the problem of trafficking in women from former communist countries has mainly been considered as a threat to destination countries. [6] Less is known about trafficking within post-communist countries, especially about the Balkans as one of major destinations for trafficked women. The one sided approach to the problem has had significant negative consequences on policing and treatment of illegal migrants in general, and victims of trafficking in particular. Fortress EU syndrome, together with narrow human rights approaches and the overlooking of broader structural causes of trafficking led to instant and mostly punitive solutions, which are not efficient either in terms of deterrence of offenders or in terms of protection of victims. The recognition of the role of international community in sex trafficking in peacekeeping areas is at the earliest stages. [7] (1 van 12) :49:01

333 Sex Trafficking: The Impact of War, Militarism and Globalization in Eastern Europe The main aim of this paper is to explore the interlaced impact which war, militarism, and political and economic changes, have on sex trafficking in women. I focus my analysis on sex trafficking to, through, and from the Balkans because it exemplifies the cumulative effect of these macro processes. My analysis considers both immediate and long-term impact of war as well as the impact of changes connected to transition from communism in both the Balkans and other parts of Eastern Europe. I will look at the intertwined influence of different political, economic and military factors on both criminalization and victimization processes and their gendered character. An additional aim of the paper is to critically assess the role played by international community in fighting the problem of trafficking in Eastern Europe. [8] Sex Trafficking in the Balkans: Scope and Directions The expansion of sex trafficking in women from Eastern and Central Europe, which coincided with the end of the Cold War, affected the Balkans significantly and in various ways. The Report of International Organization for Migration, for example, shows that, even more than a decade after the end of Cold War and several years after the end of the war in the former Yugoslavia, it is evident that trafficking in the Balkans is still significant problem affecting growing numbers of women and children. [9] Moreover, the Balkans are not a transit and sending region only, but also one of the major destinations for trafficked women as well. International Organization for Migration estimates that up to 500,000 women are forced to work as prostitutes in Europe. The same source suggests that 120,000 women and children are being trafficked into the European Union each year, mostly through the Balkans. [10] Some estimations for the UK suggest that more than 70% of women working in brothels in Soho are from the former Soviet Union and Eastern Europe, with women from the Balkans making large part of them. [11] Although the Balkans are not a homogeneous region, they have traditionally acted as a crossroads between East and West, an area where Eastern and Western influences meet. Thus, the geographical position of the Balkans predestined it its role as a crossroads for different illegal channels. This makes trafficking in women (as well as other forms of transnational crime) in the Balkans a particular case in comparison to both Western countries and other parts of Eastern Europe. As a consequence, factors which contribute to trafficking in women from, through and to the Balkans, are connected with the ethnic conflicts in the former Yugoslavia and with the transition from communism in Eastern Europe, as well as with the broader processes of militarization and globalization of the region. Sex Trafficking During Ethnic Conflicts Ethnic conflicts in the former Yugoslavia have contributed significantly to the vulnerability of women to sex trafficking. Although only sporadically mentioned in works on wartime sexual violence, sexual slavery and sex trafficking are strongly connected to war rapes and forced prostitution. Moreover, methods used for bringing women into rape camps and brothels are extremely cruel and humiliating. News about women held in sexual slavery appeared as early as in December 1993 in the article Shame in Bosnia, written by well-known British journalist Roy Gutman and published in Newsday. Gutman reported about Sonja s Kon Tiki brothel in Sarajevo, where Muslim women were forced into prostitution and held in sexual slavery by Serbs. This report also showed the complicitous role of UN soldiers in Bosnia, who were regular clients of women held as sex slaves, and who did nothing to protect them. Moreover, survivors of nearby prisons testified that they saw girls who were forced in UN vehicles and driven to unknown destinations. [12] Further, during the first trial dealing exclusively with sexual violence before the International Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia, testimony was heard that in the Bosnian town of Foca women and children, some as young as 12 years old, were detained and raped, vaginally, anally and orally, subjected to gang rapes, forced to dance nude with weapons pointed at them, and even enslaved. [13] Recently, a former Serb soldier has been arrested by NATO troops for his alleged role in enslaving Muslim girls for sexual exploitation. He is accused of effectively running a brothel for Serb soldiers against the will of Muslim women. [14] Additionally, the final report of the United Nations Commission of Experts revealed other cases of Muslim women kept as sexual slaves by Serbs, and abductions of Serbian women who where held in sexual slavery in brothels run by Croats in Croatia. Finally, the Albanian mafia largely used the refugee crisis during the Kosovo conflict and NATO intervention for trafficking Albanian and Roma women from Kosovo to Italy and other Western countries. [15] Although sex trafficking that was closely connected to ethnic conflicts stayed mainly within borders of war-affected and neighboring countries, it contributed to the expansion of prostitution and made good basis for these countries to become attractive destination for trafficking in women from other parts of Eastern Europe. As well observed by noted American feminist author Katherine MacKinnon, 'The spectacle of the United Nations troops violating those they are there to protect adds a touch of the perverse. My correspondent added that some UN troops are participating in raping Muslim and Croatian women taken from Serb-run rape/death camps. She reports that the UN presence has apparently increased the trafficking in women and girls through the opening of brothels, brothel-massage parlors, peep shows, and the local production of pornographic films. [16] Sex Trafficking after Ethnic Conflicts Post-war militarization and the large presence of international organizations further contributed to the growth of sex trafficking in the Balkans. As the report from the Conference on Trafficking, slavery and peacekeeping, held in (2 van 12) :49:01

334 Sex Trafficking: The Impact of War, Militarism and Globalization in Eastern Europe 2002 in Turin, Italy, suggests, 'The combination of the end of hostilities and the arrival of relatively rich peacekeeping operation personnel drove the hasty establishment of brothels and, in turn, founded the links between UNMIK [17] personnel and trafficking syndicates. Within this observation lies the most significant challenge, then, to the peacekeeping operations in regards to trafficking - the fact that peacekeepers are often part of the problem. ' [18] In 1999, Human Rights Watch uncovered brothels filled with women scattered throughout Bosnia. Women told Human Rights Watch interviewers that they had been sold from brothel owner to brothel owner, placed in debt bondage, threatened, and beaten. One year later, the United Nations report on trafficking in Bosnia confirmed the widespread abuses. The UN identified 260 nightclubs throughout the country, while the estimate given by NGOs is that the number is as high as 900, with between four and 25 women in each nightclub. [19] The May 2000 HRW Report documented significant local police, international police, and some Stabilization Force (SFOR) complicity in trafficking in women. [20] Also, according to local NGOs, 50 per cent of clients are internationals, mainly soldiers from SFOR, and at least 70 percent of all profits from prostitution are estimated to come from internationals, who pay different rates and spend more money in bars than local men. A similar situation exists in Kosovo, where three higher-level police officers have been recently repatriated for suspected involvement in trafficking. [21] Serbia, because of its better economic situation at the beginning of 1990s, was for some time one of the main destination countries within Eastern Europe. However, later on Serbia became mainly a transit country, both to neighboring territories where the raging war brought a large military presence, and to Western Europe. Women from the Ukraine, Russia, and Romania make up the majority of women trafficked through Serbia. They are most often used as prostitutes in Serbia for some time and then sold further, mainly through Montenegro to Italy. A similar situation exists in Macedonia. Although the economic situation in Macedonia was difficult throughout the transition from communism, its geographic position, large presence of NATO forces, and strong Albanian mafia contributed to it becoming one of the main transit countries for many trafficked women. [22] Women from Bulgaria, the Ukraine, Mongolia, Moldova, Romania, and Albania prevail among women trafficked to or through Macedonia. From there, women are trafficked to the Middle East and Western Europe, mainly via Greece. Serbia and Macedonia are often transit countries for the trafficking of women from other East European countries to Kosovo, as well. According to the IOM's Kosovo data, more than a half of women whom IOM assisted entered Kosovo from Serbia, and about a third of them entered from Macedonia. Also, women sometimes enter Kosovo from Albania. [23] Women are usually sold three to six times during their journey to Kosovo. [24] However, after Kosovo's introduction of tough laws against trafficking in 2000, the trafficking of women from Kosovo to and through Macedonia also became prevalent. [25] War, Transitions from Communism, and Global Capitalism: Factors Contributing to Sex Trafficking to, through, and from the Balkans Women's vulnerability to sex trafficking is the result of consequences which structural changes in post-communist and war-affected countries produced in the everyday life and gender identities of both women and men. Thus it is not possible to understand the wave of sex trafficking of women from Eastern and Central Europe without taking into account both macrosocial and micro social and individual risk factors which either predispose or trigger violence against women. [26] Similarly, research on this new slavery by noted British sociologist and antislavery activist Kevin Bales, shows that it flourishes in societies under stress and in extreme poverty. Bales posits that existing power structures are overturned and a battle breaks out to fill the power vacuum. Economies that had been stable, though perhaps poor, are replaced by haphazard development and exploitation. And, as we have seen, in the absence of law, greed can overwhelm human rights. [27] One of the main consequences of social changes is the sharpening of social differentiation between a small part of very rich and a large part of poor people, with an almost disappearing middle class. This has important consequences in the creation of new masculinities and femininities as well as in the emergence of different models of family and class relations. [28] On the one side there was the rise of traditional hegemonic masculinity, while on the other, multiple marginalized masculinities arose as well. Complementary to them are what Robert Connell terms emphasized and marginalized femininity. [29] Connell identifies hegemonic masculinity and emphasized femininity as the culturally idealized forms of gender in a given historical setting. These forms, as further elaborated by James Messerschmidt are culturally honored, glorified and extolled at the symbolic level in the mass media. In Western industrialized societies, Messerschmidt continues, hegemonic masculinity is characterized by work in the paid labor market, the subordination of women and girls, heterosexism and the driven and uncontrollable sexuality of men. [30] Connell posits that emphasized femininity complements hegemonic masculinity through compliance with men's desire for titillation and ego stroking and acceptance of marriage and childcare. On a mass level it is organized around the themes of sexual receptivity in relation to younger women and motherhood in relation to older women. [31] The example of the Balkans very tellingly shows how women a combination of war, economic transition, and globalisation-related factors pushes women into sex trafficking, thus illustrating the connection between sex trafficking and social processes. Traffickers make use of the existing market demand and the women's need to find jobs. In that process development of a market (neoliberal) economy plays a major role both by enhancing disparity and inequality between countries and by creating demand for women as sex objects. Disparities and inequalities influence the channels of migration in general, and the channels of trafficking in particular: they are the consequence of "the world economic order, of the distribution of wealth among nations and the exploitation of persons by others." [32] Thus trafficking channels go from developing countries to the industrialized nations and not vice versa. Micro social expressions of macro social factors, such as transition from communism, war, and (3 van 12) :49:01

335 Sex Trafficking: The Impact of War, Militarism and Globalization in Eastern Europe globalisation, serve as strong push factors for women's migration, their employment in the sex industry, and their vulnerability to sex trafficking. The probability of becoming a victim of trafficking is greater for younger women, since young women are more often identified by themselves and by potential recruiters as sex objects. This is connected with the changes in gender images about sexuality, which are best mirrored in the explosion of beauty/fashion magazines and pornography in post communist societies. [33] As noted Bulgarian feminist historian Krassimira Daskalova says, "the message conveyed is that beauty is the most valuable female 'asset' and that every woman should try to make herself sexually attractive to men and to become a source of men's pleasure. [34] Media re-constructed the traditional opposition between men's sexual needs and women as passive sexual objects and men's property, which is further used to justify violence and blame the victim. [35] At the same time, global mass media reinforced this trend through the circulation of stereotyped gender images deliberately made attractive for marketing purposes. [36] As noted British sociologists and criminologists Ian Taylor and Ruth Jamieson demonstrated, economic processes connected to globalization, such as rapid liberalization of trade and economy across the world, led to an increase in the role that sexuality plays throughout the public culture. [37] In addition, vulnerability to sex trafficking is connected with marginalization and hopelessness related to the difficulty of economic, war-related, family or similar situations. Both women's desperate state because of their difficult situation and their efforts to find a solution or exit from it contributes to their inaccurate perception of risks, and to the failure to anticipate danger. In the Balkans, we find foreigners and desperate local women who suffer short and long-term consequences of war: they are both pushed into sex industry. As Peter Von Behtlemfavy of the IOM states, the number of illegal prostitutes from the Balkans, where close to a decade of war has wiped out many ordinary jobs, has tripled if not quadrupled from 1995 to [38] Socio-economic changes in the everyday lives of both women and men in post-communist countries (e.g. unemployment and/or loss of previous social positions and privileges) play an important role in precipitating their involvement in prostitution as pimps, and in trafficking as recruiters or traffickers. [39] The words of one prostitute illustrate this vividly: 'Many pimps would not work in prostitution if the economic situation were better. If they were employed. Many of them are not criminals like in the Western countries. They are unhappy people who are not able to find a job. Sometimes, they live from the prostitution of their wives, girlfriends and daughters. Sometimes, they do not earn anything for several days. Poverty is common for pimps. There are a few who have a network, good car, etc, but the majority live only on the prostitution of their wives or daughters.' [40] Labor distribution among people involved in trafficking is strongly gendered so that among recruiters (who get the least profit [41] ) women participate in equal measure as men, while men dominate in higher places in the hierarchy. Also, poor and powerless men are usually subordinated to those who have leading roles within the mafia. Thus, the place which men hold within economic structure usually determines the role they have within sex industry business as well, as street pimps, brothel owners, traffickers or clients. Whatever their economic position, and whether women identify themselves as sex objects or are identified as a such without their consent, they are always subordinated to men. Although men can be subordinated to women in the hierarchy of sex trafficking, women are never at the pinnacle of the hierarchy. Although there are differences between feminine roles (e.g. women involved in trafficking, street prostitutes, call girls, victims of trafficking etc.) and subordinated masculinities, masculinities are always hegemonic in relation to femininities. As a result of both economic hardships and changes in normative heterosexuality, both women and men are attracted to jobs within the sex industry and involve themselves in sex trafficking. Thus, both women and men tend to secure economic survival as well as social standing for reaffirming gender and gender roles. [42] War helps to generate sex trafficking in a number of ways. Unemployment, poverty and lack of prospects in general influence both supply and demand for prostitution and trafficking. Desperate women easily become vulnerable to false promises and deception, as well as to different forms of violence. Traffickers exploit the fact that many persons are in vulnerable situations, undocumented and separated from their families. Refugees are especially vulnerable, both while fleeing from war zones and while in exile. The most commonly victimized groups were Kosovo, Albanian, and Roma refugee women. [43] Apart from their desperate situation as refugees, they were also culturally vulnerable since once raped either by Serb forces in the war zone or by traffickers while fleeing it they knew that their families would never accept them back. Thus, they became involved in sex trafficking much more easily than rape victims and women from less patriarchal societies did in peacetime. [44] As British feminist researcher Liz Kelly points out of Bosnia, one of the most common routes into the sex industry is rape, which makes women unmarriageable. [45] Within male-female relationships, rape corresponds to the behavior of conquering troops toward occupied territories. [46] But women s bodies can become a battlefield on which men communicate their rage to other men as well, because women s bodies have been the implicit political battlefields all along. [47] As a consequence, raped women bear the message that their men were not able to protect them as well as that they are worthless as property. Consequently, armed conflict makes survival of raped women even more precarious. [48] When a huge international army is also present, as in the case of Bosnia, newly created demand for sex workers cannot be met by local women, trafficking of foreign women from poor post-communist countries supplements the supply. According to some sources, there is evidence of foreign women working as prostitutes in Bosnia and Herzegovina as long ago as [49] (4 van 12) :49:01

336 Sex Trafficking: The Impact of War, Militarism and Globalization in Eastern Europe In the post-war period, the demand for sex work further increases with the arrival of peacekeeping troops and the private military companies that accompany them, and large numbers of international organizations. [50] In addition, in international protectorates such as the BiH- and UN-administered territory of Kosovo, where the government and law enforcement is under complete control of the international community, large international police forces and armies of administrative workers are present as well. As examples of the Philippines, Okinawa and Thailand show, there is danger that the wartime and post-war increase in prostitution will be transformed into peacetime institutionalization of the sex industry. [51] The sex industry develops and the vulnerability of women to sex trafficking increases with the building of military bases. Although otherwise international presences may be temporary in the region, prostitution and related trafficking in women may become a long-term problem in the Balkans solely in connection to the emergence of new military bases. For example, in Kosovo, Camp Bondsteal, is one of the largest military bases in Europe. [52] A similar situation exists in Bosnia, where the irony is that Arizona Market, established by peacekeeping forces after the war to foster trade between Serbs, Croats and Muslims, has grown into five square miles of sinister black facade, where women from the former Soviet Union and elsewhere in Eastern Europe are sold to the highest bidder. The Market is situated near the towns of Brcko and Tuzla, which boast one of the highest concentrations of the international police force created to establish law and order in Bosnia, one of the largest American army bases and one of the biggest UN-administered aid packages of the post-war years. [53] Lawlessness, corruption, and social disorganization have a serious impact on the increase of sex trafficking in waraffected areas as well. The negative impact of war on the functioning of the criminal justice system and the absence of the rule of law in general have precipitated an increase in crime, including particularly the increase of violent and organized crime. This further has led to the complicity of the criminal justice system in different forms of organized crime, with male police officers either directly involved in trafficking in women or turning a blind eye on it. One important factor in this is the high level of prejudices among criminal justice officers about victims of sex trafficking; they often treat them as criminals rather than as victims. In Serbia, the international isolation during the regime of former president Milosevic meant the severing of ties with Interpol, other international organizations, and other countries' police forces. This contributed to human trafficking. [54] However, the links between traffickers extended beyond the usual boundaries of ethnic hatred in the Balkans. Criminal Serbs, Montenegrins and Albanians collaborated closely to transport the victims and share the profits. [55] After the war, the wartime infrastructure of the mafia was easily transferred into postwar crime and it was able to smuggle large numbers of illegal immigrants into the country. [56] An important factor which facilitates sex trafficking is the development of organized crime, which is under the significant influence of globalization. [57] The confluence of these two forces has enabled the development of the sex industry, which is based on and perpetuated by prevailing unequal socially and culturally defined gender and power relations. [58] Immigration laws and policies in destination countries, including policies on migrant labor, migration, and prostitution, and corrupt officials in sending, transit, and destination countries, further contribute to the development of sex trafficking merely by making organized crime possible. [59] As observed by noted Dutch anti-trafficking activist Marijan Wijers: 'While on the one hand the number of women seeking employment opportunities abroad has grown, on the other hand many destination countries, and especially the EU, have put in place more restrictive immigration policies, thereby further decreasing the opportunities for legal migration even when there is a demand for labor in the informal sector. The result is a growing gap between official policies in destination countries and day-to-day practices. This is where organized crime comes in, filling the gap that official policies leave.' [60] The Balkans, with their large presence of international administration, organizations, police, and military forces, the attendant confusion in jurisdiction, corruption, and inefficient and biased law enforcement system, and its short distance from the post-communist countries with large supplies of desperate women, is an ideal destination for traffickers wishing to avoid risks and unnecessary expenses. Moreover, women from other East European countries usually do not need visas to get to the former Yugoslavia, which make traffickers tasks even easier. When recruiting women, organized crime relies largely on myths about Western countries which exist among women in post-communist countries. Although some women are aware that they are to stay in the Balkans, knowing that the region is home to a population of highly paid, unaccompanied men from military forces, international aid organizations, the United Nations and private military firms, many are actually expecting to get to the West. [61] Thus false promises of high earnings and an easy life in the West are used as a main motivations for enticing women into the sex industry in the Balkans. The retraditionalisation of cultural images about sexuality further reinforces socio-economic and political factors connected to the transition between communism and globalization as factors contributing to prostitution, migration and sex trafficking. [62] This means that in post-communist societies media re-constructs the traditional opposition between men's sexual needs and women as passive sexual objects and men's property, which is further used to justify violence and blame the victim. The presentation of sexuality has shifted from images of women and men as asexual or partly sexual beings (in communism) to images of hegemonic masculinity and subservient femininity associated with traditional opposition between men's (uncontrollable) sexual needs and women as passive sexual objects. This discourse is largely influenced by imitation of Western images of sexuality. As Messerschmidt points out, in Western industrialized societies hegemonic masculinity is currently established through an alleged uncontrollable and insatiable sexual appetite for women, which results in a 'naturally' coercive (5 van 12) :49:01

337 Sex Trafficking: The Impact of War, Militarism and Globalization in Eastern Europe 'male' sexuality. [63] Thus, this kind of normative heterosexuality is based on power relations and, consequently, it defines masculinity through difference from, and desire for, women. Therefore, normative heterosexuality is not only a major structural feature for understanding gender, but for understanding masculinities and crimes committed by men as well. [64] In addition, Connell makes clear that in a contemporary world, stereotyped gender images are deliberately made attractive for marketing purposes. [65] These new images about sexuality influence women's vulnerability to sex trafficking by widening the gap between cultural expectations and the possibilities for achieving them (e.g. beautiful woman/sex object as an ideal as well as expensive beauty products, clothes etc.). At the same time, these images operate through feeding the myth that working in the sex industry is an attractive job (e.g. pretty woman syndrome ). [66] Cultural images of women as sex objects became a strong contributing factor for neutralizing and glorifying the seamy side of trafficking and prostitution abroad. But new gender images in post-communist countries media are part of much broader cultural tendencies associated with rapid liberalization of trade and economic activity across the world, especially with market liberalism, as the reorganization of economic and political life around the sovereignty of the citizen as a consumer. [67] These cultural tendencies include the colonization or commodification of sexuality, which is now playing an increasing role in the public culture of market societies throughout the world. Instead of a Conclusion: Policy Changes between Requests, Needs and Limits At international forums held over last several years, international organizations often have addressed the sex trafficking problem in connection to changes of communist regimes in Eastern and Central Europe. This has led to changes in national laws and policies. However, law and policy implementation, on both the European and UN level, are only rarely based on serious research of the problem of sex trafficking, let alone the exploration of its connection to structural violence. As a consequence, the international community has often imposed unrealistic expectations on poor and war-affected countries of the Balkans, which are accused of being bridges for illegal migration into Western Europe. This overlooks the fact that these same countries are without their own resources and power, or that they are even governed by the international community, like Bosnia and Kosovo. Moreover, hypocrisy and imperialistic approaches to the problem of trafficking often is present in both Western immigration policies and in the international community s requests for changes of laws and policy regarding human trafficking in general, and in the Balkans in particular. For example, the pressure of the international community toward postcommunist countries to undertake decisive (mainly repressive) measures is in obvious contradiction with global processes which generate structural violence on the world level, leaving no room for appropriate protection of victims, let alone for the prevention of violence. In addition, the urge for changes in post-communist countries is an obvious contradiction to rather slow, inconsistent and partial changes undertaken by EU countries themselves which mostly take into account only the interests of the prosecution and ignore or minimize the needs of victims. [68] As a consequence, policies which disregard global causes of violence against women are extremely visible in sex trafficking. Even feminism is misused for the creation of fragmented images and solutions, which has restricted the problem of violence against women to the interpersonal level of male-to-female relations. This is what British feminist scholar Peggy Watson called a kind of American state feminism for abroad. [69] The consequences are short-term reintegration and repatriation programs, based merely on victim s willingness to cooperate with the prosecution without being offered comprehensive protection, as well as insensitive deportations and revictimisations of trafficked women. Cold War ideological, legal, economic, and political constructions of a pure Europe versus demonic Others are now transformed into discourse concerning the lack of democratic features of Eastern European societies and doubts about their capacity to change into civil society. [70] Thus migrants are constructed as cultural, ethnic, and religious Others, and the responsibility for illegal migration and trafficking in women is put on the Eastern European countries of origin. This is well articulated in US State Department s provision of sanctions against the authorities of 23 states from the blacklist of states which do not make sufficient efforts to act in accordance with U.S. legislation. This amounts to pure exhibition of imperialism and neocolonialism, particularly in light of the significant efforts made by the government of the Balkan countries to curtail sex trafficking. In this way, leaders of global capitalism and militarism seem to hide their own (structural) responsibility for massive sex trafficking. This hypocrisy is especially evident in the Balkans. Accusations against the Balkans always exaggerate the lawlessness and corruption of local police while overshadowing the role of the international community in both the creation of demand and in the administrative chaos in this part of the world. The fact that in Bosnia and Kosovo the legal and administrative power is in the hands of international community so that no law can be passed or enforced without approval or supervision of international government and police is usually ignored. Similarly, the corruption of international police, which directly encourages sex trafficking either through using sex services of trafficked women, profiting from sex trafficking, or by obstructing anti-trafficking actions of local police, are also largely disregarded. [71] Thus, the fact that a huge amount of Western tax payers money is spent just on the sex industry in the Balkans is usually hidden from the eyes of the (Western) public. Or, to put it in the other way, the large amount of money paid for the international presence has destroyed the infrastructure and rule of law in the Balkans, and has ended up in the pockets of the members of the cruelest mafia in the world. This criticism of international policy toward sex trafficking is not intended to absolve Balkan countries or local men of responsibility. It is rather an attempt to look at the problem of sex trafficking in the contemporary world in holistic way. As well observed by feminist scholar Cynthia Enloe, we need to widen our lens considerably to fully understand militarized prostitution, by including different local and foreign men on the list of those whose actions may contribute to the construction and maintenance of prostitution around military bases and other places with a large military and police presence. [72] In addition, in order to reduce violence against women, as Santos observed, in militarism prostitution, one sees the heightened integration of classism, racism, sexism, and imperialism. Further, whereas militarism goes in the world, so too goes prostitution. [73] Changes are (6 van 12) :49:01

338 Sex Trafficking: The Impact of War, Militarism and Globalization in Eastern Europe necessary on all levels of society: in social conditions, patriarchal gender roles, stereotypes about immigrants as well as in economic and legal institutions, nationally and internationally. Structural violence contributes to gendered interpersonal violence both by causing it and by preventing society and victims from confronting it effectively. [74] Therefore, it is not surprising that in spite of positive political changes and efforts made by civil society and women's movements, few substantial legal and institutional reforms have directly addressed violence against women in post-communist countries. A significant obstacle even in more developed post-communist countries is the obvious lack of material resources. Expansion of neoliberal capitalism, deepening of the gap between poor and rich countries, and the dependent development of post-communist countries do not promise much chance for a strong welfare state in the near future. [75] The costs of economic change are very high, especially in poorer and war-torn countries. A dramatic decrease in the standard of living and an increase in uncertainty, overall fluidity, instability, and war victimization have led to continued sex trafficking over the last decade. In addition, the European Union s fear of illegal migration and the reluctance of the international community to address the causes rather than the consequences of sex trafficking make arriving at a solution extremely difficult. [76] Both factors are important reasons why even those changes which have been achieved in the Balkans did not produce the expected results in terms of increased safety for women who suffer from sex trafficking. [77] To borrow words from noted US sociologist Susan Cunningham, if the society's structural dynamics continue to produce violence, anti-violence policies and programs are bound to fail. [78] The same may be applied in explanation of the causes of failure of most of anti-trafficking programs so far, and especially of those in the Balkans and other post conflict societies. This explains the failure of most anti-trafficking programs to date. Only by critically addressing and eradicating structural violence can we address the critical problem in sex trafficking in the Balkans and other post-conflict societies. About the author: Vesna Nikolic-Ristanovic, Ph.D., Serbia and Montenegro, is professor of criminology at Faculty for Social Education and Rehabilitation,Department for Prevention and treatment od social disorders, Belgrade University. She is president of the Victimology Society of Serbia, editor in chief of Temida, Serbian Journal on Victimisation, Human Rights and Gender, corresponding editor of Feminist Review (UK) and member of Advisory Board of Contemporary Justice Review (USA). She is the member of the Counsil on Gender Equality of the Government of Serbia. She has been publishing largely on victimisation, war, violence against women and truth and reconciliation in the former Yugoslavia. Her most important works include: Women, violence and war, ed.(ceu Press, 2000), Social change, gender and violence: post-communist and war afftected societies (Kluwer, 2002), and "New wars, Global Governance and Law, Hart, (ed) forthcoming in [email protected] Bibliography Altink, Sietske. Stolen Lives. London: Scarlet Press, Bacanovic, Oliver. "Zeni zrtvo na trgovija so luge" ( Women victims of traffic in people ), Skopje: Annual Edition of the School of Security (2001): Bales, Kevin. Disposable People. Berkley: University of California Press, Chinkin, Catherine. Peace and Force in International Law, in D.G. Dallmeyer, ed. Reconceiving Reality: Women and International Law. New York: Asil, Connell, Robert. Gender and Power Society, the Person and Sexual Politics. Cambridge:Polity Press, Connell, Robert. "Masculinities and Globalization" in M.S.Kimmel and M.A.Messner, eds. Men's Lives. Meedham Heights:Allyn and Bacon (2000): Cunningham, Susan. "What we Teach about When We Teach about Violence," The HFG Review 1, (2000): 4-9. Daskalova, Krassimira Manipulated Emancipation: Representations of Women in Post-Communist Bulgaria, in G. Janhart, J.Gohrisch, D.Hahn, H.M.Nickel, I.Peinl, K.Schafgen (eds.), Gender in Transition in Eastern and Central Europe, Proceedings. Berlin:Trafo Verlag (2001): Enloe, Cynthia. It Takes Two, in S.P.Sturdevant and B.Stoltzfus (eds.), Let the Good Times Roll: Prostitution and the U.S. Military in Asia. New York: The New York Press (1992): Euler, Catherine. "Razvijanje najbolje vojne profesionalne prakse u pogledu nasilja nad zenama na i u blizini vojnih baza" ( Developing Best Professional Military Practice With Regard to Violence Against Women on and Near Defense Estates ), Temida 2 (2000): Feher, Lenke. "Forced Prostitution and Traffick in Persons," in M. Klap, Y.Klerk and J.Smith (eds.), Combating Traffick in Persons. Utrecht: SIM (1995): (7 van 12) :49:01

339 Sex Trafficking: The Impact of War, Militarism and Globalization in Eastern Europe Global Survival Network. Crime and Servitude - An Expose of the Traffic in Women for Prostitution from the Newly Independent States. Washington D.C: Global Survival Network, Goodey, Jo. Whose Insecurity? Organised Crime, its Victims and the EU, in A. Crawford (ed.), Crime and Insecurity: the Governance of Safety in Europe. Devon:Willan Publishing, 2002: Gutman, Roy. Svedok genocida (Witness of Genocide). Zagreb: Durieux, Hagan, John. Structural Criminology. New Brunswick, New Jersey: Rutgers University Press, Human Rights Watch World Report 2001:Women s Human Rights - Women in Conflict and Refugees International Organisation for Migration "Information Campaign for the Prevention of Trafficking in Women in Hungary" (unpublished report), International Organisation for Migration, Pristina. Return and Reintegration Project, situation report - February May Kelly, Liz. "Wars Against Women: Sexual Violence, Sexual Politics and the Militarised State," in S.Jacobs, R. Jacobson and J.Marchbank (eds.), States of Conflict. New York: Zed Books (2000): Kelly, Liz and Regan, Linda. Stopping Traffick:: Exploring the Extent of, and Responses to, Trafficking in Women for Sexual Exploitation in the UK. London: Police Research Series Papers 125, Konig, Ilse (ed) Trafficking in Women. Vienna: Federal Chancellery, Limanowska, Barbara. Trafficking in Human Beings in Southeastern Europe. Belgrade: UNICEF, Lutz, Helma. The Limits of European-ness: Immigrant Women in Fortress Europe, Feminist Review 57, (1997): MacKinnon, Katherine. Rape, Genocide, and Women s Human Rights in A.Styglemayer (ed.), Mass Rape: The War against Women in Bosnia-Herzegovina. Lincoln, Nebraska: University of Nebraska Press (1994): Messerschmidt, James. Masculinities and Crime. Lanham, MD: Rowman and Littlefield Publishers, Messerschmidt, James "From Patriarchy to Gender:Feminist Theory, Criminology and the Challenge of Diversity" in N.Rafter and F.Heidensohn (eds) International Feminist Perspectives in Criminology. Buckingham-Philadelphia: Open University Press (1995): Nikolic-Ristanovic, Vesna (ed.). Women, Violence and War. New York: CEU Press, Nikoli -Ristanovi, Vesna. Social Change, Gender and Violence: Post-Communist and War-Affected Societies. Boston:Kluwer, Nurmi, Reet. "Mobile Russian Prostitution in Finland," paper presented at the 32nd Triennial Conference of the International Abolitionist Federation, "Breakdown of Borders", December 2-4, 1999, Copenhagen, Denmark. Oleszczuk, Teresa and Buchowska, Stana. "The 'Pretty Woman Syndrome " in One Year La Strada (unpublished report) (1996):24-31 Picarelli, John. Trafficking, Slavery and Peacekeeping. (Conference Report). Turin:UNICRI, Rejali, Dariu.s After Feminist Analyses of Bosnian Violence, Peace Review 3, (1996) : Santos, Aida. Gathering the Dust: The Bases Issue in the Philippines, in S.P.Sturdevant and B.Stoltzfus (eds.), Let the Good Times Roll: Prostitution and the U.S. Military in Asia. New York: The New York Press, 1992: Sklair, Lesli. Sociology of the Global System. Hertfordshire: Simon & Schuster, Taylor, Ian and Jamieson, Ruth. "Sex Trafficking and the Mainstream of Market Culture," Crime, Law and Social Change 32, (1999): Watson, Peggy. "Gender and Politics in Postcommunism," in G.Janhart, J.Gohrisch, D.Hahn, H.M.Nickel, I.Peinl, K. Schafgen (eds.), Gender in Transition in Eastern and Central Europe Proceedings. Berlin:Trafo Verlag (2001):37- (8 van 12) :49:01

340 Sex Trafficking: The Impact of War, Militarism and Globalization in Eastern Europe 49. Williams, Phil. "Trafficking in Women and Children: A Market Perspective," Transnational Organized Crime, Special Issue "Illegal Immigration and Commercial Sex - the New Slave Trade" (ed. P.Williams) 3-4, (1999): Wijers, Marjan and Lin Lap-Chew, L. Trafficking in Women:: Forced Labour and Slavery-like Practices in Marriage, Domestic Labour and Prostitution. Utrecht: STV, Wijers, Marjan Izmedju ugnjetavanja i osnazivanja ( Between Oppression and Empowerment ), Temida 3 (1998): [1] Paper presented at the British Criminology Society Conference, Crossing Borders, Keele, July 17-2, [2] Sietske Altink, Stolen Lives (London:Scarlet Press, 1995), 22. [3] Azize-Vargas, quoted by Marjan Wijers and Lin Lap-Chew, Trafficking in Women: Forced Labour and Slaverlike Practices in Marriage, Domestic Labour and Prostitution (Utrecht: STV, 1997), 53. [4] Vesna Nikolic-Ristanovic, Social Change, Gender and Violence: Post-Communist and War-Affected Societies (Boston:Kluwer, 2002), 130. [5] A good illustration for that is the expansion of sex tourism in Thailand after the Vietnam War, and later trafficking of Thai women to the West. [6] Jo Goodey, Whose Insecurity? Organized Crime, its Victims and the EU, in A. Crawford (ed), Crime and Insecurity: The Governance of Safety in Europe (Devon: Willan Publishing, 2002), 140. [7] John Picarelli, Trafficking, Slavery and Peacekeeping (Turin: UNICRI, 2002),7. [8] The paper is based on my continuing research into the problem of violence against women in post-communist and war-affected societies in the period This includes several empirical and action researches, results of which are mostly presented in my books Women, Violence and War (2000) and Social Change, Gender and Violence ( 2002). Also, it is partly the result of the on going research project Serious forms of crime in the conditions of transition, which is funded by Serbian Ministry of science. [9] International Organization for Migration, Geneva, Press Briefing Notes, January 8, 2002, 2. [10] Barbara Limanowska, Trafficking in Human Beings in Southeastern Europe (Belgrade:UNICEF, 2002), 4. [11] Liz Kelly and Linda Regan, Stopping Traffick: Exploring the Extent of, and Responses to, Trafficking in Women for Sexual Exploitation in the UK, (London: Police Research Series Papers 125, 2000), 31. [12] Roy Gutman, Svedok genocida (Witness of Genocide), (Zagreb:Durieux, 1994), 207. [13] Serbs Enslaved Muslim Women at Rape Camps, Guardian, 21 March 2000 [14] Serb war brothel chief arrested,cnn article available from World Wide Web ( WORLD/europe/07/09/bosnia.stankovic/index.html), retrieved on July 9, [15] Oliver Bacanovic, Zeni zrtvo na trgovija so luge ( Women Victims of Traffick in People ), Annual Edition of the School of Security in Skopje, (2001): [16] Katherine MacKinnon, Rape, Genocide, and Women s Human Rights, in A.Styglemayer, ed. Mass Rape: The War against Women in Bosnia-Herzegovina (Lincoln and London : University of Nebraska Press, 1994), 192. [17] United Nations Mission in Kosovo [18] Picarelli, 13. [19] Limanowska, (9 van 12) :49:01

341 Sex Trafficking: The Impact of War, Militarism and Globalization in Eastern Europe [20] Human Rights Watch World Report, [21] Limanowska, 65, 96. [22] Coneva, interview, International Organization for Migration, Skopje, for example, helped 152 victims in the period between August 9, 2000 and February 9, 2001(Bacanovic, 110). In September 2001, the number of trafficked women assisted by the IOM in Macedonia reached 328 (Message received through list on September 11, 2001). [23] The majority of women trafficked to Kosovo and assisted by the IOM are from Moldova, Romania, the Ukraine, and Bulgaria. Women from Moldova are trafficked through Romania, and they are then sent to Kosovo either through Hungary and Serbia or through Bulgaria and Macedonia. Similarly, Ukrainian women are trafficked to Kosovo through Hungary, Romania or Bulgaria, and then through either Serbia or Macedonia. Channels for trafficking of Russian women mainly go through the Ukraine and then through Moldova, Bulgaria and Macedonia. [24] International Organization for Migration, Pristina, Return and Reintegration Project, situation report - February May 2001, 6,7. [25] Bacanovic, 108. [26] Nikolic-Ristanovic, 135. [27] Kevin Bales, Disposable People (Berkley: University of California Press, 1999), 245. [28] John Hagan, Structural Criminology (New Brunswick, New Jersey: Rutgers University Press, 1988), [29] Robert Connell, Gender and Power Society, the Person and Sexual Politics (Cambridge: Polity Press, 1987, [30] James Messerschmidt, "From Patriarchy to Gender:Feminist Theory, Criminology and the Challenge of Diversity" in N.Rafter and F.Heidensohn eds. International Feminist Perspectives in Criminology, (Buckingham- Philadelphia: Open University Press, 1995), 173. [31] Connell, 187. [32] Ilse Konig (ed), Trafficking in Women (Vienna: Federal Chancellery, 1997), 17. [33] Suppression of sexuality during communism delayed the sexual revolution in communist countries. Social changes were seen as an opportunity to compensate for all that was missed for so long, as well as for achieving individual instead of collective identity. [34] Krassimira Daskalova, Manipulated Emancipation: Representations of Women in Post-Communist Bulgaria, G.Janhart, J.Gohrisch, D.Hahn, H.M.Nickel, I.Peinl, K.Schafgen (eds) Gender in Transition in Eastern and Central Europe Proceedings (Berlin:Trafo Verlag, 2001) p [35] Nikolic-Ristanovic, 60. [36] Robert Connell, Masculinities and Globalization, in M.S.Kimmel and M.A.Messner, eds., Men's Lives (Meedham Heights:Allyn and Bacon, 2001), 61. [37] Ian Taylor and Ruth Jamieson, Sex Trafficking and the Mainstream of Market Culture, Crime, Law and Social Change 32, (1999): , 264. [38] John Smith, Sex Trade Enslaves East Europeans Migrant Women Brutalized in Burgeoning Business, The Washington Post, July 25, 2000, 11. [39] Lenke Feher, Forced Prostitution and Traffick in Persons, in M. Klap, Y.Klerk and J.Smith (eds.), Combating Traffick in Persons (Utreht: SIM, 1995), 76. [40] Nikolic-Ristanovic, 127, interviewed in Budapest on May 17, 1999 [41] For example, criminal gangs buy women from recruiters for small amounts of money such as $ and resell them for $5000 and more. [42] James Messerschmidt, Masculinities and Crime (Lanham, MD: Rowman and Littlefield Publishers, 1993), (10 van 12) :49:01

342 Sex Trafficking: The Impact of War, Militarism and Globalization in Eastern Europe [43] Bacanovic, 106. [44] Reet Nurmi, (1999) Mobile Russian Prostitution in Finland, paper presented at the 32nd Triennial Conference of the International Abolitionist Federation, Breakdown of Borders, December 2-4, Copenhagen, Denmark. [45] Liz Kelly, Wars Against Women: Sexual Violence, Sexual Politics and the Militarised State, S.Jacobs, R. Jacobson and J.Marchbank (eds), States of Conflict (London-New York: Zed Books, 2000), 58. [46] Christine Chinkin, Peace and Force in International Law, in D.G. Dallmeyer, ed., Reconceiving Reality: Women and International Law (New York: Asil,1993), 206. [47] Darius Rejali, After Feminist Analyses of Bosnian Violence, Peace Review 3, (1996): 366. [48] A good illustration for that is found in the expansion of sex industry in Serbia during NATO bombing [49] Jane s Intelligence Weekly, 1 September 2000 [50] Private military companies provide an assortment of services to the armed forces, the US government, and foreign governments and international organizations, and it is a rapidly growing business. In just ten years, the private military industry has grown from a handful of companies to hundreds, with its income rising from millions of dollars a year to and estimated $100 billion a year. (source: print.html). As stated in the report from Turin 2002 Conference on Trafficking, Slavery and Peacekeeping, private contractors supplementing or overseeing the staffing requirements for the peacekeeping operation on behalf of some Member States or providing them with services, equipment and/or supplies, are found to be directly involved in the trafficking of women from Eastern Europe (Picarelli, 16). [51] For example, in the late 1960s, Thailand was used as a place for rest and recreation for American G.I.s in Vietnam. After the end of the war, prostitution became one of the main financial resources for Thailand. By developing mass sex tourism as a means to pay off its debts, it actually encouraged the peacetime institutionalization of sex industry (Williams, 1999:153). A similar process occurred in the Philippines. Although in 1972 Okinawa returned to Japanese administration, prostitution continued to be the mainstay of the economy. (Catherine Euler, Razvijanje najbolje vojne profesionalne prakse u pogledu nasilja nad zenama na i u blizini vojnih baza ( Developing Best Professional Military Practice With Regard to Violence Against Women on and Near Defense Estates ), Temida 2, 2000, 27. [52] Euler, 75. [53] Kate Holt, Captive Market, The Sunday Times Magazine, February 18, 2001, 47. [54] Montenegro to Crack Down on Human Trafficking, The Associated Press, December 11, 2000, received through list on December 11, [55] John Smith, Sex Trade Enslaves East Europeans Migrant Women Brutalized in Burgeoning Business, The Washington Post, July 25, 2000 [56] Robert Fisk, UK:Immigration - How Sarajevo has become the Springboard into Europe, Independent, February 5, 2001:.3. [57] Phil Williams, Trafficking in Women and Children: A Market Perspective, Transnational Organized Crime, Special Issue Illegal Immigration and Commercial Sex - The New Slave Trade 3-4 (1999):202. [58] Nurmi, 10. [59] Konig, 17. [60] Marian Wijers Izmedju ugnjetavanja i osnazivanja ( Between Oppression and Empowerment ), Temida 3 (1998): 8. [61] Ann Jordan, a lawyer with International Human Rights law Group, quoted in featiue/2002/06/26/bosnia.print.html. [62] Nikolic-Ristanovic, 60. [63] Messerschmidt, 75 (11 van 12) :49:01

343 Sex Trafficking: The Impact of War, Militarism and Globalization in Eastern Europe [64] Messerschmidt, 76. [65] Connell, 2001:61. [66] Oleszczuk, Teresa and Buchowska, Stana The Pretty Woman Syndrome in One Year La Strada (unpublished report), 1996, 27. [67] Taylor and Jamieson, 264. [68] See Goodey, [69] Peggy Watson, Gender and Politics in Postcommunism, G.Janhart, J.Gohrisch, D.Hahn, H.M.Nickel, I.Peinl, K. Schafgen (eds), Gender in Transition in Eastern and Central Europe Proceedings (Berlin:Trafo Verlag, 2001), 43. [70] Helma Lutz, The Limits of European-ness: Immigrant Women in Fortress Europe, Feminist Review 57 (1997) : [71] There are, for example, allegations that international police inform bar owners about police raids and buy women as sex slaves without any critical remark made on their personal record, let alone any kind of legal responsibility (Limanowska, 68). According to the Washington Post, in the five years since international police officers were sent to help restore order in Bosnia, the UN police mission has faced numerous charges of misconduct, corruption and sexual impropriety. But in nearly every case, UN officials handled the allegations quietly by sending the officers home, often without a full investigation. ( articles/a dec26.html. Also, Picarelli, 9). As a result of allegations of the involvement of peacekeeping personnel in trafficking, the code of conduct for UN personnel was changed in 2001 to specifically include trafficking as an offence, but there is no evidence that it has yet been used against those who have violated it. [72] Cynthia Enloe It takes Two, S.P.Sturdevant and B.Stoltzfus (eds) Let the Good Times Roll: Prostitution and the U.S. Military in Asia (New York:The New York Press, 1992), 24, 25. [73] Aida Santos Gathering the Dust:The Bases Issue in the Philippines, S.P.Sturdevant and B.Stoltzfus (eds) Let the Good Times Roll: Prostitution and the U.S. Military in Asia, (New York:The New York Press,1992), 40. [74] Nikoli -Ristanovi, [75] Lesli Sklair, Sociology of the Global System (Hertfordshire: Simon & Schuster, 1991), 233. [76] For example, in spite of similar experiences with post-war prostitution and trafficking in women worldwide, the trafficking problem was not anticipated before entering either Bosnia or Kosovo, even considering the lessons learned in Bosnia and Herzegovina (Picarelli, 2002:21). As well observed by British criminologist Jo Goodey, the neglect of transnational organized crime s most immediate victims, in this case trafficked women, has been offered as a balance to TOC s construction primarily, as a criminal concern rather than a victim concern (Goodey, 2002:154). As a result, the EU has constructed itself as the primary victim of organized crime and, thus, it is not surprising that few efforts are made to prevent victimization of non-eu others. [77] Nikoli -Ristanovi, 175. [78] Susan Cunningham, What we Teach about When We Teach about Violence, The HFG Review 1 (2000): (12 van 12) :49:01

344 Aspects of External Perceptions of Identity and Group-Belonging Aspects of External Perceptions of Identity and Group-Belonging By Ann-Charlotte Nilsson, LL.M., B.S., M.A. Int. Affairs, Sweden 1. How Does the International Community Reinforce Divisions Between Groups? One of the most noted psychological symptoms among the Muslim population in Sarajevo during the conflict in Bosnia-Hercegovina, was its total puzzlement about that the Muslim community was stereotyped as Muslim fundamentalists by a Western perception. [1] This perception caused such traumatic stress that people sought psychological help since they did not recognize themselves in that definition, which also has to be understood in the context of the Muslim community not seeing themselves as being able to properly defend themselves. [2] This paper raises the issue that there is an interactive dynamic between the internal and external (international) actors that risks reinforce the boundaries between groups if certain perceptions are unequivocally accepted regarding who people are in terms of ethnicity and group belonging, and in the anticipation of how people will behave. There are consequences of such perceptions since policies and expectations are based upon them. International actors need to become aware of that dynamic so that in an effort to assist in conflict resolution and peace-building the divisions that do exist do not get cemented and reinforced, or are seen as something given. In addition we need to understand the necessity for actors not only at the governmental level but also at the community level to become engaged in the peace process. This is necessary to consider since it relates to who defines the issues at hand, how these issues are addressed and which issues the different actors are ready to deal with. To focus only at the governmental level keeps us within the realm of the political dimension both with regards to internal and international actors, while we simultaneously need to understand and identify other dimensions of conflict that interrelate with one another. We need to develop such an integrated approach, because if properly applied and understood, it will ultimately lead to the prevention of conflict. 2. Elite-Driven Conflicts and the Process of Polarization Between Groups The elite-driven conflicts that evolved in Rwanda and Bosnia-Hercegovina were driven by actors that used and manipulated members of the population to carry out violent acts based on ethnicity, and where in numerous cases former friends and neighbors turned into enemies. Maynard terms these types of conflicts, identity conflicts. [3] These are conflicts among identity groups based on factors such as ethnicity or religion, and are characterized by their intense animosity, extreme brutality and widespread involvement by civilian actors in the context of societal collapse. [4] The increasing animosity and the resort to violence between groups has traditionally been explained by the process of polarization. The process of polarization involves the element of mutuality, in that members of the different groups are brought together into hostile blocs that equally oppose each other. [5] Conflicts over certain events and issues increase, as does the simplification of issues. The middle ground and the mediating structures and relationships diminish. [6] Ideologies of polarization develop preconceiving the society in simplified terms, where the different groups have neither any common nor reconcilable interests. [7] As tensions arise, this dynamic leads to that violence becomes unavoidable as well as reciprocal. [8] Violence is met by violence with an accompanied spiral effect on the polarization. The ensuing violence has a direct deteriorating effect on the relations both among and between the different groups, and on the relations between the groups and the government. While continuous violence leads to an even higher degree of polarization, extreme violence such as genocide, transforms the conflict into relations of mutual hatred. [9] The necessity for violence is explained and justified by the different actors as either that violence is the only available alternative to incur changes in the system for the sub-ordinate group, or as the only alternative to defend and maintain the existing system from any changes from the perspective of the dominant group. [10] However, we also know of numerous cases where people refuse to participate in this process of polarization and manipulation. In Rwanda, where a well-planned strategy of genocide of the Tutsi population existed long before it was carried out, moderate Hutu were targeted and killed because they were for mutual coexistence and political participation of all groups. [11] Many Hutu were not only victims of the violence that ensued, but did also help assist and protect members of the Tutsi group. Also in Bosnia-Hercegovina many people have helped and protected each other across ethnic lines, and have not succumbed to the polarization that has ensued. In Burundi, there are many examples of where people have not followed different leaders incitement to violence. [12] The complexity of the situation is reflected in that while some people have not necessarily seen themselves defined by a certain group membership, the ensuing polarization has at times forced people into accepting that identification because of the need of protection from the very real threat from actors that label people according to a specific group and act thereafter. As the example from Sarajevo on page one shows, there is here an interrelated dynamic with international actors that can serve to reinforce this identification with painful consequences. (1 van 6) :49:24

345 Aspects of External Perceptions of Identity and Group-Belonging In addition, in many places where violence has erupted, former existing local or traditional social networks like elders councils have ceased to function because people simply feel overwhelmed by the situation and the escalating animosity. [13] There are times when it is very difficult to separate what is right from wrong and to withstand the dynamics of polarization and violence. It would be useful for international actors to try to consciously identify such networks or councils to support them in conflict situations, with the purpose of reducing fear and mistrust and of trying to mitigate the ensuing polarization. In Burundi, the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) as part of its dissemination program on norms of humanitarian conduct identified and organized a local working group whose members resisted the conflict, and is an example of how international actors can assist in mitigating tensions between groups. [14] In addition, the ICRC redesigned its program to reduce the risk that the program itself would feed into suspicions between the groups. 3. How Do We Refrain From Feeding Into the Process of Polarization? From the perspective of the various international actors, it is necessary to try to identify the dynamics of violence to be able to understand why people act in a certain way, and also to reduce the risk for international actors to become emerged into the process of polarization. The foundation of ethnocentrism and nationalism is said to be the affiliation people feel with what is termed the in-group and the fear of the out-group. [15] In times of societal transition and disintegration feelings of insecurity and the fear for the unknown make us more susceptible to messages of fear or propaganda especially if these sentiments are combined with actions that validate this fear. These feelings of insecurity and the fear for the unknown do not emanate from being a member of a certain group, race or nation, but emanate from being a human being. [16] It is in the context of certain circumstances, such as societal transition and disintegration, that in addition, also ordinarily psychologically healthy people can become prone to fuel their feelings and frustrations into hatred of the other followed by violence. [17] The other becomes the enemy. These acts of violence no longer remain private acts of violence if spurred on or incited by actors with a political purpose that use, in this case, ethnicity as a means to get to or to stay in power. What such actors, leaders, provide is a very powerful validation of not only the distress and the fear that people are experiencing, but of who the enemy is. [18] Becoming aware of this dynamic and understanding how powerful it is, provide an opportunity for international actors to try find a mechanism to mitigate the effects of such fears before violence erupts instead of risk believing that the eruption of violence might be something given. Political violence by one group against another has serious consequences for how the different groups view and relate to each other. It has been said that such violence leads to that the boundaries between the groups become reinforced, as does the internal cohesion for each group. [19] Also, violence leads to the strengthening of the inclination of stereotyping the other group, the out-group, as the enemy, all combined leading to that the gap between the groups widens. [20] The concept of the enemy, also supports the internal cohesion of the group. [21] An additional factor is the dehumanization of the other which makes it possible for a person to carry out violent acts. However, it would be a mistake to take this dynamic as something static. As an example, local non-governmental organizations (Ngos) working in Sarajevo which provided emergency aid to war victims during the conflict, had been established by the specific groups, Serbs, Muslim, Catholic and Jewish before the conflict erupted in 1992 serving not only the specific groups but the whole community in areas where they worked based on need. [22] When the conflict in Bosnia-Hercegovina began, these local Ngos were identified by international Ngos as their partners and as recipients of funding. However, as a way of showing nonpartisanship some of these international Ngos targeted their funding to each Ngo based on specific group ethnicity. Later on representatives of these local Ngos have argued that by targeting aid in this way the international actors reinforced the divisions that existed, while not creating them. [23] They also suggested that if these funds had been given to them as a group to jointly decide where to allocate them, joint decision making as well as a mutual understanding of each other s suffering would have been strengthened. [24] Such an approach would also have been able to serve as a common ground for continuous joint decision making in the post conflict phase. This example not only shows the problem with uncritically accepting definitions and perceptions about how one thinks the situation is. It also shows the necessity for international actors to become more adept at analyzing the different dynamics of a certain situation and to take responsibility for the fact that what one does has an impact on people and that these actions always have consequences, good or bad. It also reflects the necessity for developing true partnerships where concerns such as these would have been aired and taken into account at the time of the planning of, in this above-mentioned case, the funding of local Ngos. 4. The Necessity to Let Go of the Enemy From Simplicity to Complexity In countries where neighbors and former friends turn into foes as we have seen in so many places, an examination of also the psychological dimension of conflict resolution is required. [25] This is necessary when the situation is highly emotionally charged affecting among other things not only how people perceive and relate to each other, but also how people perceive the deliverance of emergency aid and assistance, as well as governmental and international initiatives and projects for reconstruction and development. It is both very difficult and painful to let go of the us-versus-them attitude, especially in the context of continuous political polarization. In moving towards a more peaceful society away from the polarization, letting go of the enemy is though a (2 van 6) :49:24

346 Aspects of External Perceptions of Identity and Group-Belonging necessary process as is letting in a more complex reality. Fear is a very powerful emotion that does not go away with a peace agreement. This psychological dynamic needs to be properly understood as well as addressed. For instance, some of the resistance in Bosnia-Hercegovina regarding the difficulties people still have in being able to move back into their own houses, might be based in continuous fear and not hatred for the other. [26] This has to be seen in the context of what kind of leadership that is present. Also, again it is a matter for international actors, at this cross-point, to try not to feed into and thus maintain existing divisions but instead try to assist in finding ways and mechanisms for moving away from the polarization. Because of the complexity of the situation this needs to be seen in the context of the interrelationship between not only governmental and non-governmental actors, but also between the different dimensions of conflict. Another aspect is that in a highly emotionally charged environment it is easy to lose perspective because of the mere emotional difficulty of the situation, and some international actors might easily become a target for manipulation if they are not adept at dealing with emotional issues. For instance while the need to defend and protect a group, people, is justified, there is a risk such as the case of Rwanda shows that the situation turns into a power play. In Rwanda, governmental actions, domestically and internationally such as in the Democratic Republic of the Congo, are explained by the government within the framework of the genocide, and the genocide is used as a justification for disproportionate violence. Some international actors have dismissed or minimized actions taken by the current government, in some cases because of an ineptitude to deal with the highly emotionally charged environment after the genocide. [27] Still it is well documented that for instance both sides have committed crimes against humanity during the conflict in [28] Also, that soldiers of the RPA (the Rwandan Patriotic Army) have been responsible for massacres of civilians in the Democratic Republic of the Congo, as well as for killings and disappearances of civilians in Rwanda. [29] An approach that dismisses and minimizes actions taken by actors that surmount to violations of international humanitarian law or human rights will not lead to peace, because it does not support the dynamic that is conducive to peace. It is a confusing approach since these external actors do not seem to be able to distinguish between right from wrong at a time when clarity is needed. International actors have to make sure that their activities support the country as a whole for the long-term, and not only those who find themselves in a leadership position at a certain time. Also, such an approach only serves to maintain animosity and division as well as impunity. The complexity of the concept of ethnicity is reflected in conflict situations by the relocation or reintegration of people. Many people have been forced to relocate because of their ethnicity to not only new areas but what has become a new country, in the context of nation transformation. Others have been living in exile during decades, and later return to their former home country. Ethnic affiliation with other people of the same group in this new place might not necessarily lead to being in a more tolerant environment, or at home. Different experiences as well as lifestyles, and issues such as land distribution and who gets assistance, transcend ethnicity. [30] A too a narrow focus on ethnicity risks disregard the underlying root causes of conflict that might still be present, such as continuous political and economic discrimination. Again in Bosnia-Hercegovina, some people have argued whether the international community in its quest to end the conflict, paradoxically has been working towards division and not unity. We do not need to create a new lid, here ethnicity, to put on existing problems by not adequately addressing the root causes as well as the consequences of conflict. A related example is Rwanda after the genocide in Hundreds of thousand of Tutsi returned from having lived in exile during decades in mainly English speaking Uganda or in French speaking Burundi. [31] Some of these people have never even been to French speaking Rwanda before, or they left Rwanda when they were small children. [32] This situation is reflected at the governmental level as well, where the initial opposition group of exile-tutsi constitutes the core of the current government. Today some of those Hutu and Tutsi that lived in Rwanda throughout the genocide and never fled have at times more in common with each other than with their respective ethnic group. [33] Also, concerns about whose interest the government is serving have been discussed, an issue which transcends ethnicity. This has to be seen in the context of that the current government has long been criticized of limiting political opposition of all groups, that political space has been seriously curtailed, and that it is controlling, not governing, the country. [34] In April 2000, tensions increased once again when key Hutu members of the government resigned, leading to that some people fled to Tanzania. [35] Since April 2000 there has been what the UNHCR (the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees) terms a worrying increase of Rwandan refugees into Tanzania. [36] The refugees give as reasons to their flight among other things, an increase in disappearances, arbitrary arrests and killings targeting young men in particular. [37] The situation is exacerbated in Rwanda by that a common definition of either the past or the current situation, including the historical aspect, does not seem to have yet fully developed neither internally nor internationally. This is serious because that means that some of the post-conflict projects and programs might have been or be counterproductive for the development of peace. An integrated approach is necessary because a too a simplistic approach will not only limit the scope of issues that will be addressed, but also the number of actors involved in the making of peace. As this paper has shown there are many dimensions to a conflict situation. In recent conflicts there has been a clear gender dimension, where many women and girls have been exposed to rape and sexual violence as a deliberate method of intimidation. Such violence is not separated from the general social structure of our societies that includes the role of women, and that dimension needs to be included and not only framed in terms of crimes having been committed against women. Finally a simplistic approach will serve to maintain the polarization that already exists instead of help reducing it, with the result of continuous division. (3 van 6) :49:24

347 Aspects of External Perceptions of Identity and Group-Belonging In conclusion, international actors in conflict or post-conflict situations, be it through emergency aid or funding of and participation in different projects and programs with the stated purpose of contributing to peace, need to become aware of the interrelationship between these different dynamics and dimensions so to make sure that peace is not built on division and on what separates people, but on how we can create a mutual platform from where to start living together again. September Bibliography Amnesty International, Annual Report 2000, London, Amnesty International, Rwanda: the Hidden Violence: disappearances and killings continue, AFR 47/23/98, June 23, 1998, London, Anderson, Mary B., Do No Harm: How Aid Can Support Peace- or War, Lynne Rienner Publishers Inc., Boulder, London, 1999 Commission Internationale Non-Gouvernementale sur les Violations Massives des Droits Humains en République Démocratique du Congo (ex-zaïre) Rapport Preliminaire. Rapport Préparé par le Centre Internationale des droits de la Personne et du Développement Démocratique et L'Association Africaine pour la Défense des Droits de l'homme en République Démocratique du Congo (Kinshasa) (ASADHO). June 1998, www://ichrdd.ca Crenshaw, Martha, Introduction: Reflections on the Effects of Terrorism, in Terrorism, legitimacy and power: the consequences of political violence: essays/ by Irving Louis Horowitz, Ed. by Crenshaw, Martha, Middletown, Conn., Wesleyan University Press, Scranton, Pa., 1983 Destexhe, Alain, Rwanda and Genocide in the Twentieth Century, New York University Press, New York, 1995 Jones, Lynne, Letter from Sarajevo: On a front line, BMJ 1995: 310: , April 22: bmj.com Jones 310 (6986):1052 Frøyland, Anette, Nilsson, Ann-Charlotte, Suhrke, Astri, Rwanda: Verken rettferdighet eller fred (Rwanda: Neither Justice nor Peace), in Forsoning eller rettferdighet? Om beskyttelse av menneskerettighetene gjennom sannhetskommisjoner og rettstribunaler, ( Reconciliation or Justice? The protection of human rights through truth commissions and criminal tribunals ), Ed. by Andreassen B-A and Skaar E., Cappelen Akademisk Forlag, Oslo, 1998 Kuper, Leo, The Pity of It All: Polarization of Racial and Ethnic Relations, University of Minnesota Press, Minneapolis, 1977 Maynard, Kimberly A., Healing Communities in Conflict, International Assistance in Complex Emergencies, Columbia University Press, New York, 1999 Maynard, Kimberly A., Rebuilding Community: Psychosocial Healing, Reintegration, and Reconciliation at the Grassroots Level, in Rebuilding Societies after Civil War: Critical Roles for International Assistance, Ed. by Kumar, Krishna, Lynne Rienner Publishers Inc., London, 1996, Boulder, 1997 Prunier, Gérard, Rwanda: La mort d un juste, Libération, Débats, June 16, 1998, Le Quotidién, www. Libération. Com; Reyntjens, Filip, Talking or Fighting? Political Evolution in Rwanda and Burundi, , Current African Issues No. 21, the Nordic Africa Institute, (Nordiska Afrikainstitutet), Uppsala, 1999 Robins, Robert S., and Post, Jerrold M., Political Paranoia, The Psychopolitics of Hatred, Yale University Press, New Haven, London, 1997 U.N. Doc. S/1994/1405 Letter from the Secretary-General to the President of the Security Council transmitting the final report of the Commission of Experts, December 9, 1994, in the United Nations and Rwanda, , the Blue Books Series, Volume X, United Nations UNHCR Press Briefing Note, Tanzania: Increase in Rwandan Arrivals in Ngara, July 21, 2000, www. UNHCR Refugee NewsNet results: Rwanda UNHCR South East Europe pages the World/ South-East Europe/ Bosnia and Herzegovina, July 2000, www. unhcr.ch UNHCR Press Briefing Note, Tanzania: UNHCR Concern at Mine Accounts, April 28, 2000, www. UNHCR Refugee (4 van 6) :49:24

348 Aspects of External Perceptions of Identity and Group-Belonging NewsNet results: Rwanda U.S. Committee for Refugees, Life After Death: Suspicion and Reintegration in Post-Genocide Rwanda, Washington D.C., Immigration and Refugee Services of America, February 1998 [1] Jones, Lynne, Letter from Sarajevo: On a front line, BMJ 1995; 310: (22 April), 1052, p. 1 [2] Op. cit., p. 5 [3] Maynard, Kimberly A., Healing Communities in Conflict, International Assistance in Complex Emergencies, 1999, p. 6 [4] Ibid. [5] Kuper, Leo, The Pity of it All: Polarization of Racial and Ethnic Relations, 1977, p. 128 [6] Op. cit., p. 113 [7] Op. cit., p. 128 [8] Op. cit., p. 128 [9] Op. cit., 1977, p. 205; Kuper talks about how the conflict in Burundi became qualitatively transformed by violence, such as that extreme forms of violence did not only have a deteriorating effect on relations, but an effect that evolved from deteriorated relations into hatred of each other. [10] Op. cit., 1977, p. 114, 120 [11] Two to three years before the Arusha Accords in 1993, there was the beginning of a movement in Rwanda working for the respect for human rights, the rule of law and an end to the one-party system. Many Hutu publicly were in favor of democratic governance and negotiating with the RPF (the Rwandan Patriotic Front) leading up to the Arusha Peace Accords in These were seen by the Hutu extremists as traitors and labeled accomplices of the RPF, and were intimidated and terrorized along the Tutsi by the different militia groups the Interhamwe and the Impuzamugambi, the youth wings of the Hutu parties the Movement Republican national for development (MRND) and the extremist the Coalition for the Defence of the Republic (CDR); Destexhe, A., Rwanda and Genocide in the Twentieth Century, 1995, p : [12] Anderson, Mary B., Do No Harm: how aid can support peace or war, 1999, p. 117 [13] Maynard, Kimberly A., Healing Communities in Conflict, 1999, p. 116 [14] Anderson, Mary B., Do No Harm: how aid can support peace or war, 1999, p. 117 [15] Robins, R. S. and Post, J. M., Political Paranoia, the Psychopolitics of Hatred, 1997, p. 88 [16] Op. cit., p. 89 [17] Op. cit., p. 89, 93, 97 [18] Op. cit., p. 94, 97: However, at the bottom of such movements are people who are not content with themselves, p. 97. [19] Crenshaw, Martha, Intro.: Reflections on the Effects of Terrorism, in Terrorism, Legitimacy, p. 22 [20] Ibid. [21] Robins R. S. and Post J. M., Political Paranoia, the Psychopolitics of Hatred, 1997, p. 92 [22] Anderson, Mary B., Do No Harm: How Aid Can Support Peace or War, 1999, p (5 van 6) :49:24

349 Aspects of External Perceptions of Identity and Group-Belonging [23] Ibid. [24] Ibid. [25] See the developing literature on the necessity to integrate both psychological and social issues into the international response and assistance regarding complex emergencies, Maynard, Kimberly A., Rebuilding Community: Psychosocial Healing, Reintegration, and Reconciliation at the Grassroots Level, in Rebuilding Societies after Civil War: Critical Roles for International Assistance, Ed. by Kumar, Krishna, Lynne Rienner Publishers Inc., London, 1996, Boulder, 1997 [26] A majority of the Bosnians that have returned to Bosnia have not been able to return to their old homes because of continuous political tension between the different communities (Serb, Muslim, Croat). In addition one million more Bosnian refugees and internally displaced persons have yet to permanently settle. Some improvements have been made such as setting up a legal framework that includes property laws, that the UNCHR tries to strictly implement: UNCHR The World, South-East Europe pages Bosnia and Herzegovina, July 2000, [27] An ineptitude to deal with the emotional environment in Rwanda is by no means the only reason to why international actors dismiss or minimize these actions, but a reason that is seldom acknowledged. [28] Letter from the Secretary-General to the President of the Security Council transmitting the final report of the Commission of Experts, S/1994/1405, December 9, 1994, in the United Nations and Rwanda, , the Blue Books Series, Volume X, p. 416 [29] Commission Internationale Non-Gouvernementale, 1998; Frøyland A., Nilsson A-C, Suhrke, Rwanda: Verken rettferdighet eller fred, in Forsoning eller rettferdighet?, 1998, p. 275; Amnesty International: Rwanda, the Hidden Violence: disappearances and killings continue, June 23, 1998, AFR 47/23/98: Annual Report 2000; [30] U.S. Committee for Refugees, Life After Death: suspicion and reintegration in post-genocide Rwanda, February 1998, p ; Maynard, Kimberly A., Healing Communities in Conflict, 1999, p. 116 [31] U.S. Committee for Refugees, Life After Death: suspicion and reintegration, February 1998, p ; [32] While today the official languages in Rwanda are Kinyarwanda, French and English, the main languages spoken have been Kinyarwanda and French. [33] U.S. Committee for Refugees, Life After Death: suspicion and reintegration..., February 1998, p [34] See Prunier, Gérard, Rwanda: La mort d un juste, Libération, Débats, June 16, 1998, Le Quotidién, www. Libération. com; Reyntjens, Filip, Talking or Fighting? Political Evolution in Rwanda and Burundi, , Current African Issues, No.21, 1999, p. 26 [35] UNHCR Press Briefing Note, April 28, 2000, Tanzania: UNHCR concern at nine accounts, www. UNHCR Refugee NewsNet: in the first half of April 2000, more than 160 Rwandans fled to Tanzania. [36] UNHCR Press Briefing Note, July 21, 2000, Tanzania: Increase in Rwandan arrivals in Ngara, www. UNHCR Refugee NewsNet: [37] UNHCR Press Briefing Note, July 21, 2000, Tanzania: Increase in Rwandan arrivals in Ngara, www. UNHCR Refugee NewsNet: By July 2000, people have fled from Rwanda to Tanzania this year alone. For the whole of 1999, UNHCR recorded 1,633 people. (6 van 6) :49:24

350 Doc Gender and Armed Conflict an Overview Report By Armani El Jack BRIDGE Executive Summary Armed conflict negatively affects women and men and results in gender-specific disadvantages, particularly for women that are not always recognised or addressed by the mainstream, gender-blind understandings of conflict and reconstruction. Gender inequality reflects power imbalances in social structures that exist in pre-conflict periods and are exacerbated by armed conflict and its aftermath. The acceptance of gender stereotypes is one of the main reasons that such gender blindness persists. Stereotypical perceptions of roles Stereotypical interpretations shape and are shaped by social, political, economic, cultural and religious contexts. Armed conflict encourages expectations that men will fight and women will support them on the home front. The popular perception is that men are soldiers or aggressors and women are wives, mothers, nurses, social workers and sex-workers. It is true that it is primarily men who are conscripted and killed in battle, but women make up the majority of civilian casualties and suffer in their role as caregivers, due to a breakdown of social structures (Byrne 1996). However, women are also combatants, as evidenced in Sri Lanka and Liberia, and men are also victims. These realities have consequences for gender relations, which often go unnoticed and unresolved. Gendered impacts of armed conflict The impacts of armed conflict on gender relations are significant. Forced displacement and gender-based violence (GBV) are two examples of impacts that are not inevitable outcomes of armed conflict, but rather are deliberate strategies of war that destabilise families and communities. Physical and sexual violence, particularly towards women and children, occur with greater regularity during and after armed conflict. Women experience rape and forced pregnancy, forced sex work and sexual slavery, often at the hands of peacekeepers, police or occupying forces, as occurred in Bosnia. Although men are the primary perpetrators of violence towards women and children, it is important to note that men too are subject to victimisation and violence, including sexualised violence. International laws and institutions Gender differences are entrenched within public and private institutions that intervene to end armed conflict and build peace (El-Bushra 2000a, Kabeer 1994). International organisations such as the United Nations (UN), governments and non-governmental organisations (NGOs) vary from ignoring women or taking a gender-blind approach, to treating women stereotypically. Still others look at women without a consideration of women s relative inequality in the context of gender relations. Often where the term gender is used, the focus still tends to be on women and girls without taking into account the ways in which gender inequality and power imbalances between women and men exacerbate their disadvantage. Impacts of armed conflict such as forced displacement and GBV are not understood as human rights violations, but rather as cultural or private issues that are best left alone. Furthermore, many governments have yet to ratify the international commitments designed to protect the human rights of women and girls during and after armed conflict. Lack of recognition or enforcement prevents any real progress towards gender equality. Mainstreaming gender concerns into conflict resolution and interventions Interventions, such as humanitarian assistance and disarmament, demobilisation and reintegration (DDR) programmes for ex-combatants, exacerbate gender inequality if they are administered in gender-blind ways. Mainstreaming gender awareness into the structures that govern armed conflict and post-conflict reconstruction requires better cooperation between international institutions, states and NGOs. If we are to build more equal post-conflict societies, it is particularly important to involve women s organisations at the decision-making level in the formation of political and legal structures. Indeed, the all-encompassing upheaval caused by armed conflict creates the potential to redefine gender relations in the post-conflict period in more gender equitable ways. But without greater support for organisations and interventions that promote gender equality in all sectors, there is a high risk that long-standing patterns of oppression will be re-established. (1 van 4) :49:37

351 Doc Recommendations The report makes a number of recommendations: Take the lead from the local: Interventions need to be based on context-specific evidence about what women and men are doing, and not on stereotypical interpretations of gender roles and relations that presume to know what they should be doing. Interventions should involve local organisations particularly women s groups in decisionmaking capacities. Outreach and support designed to assist families and communities adjust to shifting gender roles and relations should be assessed on the local level to ensure they are appropriate to the particular community or region. The programmes of states and international organisations must also reflect the concerns and priorities expressed by local populations. Improve implementation of existing international laws by international institutions and states, particularly in terms of recognition of impacts of armed conflict such as forced displacement, impoverishment and GBV as violations of human rights and not as private, cultural concerns that are unavoidable outcomes of war. Implementation and enforcement of UN Security Council (UNSC) Resolution 1325 would represent a significant step forward. Increase funding to specialised services that deal with the distinct needs of women and men who suffer violent impacts of armed conflict such as rape and torture. For women, specialised services must include counselling and outreach to manage gynaecological/reproductive health concerns related to rape, forced pregnancy and sex work. More health and counselling services should also be made available for men who move away from masculine, stereotypical gender roles or resist violence and combat and, as a result, become victims of physical and sexual violence. Involve women and provide gender training: The involvement of women is necessary but does not in itself guarantee that gender concerns will be addressed or that women are automatically gender-aware. Training in identifying and addressing gendered concerns is important for everyone involved in post-conflict reconstruction. Peacekeepers in particular must receive tailored gender training in order to build trust with communities, as well as to minimise the threat of sexual and physical violence from peacekeepers themselves. Without a proper understanding of how gender roles and relations are shifting, we jeopardise the goal of a sustainable and peaceful post-conflict society. Greater cooperation is needed between all the actors involved in conflict and post-conflict reconstruction to address the power imbalances that lead to gender inequality. Without significant steps towards gender equality, there can be no real or meaningful peace. Executive summary written by Lata Narayanaswamy. ( ) 5.1 Human rights versus human security Human rights Historically, mainstream definitions of human rights, while seemingly gender neutral, have been predominantly based on men s experiences. Article two of the 1948 UN Universal Declaration of Human Rights recognises human rights as a universal ideal of respect for humanity that all people are entitled to, but does not make any specific mention of women. Indeed, few governments and NGOs are committed in domestic or foreign policies to women s equality as a basic human right (Peters and Wolper 1995). In zones of conflict, the denial of women s human rights has reinforced oppression and discrimination. When combined with other forms of power imbalance, this denial has more devastating consequences. An emphasis on human rights is important but insufficient in dealing with issues related to gender equality. Violations that occur during all stages of armed conflict are often considered simply to be the consequences of war and not necessarily human rights violations, and are frequently overlooked: Although armed conflicts violate the basic right to life and security, women experience specific vulnerabilities and violence including forced pregnancy, sexual mutilation and sexual slavery at the hands of soldiers (Anderlini 2001). Similarly, men may be physically or sexually abused or experience trauma after witnessing this type of abuse against family members. These types of violations are seen as private issues or unavoidable outcomes of conflict as opposed to human rights violations. Human rights are also violated in conflict through imprisonment, torture, disappearances and forced conscription but, again, these acts are considered to be inevitable outcomes of war rather than violations. Women and men experience violations of human rights in distinct ways. Men of combat age constitute the majority of those killed during fighting, endure imprisonment and are forcibly conscripted. Meanwhile, women and children in conflict zones constitute the majority of civilian casualties as well as the majority of those displaced and impoverished (Byrne 1996). Political representation and participation are basic human rights. But whether in conflict or not, political (2 van 4) :49:37

352 Doc institutions frequently exclude women. Women are under-represented in national and international organisations in both conflict and post-conflict arenas (UNDP 2002). This violation of human rights is not defined as such, but rather, is seen as a reflection of normal, patriarchal structures of power in play. Therefore, it is rarely questioned, particularly during armed conflict. In short, human rights approaches will continue to overlook serious violations unless they recognise the gendered effects of armed conflict as basic rights violations and not as private, normal or inevitable consequences of armed conflict. Human security Human security relates to the safety of people (particularly disadvantaged people) from such chronic threats as hunger, disease and repression... [and] from sudden and hurtful disruptions in the patterns of daily life whether in homes, in jobs or in communities (UNDP 1994: 23). The human security approach is based on the assumption that all people have basic human rights and should enjoy these rights regardless of who and where they are (ibid). In the context of gender, the term implies that all women and men are entitled to security, including economic security, food security, and health and environmental security (ibid). Feminist perspectives on human security draw a further link between sustainable development, social justice and the protection of human rights and capabilities as central aspects of any discussion of human security (AWID 2002). A human security focus for studying gender and conflict is significant because it establishes a link between gender equality and human security. Unlike a focus on rights, the human security approach implies that anything that threatens security is a violation of human rights, including gender-specific violations long considered to be normal, private or inevitable outcomes of war. However, even with the security framework, in practice there will still be resistance to recognition of these violations. A human security approach is also problematic, insofar as it can be appropriated by states and multilateral organisations for their own agendas (Enloe 1993). The attacks on the World Trade Center in the US on 11 September 2001, for example, have become a pretext for the racist depiction of Muslims and people from the Middle East in the name of homeland security. Current developments within US foreign policy strongly suggest that human security will continue to be used to justify wars such as those against Afghanistan in 2001 and Iraq in International law, resolutions and conventions The human rights of women (and girls) are embodied in a number of international human rights instruments and international humanitarian laws. These instruments collectively condemn all forms of violence against women. Many of them also contain specific references to the inclusion of a gender component in peace and security, most notably UNSC Resolution 1325, the Windhoek Declaration: Namibia Plan (UN 2000).These laws and resolutions stress that those negotiating and implementing peace agreements should adopt a gender-sensitive perspective and address the protection and rights of women and girls during conflict and in post-conflict reconstruction. What is UN Security Council Resolution 1325? In October of 2000, the UN Security Council held a debate on Women, Peace and Security, which led to the passage of Security Council Resolution 1325 on 31 October Among other things, the Resolution recognises that an understanding of the impact of armed conflict on women and girls and effective institutional arrangements to guarantee their protection and full participation in the peace process, can significantly contribute to international peace and security. The UN calls on all parties involved in conflict and peace processes to adopt a gender perspective. This will include supporting local women s peace initiatives and indigenous processes for conflict resolution. The NGO Working Group on Women, Peace and Security is working to ensure the implementation and raise the visibility of UNSC Resolution 1325 and incorporate more women in peace and security issues. The complete resolution is available in the Supporting Resources Collection that accompanies this report or online at: The language of gender in Resolution 1325 UNSC Resolution 1325 on Women Peace and Security is undeniably a breakthrough for establishing broader human rights guidelines, particularly for women s human rights, at the international level. Unfortunately, the resolution does not provide much guidance on what a gender perspective consists of, and where the term gender is used, it is used interchangeably with women and girls. It denies many of the gendered concerns that arise in armed conflict. These concerns require an understanding of how existing power imbalances between women and men are experienced during and after armed conflict and how these inequalities might be removed to improve gender relations. 5.3 Why are there difficulties in implementation and enforcement? (3 van 4) :49:37

353 Doc Although the importance of these laws, resolutions, conventions and commitments must not be understated, they are limited in their application. International commitments are difficult to enforce in practice because of the limited interpretations of human rights that deny various forms of gender-specific violations, as discussed in the previous section. Also, a range of cultural, historical and patriarchal justifications exist for the exclusion of gendered concerns in both human rights and human security approaches. This oversight is reflected in the use of language in international laws, in that emphasis is placed on women and girls in isolation as opposed to gender and gender relations. Furthermore, many states have yet to ratify these international commitments. Finally, despite the availability of this information, communication and information sharing with respect to these laws and commitments within organisations and between policymakers and grassroots organisations has been poor. Even where equal rights and security are recognised in theory, the practice remains unequal because women and men do not have equal opportunities to claim these rights, due to differential access to economic, political and legal resources. At all levels, there is a need for laws, resolutions, strategies and interventions that specifically target the differential access to resources and opportunities. Implementing and institutionalising gendered human security and human rights approaches into policies requires the commitment of resources and the development of strategies that effectively overcome gender bias. Civil society, particularly women s organisations, can play a role in raising awareness and ensuring governments and NGOs are held accountable. Through the mobilisation of and cooperation between all actors concerned with armed conflict and reconstruction, we have a better chance of addressing the power imbalances that lead to unequal gender relations and establishing a long-lasting, sustainable peace. ( ) BRIDGE (development gender) Institute of Development Studies NOTE: The article is an excerpt from the BRIGDE PUBLICATION Gender and Armed Conflict an Overview Report by Armani El Jack. See the full text at: BRIDGE can provide further gender and development material in English, through our websites or by contacting them: BRIDGE (development - gender) Institute of Development Studies University of Sussex Brighton BN1 9RE, UK Tel: +44 (0) Fax: +44 (0) [email protected] Website: / (4 van 4) :49:37

354 Alternatives ALTERNATIVES Anti-globalist Movement By Darko Panich Anti-globalist movement takes tradition and belongs to the new social movements. Unlike other new social movements, it is not one issue movement. It is comprised of many organizations and many themes: civil rights, labour, feminist, peace, anarhist...the movement is reaction on emergence of neoliberal logic and dying of welfare state. (IN SERBIAN) Women s Voices: Solidarity Based Economy Network By Les Penelopes Les Pénélopes believe it is urgent to break barriers of isolation by giving women more consciousness of their know how, empowering them by the awareness of not being alone and by multiplying their potential through mutual network. To respond to this social demand, we need to create new tools for measuring this underestimated know how, new methods to interpret this invisible qualification. How Can Globalisation be Changed to Benefit All People? By Janice Duddy AWID A look at the newly released ILO report written by the World Commission on the Social Dimension of Globalization entitled "A Fair Globalization: Creating Opportunities for all". The way women's movements have been challenging the current state of globalization will also be explored. 9:49:41

355 Women s Voices: Solidarity Based Economy Network By Les Penelopes, France Women s Voices: Solidarity Based Economy Network By Les Penelopes, France Les Pénélopes believe it is urgent to break barriers of isolation by giving women more consciousness of their know how, empowering them by the awareness of not being alone and by multiplying their potential through mutual network. To respond to this social demand, we need to create new tools for measuring this underestimated know how, new methods to interpret this invisible qualification. Women creating alternatives to liberal economy may become visible... In fact, this project's objective is to enhance women's visibility in the area of solidarity-based economy all over the world in order to be able to valorize their work and to appreciate the non financial but social richness of solutions they propose. Its aim is to obtain a mutualism of communication means and know how in the intention of creating an exchange network among the actresses. Les Pénélopes believe it is mostly women who conceive economic alternatives being however systematically invisible, their work and efforts being ignored and underestimated. Women are usually absorbed by their daily tough work, and do not have the time or energy to wonder about the importance of communicating their activities or to look for a better management. Getting linked to others with whom they share the same challenges, difficulties and achievements can seem to them as helpful as inaccessible. Women need to be aware of similar resistances, especially when the concerns are identical. They often feel as excluded and lonely as hundred of other women trying to conquer the same challenge! Acquiring know how through experience exchanges Les Pénélopes believe it is urgent to break barriers of isolation by giving women more consciousness of their know how, empowering them by the awareness of not being alone and by multiplying their potential through mutual network. To respond to this social demand, we need to create new tools for measuring this underestimated know how, new methods to interpret this invisible qualification. It is only the confrontation of experiences that can permit us to identify and appreciate this qualification in an adequate way, resulting in a new method to read and measure this know how and to disse- minate it. Which actresses are involved? Groups involved come from different regions such as Argentina, Brazil, Bulgaria, Cameroun, Equateur, Mali, Mexico, Chile, Ecuador, Southafrica, Haiti, Democratic Republic of Congo, Senegal, Yugoslavia, Quebec, Paraguay, India and France ; in each region several structures have been already identified with more than 30 initiatiaves conducted by women. Their aim is to create income, or to help their members for insertion into the job market. Thus, we can find with a wide variety of activities such as reading and writing learning, knitting, sewing, embroidery, photography, catering service, ironing, decoration, radio programmes, music and singing, social work, neighbourhood mediation, cooking teaching, theatre, painting, poetry, dyeing, pottery, cinema festivals, expositions and sales, children's daycare, cattle breeding in fur farming, fruit and vegetable transformation, Production of peanut pastry, dressmaking, recycling, woodworking, home repair courses, printing. The challenge is set This project fixes a calendar to determine common development objectives, factors of success, difficulties encountered. The intention is to get gathered soo for a working meeting. For more information and to join us: [email protected] Les Penelopes 9:49:46

356 Doc How Can Globalisation be Changed to Benefit All People? By Janice Duddy Association for Women s Rights in Development (AWID) The World Commission on the Social Dimension of Globalization, established by the International Labour Organization (ILO) in February 2002, released a new report on February 24, 2004 entitled "A Fair Globalization: Creating Opportunities for all". The main premise of the report is that current state of globalization MUST change. As the Co-Chairs of this Commission, President Tarja Halonen of Finland and President Benjamin William Mkapa of Tanzania, write, "We believe the dominant perspective on globalization must shift more from a narrow preoccupation with markets to a broader preoccupation with people. Globalization must be brought from the high pedestal of corporate board rooms and cabinet meetings to meet the needs of people in the communities in which they live" (vii). The Commission sends a "critical but positive message". This report acknowledges the benefits of globalization. They state, "We recognize that globalization has opened the door to many benefits. It has promoted open societies and open economies and encouraged a freer exchange of good, ideas and knowledge. In many parts of the world, innovation, creativity and entrepreneurship have flourished" (3). However, the Commission argues that these benefits have come at a large cost to the world and its people. The Commission writes, "there is growing concern about the direction globalization is currently taking. Its advantages are too distant for too many, while its risks are all too real. Its volatility threatens both rich and poor. Immense riches are being generated. But fundamental problems of poverty, exclusion and inequality persist. Corruption is widespread. Open societies are threatened by global terrorism, and the future of open markets is increasingly in question. Global governance is in crisis. We are at a critical juncture, and we need to urgently rethink our current policies and institutions" (3). The press release for this report explained that, "Juan Somavia, Director-General of the ILO, who originally proposed the Commission, said this was the first time there had been a systematic attempt to deal with the social dimension of globalization. He added that the Commission was convened by the ILO to search for common ground and make proposals on issues which are today the subject of "parallel monologues" and a "dialogue of the deaf". "This Commission provides a clear-eyed, common sense message of hope. Making globalization fair and inclusive is difficult but do-able, and is an urgent worldwide priority", he said". ( inf/pr/2004/7.htm ) The press release continues, "Mr. Somavia said the 26 Commission members - including a Nobel Economics laureate, politicians, parliamentarians, social and economic experts and representatives of business and multinational corporations, organized labour, academia and civil society - were "broadly representative of the diverse and contending actors and issues that characterize globalization today and had accepted the challenge to analyze its effects and provide a series of proposals for righting its imbalances". Their report "offers no miraculous or simple solutions, for there are none. But is an attempt to help break the current impasse by focusing on the concerns and aspirations of people and on the ways to better harness the potential of globalization itself". ( ) In order to change the current state of globalization to become more fair and inclusive the Commission has called for a specific set of conditions. They state: "We seek a process of globalization with a strong social dimension based on universally shared values, and respect for human rights and individual dignity; one that is fair, inclusive, democratically governed and provides opportunities and tangible benefits for allcountries and people. To this end we call for: A focus on people. The cornerstone of a fairer globalization lies in meeting the demands of all people for: respect for their rights, cultural identity and autonomy; decent work; and the empowerment of the local communities they live in. Gender equality is essential. A democratic and effective State. The State must have the capability to manage integration into the global economy, and provide social and economic opportunity and security. Sustainable development. The quest for a fair globalization must be underpinned by the interdependent and mutually reinforcing pillars of economic development, social development and environmental protection at the local, national, regional and global levels. This requires sound institutions to promote opportunity and enterprise in a wellfunctioning market economy. Fair rules. The rules of the global economy must offer equitable opportunity and access for all countries and recognize the diversity in national capacities and developmental needs. (1 van 3) :49:53

357 Doc Globalization with solidarity. There is a shared responsibility to assist countries and people excluded from or disadvantaged by globalization. Globalization must help to overcome inequality both within and between countries and contribute to the elimination of poverty. Greater accountability to people. Public and private actors at all levels with power to influence the outcomes of globalization must be democratically accountable for the policies they pursue and the actions they take. They must deliver on their commitments and use their power with respect for others. Deeper partnerships. Many actors are engaged in the realization of global social and economic goals international organizations, governments and parliaments, business, labour, civil society and many others. Dialogue and partnership among them is an essential democratic instrument to create a better world. An effective United Nations. A stronger and more efficient multilateral system is the key instrument to create a democratic, legitimate and coherent framework for globalization". ( This report makes reference to the importance of gender equality in any global system. In the section titled "Globalization and its Impact" the report explains that, "in some countries globalization has resulted in serious gender imbalances" (47). It also makes a call for multilateral organizations to develop research programs that would examine the gender implications of this impact (138). The members of the Commission realize that it is essential to remain cognizant of the way that globalization impacts the lives of women and make an effort to ensure that this is included in their work. This report runs parallel to work that women's organizations have been doing on Globalization over the last few years. For instance in an article, "Women in the Global Economy: Issues Roles and Advocacy", written by Nadia Johnson, WEDO s Economic and Social Justice Program Associate that was included in WEDO's publication Women Challenging Globalization published in 2002, she writes, "Women have recognized for decades that gender-sensitive policies and their implementation are critical not only to women, but to any plan for poverty eradication. Advocates have insisted that a sounder economic discourse, benefiting all people, would bring together: a plurality of development strategies; a political emphasis on accountability and transparency; a focus on local, national, and international arenas; the recognition that economics is about the interrelationship between private enterprise, the public sector and the care economy; the need to demystify economics so it is accessible to all; and the identification of the gendered nature of financial institutions and the macroeconomic policies they implement". ( ffd/ffdreport.pdf: 28 ) AWID has also recognized the importance of changing globalization. The Globalize This! campaign that was launched at the last AWID Forum in Guadalajara, Mexico challenges, "Envision a world without poverty, without violence, without discrimination; a world where everyone's needs are met and their human rights are protected; a world where women's rights are both a means and an end of development. Envision it - now GLOBALIZE IT!" ( The campaign explains, "The road to real equality is long and bumpy, requiring major changes in attitudes, laws, policies, economic systems, social and political structures, and core values. Currently, the processes of globalization represent the most significant challenge on the road to gender equality. We are poised, therefore, to use our collective creativity and energies to bring our vision of equality to life by "re-inventing globalization". ( The campaign then lays out eight demands that provide the starting point for a revolutionary international campaign that will work to globalize women's rights in development. This is a working document and is always seeking input from members. (To read more about the campaign visit: ( Nadia Johnson reminds us, as participants in the women's movement, of our role in challenging the current pattern of globalization, she writes, "Women must stay engaged in the United Nations to safeguard our gains and civil society s scope and effectiveness to foster more meaningful participation. With their rich experiences and comprehensive strategies drawn from a deep understanding of sustainability, equality and human rights, women have a unique role to play in creating a development paradigm that is not compromised by market omnipotence" (33). Through the tireless and committed work of women's organizations and civil society organizations from around the world and now with a commitment from The World Commission on the Social Dimension of Globalization and the ILO it appears that the time for change is upon us. Globalization MUST be inclusive, fair, and ensure human rights and now the Commission has laid out a strategy for change that is obtainable. To conclude the Co-Chairs of the Commission say, "This is an ambitious but realizable common sense vision. The choice is clear. We can correct the global governance deficit in the world today, ensure accountability and adopt coherent policies that forge a path for globalization that is fair and just, both within and between countries; or we can prevaricate and risk a slide into further spirals of insecurity, political turbulence, conflicts and wars". To read this document please visit the ILO web site at: ( (2 van 3) :49:53

358 Doc Source: Association for Women s Rights in Development (3 van 3) :49:53

359 About Globalisation ABOUT GLOBALISATION The 2007 World Social Forum By Kathambi Kinoti, AWID The seventh annual World Social Forum (WSF) ended in Nairobi, Kenya with thousands of delegates marching from the city's Korogocho slums to Uhuru Park. This year's Forum drew together an estimated 60,000 participants from all over the world and was said to be the 'most international' of the forums, partly because African delegates were able to attend in large numbers because of this year's location. The Architect and Engine of Neoliberal Globalization What is the G8 and why should civil society engage with it? By Kathambi Kinoti The Group of Eight otherwise known as the G8 is a forum of the leaders of eight of the richest and most powerful nations in the world - Britain, Canada, France, Germany, Italy, Japan, Russia and the United States. They meet annually to discuss global economic and political issues. Globalization, Poverty and Food Security: The Linkages of Gender Inequality and Agricultural Growth in Africa: Conceptual and Empirical Issues By Bola O Akanji This paper draws on the extensive but mixed discussions around the concepts of globalization and liberalization with a view to exploring their linkages with gender inequality and economic growth in the specific context of developing countries of Africa. Labor Market Flexibility as a Demand of Globalization By Danica Drakuli, Ph.D., and Drago Pupavac, M.Sc. Globalization of the world is inaugurating a new economy. Compared to the traditional economy, where the scope of competition was mostly determined by the boundaries of the national market, the global market environment in the new economy imposes the need for a permanent increase in efficiency on regional and/or global levels. A decreasing number of products bear national characteristics. Likewise, human potential is becoming a global factor despite the fact that the workforce is the least mobile production factor. The Economic Aspects of Globalization by Dejan Petrovic The globalization of economic flows may be the most manifest nowadays, and it is the first thing one thinks of when globalization itself is discussed. Limiting the once sovereign role of nation-state, expanding the market across the planet without a visible chance of anyone preventing it, amassing wealth in ever fewer countries is combined with the growing disproportion between the rich and the poor within these countries. What seemed probable over the few decades after World War II the prominent role of the socalled nation state, care for the less able, less healthy and elderly population, free schooling and healthcare seem to be vanishing into historic oblivion. Economic Terms Demystified By AWID Myth: Economics is pure science. Reality: Economics is often represented as technical and scientific, based on truths from mathematics or statistics. However, economic policy is profoundly political and represents a certain set of subjective assumptions about power and the distribution of resources. Globalisation: a Feminist Economic Perspective By Tatjana Djuric Kuzmanovic, Ph.D. (1 van 2) :49:57

360 About Globalisation Eighties saw radical changes in women s lives worldwide, whether in terms of their inclusion into or exclusion from global economy. The issue of the impact of globalisation on women implies perceiving the most direct relationships between gender and globalisation. An analytic gender model is supposed to ensure avoiding all pitfalls noted in the debates on globalisation, and reproducing the existent dichotomies and stereotypes. Gender analysis, as an integral part of analytic approach to globalisation, contributes to its better comprehension as a multidimensional process. Globalisation - Definitions Globalisation broadly refers to the expansion of global linkages and encompasses several large processes; definitions differ in what they emphasize. Globalisation is historically complex; definitions vary in the particular driving force they identify. The meaning of the term is itself a topic in global discussion; it may refer to "real" processes, to ideas that justify them, or to a way of thinking about them. The term is not neutral; definitions express different assessments of global change. Among critics of capitalism and global inequality, globalisation now has an especially pejorative ring. (2 van 2) :49:57

361 Labor Market Flexibility as a Demand of Globalization Abstract Labor Market Flexibility as a Demand of Globalization By Danica Drakuli, Ph.D., Faculty of Economics, Subotica, Serbia and Montenegro, and Drago Pupavac, M.Sc., Polytechnic, University of Rijeka, Croatia Globalization is an attempt at general restructuring of the world and, consequently, the labor market as well. The basic demand of globalization on the labor market is the demand for its flexibility, i.e. lowering labor costs. Therefore, this study will pay special attention to domination in the global world as the prevailing type of relationship between the countries of the global core, the leaders of the globalization process, and the countries of the global semi-periphery, which are the object of globalization. The scope of research for this study includes the implications of globalization for the European labor market, and the transfer of jobs from the countries of the global core to the countries of global semi-periphery and periphery. The results of research are based on the methods of analysis and synthesis as well as the factor assessment method, representing qualitative starting points for enhancing the quality of workforce and improving the global competitive position of the global semiperiphery and periphery. Key words: globalization, flexibilisation, labor market, labor costs 1. Introduction Globalization of the world is inaugurating a new economy. Compared to the traditional economy, where the scope of competition was mostly determined by the boundaries of the national market, the global market environment in the new economy imposes the need for a permanent increase in efficiency on regional and/or global levels. A decreasing number of products bear national characteristics. Likewise, human potential is becoming a global factor despite the fact that the workforce is the least mobile production factor. The task of this study is to research the interrelationship between globalization and labor market flexibilisation, i. e. to confirm the hypothesis that labor market flexibilisation occurs as a demand of globalization and is aimed at reducing labor costs. The objective of research is closely connected with the research task and the hypothesis: to determine the interrelationship of globalization and labor market flexibilisation; to research the implications of the globalization of labor market on the European labor market, and to point to the need to raise workforce quality in integrating the countries of the global semi-periphery and periphery into the globalization processes. 2. Interrelation of globalization and labor market flexibilisation Stiglitz [5,29] defines globalization as increasing interconnectedness of the world s countries and nations, which has brought about a huge reduction in transport and communication costs and removal of artificial barriers to the flow of goods, services, capital, knowledge and (to a lesser extent) people across borders. It has the power to produce many benefits, provided that it is adopted under the conditions and at the pace that suits a certain country. Countries caught in the vortex of the globalization process should expand their development potential and take into account the comparative advantages. The last decades of the last century in the world s economy are characterized by an increasingly apparent polycentric development model, with the domination by a few most developed countries of the world. Domination in the global world, i.e. mutual trade relations, among certain countries is the prevailing model of interrelation. Dominant countries are those that are considered to need little or nothing from other countries in international exchange. They can also exert significant pressure on the countries they dominate, aimed at promoting certain political, economic or other interests. Each of these countries is involved in this interdependence matrix, either as dominant in mutual relationships or dominated in these relations. The role of the US as the moderator of the global economy and the force of global competition requires a liberalization of the labor market. The need for labor market liberalization is the consequence of two phenomena of the new economy: (1) the transfer of the majority of the workforce from blue to white collar and (2) transfer of jobs from developed to developing economies. These phenomena of the new economy are characterized by opposed action. Thus, from the point of view of the countries of the global core, labor market liberalization is the response to the needs of the new national economic structure (high participation of the service sector) and the desire to use low labor costs in the countries where jobs are being transferred. From the point of view of the countries of the global semi-periphery and periphery, labor market flexibilisation occurs not only as an imperative demand of developed countries, but also of their own desire to secure the arrival of foreign producers, and thus a (1 van 6) :50:10

362 Labor Market Flexibility as a Demand of Globalization more favorable position in the global market, through cheap labor. 3. The implications of globalization on the European work market In order to consider the reflections of globalization on the European work market, it is crucial to bear in mind that, unlike North America or Asia, Europe is a unionized continent, and most of the countries of the European Union are defined as welfare states, which includes extensive economic and social rights of the employees protected by the state. The first reflection of globalization on the European market is the reinstatement of a 40-hour workweek in developed European countries comprising the global core. An average workweek shorter than 40 man-hours has been shown as an impediment to faster economic development, increased work productivity, reduced labor costs, competitiveness of domestic producers, foreign investment entry, and, above all, solving the problem of unemployment. Due to the above reasons, an increasing number of companies, in cooperation with workers and trade unions, are preparing to extend the workweek from 35 to 40 man-hours without wage increases. This was one of the main conditions set by the management of Siemens in negotiations with the IG Metall trade union (comprising 2.7 million members) lest they transfer the production of mobile phones to Hungary. The same model was used by Daimler Chrysler and Robert Bosch, the French car spare parts producer, to solve the problem of high wage costs. In the 1980s, the average workweek in the South Korean production sector was 53.4 man-hours and 48.4 working hours in Taiwan. Only 1% of South Korean and 29% of Japanese workers work the normal five-day week [3,13]. It is therefore not surprising that the number of fatal industrial accidents in these countries is nine times higher than in the US or Sweden. The average annual number of man-hours is 2,590 in South Korea, 2,124 in Japan, 2,522 in Singapore and 2,433 in Taiwan. In France, the annual average is 1,683; in Germany it is 1,598 and 1,948 in the US. The Europeans, to put it simply, enjoy more free time. According to estimates, the American worker works 40% more hours than his or her counterpart in Germany, France or Italy. Reinstating the 40-hour workweek in developed European counties and retaining current wage levels will result in lower labor costs in these countries, which will result in further pressure to lower wages in the countries of Central and Southeast Europe. This will endanger the competitiveness of less developed European countries, which necessarily means that they will seek their chance in a fast flexibilisation of the labor market and lowering taxes and dues on wages and from wages, or be exposed to a capital strike. Consequences will include unemployment, economic stagnation and decline in the quality of life. Professors Sunda and Rupnik [5,54-55] point out that, when a country with lower intellectual capital value emerges in the globalization process, (1) the prevalence of the dominant country s intellectual capital is passivised and perhaps even diminished by the domestic intellectual capital, and (2) capital invested in human potential up to that moment is not returned to the country which is in the globalization process, but is wasted. To ensure a unique labor market not only on the legislative level, but in reality as well, the free labor movement is one of the basic premises of the EU. The free movement of workers within the European Union enables the following: (1) adapting labor supply to a variety of enterprises needs; (2) a coherent and more efficient conjuncture policy; and (3) improved individual living standards (4) improved living conditions for people remaining in their regions and underdeveloped countries. To enable a higher extent of free labor movement and increase the transparency of the European labor market, the European Employment Service (EURES) was developed, comprising more than 500 counselors, national employment services, employment organizations or trade unions, and regional administration bodies or instructional organizations, which were established specifically for those seeking employment and work. On August 12, 2004, the EURES site registered 79,520 job seekers, as well as 2,495 companies offering 2,990 jobs. On July 19, 2005, the EURES site registered 89,793 job seekers and 4,069 companies offering 4,615 jobs. Tables 1 and 2 show the state of European labor market through EURES. Table 1 Table 2 Job seekers looking for employment through EURES Companies seeking workers (per domicile country) (per home country) Number of enterprises Number of job seekers Rank Country seeking workers Country Aug. 12, 2004 July 19, Aug. 12, 2004 July 19, (2 van 6) :50:10

363 Labor Market Flexibility as a Demand of Globalization 1. Poland 13,050 18, GB Spain 11,807 10, Spain Italy 9,947 11, Germany Germany 4,955 4, Sweden France 4,039 4, Netherlands Hungary 2,039 2,423 Czech Rep Czech Rep. 1,733 1,961 Hungary 6 19 Slovakia 1,497 1,422 Slovakia 2 8 Slovenia Slovenia 1 9 Source: edited by the authors The most requested occupations on the European labor market in 2004 and 2005 through EURES are listed in Table 3: Most requested occupations Occupation Companies Aug. 12, 2004 July 19, Cooks Head waiters, waiters and bartenders Systems engineers and programmers Physicians Computer engineers Computer operators Salespersons Kitchen and restaurant helpers Receptionists Other computer specialists Sales and marketing managers 72 Source: edited by the authors [1] Despite all of this, migration flows inside the European Union are very slow. Labor mobility is very low despite pronounced wage disparities and unemployment rates. The unemployed are even less mobile employed workers as they are unable to afford the costs of moving, changing environments, learning languages, etc. The enlargement of the European Union will increase migration flows on the labor market, primarily from the new member countries to more developed European countries. To prevent this, some European countries have imposed a moratorium on migration and the influx of foreign workers. Cyprus, which, unlike larger and wealthier European Union members (Germany, Austria, Belgium, Finland, etc.), did not impose the moratorium on migration and influx of foreign workers, records a high influx of workers from new EU members, especially Poland and Slovakia. As a result, employees in the Cypriot hotel industry have found themselves under strong pressure from employers to reduce basic wages. 4. Enhancing the workforce quality in including the countries of global semi-periphery and periphery into the globalization process. Labor costs in the countries of the global periphery have reached the level of one-third of labor costs in the countries of global core. For the countries of the global core to opt for transferring jobs into the countries of the global semi-periphery and/or periphery, the share of labor costs in the total production cost must be higher than 15%. If not, there will be no economic effect of job migration. Labor is one of production costs, but this does not mean that countries with the cheapest labor will attract the most investment. For a country to attract foreign producers, it must necessarily have an available trained workforce capable of attaining the appropriate level of work productivity. Increasing work productivity also increases a country's competitive position in the global market. In many cases, it is cheaper to produce footwear or clothing in the countries of the global semi-periphery such as Taiwan and South Korea and transport it to the markets of the global core countries than produce them there. The three key variables in increasing productivity are: (1) labor, (2) capital, and (3) management. Low productivity levels in the countries of the global semi-periphery and/or periphery can significantly increase (3 van 6) :50:10

364 Labor Market Flexibility as a Demand of Globalization total production costs and thereby seriously impair the advantage achieved by low labor costs. This assertion is best confirmed by the following example. The management of a company in a global core country is considering the option of relocating production to a country of the global periphery. The wage of a worker in a global core country who produces 60 pieces of a product each day is 70 euro. A worker in a global periphery country has a wage of only 25 euro, but only produces 20 pieces each day. The unit cost for the product can be calculated with the following formula: T = cost per product unit L = worker s daily wage P = work productivity Case 1: Production costs per product unit in a global core country euro Case 2: Production costs per product unit in a global periphery country euro Poor workforce training, low work education levels, poor work ethics, absenteeism, etc. in the global periphery countries often annul the advantages achieved by low wages. Thus, apart from labor costs and work productivity, it seems appropriate to conduct scientifically based research of other factors of workforce quality. The remainder of this study discusses the decision of the management of a company in a global core country on possible relocation of production to a country of the global semi-periphery or periphery, from the point of view of workforce quality. Assessing workforce quality in individual countries is based on the factor assessment method. The method comprises six steps: (1) determining key workforce quality factors relevant to relocating the production; (2) determining relevance weights for each of the key factors; (3) determining scales for each factor (i.e. 1 to 10 or 1 to 100); (4) determining the score for each country and each factor based on step 3; (5) determining the product of multiplying the relevance weight factor and the score assigned to each factor, and then establishing the total score; and (6) making a decision on relocating the production based on conducted quantitative analysis, i.e. the highest total score. The result of the assessment is given in Table 4: Key factor Wages Relevance weight 0.35 Possible score (out of 100) Score achieved GCC GSPC GPC GCC GSPC GPC ,5 31,5 Productivity Work ethics ,4 Education level ,5 9 Workforce availability ,5 11,7 Total Table 4: Assessing the decision to relocate production, from the point of view of workforce quality Legend: GCC global core country GSPC global semi-periphery country GPC global periphery country It is evident from the data in Table 4 that the management of the enterprise must make a decision to relocate production to a global periphery country. Savings achieved in wage costs outweigh the somewhat lower workforce quality from the point of view of work productivity, work ethics, lower workforce education levels, and the somewhat poorer quality of workforce supply. Furthermore, changing relevance weights of individual factors enables a new analysis of the options of relocating production from the workforce point of view. So, for example, direct foreign investment in the countries of East Asia was the result of creating a good business climate (low wages below the possible labor market price, repressive employment policy, long working week) by their governments, but after the workers' movement had strengthened and wages increased, both foreign and domestic capital started relocating to Southeast Asian countries, notably Indonesia, Malaysia, Thailand, the Philippines and Vietnam. Total South Korean investment in East Asian countries increased 109 times, from 10.3 million USD in 1984 to 1,092 million in Taiwanese investment in Southeast Asian countries in the period from 1987 to 1994 reached almost 15 billion USD. (4 van 6) :50:10

365 Labor Market Flexibility as a Demand of Globalization 5. Conclusion Globalization processes are conducted through market, economic, financial, technological and information flows, unstoppably accelerating capital movement. Other production factors, especially country and labor, are being neglected. The force of global competition outweighs the significance of labor as a production factor and demands lowering labor costs. Flexibilisation of labor market is a global step forward in this direction. Labor mobility as a production factor is very poor; thus, two contemporary phenomena are apparent on the market: (1) the transfer of the majority of the workforce from blue to white collar, and (2) the transfer of jobs from global core countries to the countries of the global semi-periphery and periphery. The implications of globalization on the European labor market are observable in the extended workweek in developed countries, retaining the current wage levels, lower job security of the employed and unemployed, pressures to lower the wages in the countries of Central and Southeast Europe, and attempts to establish a unified labor market. Labor is one of the production costs, but this does not mean that countries with the cheapest labor attract the most investment. For a country to attract foreign producers, it must necessarily have an available trained workforce capable of attaining the appropriate level of work productivity. Apart from labor costs and work productivity, there are other important factors determining workforce quality and thus the potential producers decision to relocate production and jobs. The most significant of these factors are workforce education levels, work ethics levels, and workforce availability. About the authors: Professor Danica Drakulic, Ph.D., (Serbia and Montenegro). She obtained her M.Sc. and Ph.D. from the University of Belgrade, Serbia, in the field of the General Economic Theory. She is a Professor of the Macroeconomics at the Faculty of Economics in Subotica, Serbia. Her main fields of expertise are economic theory, macroeconomics, microeconomics, globalization in the world economy, social impacts of technological changes, and university education issues. She is an author of several determinants in the Encyclopedia of Economy and Business, and of the books Macroeconomics and Technological Changes, and Globalization in the World Economy, as well as a number of articles published in scientific journals. She works on the project, Technology, Culture and Development and is active in the Scientific Association Technology and Society. Contact: [email protected] Drago Pupavac (Croatia) is a senior lecturer at the Polytechnic of Rijeka. He earned M.Sc. in economics from the University of Zagreb, Croatia in He is a member of Croatian Scientific Society for Traffic and is now a researcher on the Ministry project, Include Croatia in the European logistics system. His major research interests lie in the areas of transport economy, human potential and logistics. He has published one hundred scientific papers and three books. Contact: [email protected] Translated from Serbian: Women s Center for Democracy and Human Rights Sources: Books: 1. Drakuli, D. (2003) Makroekonomija i tehnološke promene [Macroeconomics and Technological Changes]: Subotica, the Faculty of Economics Subotica. 2. Heizer, J., Render, B. (2004.) Operations Management: seventh edition, Pearson Prentice Hall, New Jersey. 3. Kwang Yeong Shin (1998.) The Political Economy of Economic Growth in East Asia: South Korea and Taiwan, in The four Asian Tigers (Eun Mee Kim, ed.): San Diego, California, USA, Academic Press. 4. Stiglitz, J. (2004.) Globalization and its Discontents: Zagreb, Algoritam. 5. Sunda, D., Rupnik, V. (2005.) Dominacija kapitala = klopka ovje anstvu [The Domination of Capital = a Trap to Humanity]: Rijeka, I.B.C.C. 6. Drakuli, D. (2003.): Tržište rada i zaposlenost u globalnim reformskim procesima [Labor Market and Employment in Global Reform processes], in Institucionalne promene kao determinanta privrednog razvoja Srbije [Institutional Changes as a Determinant of Economic Development in Serbia]: the Faculty of Economics in Kragujevac Articles in collections of papers: 7. Drakuli, D. (2004.) Doba znanja otvaranje ili prevazilaženje kontraverzi razvoja [The Age of Knowledge Opening or Overcoming the Controversies of Development], in the collection of papers of the Second Conference on the Route to the Age of Knowledge September 16-19, 2004., Valdanos; the Management College in Novi Sad (5 van 6) :50:10

366 Labor Market Flexibility as a Demand of Globalization 8. Pupavac, D. (2004.) Fleksibilizacija tržišta rada preduvjet konkurentnosti u novoj ekonomiji [Workforce Flexibility a Prerequisite to Competitiveness in the New Economy], in the Collection of Papers of the Ninth conference on Technology, Culture and Development, Pali, September 6-10, 2004, pp Pupavac, D. (2005.) Labor market flexibility as a function of entrepreneurship development, International Conference Entrepreneurship and Macroeconomic Management, April 28 30, Pula, Conference proceedings Vol, 2, p Other: 10. Piana, V.: Hierarchy Structures in World Trade: Economics Web Institute, The Economist July August 20, and July 19, 2005 [1] Re-edited by the translator (6 van 6) :50:10

367 The Economic Aspects of Globalization The Economic Aspects of Globalization by Dejan Petrovic, Serbia and Montenegro The globalization of economic flows may be the most manifest nowadays, and it is the first thing one thinks of when globalization itself is discussed. Limiting the once sovereign role of nation-state, expanding the market across the planet without a visible chance of anyone preventing it, amassing wealth in ever fewer countries is combined with the growing disproportion between the rich and the poor within these countries. What seemed probable over the few decades after World War II the prominent role of the so-called nation state, care for the less able, less healthy and elderly population, free schooling and healthcare seem to be vanishing into historic oblivion. The ancient principle of survival of the fittest is more and more at work, not even trying too hard to mask its role with seemingly humane goals. As early as twenty years ago, far-sighted economists foresaw the creation of new global economy, which would be something different from the currently known and widely accepted international economy. The so-called welfare states owe most of their current problems to the structural change of the world s economic system, which is, for some, a synonym for globalization. As we have already said, these changes greatly limit (even tend to fully abolish!) the force of action of nation-states so that, even if they want it, they are unable to provide their own citizens with what they have been used to for decade. Transnational capital does not have much mercy on social policy, equal care for all strata of population, especially those who are unable to generate profit. The increasing dissatisfaction of masses spurred by this is directed at their own governments, who, in turn, have their hands tied. Unless an international system is created in the foreseeable future whereby the control and freedoms of states, corporations and individuals will be regulated more clearly, there are ever smaller chances that citizens will receive any kind of protection from their governments. This also renders the institution of democratic elections senseless, reducing it to the role of mere political folklore. It is implied that the poor societies (mostly those of the Third and even the Second World) have nothing to seek in the fair competition. A newly imposed problem is the fear that even the wealthiest and the most stable societies will not be able to endure this race. If the market demands as advocated by the neo-liberal ideologists are accepted, the already attained wide scope of various social rights that their citizens are used to does not have much chance to survive. As Habermas clearly formulates it: To remain competitive on the growing global market, they (the OECD states) have to take steps causing irreparable damage to the harmony of civil society the most urgent task of the First World in the forthcoming decade will therefore be squaring the circle of welfare, social harmony and political freedom. [1] And we know all too well what a simple task squaring the circle is. Attempts at an appropriate response to the collapse (after a lengthy agony) of the so-called laissez-faire capitalism date back as early as the times of the great economic crisis in the 1920s. This is the time of the occurrence of controlled capitalism [2], taking three forms in capitalist communities: as the New Deal in the USA, protective in Japan, and social capitalism in Western Europe. Regardless of certain differences, the common element in all these three forms of reformed capitalism presents a concern for wide strata of population. They form the basis on which the welfare state developed later. Witnessing the return to some old economic models thought to be outdated, we can conclude that this actually specific historical regression. If this opinion is founded, then the not so loud discourse of neo-liberally oriented intellectuals and economists on history, which has reached its final, ultimate step (of evolution) has no foundation. But more will be said on this later. As it was compellingly demonstrated by Naomi Klein as well, all the trends of capital movement to underdeveloped regions are present, but not out of concern for the welfare of local population as it is declaratively stated, but for their ruthless exploitation. But at the same time, such a manner of re-distributing production to the poor regions of the Third World will render millions of domestic workforce jobless, closing the circle of poverty. Regardless of the proclamations on the visible progress of global economy. The current progress of economic globalization points to the fact that capital is moving to underdeveloped regions, i.e. escaping developed regions, causing, primarily, social problems in them. Stopping this process would mean leaving underdeveloped regions to their fate which would, in turn, whether they get stuck with being underdeveloped, or choose their own way of developing which could be radically different from the Western, mean the discontinuation of the current globalization trend, or it would be limited only to developed regions as some kind of mini-globalization. [3] It is clear that this is a threat to globalization itself, if it is to be understood as the export of the Western, already confirmed model of organizing human society. If it remained only in some regions of the planet, then it could not be fully and duly labeled as globalization. If it were the generator of the occurrence of an alternative globalization, then the results would be even worse for the neo-liberal ideology. This is undoubtedly one of the major problems to which the above-mentioned have not provided an adequate answer so far. Moreover, despite the proclaimed efforts (and perhaps even a genuine wish) to put an end to ethnically-based conflicts by reducing the significance of local identities, the growing poverty among and within various societies seems to be encouraging animosities, conflicts, and, in the foreseeable future, even wars of the conflicting ethic, religious, racial or class groups. The neo-liberal type of globalization is creating a new geography of social inclusion (apartheid). The worlds of wealth and extreme poverty are not divided by the Great Wall of China a (1 van 5) :50:22

368 The Economic Aspects of Globalization new poverty is spreading amid the society of affluence. The black holes of globalization, people and regions excluded from progress, can be found in all the cities of the First World in American urban ghettoes, North African communities in France, Japanese Yoseba slums, Asian megalopolises. They are inhabited by millions of homeless people, by a world of prostitution, crime and drugs, the sick and the illiterate. [4] In one of her texts [5], Naomi Klein gives a vivid example of how real is the advice of the intellectual gurus of neo-liberal provenance. Namely, explaining why capital is moving to underdeveloped regions, Thomas Friedman provides a very interesting answer. Claiming to have talked to several young Palestinians when he was at Ramallah at the West Coast in his twenties, he established that their desire for war, terrorist actions and suicide attacks results from lacking jobs, hope and dignity. At first sight, this explanation does not seem irrational. The listed reasons are surely a good reason for various sources of frustration. But what does Friedman propose for them? That moving jobs from the West not only to India or Pakistan, but to Palestine as well would create not only a more prosperous world, but also a safer world for our own twenty-year-olds! This should be one of the crucial reasons in favour of globalization as envisaged by similar intellectuals. More will be said about what kind of jobs these are in the section on Naomi Klein s book No logo. We shall dwell on another topic here. Friedman forgets to state what are the political causes of the dissatisfaction of the Palestinian or Iraqi people. Klein does not hesitate to remind him: In other words, economic development will not come to Palestine via call centers but through liberation. Friedman's argument is equally absurd when applied to the country where terrorism is rising most rapidly: Iraq. As in Palestine, Iraq is facing an unemployment crisis, one fueled by occupation. And no wonder: Paul Bremer's first move as chief US envoy was to lay off 400,000 soldiers and other state workers. His second was to fling open Iraq's borders to cheap imports, predictably putting hundreds of local companies out of business. Klein is even more lucid when finding an even more efficient way of fighting terrorism: Friedman's bright idea of fighting terrorism with outsourced American jobs is overly complicated. A better plan would be to end the occupation and stop sending American workers to steal Iraqi jobs. Although the current global economy is structured around three main centres of economic power, it can be best described as a post-hegemonistic order that no single centre, not even the USA, can control through rules of global trade or exchange. [6] By this, the advocates of such development of economic course mean that the complex world economy is developing on a totally free, unconditioned market and that individual, i.e. state responsibility is the only criterion of success or failure in this field. But regardless of this, despite internationalisation and regionalisation, the role and position of most developing countries in the global economy is changing incredibly slowly even in long time intervals of a whole century. Held and McGrew observe that the current international division of labour is based on the one recognised by Marx. [7] Today s globalisaton brings about an inconcievably united world for rich individuals, for the elites, but also a growing division inside societies, as the global international division of labour is divided into parts, into rich and poor countries, the globalization s winners and losers. If globalization were as successful as it is (perhaps) desired, then its favourable effect would influence most of the world s population, rather than those (chosen?) groups that most offen have a share in its implementation. Neo-liberals suggest that economic globalization is the only effective road (highlighted by D.P.) leading to global poverty reduction, whereas, in practice, this looks completely different. The failure of certain countries to join the community of the so-called First World is explained by their failure to harmonise and integrate into the contemporary world economy fast enouth. Translated from the language of euphemism, they seem to mean that these are simply incompetent. Not only are differences increasingly felt between states, but they are increasingly obvious inside the countries themselves. Stratification is more and more under way, ever fewer (super)rich individuals own ever bigger capital, while the number of those living below the threashold of poverty is growing proportionately. A few percent of the richest population segment owns more than one-half of national wealth. This chiefly applies to the USA, although such trends exist in capitalist countries as well. How paradoxical it all is is maybe best expressed by the fact that powerful corporations posssess more assets than many (=most) countries of the world, and that this list may even include individuals! An argument that it is about the progress of global economy may be valid, if limited to people we have just mentioned. Then there is really no dilemma that this argument is valid. But if the moral issue of simultaneous impoverishment of the majority of the world is raised as equal, then such an attitude is significal +ntly overshadowed. This is what neo-liberally oriented intellectuals call struggle on the open market : To the extent that standardised life situations and careers are disappearing, individuals facing multiple options, feeling the growing burden of decisions they must now make themselves, i.e. arrangements that they have to negotiate themselves. The pressure of individualisation urges for new social rules to be discovered and controlled at the same time. Freed subjects, no longer bound and governed by traditional roles, must create binding relations through their own communication efforts. [8] The above is not questionable at all, but it is appropriate to remind that the freed subjects have never been asked anything about their forhtcoming roles! Although these decisions affect them most directly, they were made elswhere. It is therfore no wander that, in the ever wider regions of the losers of globalization, the globalization proces is percieved simply as the continuation of well-known colonisation, i.e. Western imperialism. It will remain so as long as the global inequality remains increasingly manifest. The fact that many citizens of the imperialist countries do not feel the benefits of the proclaimed process does not diminish in the least the justified anger of the inhabitants of all the underprivileged countries of the Second, Third and all all other worlds in the leaast. It is maybe here that one should look for the roots of growing terrorism which is really democratically shared affecting everyone equally! How do these radically oriented groups and their acts of violence come about? Even in developed countries, the increasing class differentiation brings about a fear that the existing wealth will have to be shared and that the aliens present in a given society will take away their share of the cake undeserved. Such fears (and let us remember that the Nazis once took over the power riding on such demagogical cliches) are (ab)used by politicians who political points with populist, isolationist and even openly hostile messages. National, regligious, racial or (2 van 5) :50:22

369 The Economic Aspects of Globalization class hatred, as well as xenofobia are for the most part rooted in the above. Needless to say, when such forces take over the power, genuine economic progress is out of question! And this is all a logical consequence of the philosphy of open, deregulated market. It only favours its favourites which adapt most sucessfull to its unwritten laws, to a way of life in which the absolute purpose of human life is generating and increasing profit. Its aim is not common good, but the realisation of the ancient idea of the human society as war of all against all. The road from there to universal harmony it proclaims declaratively is a long and rough one. It is also questionable how justifiable is to expand the impact of market ideology to all other non-economic segments of society, and the democratic legitimacy of international financial institutions (such as the IMF, the World Bank, WTO etc.) is also highly questinable, as they have no forms of control above themselves and, accordingly, are not accountable to anyone. We can only speculate what abuses are possible here. Held tries to provide an answer to all these questions: These sobering realities lead to the conclusion that it is only within the borders of the state within the nation as a moral community that legitimate and effective solutions to the problem of global social injustice can be constructed. [9] Historically, the state saw the greatest expansion and prosperity in Germany at the time of World War I and during the Nazi rule in 1930s. It is interesting that it is in the Third Reich [10] that appeals to social justice and various forms of social protection were vociferous, parallel with the development of impressive military machinery. This was, of course, one of major arguments used by those who criticize contemporary welfare states as well. The fact that this happened in Germany becomes clearer bearing in mind that it was in this country that the first steps to creating a welfare system were made as early as 1883, by establishing health care, taking care of the unemployed, senior population segments, etc. At the time, the costs allocated for these expenditures were not too great a burden for the state s production sector. The initiator of establishing such a system was the famous Chancellor Bismarck. This idea spread like wildfire all over the planet during the twentieth century, to such extent that the clear definition of social policies has become a key feature of the modern state. However, some things had to be sacrificed by these policies. In this case it was the efficiency of capitalist production methods. The advocates of neo-liberal society put the blame on the enormous growth of public expenditure, taxation and bureaucracy as one of the causes of the inherent totalitarianism of the welfare stated. This can, of course, give an opportunity to the beneficiaries of the public social system to abuse it. Anthony Mueller does not fail to notice this: The coverage of old age, sickness and unemployment insurance, along with social aid, and disability insurance and with all the numerous special branches of social policy have turned Germany into an Eldorado for those seeking a free ride. Often described as "generous", the German social welfare system actually provides a plethora of incentives for intentionally becoming unemployed, seeking early retirement and fulfilling the necessary requirements in order to become eligible for social aid and disability payments. This especially applies to the period after World War II when any action directed against such policies was labeled as (expressed in modern terms) a form of politically incorrect discourse. Thus, increasing expenditure is imposed on the economically active population, and in view of the aging population structure of most of the countries of the Western hemisphere, the percentage of really economically active people is drastically reduced and, proportionally, more burdened by various categories of budget beneficiaries. How to balance the reasonable and objective needs of social policy beneficiaries and their evident abuses is becoming a new problem to be addressed. We can take an example from Italy. Namely, the legislator (the state in this case) has stipulated that an employee laid off from an enterprise with more than 15 employees may sue his or her own employer. There have been cases in practice that many of such claims have received positive replies. Should the employer be forced to reemploy the same worker, apart from being entitled to payment of all lost receivables, he or she would receive further compensation for dismissal, as well as the money from social insurance. What does this tell us? That the employer s hands are tied, that laying off workers may cause more economic harm than keeping them in their jobs. This is what opens space for various blackmail activities by employees, such as working to rule, lower productivity, open sabotage of the working process, etc. Not to mention that nothing would motivate the worker to achieve better work results, and the employer would not have the opportunity to make qualitative selection among different workers, under the threat of possible lawsuit and multiple damages that may follow. Furthermore, this is a direct hindrance to economic growth, as many companies will purposely remain within the limit of fifteen employees, lest they face this threat. This is only an example [11] of the implications of the excessive consideration of the employee s interests in relation to the employer, which is still an important wheel in the development of every economy; and no less than referendum was held on this issue. Regarding this issue, Minardi quotes the opinion of Bruno Leoni from his book Liberty and Law, where he argues that employers are not the stronger side in a possible dispute, nor must employees be the weaker side. In cases when he or she needs workers more than the workers need him or her, and is unable to find them, the employer can by no means be regarded as the weaker side or seen through the traditional prism of the notorious exploiter. One of the positive examples of neo-liberally oriented economy comes from Chile, where they came up with the idea of private pensions! This is no doubt a very interesting suggestion, so let us see what it is about. The Chilean pension model is a comprehensive alternative to the social collectivism initiated by German chancellor Otto von Bismarck at the end of the 19th century, which was used as a model for the welfare states of the 20th century. By cutting the link between individual contributions and benefits that is, between effort and reward and by entrusting governments not only with the responsibility but also with the management of these complex programs, the Bismarckian pay-as-you-go pension system turned out to be the central pillar of the welfare state, in which the possibility of winning elections by buying votes with other people s money even with the money of other generations led to an inflation of social entitlements, and thus to gigantic unfunded, and hidden, state liabilities. In Chile, the same rationale that applies to the private pension system has already been extended, although imperfectly, to the areas of health and unemployment, with individual insurance (health) or accounts (unemployment) managed by the private sector. [12] This system has already been established in many South American countries (Mexico, Bolivia, Salvador, Peru, Columbia, Argentina, Uruguay), but also in many of the former Socialist block countries (Hungary, Poland, Kazakhstan), which may be especially interesting, but also (3 van 5) :50:22

370 The Economic Aspects of Globalization indicative as a precedent. Hungary was the first former Socialist country to break the ice in 1998 and allow for a portion of the workers salaries to be invested in pension savings accounts. The previous method of investing in pension funds had been in deficit as early as the nineties, when the contributions amounted to 30% of the salary. If the system had remained unchanged, Hungary would have been forced to raise the taxes on wages up to 55%, which would, in a few decades (around 2035 as estimated) have lead to each pensioner being supported by only one worker. Knowing that in a country such as Italy the government used to pay disability pensions for 30,000 dead people, and also bearing in mind that it is the country with the lowest birth rate in the world, we can only imagine what the public expenditures were over a budget year. There was even an example of a woman receiving a (disability) pension as a blind person, while working as a driver at the same time. The annual expenditure on public pensions in Italy amounts to as much as 14.5% of GDP. José Piñera argues that nowadays pension systems are under the highest threat in Western Europe, with the proverbially strong influence of the traditional welfare state. Apart from purely economic, we can provide a non-economic argument in favour of private pension system. Poor people, who usually start working earlier than their somewhat better off peers, have (on the average) a shorter lifespan than the latter. Under such a method of pension payment, poorer workers would find it easier to accumulate higher amounts on their accounts, thereby de facto lessening the well-known gap between the rich and the poor, as the workers have so far been investing into a system providing them with the yield rate of less than 2%. Here is, finally a truly socially humane argument in favor of neo-liberal thinkers! If such a rate could be applied in different socio-economic models of different countries with an equal success rate, we see no reason why it should not be done. Note: Extract from an unpublished paper entitled The Philosophical Implications of Globalism and Anti-globalism, Belgrade, 2004 Translated from Serbian: Women's Center for Democracy and Human Rights, Serbia and Montenegro About the author: Dejan Petrovi Serbia and Montenegro, attained a BA degree from the University of Belgrade (2004). Addresses the issues of considerations of society, political theory, essay-writing and journalism. Especially interested in issues related to globalization and anti-globalization movement. Author of several dozed authored texts and interviews. Received awards for essays from Zarez and Srpsko pero magazines. Published in Vreme, Status, Habitus, Zarez, Aplauz and NSPM. [1] Jürgen Habermas: Postnacionalna konstelacija [Postnational Constellation], Otkrovenje, Belgrade, 2002, p. 84. [2] Miroslav Pe ujli : Planetarni kentaur dva lika globalizacije [The Planetary Centaur the Two Faces of Globalization], NSPM, Belgrade, 2003, p. 34. [3] Vladimir Vuleti : Globalizacija proces ili projekt [Globalization Process or Project], NSPM, Beograd, 2003, p. 89. [4] Miroslav Pe ujli : Planetarni kentaur dva lika globalizacije [The Planetary Centaur the Two Faces of Globalization], NSPM, Belgrade, 2003, p. 39, [5] Naomi Klein: Outsourcing the Friedman, Available at: [6] David Held & Anthony McGrew: Globalization/Anti-Globalization, Polity Press, Cambridge, 2002, p. 51. [7] Ibid, p. 45. [8] Jürgen Habermas: Postnacionalna konstelacija [Postnational Constellation], Otkrovenje, Belgrade, 2002, p (translated from Serbian) [9] David Held & Anthony McGrew: Globalization/Anti-Globalization, Polity Press, Cambridge, 2002, p. 87. [10] Anthony Mueller: Bye-bye Bismarck, Available at: [11] Alberto Mingardi: Italy's Tyranny of Labour Protection, The Wall Streat Journal Europe, June 13, Available at: [12] José Piñera, Toward a World of Worker-Capitalists, The Boston Converzationi, Boston University, 2001, Available at: (4 van 5) :50:22

371 The Economic Aspects of Globalization (5 van 5) :50:22

372 Doc Economic Terms Demystified By Association for Women s Rights in Development (AWID) Economic Growth: an increase in the amount of money flowing through a country s economy. Promoting economic growth is the goal of much economic policy because it is often incorrectly assumed that economic growth is good for everyone. Efficiency: the allocation of goods and services such that no person can be made better off without making someone else worse off (or such that those who are made worse off can be compensated by those who are made better off). Efficiency is usually a goal of economic policies. An efficient allocation, however, does not necessarily require an equal or fair distribution of goods or services. Fiscal Policy: policy relating to government revenue, particularly taxation and spending. Heavily-Indebted Poor Countries (HIPC): countries that have accumulated a large amount of debt during the 1980s and as a result qualify for the HIPC debt reduction initiative of the World Bank and International Monetary Fund. Macroeconomics: refers to economic issues that concern the performance of the economy of a whole country, including the overall output and income of a country, unemployment, trade, interest rates, investment, and government budgets (as opposed to microeconomics which looks at the economic activity of individuals or small groups). Monetary Policy: the government policy that controls the amount of currency available in an economy. Neoliberalism: an economic theory which opposes state intervention in the economy and believes in the free operation of the market. Poverty Reduction Strategy Papers (PRSPs): comprehensive action plans for combating national poverty. These are required by the World Bank and International Monetary Fund in order for a country to access development loans and aid. Privatization: occurs when services that were owned by the government are sold to private companies. When privatized, services such as health care, education and social services are provided by companies who aim to make a profit. A belief in the inherent superiority of profit-oriented production has lead to a drastic increase in privatization in recent years. Structural Adjustment: processes of reform imposed mostly on poor countries requiring that they export more products, privatize services, increase taxation, devalue their currency, and reduce the government s role in the economy in order to stabilize their economies. In the 1980s, structural adjustment policies (SAPs) were imposed by the World Bank and International Monetary Fund in over seventy developing countries. Trade Liberalization: the reduction of restrictions (including tariffs, quotas and regulatory standards) on the trade of goods and services across borders. Myths and Realities about Economic Policy Myth: Economics is pure science. Reality: Economics is often represented as technical and scientific, based on truths from mathematics or statistics. However, economic policy is profoundly political and represents a certain set of subjective assumptions about power and the distribution of resources. Myth: Economics is gender-neutral. Reality: Traditional economic analysis can have devastating impacts on women because it does not take into consideration the gendered nature of our societies and the resulting gender differentiated impacts of economic policies. Women s assumed status as secondary wage earners in the paid labour force results in women experiencing more poverty than men, for example. The privatization of public services increases women s unpaid work as they take over where the public sector leaves off in terms of nursing the sick, educating children and caring for the elderly and those in need of assistance. And as companies cut costs by laying off employees, (1 van 2) :50:34

373 Doc reducing salaries and using home-based workers, women are the most affected. Furthermore, the impacts of economic crises are more severe for women. Applying a gender analysis to economics reveals biases that exclude women and allows for the redress of economic inequalities that face women. Myth: Gender equality advocates do not have the expertise to engage with macroeconomic policy. Reality: Gender equality advocates come from all walks of life and are all affected by economic policies in their day-today lives. They are therefore capable of critiquing economic policies and of suggesting policy directions that would empower women. Excerpt from: Women s Rights and Economic Change Ten Principles to Challenge Neoliberal Globalization, Facts and Issues No. 6, December 2003 Association for Women s Rights in Development (AWID) (2 van 2) :50:34

374 Doc Globalisation: a Feminist Economic Perspective [1] By Tatjana Djuric Kuzmanovic, Ph.D. Advanced Business School, Novi Sad, Serbia Eighties saw radical changes in women s lives worldwide, whether in terms of their inclusion into or exclusion from global economy. The issue of the impact of globalisation on women implies perceiving the most direct relationships between gender and globalisation. An analytic gender model is supposed to ensure avoiding all pitfalls noted in the debates on globalisation, and reproducing the existent dichotomies and stereotypes. Gender analysis, as an integral part of analytic approach to globalisation, contributes to its better comprehension as a multidimensional process. Namely, conventional interpretations of globalisations are too narrow, economical, focusing primarily on changes occurring on the market and state levels, and their mutual relationships. In other words, little attention is paid to the global and local reconstruction of social, cultural, racial ethnic, gender, national and family identities, roles and relations. The first stage of gender analysis, therefore, is the re-conceptualisation of global space from gender perspective. It further generates the re-conceptualisation of national space, state, economy, household and civil society. Such articulation of the global restructuring process will demonstrate old and new forms of including or excluding partners from the globalisation process and the features of the existing inequalities. Finally, such analysis will show what response and which forms of resistance current globalisation brings about. Such response includes various activities and strategies of women s groups, peace movements, green movements, which sometimes acquire a dimension of exclusive, and even forceful resistance to globalisation. Such violent response is the most frequently articulated through ethnic conflicts, nationalism and religious fundamentalism. Gender analysis should also provide a feminist perspective in considering such resistance to globalisation (Marchand H. Marianne and Runzan Sisson Anne, 2001). Having disregarded the less significant debate on whether globalisation actually exists or not, the fist question related to globalisation concerns its meaning and its linearity as a process. Modernisation oriented theoreticians see globalisation mostly a continued global homogenisation after the Western model (Fukuyama, Naisbitt, Kothari). Other authors, however, describe globalisation more as a globalised production of diversity (Appadurai, 1996). Whether globalisation will be regarded as homogenisation or heterogenisation largely depends on the perspective used in the course of the analysis. Many analyses, including those used in development studies, are characterised by a macroeconomic perspective that regards globalisation as a complex, but unidimensional process. The unidimensionality of this process is largely determined by neo-liberal logic based on the modernisation thought pattern, even if theoreticians who go beyond neo-liberal logic seldom abandon the idea of globalisation as a linear process. This means that globalisation is placed in a global context, but this context is not problematised. Thus, one does not ask the question of from whose perspective it is a global process, and for whom it is. The theoretic perspective of gender and development is mostly reactive when analysing macro-political and economic issues (Peason, Ruth and Jackson, Cecile, 1998). Traditional interpretation of the features and effects of globalisation on various countries Traditionally, globalisation is defined as a process of growing economic interdependence of countries not only in terms of increasing volume and increasingly diversified form of production, but also in terms of international transactions in goods, services and capitals and accelerated and extensive diffusion of technology, communications and finance. The beneficial effects of the process, the neo-liberally defined globalisation, on economic and social welfare are basically similar to the positive effects of specialisation and market expansion through trade, stressed even by the early economists. Globalisation encourages greater international labour division and more efficient savings allocation, increasing thereby the productivity and standards of living of the classical individual. On the other hand, facilitated access to foreign products enables consumers to choose between a wider range of ever-higher quality goods and services at lower prices. Enterprises face increasing competition. Moreover, the increasingly open access to numerous financial instruments on various markets enables the country to mobilise savings at a higher rate. In the traditionally defined globalisation process, the basic sources of economic growth and structural changes within the national economy itself are international trade and competition as well as the technological process. Each market economy is a dynamic system featuring a continued process of structural changes. Economic progress in market economy is largely a result of successful adaptation of the economic system to structural changes. With the assumption of stimulating further adequate and continued changes among various sectors of (1 van 7) :50:42

375 Doc the economic system, employment structure and income allocation, in the opinion of traditional economists, society as a whole is likely to benefit from the described process of economic development. The distribution of benefits will not be equal across all the segments of society. Some social groups benefit above average, some partially, and some suffer. Globalisation process, understood as a process of growing integration of the market of goods, services and capitals, could also be regarded as a continuation of trends present in the global economy as far as a century back (except for the periods of World Wars I and II). However, until the end of World War I, although artificial barriers between countries were rare, the traffic in goods and capitals was carried out mostly between modern-day developed industries countries. Ever since mid eighties, globalisation process has been significantly accelerated. Nowadays, almost all countries worldwide participate in the process of globalisation. New technological possibilities have drastically lowered transport and telecommunication costs and facilitated the process of integrating national economies into the global market. International trade, direct investment flows and technology transfers have become increasingly close and intertwined, and global economy is increasingly the context of economic decision-making. Rapid and strong integration of national economies into global economy through trade, finance and technology, information networks and transcultural co-operation have stimulated the prosperity of the world as a whole. However, the benefits of globalisation are not allocated automatically or evenly across countries. Evidence points to a growing polarisation both between developed and developing countries, and within these groups of countries. Some developed countries, such as France, Germany and Italy, are dealing with the problem of unemployment, whereas Japan is facing instability of the financial market. Unlike these countries, the United States, the United Kingdom, Australia, Denmark, Ireland, New Zealand and the Netherlands have recorded favourable economic performances. Some developing countries, such as Hong Kong, Singapore, South Korea and Taiwan, are in the process of transition into economically more advanced group even in terms of development. However, many countries at the bottom of the range, measured in per capita national income, are facing difficult conditions and problems: inadequate human resources, poor raw material basis and political instability, civil wars and regional conflicts. Many of these countries also suffer from high levels of public expenditure, foreign debt, macroeconomic instability and poor government. Although some developing countries are managing to induce economic growth with macroeconomic and structural reforms, the low level of their per capita income will require years and years of maintaining high rates of economic growth to narrow the gap between themselves and developed countries. As for transition economies, one of the key elements of their transition is their reintegration into global economy. Before turning to socialism and centralised, i.e. planned management of economy, these countries used to have per capita income equal to one half or two thirds of income achieved in the most developed countries of Western Europe, only to be left far behind them after several decades of experiment. The process of their reintegration, through trade, financial flows and other elements, implies a time required to remove the consequences of thus created dislocations, disproportions and isolations. What seems to be the key question is how much has been achieved in this process over the past years of transformation. Progress has been achieved in liberalising trade and financial arrangements, although there are significant differences in the scope of trade liberalisation between countries. Most countries have almost fully removed restrictions on current transactions and taken steps towards liberalising financial flows. The reintegration of transition economies into world economy is in progress, and the success in this process varies from one country to another. The countries that have gone the furthest in this process, in terms of general process in reform policy, are also the most advanced in the reintegration process as well as their economic characteristics. However, even the most advanced countries in this respect have achieved better results in trade, compared to financial flows. According to the evidence of the World Bank, the most advanced transition countries in the period were the Czech Republic, Hungary, Estonia, Poland, Slovakia, Croatia, Latvia, Slovenia and Lithuania (World Economic Outlook, 1997: 94). The contribution of feminist economists to the development theory and practice in the context of globalisation Feminist economics does not only refer to women s issues or gender; it also represents a unique paradigm of understanding economics. Feminist economists include race, gender and power relations, as well as conditions necessary for sustainable development as the central components of economics. One of the implications of feminist economic perspective is that, for example, the focus of feminist economic analysis is on interrelated human activities, rather than the isolated individual ones. There are, of course, differences both outside and inside feminist economic discourse as to whether feminist economics is really a separate paradigm, or is it a specific interest perspective. These are, however, exactly the discussions conducted regarding the new paradigm, which is being developed. It is quite certain that an implicit consensus is being created around the following key methodological principles: 1. Household work and care work comprise key elements of any economic system and they should therefore be included in economic analysis. 2. Human welfare should be the central measure of economic performance. (2 van 7) :50:42

376 Doc 3. Ethical opinions are a valid part of economic analysis. The above methodological principles deepen and widen the scope of economic research rather than advocating a narrow interest approach. The use of feminist economic approach to development policy in practice means focussing on areas such as: Equality and elimination of discrimination based on race, gender, age and socio-economic characteristics; Exercise of human rights; Elimination of inequalities in national and international negotiation; and Understanding human actions, especially women s feminist action, as a significant part of development process. In this sense, women s feminist action can be regarded as female action, aimed at increasing and widening gender equality and women s ability to act as subjects in their own interest and the interest of society. Feminist economy is necessary in order to reveal the gender basis of policy and international trade, as well as real flows of resources and economic relations, and to propose an alternative on the levels of economic policy, structures and processes. Doctrine of low labour cost as the key to the pattern of the successful development The orthodox neo-liberal argument states that it is better for women to be exploited than excluded from the public sphere. In other words, unfavourable conditions under which they work are better than no job at all. Such attitudes are detrimental, as they give implicit legitimacy to exploitation and unacceptable working conditions. The successful development of the Asian Tigers between 1960s and 1980s attained through a pattern of export oriented industrialisation is often taken as a confirmation of the belief that low labour cost is the key to successful development patterns. Owing to low women s wages, export-oriented industry was gaining two key advantages: Low production costs and Higher competitiveness and the influx of foreign finance for the purchase of the latest technologies. However, to make it more ironic, these technological improvements then lead to changes in the demand from female-intensive male-intensive work in some export industries, due to higher average skill levels of male work. Standard neo-liberal view promises that in time the negative impact will be reduced, as the expansion of market brings benefits in terms of wage growth etc. The example of the Asian Tigers has inspired many developing countries to focus on export-oriented growth as a successful development pattern based on cheap labour. However, the miracle achieved by the Asian Tigers in terms of development is oversimplified and reduced to their ability to rely on cheap labour. What is completely overlooked is the fact that they benefited from American investment during the Cold War period, which was not the case in other countries. Also, the American government significantly intervened in their economies through protectionist measures as well as direct policy and privileges that were not granted elsewhere. However, even if cheap labour did contribute to export growth as shown by the example of the Asian Tigers, it is a strategy which is unfair and which should not be supported as it actually leads to: Discrimination based on arbitrary features such as ethnicity, age and gender. This strategy takes advantage of gender discrimination in wages and offers highly limited opportunities to female workers. Workers are not adequately remunerated for the work they do. Workers are not free to choose their employment conditions, as their poverty gives them no freedom of choice. Gender inequalities are increased. Women remain concentrated at the bottom of corporate hierarchy, on low-wage and low-skill jobs, are the first to lose jobs in times of crises and the last to be re-employed. Men typically take up technical, supervision and monitoring jobs, and are first to be trained for automated work. This, of course, means that as jobs become mechanised, they are given to men. There are a lot of examples of sexual harassment, frequent overtime work and insufficient work safety. There are a lot of examples of women having highly limited control of their own wages in favour their husbands. As elsewhere, the extra income contributed by the wife is often used for the improvement of perspectives of sons rather than daughters. Gender stereotypes are strengthened rather than broken. (3 van 7) :50:42

377 Doc Generally speaking, a country s orientation to cheap female labour can easily bring a country to a low development pattern with few comparative advantages, low investment levels and thereby low economic growth. Of course, nobody can deny that there are women who benefit from the jobs they do in export oriented industry. There are cases when a woman s position in the household is improved as a result of the increase in her wage, that women s autonomy is increased in personal issues such as choosing a husband or refusing a marriage. For a woman, being employed also means having higher self-esteem and wider social opportunities and choices in life. For instance, even the possibility to travel alone represent and improvement in the status. Despite gender inequalities and poverty, a job can at least offer a hope of refuge from poverty. However, even when it is true that women have a possibility to make the best out of bad, should we accept the bad? Or should we acknowledge that the situation the women are in does not provide them with real freedom of choice, and try to do something to change the context in which women make decision? It is quite certain that it is not women who choose to be exploited or accept bad working conditions. If they had a better alternative, their choice would be different. A typical macroeconomic environment in which women make decisions includes structural adaptation programmes, debt liabilities, labour market deregulation and the recommendations of the International Monetary Fund. These recommendations always include advice to reduce wages and lower employee protection. Thus, for example, Bulgaria was advised in 2001 to maintain wage discipline, i.e. not to raise wages despite the fact that their average wage USD 125 was the lowest industrial wage in Europe. The inconsistent policy of international financial institutions has lead to the deterioration of women s position as a result of implementing the policy of structural adaptation on the one hand, and at the same time, offering women opportunities through, for instance, a credit program. At the same time, reducing public expenditure meant transferring higher responsibility to women, who disproportionately provide unpaid care work on which social reproduction rested. Thus, the pressure to reduce public expenditure on education causes reduction of literacy rate among female population, when parents are forced to make a choice between investing in the education of male and female children. This is also illustrated by the fact that women comprise 70% of 1.3 billion people living in poverty. Twothirds of 900 million illiterate people are women. Limited access to education for women limits women s employment opportunities. Limited access to credit further reduces their employment opportunities. With the lack of state welfare, the choice between accepting and not accepting a job is the choice between a bad job and starvation. With the lack of law culture, women accept bad conditions without question. With the lack of public childcare service, women can opt for housework although it is poorly paid. With the lack of credit, women cannot opt for anything else but working for others. Moreover, there are a few popular myths related to gender inequalities that need to be exposed. 1. It is a myth that economies traditionally developed on cheap labour and that it is the price to be paid for the development of national economy. In other words, that exploitation is better than exclusion of women from the development process. The most globalised countries have a lower growth of GDP and lower poverty reduction rate than those that are less globalised. This means that, as women comprise more than half of the poor, cheap women s labour is not beneficial to the development of the country. 2. The same goes for the position that women working in export oriented industry are in a privileged position due to the fact that they earn above-average wages. However, these jobs rely on foreign investment and are therefore insecure, unprotected by legislation and insensitive to women s health and working conditions. The very fact that these jobs are better is relative better paid compared to whom? It could rather be said that average incomes differ over countries, but also that they are mostly insufficient to cover the basic needs of female workers. 3. It is also a myth that globalisation and the development of information and communication technologies will improve people s access to information and facilitate international connections. Indeed, nowadays women worldwide use and Internet to access information, work, learn, promote contacts and friendship, network, lobby, etc. Women also use information technologies to fight against globalisation and promote alternatives to dominant neo-liberal economic policy promoted by institutions such as the World Bank, the International Monetary Fund and the World Trade Organisation. Using information technologies, they surpass all boundaries, including the conventional ones, separating national states. They also cross boundaries that are not so visible and are concerned with age, ethnicity, race, caste, religion, town and country, sexuality, class, marital status and language. However, the possibilities of using the benefits offered by information technologies are highly limited by the above divisions themselves. Generally speaking, women have fewer possibilities to use information technologies compared to men, owing to usual gendered reasons: money, time, education opportunities, lower literacy. Moreover, these factors also contribute to the expansion of inequality among women themselves. 4. It is a myth that privatisation will lead to increased efficiency of social services and enhance the response of the public sector to the needs of the poor. Namely, neo-classical theory implies that privatisation will benefit consumers because ultimate competition, provided that there are no barriers to the market mechanisms (such as, for example, the availability of goods) pushes prices downward. One of the rare such sectors where (4 van 7) :50:42

378 Doc privatisation is carried out on a par with sufficient competition levels, without hindrances to market processes and with enhanced access for female workforce and lower retail prices, is the telecommunications sector. However, these conditions do not apply to many other sectors, especially the social services sector. Privatisation often means turning from public to private monopoly with increased prices, loss of employment and low quality of services. 5. Finally, it is a myth that macroeconomic policy must be evaluated by market-based criteria. The role of the state is very important in the development process. Namely, macroeconomic policy does not necessarily have to be a neo-liberal one. Moreover, neo-liberal policy is often inefficient in the realisation of macroeconomic goals. In such cases, women s safety network and their actions are of no help. What is needed is gendered macroeconomic policy. For example, the aim of a balanced budget needn t be achieved only by focussing on cost cuts. Alternative to this can be increased state revenue, or redistribution of revenue within the budget. Namely, those budget expenditure items that are supported by strong political interest, such as defence budget, tend to be reduced less than, for example, expenditures aimed at meeting the needs of the poor and women. Even more significant is the domination of neo-classical idea of choice between equality and efficiency. And although even some neo-classical economists acknowledge the positive correlation between equality and efficiency, this paradigm still has significant analytical inconsistencies. It is therefore necessary for macroeconomic variables such as the growth of GNP, export, productivity and others to be brought into connection not only with the activities related to the market, but also to those related to equal access to resources, human development, reduction of existential insecurity. It is only possible if one accepts that there is a correlation between equality and efficiency. Can the impacts of globalisation be changed? Exploitation does not have to be the price of economic growth and development. It is the government that makes choices in the patterns of organising economy and redistributing social wealth. Also, international organisations make choices as to how they will implement development programmes and formulate a set of conditions under which they will be giving loans. Finally, civil sector also plays a significant role in this process. Numerous studies have demonstrated the existence of strong correlation between an increase of literacy rate among women and economic growth. Investing in the education of women, therefore, raises the rate of economic growth of an economy as a whole, so that it is an argument in favour of both the policy of equality and the policy of economic growth. International financial institutions must reconsider their policy and the impact of such policy on women, as well as all those most marginalised groups, rather than merely supporting education and training for women, increasing and facilitating the possibility of access to loans. The problem of such policy does not lie in loans. The problem of such policy does not lie in its goals regarding the reduction in budget deficit, higher growth rate etc., but in policy measures taken in order to realised these and other goals, which may deteriorate income allocation and poverty levels. For example, reduction in state expenditure often results in budget cuts in all sectors where strong political resistance is absent. At the same time, the costs of the elite and the army are protected, both in terms of wider and more efficient budget support, and in terms of higher marginal tax rate. Tax reform can, for example, be more easily implemented when it is formulated originally in the country itself, and then supported by international financial institutions. Transfer of tax relevance from value added tax to income tax and from real estate tax to a progressive taxation system will mean a relatively higher taxation of men than women, as men s income is relatively higher than women s. Currency devaluation also disfavours women, as imported consumer goods become more expensive, which has impact on women in the role of household supplies buyers. Multilateral institutions such as World Trade Organisation and North American Free Trade Agreement, which are also responsible for the environment in which women are acting, must also reconsider the impact of their policies on women. Trade policy must be evaluated as successful in terms of social justice, not only in terms of economics. Although all the countries of the world have agreed to a set of political measures of promoting gender equality adopted at the Peking conference in 1995, and many of them have taken serious measures in implementing the goals of gender equality, trade policy often remains gender blind. Trade agreements should therefore be completed with total social impact, impact on the environment including the differentiated impacts on men and women. The WIDE (Women in Development Europe) have therefore proposed indicators for monitoring trade agreements from gender perspective in terms of whether increased trade levels and trade patterns assist in reducing gender gap or not. A tool proposed for this purpose is calculating trade elasticities of gender inequality over time. These elasticities should be focussed not only on gender inequality of export wages, but also in relation to employment and gender levels in the domestic economic sector affected by customs duty reductions. Moreover, the trade elasticity of the gender inequality must also consider the gender impact of trade such as women s health condition or childcare. Finally, it must be insisted that women s labour rights cannot be separated from their rights as equal citizens. Very little can be achieved if the elimination of job discrimination is not supported by encouraging the right to education, and also if the demands for equal wage for equal quality of work is not supported by women s right to control their wages. In answering the question of what contribution feminists can make to development in the context of globalisation, (5 van 7) :50:42

379 Doc it is useful to regard the concepts of gender and globalisation multidimensionally. Significant critique which then emerges is the critique of the perspective, that of white, western-oriented middle class woman. This perspective is also present in the theories within women s studies, empowering thus the feminists to perceive themselves as belonging to a homogenous category. However, gender is also a differentiated category influenced by ethnicity, class, or religious denomination. Of course, as important as it is to understand that race, class, gender and age differences are significant elements of deconstruction and realistic understanding of globalisation, it is equally important not to fall into opposite extremes. It is also dangerous to conclude that there is nothing else but the difference. Generalisations are also necessary for political and economic debate. For example, there is a widespread opinion that globalisation leads to feminisation of poverty and that poverty is most present in women-headed households. It should also be considered that such households are not homogenous in terms of marital status, age and class position, race, and legal status. Thus developed image of women-headed households is greatly diversified. Also, the direct correlation between women-headed households and poverty is oversimplified. Households are not poor by definition, that is, poverty in economic sense does not necessarily mean socio-cultural and psychological poverty. Finally, situation in a household may be changeable over time. Therefore, the debate on globalisation and gender can avoid many pitfalls if it understands the multidimensionality of gender. Translated from Serbian: Women s Centre for Democracy and Human Rights, Subotica, Serbia Literature: 1. Appadurai Arjun, 1999, Disjuncture and Difference in the Global Cultural Economy in Featherstone Mike ed., Global Culture: Nationalism, Globalization and Modernity, London: Sage 2. Appadurai Arjun, 1996, Modernity at Large: Cultural Dimensions of Globalization, Minneapolis, University of Minnesota Press 3. Baden, Sally, 1996, Gender Issue in financial liberalization and financial sector reform, Bridge Report No. 39, Brighton: Institute of Development Studies 4. Davids Tine and van Driel Francien, Globalization and Gender: Beyond Dichotomies in Shuurman J. Frans, Globalization and Development Studies, Challenges for the 21 st century, London, Thousand Oaks, New Delhi: SAGE Publications 5. Goetz Ann Marie and Sen Gupta Rita, 1994, Who takes the Credit? Gender, Power and Control over Loan Use in Rural Credit Programmes in Banglades, IDS Working Paper No. 8, Brighton: Institute of Development Studies 6. FENN Seminar Report, 2002, Gender Tools for the Development. A Feminist Economics Perspective on Globalisation, The Hague: Institute of Social Studies 7. Marchand H.Marianne and Runzan Sisson Anne, 2001, Feminist sightings of global restructuring: Conceptualizations and Reconceptualizations in Shuurman J. Frans, Globalization and Development Studies, Challenges for the 21 st century, London, Thousand Oaks, New Delhi: SAGE Publications 8. Pearson, Ruth and Jackson, Cecile, 1998, «Interrogating Development: Feminism, Gender and Policu, Introduction in Jackson, Cecile and Pearson Ruth eds. Feminist Visions of Development: Gender Analysis and Development, London: Routledge 9. Ross Frankson, Joan, 2002, Women Challengin Globalization, Gender Perspective on the United Nations International Conference on Financing for Development, Monterrey: WEDO 10. World Economic Outlook, 1997, Washington DC: International Monetary Fund [1] The paper presented at the International Conference Myths and Reality: Feminist Perspectives on Globalisation, organised by the University of Graz, Austria, and Feminist ATTAC Austria, on September, (6 van 7) :50:42

380 Doc (7 van 7) :50:42

381 Doc Globalisation Definitions Globalisation broadly refers to the expansion of global linkages and encompasses several large processes; definitions differ in what they emphasize. Globalisation is historically complex; definitions vary in the particular driving force they identify. The meaning of the term is itself a topic in global discussion; it may refer to "real" processes, to ideas that justify them, or to a way of thinking about them. The term is not neutral; definitions express different assessments of global change. Among critics of capitalism and global inequality, globalisation now has an especially pejorative ring. The following definitions represent currently influential views [1] : "[T]he inexorable integration of markets, nation-states, and technologies to a degree never witnessed before-in a way that is enabling individuals, corporations and nation-states to reach around the world farther, faster, deeper and cheaper than ever before.... the spread of free-market capitalism to virtually every country in the world " (T.L. Friedman, The Lexus and the Olive Tree, 1999, p. 7-8). "The compression of the world and the intensification of consciousness of the world as a whole... concrete global interdependence and consciousness of the global whole in the twentieth century" (R. Robertson, Globalisation, 1992, p. 8). "A social process in which the constraints of geography on social and cultural arrangements recede and in which people become increasingly aware that they are receding" (M. Waters, Globalisation, 1995, p. 3). "The historical transformation constituted by the sum of particular forms and instances of.... [m]aking or being made global (i) by the active dissemination of practices, values, technology and other human products throughout the globe (ii) when global practices and so on exercise an increasing influence over people's lives (iii) when the globe serves as a focus for, or a premise in shaping, human activities" (M. Albrow, The Global Age, 1996, p. 88). "Integration on the basis of a project pursuing "market rule on a global scale" (P. McMichael, Development and Social Change, 2000, p. xxiii, 149). "As experienced from below, the dominant form of globalisation means a historical transformation: in the economy, of livelihoods and modes of existence; in politics, a loss in the degree of control exercised locally... and in culture, a devaluation of a collectivity's achievements... Globalisation is emerging as a political response to the expansion of market power... [It] is a domain of knowledge." (J.H. Mittelman, The Globalisation Syndrome, 2000, p. 6). " a widening, deepening and speeding up of interconnectedness in all aspects of contemporary social life from the cultural to the criminal, the financial to the spiritual (Held and McGrew (1999), Global Transformations, p. 2). "... development of global financial markets, growth of transnational corporations and their growing dominance over national economies." (G. Soros, 2002, On Globalisation, p.13) The intensification of worldwide social relations which link distant localities in such a way that local happenings are shaped by events occurring many miles away and vice versa (Giddens 1990: 21) The integration of the world economy (Gilpin R., 2001, Global Political Economy, p. 364) De-territorialization or the growth of supraterritorial relations between people (A. J. Scholte, 2000, Globalisation a critical introduction, p. 46) an ensemble of developments that make the world a single place, changing the meaning and importance of distance and national identity in world affairs (J. A. Scholte, Globalisation and Collective Identities, in Identities in International Relations, edited by J. Krause and Neil Renwick, p. 44) Time-space compression (Harvey 1999) A historical process involving a fundamental shift or transformation in the spatial scale of human social organization that links distant communities, and expands the reach of power relations across regions and (1 van 3) :50:48

382 Doc continents (J. Baylis, S. Smith, The Globalisation of World Politics, 2005: 24) it is nothing but recolonisation in a new garb. (J. Neeraj, 2001, Globalisation or Recolonisation, Pune, p. 6-7) integration of national economies leading to the notion of a borderless global or planetary economy an interwoven net of factories, fields and forests, banks, governments, labouring and farming populations, cities and transport spread over the surface of earth. (Avinash J., 2000, Background to Globalisation, Center for Education and Documentation, Bombay, p. 3) Bibliography Beck, U Risk Society, London: Sage. Beck, U What is Globalization?, Cambridge: Polity Press. Beck, U 'Living your life in a runaway world: individualization, globalization and politics', in W. Hutton and A. Giddens. (eds.) On The Edge. Living with global capitalism, London: Vintage. Castells, M The Rise of the Networked Society, Oxford: Blackwell. Castells, M 'Information technology and global capitalism' in W. Hutton and A. Giddens. (eds.) On The Edge. Living with global capitalism, London: Vintage. Chossudovsky, M The Globalization of Poverty. Impacts of the IMF and World Bank reforms, London: Zed Books. Gee, J. P., Hull, L. and Lankshear, C The New Work Order. Behind the language of the new capitalism, St. Leonards, Aus.: Allen and Unwin. Held D. and McGrew (eds) The Global Transformation Reader, Cambridge: Polity Press. Held, D. et al Global Transformations, Cambridge: Polity Press. International Monetary Fund Globalization: threat or opportunity, International Monetary Fund, corrected January Klein, N. (2000) No Logo, London: Flamingo. Robertson, R The Three Waves of Globalization A History of Developing Global Consciousness, London: Zed Press. Scholte, J. A. (2000) Globalization. A critical introduction, London: Macmillan. Stiglitz, J Globalization and Its Discontents, London: Penguin. Waters, M Globalization. London: Routledge. World Bank Research (2002) 'Globalization, Growth and Poverty: Building an Inclusive World Economy', The World Bank Group, ( ) World Bank. (1999) World Development Report 1998/99: Knowledge for Development. Washington: World Bank. [1999, 9 August]. ( ). [1] issues01.html (2 van 3) :50:48

383 Doc (3 van 3) :50:48

384 Documents DOCUMENTS The Mexico 2006 Know How Declaration Weaving the Information Society; A Gender and Multicultural Perspective August 23-25, 2006 We, the Know How community, ( ) are dedicated to the creation and dissemination of information and new knowledge for the empowerment of women and the promotion of gender justice. Our goal is to advance gender justice and respect for every nation s cultural diversity within the information society, and to promote access to information and communication as a fundamental women s and human right. DECLARATION Made at the WOMEN ASSEMBLY of the 4 th European Social Forum, Athens, 6 May 2006 While we are facing increasing political intervention by churches and religious fundamentalisms are on the rise in Europe, leading to a dramatic undermining of women's rights and, in spite of the warnings from feminist organizations, such as the World March of Women, towards the organizing committee of the European Social Forum, some of the workshops gave the floor to organizations or speakers who support values contrary to the Porto Alegre Charter and to women's rights. WIDE Statement to the 50 th CSW session 27 February 10 March 2006, New York WIDE views the 50 th Session of the Commission on the Status of Women as an important opportunity to voice our ideas and concerns regarding the issues of gender mainstreaming and enhanced participation of women in development. Statement of the Human Rights Caucus On the occasion of the Sixth Ministerial Conference of the World Trade Organization December 10, 2005 In a matter of days, government delegates will be gathering in Hong Kong for the latest landmark event in the ongoing process of economic globalization--the Sixth Ministerial Conference of the World Trade Organization (WTO). We, members of civil society from developed and developing countries, concerned about the impact of this process on the realization of human rights and fundamental freedoms of people all over the world, take the opportunity of International Human Rights Day to remind our governments that their human rights obligations cannot be abandoned at the WTO door. Whose Development is it Anyway? A Gender Perspective on the EU s Position in the WTO Negotiations WIDE statement, November 2005 WIDE is deeply concerned about the European Commission s insistence on pushing for the establishment of trade rules that threaten the livelihoods of poor women and men in the South and that perpetuate gender inequality, unfair gender relations as well as structural inequalities between women and men and within and between countries and regions. The EU is aggressively pursuing new markets, while offering little in return to developing countries. Seoul-Gyeonggi Declaration on the Equal Participation of Women in the Information Society We, the participants in the Forum on Gender and ICTs for the World Summit on the Information Society 2005, representing 36 countries assembled in Seoul from June 2005, with affiliations in academia and NGOs as well as government, international agency, and industry, Reaffirming the principles outlined in the Beijing Platform for Action and the Convention on the Elimination of Discrimination Against Women, Noting paragraph 12 of the Declaration of Principles of the World Summit on the Information (1 van 3) :50:53

385 Documents Society WIDE Statement to the 49th Session of the Commission on the Status of Women New York, 28 February to 11 March 2005 The 10 year review of the Beijing Platform for Action (BPfA) at the 49th Session of the Commission on the Status of Women (CSW) is a critical opportunity to reaffirm the global women s agenda for women s human rights, gender equality and empowerment for women. The member states of the UN must use this opportunity to reaffirm their unequivocal commitment to the accelerated implementation of the entire Beijing Declaration and Platform for Action and the Outcomes Document of the 23rd UN General Assembly Special Session (Beijing+5). UNCTAD XI Adding Soul To "The Spirit Of Sao Paulo" Amendments to the official UNCTAD XI - The Spirit of São Paulo Declaration by the Civil Society Forum at UNCTAD XI 17 June 2004 STATEMENT TO THE EUROPEAN UNION ON GENDER AND TRADE FOR UNCTAD XI June 15th 2004 WIDE and GADN Conference Manifesto We, the Network Women in Development Europe, the Gender and Development Network, international Southern partners, Central and Eastern European partners, individual members and feminists present, meeting here in London on the occasion of WIDE s 20th anniversary Resolution 1325 (2000) Adopted by the Security Council at its 4213th meeting, On 31 October 2000 Declaration of the European Conference, Paris, 25th June, 2005 A new Era may Open itself in Europe We, the participants of the European Conference in Paris of 24th and 25th June 2005, put forward for debate in all the associative, trade union and political networks in Europe, the propositions contained in the following declaration: The European Feminist Initiative Acts in Priority for a NO to The Constitution and for a YES To Another Europe M E M O R A N D U M The European Union might become the bearer of a true peace project, of a constructive alternative to the policy of precarity, unemployment, poverty and an alternative to the policy of militarization and war which generate violence and insecurity. Violence restricts the field of possibilities, non-violence broadens it. Neoliberalism and common security policy, in close relationship with NATO and without reference to UN bring economic and defence choices which will act as reciprocal commitments between countries of the European union. If the new constitution becomes adopted, it will confirm the dominating male and neo-liberal power and will carved it in marble for several decades. Montréal Principles on Women s Economic, Social and Cultural Rights The Montréal Principles were adopted at a meeting of experts held December 7 10, 2002 in Montréal, Canada. These principles are offered to guide the interpretation and implementation of the guarantees of non-discrimination and equal exercise and enjoyment of economic, social and cultural rights, found, inter alia, in Articles 3 and 2(2) of the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights, so that women can enjoy these rights fully and equally. Political Declaration of the International Forum on the Rights of Women in Trade Agreements 9 September 2003, Cancun/Mexico (2 van 3) :50:53

386 Documents (3 van 3) :50:53

387 DECLARATION DECLARATION Made at the WOMEN ASSEMBLY of the 4 th European Social Forum, Athens, 6 May 2006 While we are facing increasing political intervention by churches and religious fundamentalisms are on the rise in Europe, leading to a dramatic undermining of women's rights and, in spite of the warnings from feminist organizations, such as the World March of Women, towards the organizing committee of the European Social Forum, some of the workshops gave the floor to organizations or speakers who support values contrary to the Porto Alegre Charter and to women's rights. The Women's Assembly of the 4 th ESF which met in Athens protests vividly against this situation. We are participating since the beginning in the construction process of all Social Forums and we are present at the ESF of Athens to build democratic, hence lay alternatives for a different Europe. Considering the present challenges facing the Social Forums, the Women's Assembly wishes to stress once again that women should not serve as an alibi for any kind of manipulations. We reject political alliances that are concluded to the detriment of women and which establish priorities for our struggles, putting feminist demands behind anti-racist and anti-war demands. Such processes divide the anti-liberal forces and undermine the strength of the Social Forums. Because women's rights are universal, feminists are equally involved in the fight against racism and against war/ We call upon men and women who are in agreement with these positions to join forces with us to construct a Europe without discriminations, a Europe of peace, a feminist, lay and hence egalitarian Europe. 9:50:57

388 WIDE Statement to the 50th CSW session WIDE Statement to the 50 th CSW session 27 February 10 March 2006, New York WIDE views the 50 th Session of the Commission on the Status of Women as an important opportunity to voice our ideas and concerns regarding the issues of gender mainstreaming and enhanced participation of women in development. Gender Mainstreaming: In the framework of the follow-up to the Fourth World Conference on Women and to the twenty-third special session of the General Assembly entitled Women 2000: gender equality, development and peace for the twentyfirst century a review of gender mainstreaming in organisations of the UN system will take place. WIDE welcomes the report of the Secretary-general (E/CN.6/2006/2) that reviews the progress made in mainstreaming a gender perspective in the development, implementation and evaluation of national policies and programmes. We acknowledge that since 1995 many countries have developed policies and action plans on gender mainstreaming, however, gender mainstreaming has become a buzzword and WIDE is concerned that it is understood as only introducing gender into existing policies. This approach will not ensure that the transformative potential of gender mainstreaming is achieved. WIDE wants to remind governments that gender mainstreaming must be understood in the agreed terms of CEDAW and the Beijing Platform for Action as a strategy towards transformation of unfair gender relations and gender stereotypes, and the empowerment of women. This includes challenging existing policy paradigms and asks for a fundamental re-thinking of the process of policy-making and its goals. Enhanced participation of women in development: A second issue of interest to WIDE is the evaluation of the implementation of strategic objectives and actions in the critical area of enhanced participation of women in development: an enabling environment for achieving gender equality and the advancement of women, taking into account, inter alia, the fields of education, health and work. WIDE welcomes the report of the Secretary-General (E/CN.6/2006/12) that highlights that the elements and dynamics of an enabling environment are context-specific and influenced by factors such as, inter alia, the international political situation, including peace and security issues; the global and regional economic environment, ( ). We also acknowledge that it is noted that globalisation had presented a significant challenge to the creation of an enabling environment for gender equality and the advancement of women. Economic liberalisation has had uneven impacts on women s participation in development processes. WIDE s particular concern is about the many ways in which neo-liberalism, including the promotion of a free trade regime, economic globalisation and market liberalisation is actually counteracting an enabling environment: it has led to the feminisation of employment, intensified exploitation of women's unpaid work in the caring economy and has undermined the livelihood strategies of poor rural and urban women, including migrant women, disabled and displaced women in all areas of the world. The increasing impact of such policies on the lives and livelihoods of women is compounded in countries of the South by the structural inequalities between North and South. Therefore such policies play a central role in creating an enabling environment and have to be taken into account otherwise they can reproduce or even worsen inequality. WIDE, in alliance with other women s groups working on trade, macro economic, gender and globalisation, calls on Governments to recognise that gender aware macro economic policy, including the application of a gender analysis of trade and its impact on women globally, are essential if economic development partnerships are to be made real and effective. WIDE asks for far greater economic coherence among states, non-state actors and multilateral institutions in relation to development cooperation and financial, monetary and trade policies, so that the systemic inequities and power imbalances within the global economic system are addressed. Multi-year programme of work: At the CSW meeting a new multi-year programme of work, setting out the overall themes for the next five years ( ) of the Commission on the Status of Women will be discussed. WIDE is very pleased that in developing the proposals for a multi-year program of work that the Commission called on a number of regional networks, including WIDE, to identify priorities in the follow-up to the 10-year review and appraisal of the Beijing Declaration and Platform for Action. However, WIDE is concerned that the final (1 van 2) :51:06

389 WIDE Statement to the 50th CSW session report of this consultation is not publicly available and that the Commission have not taken up a single priority issue identified during the Expert Consultation [1]. WIDE believes that the voices of women s organisations from around the world need to be heard and that the Commission should not make token their contribution to such debates. WIDE believes that women s economic justice should be a priority for the CSW s programme of work in the next three years as it impacts on every aspect of a woman s life. The Commission recognises that improving women s economic status improves the economic status of their families and their communities and that women should have equal opportunities to achieve economic independence. However, WIDE is concerned that neo-liberalism, including the promotion of a free trade regime, economic globalisation and market liberalisation, will not lead to economic justice for women. Contact at WIDE Secretariat in Brussels: Barbara Specht, Information Officer, [email protected] Meagen Baldwin, Executive Director, [email protected] Visit the WIDE website: WIDE is a European women s network whose main activities are lobbying, advocacy and awareness raising; networking and capacity building on global trade agenda, macro-economic policy, gender and development policy and women s human rights. Source: Women in Develpment Europe [1] WIDE was a member of the Expert Consultation alongside the Caribbean Association for Feminist Research and Action (CAFRA), the Asian Pacific Resource and Research Centre for Women (ARROW), the Women s International League for Peace and Freedom (WILPF), the Institute for Women s Studies in the Arab World (IWSAW), the Africa Women s Development and communication Network (FEMNET), the Latin America and the Caribbean Committee for the Defense of Women s Rights (CLADEM), Isis- Women s International Cross Cultural Exchange (Isis-WICCE); and the Asia-Pacific Women s Watch (APWW). The Expert Consultation identified economic justice, women in armed conflict, women s human rights and access to information as priorities. Migrant women was raised by a number of participants as a priority during the interactive panel which followed the consultation. (2 van 2) :51:06

390 Statement of the Human Rights Caucus Statement of the Human Rights Caucus On the Occasion of the Sixth Ministerial Conference of the World Trade Organization December 10, 2005 In a matter of days, government delegates will be gathering in Hong Kong for the latest landmark event in the ongoing process of economic globalization - the Sixth Ministerial Conference of the World Trade Organization (WTO). We, members of civil society from developed and developing countries, concerned about the impact of this process on the realization of human rights and fundamental freedoms of people all over the world, take the opportunity of International Human Rights Day to remind our governments that their human rights obligations cannot be abandoned at the WTO door. The moral and legal primacy of human rights The human rights struggle is the struggle for human dignity, which is a fundamental and defining ethical value in any culture. Trade liberalization on the other hand is a means, not an end in itself. The end that must be served by trade, as well as other aspects of economic policy, is increased human wellbeing through development. This is the only basis on which a given economic policy can claim moral and political legitimacy. The canon of international human rights law (comprising civil, political,economic, social and cultural rights) offers a comprehensive legal definition of the fundamental elements of human wellbeing and human dignity. Therefore, any trade or other economic policy that offends against the principles of human rights, either in design or practice, lacks moral and political legitimacy. Human rights are enshrined in numerous international treaties and in many national constitutions. Substantial portions of human rights law are regarded as having achieved the status of customary international law. Some of its foundational principles are recognized as peremptory norms of international law. The promotion and protection of human rights are included in the UN Charter as being among the fundamental purposes of the United Nations. Through Articles 55(c) and 56 of the UN Charter, Members of the United Nations pledge to take joint and separate action to "promote universal respect for, and observance of, human rights and fundamental freedoms for all without distinction as to race, sex language or religion. Charter Article 103 expressly and unambiguously provides that [i]n the event of a conflict between the obligations of the Members of the United Nations under the present Charter and their obligations under any other international agreement, their obligations under the present Charter shall prevail. Increased trade can undoubtedly serve as one means for the realization of human rights--especially the right to development--but it does not automatically or necessarily do so. Even when trade does bring increased wealth, poor distribution of the benefits both within and between nations, perpetuates poverty and impedes the progressive realization of human rights. The Doha Development Agenda & coherence in law, policy and practice Human rights and economic policy are interconnected to a degree that demands coherence in international and national law, policy and practice. In the wider context of the security-development-human rights nexus, UN Secretary-General Kofi Annan has declared in his March 2005 report, In Larger Freedom, that: "We will not enjoy development without security, we will not enjoy security without development, and we will not enjoy either without respect for human rights. Unless all these causes are advanced, none will succeed." Nevertheless, the international trade regime has repeatedly denied and rejected any intersection between its mandate and human rights. This is both logically and legally indefensible especially since most WTO members have ratified at least one of the major UN human rights treaties. This isolationism of the international trade community is based in part on a lack of knowledge of human rights - in particular of economic, social and cultural rights as an inseparable element of the canon of international human rights law - and also of the important contribution that human rights can make to desired development outcomes of trade policy and practice. Isolationism has resulted as well from the disconnection of international trade policies and practices from the goal of increased human wellbeing. Increased trade and trade liberalization have become ends in themselves, and trade negotiations pit governments against each other in a competitive process driven by corporate interests (1 van 4) :51:16

391 Statement of the Human Rights Caucus rather than human development. We denounce this isolationist tendency, which runs counter to the Preamble of the Marrakech Agreement, and demand that our governments take specific steps to ensure coherence between trade means and human rights ends. WTO member States must take their human rights obligations into account in all aspects of trade policy development, negotiation and practice. WTO member States must undertake human rights impact assessments before concluding new trade agreements or revisions of existing trade agreements, as well as in the course of implementing existing agreements. Information about human rights impacts should be included in trade policy reviews, both in the members' own reports and in the reports prepared by the WTO secretariat, including information provided by civil society sources. The WTO should be receptive to human rights arguments in the context of dispute settlement, including through the possibility for human rights organizations to submit amicus curiae briefs to the panels and the Appellate Body set up under the Dispute Settlement Understanding. States should establish effective mechanisms within government to enhance policy coherence between human rights and trade. Trade ministries and trade representatives should receive human rights information and assessments from both governmental and non-governmental sources, in order to formulate and advocate for coherent policy decisions in international economic forums. Extraterritorial Obligations No country has, as yet, made a sufficient attempt to ensure that its policy positions in international economic forums are consistent with its domestic human rights obligations and with the human rights obligations of its trading partners. International human rights law places obligations upon States with regard to international assistance and cooperation. These obligations require that States refrain from actions (including in the context of negotiating and implementing international trade agreements) that could interfere, directly or indirectly, with the enjoyment of human rights in other countries, as well as their own. Such extraterritorial obligations mean that steps should be taken to ensure that activities undertaken by States individually or within multilateral processes including trade negotiations do not undermine the ability of other States to meet their human rights obligations. Developed States must take into account their responsibility for international assistance and cooperation for the realization of human rights. UN human rights treaty bodies should strengthen their capacity to examine the human rights impacts of international trade agreements and policies and to make observations concerning policy coherence. Agricultural trade, and the human right to food In a world that has more than enough food to feed everyone, the number of people who suffer from hunger and malnutrition is increasing. According to the UN Food and Agriculture Organization, more than 850 million people lack adequate food. Every five seconds a child under the age of five dies of hunger or hunger-related disease. The international trade in agricultural food products must be part of the solution, not part of the problem, in relation to this tragedy. There are close linkages between agricultural trade liberalization and the failure to respect, protect or fulfill the human right to food. Developing countries have been pushed to open their agricultural markets to foreign imports that are often exported at less than the cost of production. Unfair trade rules, coupled with international financial institution loan conditions, have limited the policy space for developing country governments to meet their human rights obligations. The Doha Development Agenda requires that WTO members address livelihood and food security concerns by establishing adequate flexibilities within new rules for trade in agriculture. However, on the eve of the 6 th WTO Ministerial Meeting, very little hope of progress towards this goal can be offered to millions of poor farmers and people suffering from hunger around the world, and to the societies of which they are a part. WTO members must honour their commitment to make special and differential treatment for developing countries an integral part of the negotiations, including in agriculture negotiations. Market access rules must allow for differentiation, and allow developing countries to adopt rules and practices for the purpose of protecting the livelihoods of their agriculture-reliant poor. Developing countries must have sufficient policy space to enable them to support small farmers and to protect their agricultural markets from cheap imports, especially for food staples. Developed countries must end the dumping of subsidized agricultural production. Trade in services and equitable provision of essential services Current negotiations on the WTO's General Agreement on Trade in Services (GATS) threaten to erode the ability (2 van 4) :51:16

392 Statement of the Human Rights Caucus of national governments to implement measures for the equitable provision of essential services (such as health, water, sanitation and education) to all their citizens. The implementation of such measures is a central requirement of States under their human rights treaty commitments. While the GATS does not technically require withdrawal of the State from the provision of essential services, the logic of liberalization of trade in services does not favour equitable provision of those services. The legal requirements of the GATS continue to threaten effective State involvement and oversight in this area. Further mandated negotiations may also threaten governments capacity to regulate services in the public interest. Moreover, consideration of the potential impact of the GATS should address the power imbalances between countries in the negotiation process, and the existing pressure towards privatization of the public sector under the policy prescriptions of the IFIs. Insofar as the human rights obligations of private corporations are not, as yet, legally enforceable in all circumstances, as the home States of those corporations are hesitant to adopt extra-territorial legislation to that effect, and as the host States may find it legally or practically impossible to impose strict obligations on foreign corporations, the rights of poor and vulnerable populations to the highest attainable standard of health, nutrition, education etc., may be put in jeopardy. Essential services with direct implications for specific human rights--such as the human right to health, water and education should be excluded from negotiations under the GATS. There should be no new approaches within the GATS negotiations (such as benchmarking or sectoral approaches) that could undermine the existing flexibility of the positive list approach. The ability of Governments to regulate in the public interest must not be subjected to new constraints. Trade-related intellectual property rights, and the human right to health The WTO Agreement on Trade-Related Intellectual Property Rights (TRIPS) has posed formidable obstacles to the progressive realization of the human right to health and the right to life, particularly in terms of access to medicines. By protecting, or indeed mandating, monopoly rights for at least 20 years, and stifling competition from lower-cost producers, the TRIPS Agreement enables drug prices to be set high and to stay high. The 2001 Doha Declaration on the TRIPS Agreement and Public Health recognized the practical problems for public health posed by TRIPS compliance and encouraged WTO members to take advantage of TRIPS flexibilities. However, many commercial and political disincentives continue to limit the practical availability and utility of these flexibilities, such as compulsory licensing and parallel importation, and hamper the ability of poorer countries to ensure that TRIPS outcomes are consistent with their human rights obligations. Further, the crisis regarding neglected diseases (mainly those affecting populations in the developing world) demonstrates the limitations of the market-based justification for stringent intellectual property laws - i.e. incentive for innovation. In addition, the TRIPS provision allowing patent monopolies over living organisms is offensive to many religions and spiritual traditions and is therefore a violation of cultural rights. States must ensure that intellectual property rules in TRIPS and in other trade agreements do not obstruct or undermine any State s ability to comply with its human rights obligations, including equitable access to medicines. Assurances must be made that the additional seven year delay granted to Least Developed Countries (LDCs) for the implementation of TRIPS is not used to obtain concessions in agriculture, services or nonagriculture market access (NAMA). G8 countries must honour their commitment at Gleneagles to ensure "universal access to (HIV) treatment for all those who need it by 2010", and pursuant to that commitment to take all necessary steps to mitigate the restraining effects of the TRIPS Agreement on access to ARVs in the developing world. The review under provision 27(3)(b) should proceed and lifeform patents should be removed from the agreement. The above statement has been drafted by a group of human rights organizations and advocates from around the world. The group functions as a civil society "human rights caucus" around the WTO. The statement was released on December 10 - International Human Rights Day - in Hong Kong on the eve of the WTO Ministerial Meeting. Until December 10, the Joint Statement has been endorsed by 108 human rights organisations all around the world. It wil remain open for additional signatories until December 18. Please forward any new endorsement to Tamara at [email protected]. This Statement and other information on the Ministerial are availabe on the Rights and Democracy website at: (3 van 4) :51:16

393 Statement of the Human Rights Caucus (4 van 4) :51:16

394 Doc Whose Development is it Anyway? A Gender Perspective on the EU s Position in the WTO Negotiations WIDE statement, November 2005 WIDE is deeply concerned about the European Commission s insistence on pushing for the establishment of trade rules that threaten the livelihoods of poor women and men in the South and that perpetuate gender inequality, unfair gender relations as well as structural inequalities between women and men and within and between countries and regions. The EU is aggressively pursuing new markets, while offering little in return to developing countries. Of particular concern is the EU s continued insistence on pushing for progress on non-agricultural market access (NAMA) and services negotiations in the name of the Doha Development Round whose objective is stated to be that of putting development at the heart of the WTO (Doha Declaration 2001). As a European network promoting gender equality and social justice, WIDE joins other social movements and NGOs in the EU in challenging the assumption that increased trade and opening of markets will yield equitable development. From a gender perspective, we are deeply concerned about the ways in which neo-liberalism, founded on the promotion of a radical free-trade regime, economic globalisation and market liberalisation has both exacerbated already profound inequalities and led to the creation of new inequalities. It has led to the feminisation of precarious employment, (poor working conditions, low wages, unsustainable perspectives) intensified exploitation of women s unpaid work in the caring economy and has undermined the livelihood strategies of poor women, including migrant women, in all areas of the world. WIDE appeals for a rethinking of the structural inequities on which these policies are based. We question the concept of progressive trade liberalisation as a one-size-fits-all recipe for development. We cannot afford the prioritisation of market access over development goals, nor the false division between social and economic policies. WIDE contests the current neo liberal economic regime which promotes EU s self-interest at the expense of women and men in the South. WIDE does not support the aid for trade policies promoted by the EU alongside the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund. These policies promote the making of loans only in order to fund the adjustments required to facilitate trade liberalisation. As feminists and economic and social justice advocates, we believe that Official Development Assistance should not be linked with conditionalities. We also strongly oppose the approaches that aim to add women in to the liberalisation process as beneficiaries without questioning underlying structural inequities. The time has come to change EU trade policies. They must be constrained and bound by existing international agreements that promote human rights and women s rights, ecological sustainability, human dignity and they must aim to end poverty and promote well-being. EU trade policies can no longer be dictated by the interests of EU corporations. Current WTO negotiations should not undermine EU commitments to implement the Beijing Declaration and Platform for Action agreed at the Fourth World Conference on Women or the realisation of gender equality and women s human rights as enshrined in the Convention of the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW). WIDE calls therefore EU trade ministers, Member of the European Parliament and the European Commission to: Ensure access to essential services for women and men. The EU should stop pushing in the General Agreement on Trade in Services negotiations its proposal for Complementary Approaches which by setting quantitative as well as qualitative targets is a paradigm shift from the concept of flexibility to an approach of coercion within the GATS. Nor should the EU push for the Bolkestein Directive within the EU. Essential services such as water, education, health should be excluded from the GATS negotiations. Recognise and guarantee government s policy space and flexibilities by halting the NAMA negotiations and drop reciprocity demands in the EPA negotiations. Governments should have the right to use policy tools, including trade measures that preserve government s policy space to: - Develop fair and sustainable economies that contribute to women s empowerment; - Protect and promote employment, social welfare, health for women and men and the environment; - Promote sustainable conservation and the sustainable management of all resources. Ensure people s food sovereignty. The EU should respect the right of developing countries to develop and implement agricultural policies that guarantee food security and strengthen domestic agricultural markets, most particularly those where small-scale farmers trade their products. We therefore call on the EU to remove agriculture from the WTO. Ensure that Official Development Assistance is not linked to any conditionality. (1 van 2) :51:27

395 Doc Complete systematic public impact assessments of the development, social, environmental and gender impact of trade negotiations before proceeding to the next phases of negotiations. Such assessment should involve civil society and more specifically women s organisations from both Europe and countries of the South, which the EU is targeting. Rather than being considered simply as flanking measures, which has been EU practice with other impact assessments, these assessments should inform and also influence EU policy changes. Celebrating its 20 th anniversary WIDE is a European women s network whose main activities are lobbying, advocacy and awareness raising; networking and capacity building on global trade agenda, macro-economic policy, gender and development policy and women s human rights. WIDE is a member of the Seattle to Brussels Network, the International Gender and Trade Network and the Our World Is Not For Sale Network. Visit the WIDE website: For further information, please contact: Meagen Baldwin, Executive Director, [email protected] Amandine Bach, GATS and WTO Project Coordinator, [email protected] Barbara Specht, Information Officer, [email protected] (2 van 2) :51:27

396 Seoul-Gyeonggi Declaration on the Equal Participation of Women in the Information Society Seoul-Gyeonggi Declaration on the Equal Participation of Women in the Information Society We, the participants in the Forum on Gender and ICTs for the World Summit on the Information Society 2005, representing 36 countries assembled in Seoul from June 2005, with affiliations in academia and NGOs as well as government, international agency, and industry, Reaffirming the principles outlined in the Beijing Platform for Action and the Convention on the Elimination of Discrimination Against Women, Noting paragraph 12 of the Declaration of Principles of the World Summit on the Information Society (WSIS), adopted in Geneva in December 2003, viz: We affirm that development of ICTs provide enormous opportunities for women, who should be an integral part of, and key actors, in the Information Society. We are committed to ensuring that the Information Society enables women's empowerment and their full participation on the basis of equality in all spheres of society and in all decision-making processes. To this end, we should mainstream a gender equality perspective and use ICTs as a tool to that end: Noting that the WSIS Plan of Action refers to the special needs of women in relation to capacity building; enabling environment; ICT applications; cultural diversity and identity; media; and follow-up and evaluation, Noting that the second phase of WSIS focuses on monitoring and implementation of the progress of feasible actions laid out in the Geneva Plan and a concrete set of deliverables that must be achieved by the time the Summit meets again in Tunis in November 2005, Noting that, this will involve: - developing a core set of benchmarks or indicators that can be used to evaluate ICT for Development initiatives - surveying and presenting best practices and lessons learned from ICT projects and initiatives - presenting recommendations from the working groups on Financing Mechanisms and Internet Governance Noting that the current debate on financing in the WSIS process puts disproportionate emphasis on private investment to achieve ICT for Development goals, Recognizing that since the first phase of WSIS, governments, international bodies, academia, and civil society organizations have implemented actions as follow-up to the WSIS Action Plan, Recognizing that the most critical aspects in the follow up of the implementation of the WSIS Plan of Action are: Developing sex-disaggregated statistics and gender indicators Integrating a gender perspective in national ICT policies and strategies Ensuring ICT training and capacity building for women Promoting the economic empowerment of women Ensuring that women benefit from financing of ICT for Development Facilitating gender equality in Internet and ICT governance Noting the growth of cyber pornography, trafficking, exploitation, violence against women and sexism on the Internet, and recognizing that the Information Society provides both threats and opportunities, 1. Recommend, based on these priorities, the following to all stakeholders; 2. Emphasize the gender component in ICT financing discussions, including principles of gender budgeting, with linkages made between investment in physical and social infrastructure development; 3. Ensure that financing ICT for Development projects accounts specifically for women's development priorities and their information and communication rights; 4. Take into account the particular needs of indigenous, elderly, rural and marginalized women everywhere, including those in developing countries and the least developed countries, and earmark a fair percentage of the Digital Solidarity Fund for projects aimed at bridging the gender digital divide; 5. Ensure women s participation in the establishment, administration and monitoring of any fund that supports the use of ICTs for development; (1 van 2) :51:41

397 Seoul-Gyeonggi Declaration on the Equal Participation of Women in the Information Society 6. Establish national level multi-stakeholder level Internet governance mechanisms, independent of political and market interests, to adopt agendas commensurate with a development-oriented Internet Governance, create gender working groups, and provide a platform for ICT policy and Internet governance capacity building; 7. Create opportunities for the participation of women in international and intergovernmental organizations involved in Internet governance; 8. Ensure access to meaningful participation and equal representation of all people, communities and groups, including women, in the creation of any new global mechanism to address Internet governance. Appropriate relationships should be established with UN bodies connected with development, with culture and education, and with the special needs and interests of women; 9. Support the collection of sex-disaggregated data on access and use of ICTs at the regional and international levels; 10. Emphasize the need for women s increased presence at all levels of decision-making and in the implementation of policies, both in NGOs and in government bodies responsible for information and communication. This includes the provision of appropriate training, and monitoring of impact, for female public servants; 11. Mobilize resources to fund capacity building programmes at national, regional and global levels, to address ICT policy and Internet governance issues, taking into account the needs of women, excluded communities, especially those from developing countries. In implementing such capacity building programmes, the e-readiness of the community should be adequately assessed; 12. Create opportunities for employment for women in the ICT sector, especially in areas of management, decision-making, and hardware and software design and production; 13. Invest in and support ICT infrastructure and services to promote women s participation and empowerment. Special attention should be given to community-driven information and communication initiatives, using both ICTs and the long established media, including its ownership; 14. Encourage the widespread use of open-access software. 15. Ensure that content created or funded by government, government contractors conducting essential public functions, or intergovernmental organizations becomes part of the public domain. This is of particular importance with respect to technical and scientific information. 16. Recognize the special role of libraries as centres for community access to knowledge. Libraries and archives should be considered in the development of national ICT policies and supported by public (government and donor) funds. 17. Support women s ministries and agencies, gender focal points, and gender advocates to participate effectively in regulatory policy-making and in all national and international ICT policy processes in a coordinated way; 18. Train relevant government officers in gender analysis of ICT policies and support women s ministries and agencies, gender focal points, and gender advocates in the work they are doing. 25 June 2005 World Summit on the Information Society WSIS Gender Caucus (2 van 2) :51:41

398 WIDE Statement to the 49th Session of the Commission on the Status of Women WIDE Statement to the 49th Session of the Commission on the Status of Women New York, 28 February to 11 March 2005 The 10 year review of the Beijing Platform for Action (BPfA) at the 49th Session of the Commission on the Status of Women (CSW) is a critical opportunity to reaffirm the global women s agenda for women s human rights, gender equality and empowerment for women. The member states of the UN must use this opportunity to reaffirm their unequivocal commitment to the accelerated implementation of the entire Beijing Declaration and Platform for Action and the Outcomes Document of the 23rd UN General Assembly Special Session (Beijing+5), and to ensure that the appropriate resources are made available for the continued implementation of BPfA and the realisation of gender equality and women s human rights as enshrined in the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW). GLOBALISATION AND THE BPfA The BPfA was drafted and adopted by governments, but thousands of women activists worldwide have contributed to all the phases of developing, drafting, monitoring and implementing the Platform foraction. WIDE, working in collaboration with other women s movements around the world, has helped to shape the BPfA and its implementation. We have a particular concern about the many ways in which neo-liberalism, including the promotion of a free trade regime, economic globalisation and market liberalisation has led to deep inequalities. It has led to the feminisation of employment, intensified exploitation of women's unpaid work in the caring economy and has undermined the livelihood strategies of poor rural and urban women, including migrant women, disabled and displaced women in all areas of the world. The increasing impact of such policies on the lives and livelihoods of women is compounded in countries of the South by the structural inequalities between North and South. If policies are assumed to be gender neutral, they can reproduce or even worsen inequality. WIDE, in alliance with other women s groups working on trade, macro economic, gender and globalisation, calls on Governments to recognise that gender aware macro economic policy, including the application of a gender analysis of trade and its impact on women globally are essential if economic development partnerships are to be made real and effective. WIDE asks for far greater economic coherence among states, non-state actors and multilateral institutions in relation to development cooperation and financial, monetary and trade policies, so that the systemic inequities and power imbalances within the global economic system are addressed. Structural, economic and institutional inequalities are exacerbated by the increase in conservative forces in Europe and all areas of the world, with the rise of religious fundamentalisms as well as a diversion of resources away from the fight against poverty to the war on terror. This has led to increased poverty combined with a backlash against women s rights and a weakening of many of the gains won in the 1990s UN conferences. BEIJING+10 AND THE MILLENNIUM SUMMIT The 49th CSW is a strategic moment to push for the BPfA to be more visibly linked to the current UN Agenda based on the 2000 Millennium Declaration and the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs), which are due for review in September WIDE expresses serious concern that the MDG process now dominating the UN System is undermining the BPfA. Unlike the BPfA which takes into account deep inequalities within and across countries, the MDGs ignore the structural nature of poverty as well as the structural nature of gender inequality. There is a central contradiction within the MDG process that asks governments to invest in pro-poor policies while at the same time employing neo-liberal economic policies that only serve to increase the impoverishment of marginalized women and men. WIDE therefore calls for a far more democratic and gender aware MDG process, one that is accountable to the global women s movement, and which makes gender equality, women s human rights and women s empowerment central to the achievement of the MDGs. It is critical that Governments ensure that the MDGs draw on the Beijing PfA as integral to all MDG goals. GROWING INEQUALITIES WITHIN EUROPE As an organisation of women living in Europe, WIDE is particularly concerned with the growing inequalities associated with neo-liberal globalisation and exploitation connected with a rise in both legal and illegal forms of migration, with the latter, in particular, associated with highly insecure and exploitative forms of work. WIDE expresses concern about the human rights of all migrants, and particularly the specific abuses of human rights to which women migrants are vulnerable in the context of the growth of the non-formal economy in Europe, the increase in illegal migration, trafficking of women and children and the growing fragmentation of 'old' and 'new' Europe. The European Union enlargement in 2004 caused new and largely artificial political dividing lines across the continent, between those within the EU and those outside. WIDE believes that it is critical to build a common agenda for gender equality among women in the whole European region in order to prevent a new East- West (1 van 2) :51:48

399 WIDE Statement to the 49th Session of the Commission on the Status of Women divide. BEIJING+10 AND CAIRO+10 From a holistic human rights approach to development built by the UN conferences of the 1990s, WIDE considers women s economic rights intrinsically linked to their sexual and reproductive rights. WIDE therefore joins other women s movements and health activists in expressing strong concern that sexual and reproductive health and rights for all women (as agreed to in the International Conference on Population and Development, Cairo 1994) is reinstated in the MDG agenda, including building women s capacity to act in response to the increasing numbers of poor women living with HIV/AIDS. WIDE welcomes the recommendations of the Millennium Project Task Force Three and Four and calls on European Governments in particular to take a strong stand on this issue. It is an increasingly challenging climate for women, particularly those from socially excluded groups, transition countries and conflict-affected areas. WIDE calls on women s rights groups across the world to protect the gains made by Beijing and calls on Governments, particularly European governments, to reaffirm those gains, not only in the 10 year review process, but also in the future, through appropriate resources to put the BPfA into action. WIDE will be working throughout the CSW to mobilize political will and resources more effectively for the global women s agenda in official delegations, at side events, interactive panels, caucuses and through the Global Week of Action for Women s Rights from March 1-8 which WIDE promotes and endorses. WIDE CALLS FOR: The unequivocal reaffirmation of the entire Beijing Declaration and Platform for Action and the Outcomes Document of the 23rd UNGASS (Beijing+5), with the allocation of new resources and the commitment to the full implementation and relevance of BPfA in itself and as a precondition for achieving the MDGs The continued analysis of the critical linkages between trade, development, poverty and gender as essential to address the systemic inequities and power imbalances within the global economic system The integration of sexual and reproductive health and rights into the MDG agenda. Source: Women in Development Europe (2 van 2) :51:48

400 Amendments to the official UNCTAD XI UNCTAD XI - Adding Soul To "The Spirit Of Sao Paulo" Amendments to the official UNCTAD XI - The Spirit of São Paulo Declaration by the Civil Society Forum at UNCTAD XI 17 June 2004 We, the member States of the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development, gathered at São Paulo, Brazil, between 13 and 18 June 2004, for the eleventh session of the Conference, agree on the following Declaration: 1. UNCTAD was created in 1964 as an expression of the belief that a cooperative effort of the international community was required to integrate developing countries successfully into the world economy. Since then, UNCTAD has made a substantial contribution to the efforts of developing countries to participate more fully and to adapt to changes in the world economy through the development of a number of instruments, agreements and programmes - to stabilize commodity prices, for example - aimed at achieving this objective. UNCTAD has also provided an invaluable forum for advancing the relationship between trade and development, both from a national and an international perspective, across the three pillars of its mandate. Reinforcing the traditional UNCTAD mandate is more crucial than ever. 2. The UN Conferences of the 1990s, (and outcomes such as the Beijing Platform for Action), the Convention on the Elimination of Discrimination Against Women, other international Conventions, the Millennium Declaration, the Monterrey Consensus, the Programme of Action for the LDCs, the Almaty Programme of Action, the Barbados Programme of Action, the Johannesburg Declaration on Sustainable Development and the Plan of Implementation agreed at the World Summit on Sustainable Development and the Declaration of Principles and the Plane of Action of the World Summit on the Information Society, as well as initiatives for UN reform, strengthen multilateralism and establish a roadmap to guide international actions in the process of mobilising resources for development and of providing an international environment supportive of development, although these have been criticised by some who see them as insufficient. We are committed to joining all our efforts and in creasing the resources from the developed countries in the achievement of the goals established in those texts in the agreed timeframes. The United Nations system should actively pursue agreed development goals between now and 2015, as identified in the Millennium Declaration, and a reinvigorated UNCTAD has an important role to play in efforts towards the accomplishment of these common objectives. 3. In spite of all the efforts at the national and international level to promote growth, development and intensifying equity at both these levels remain the central issues in the global agenda. The contrasts between developed and developing countries and within both kinds of societies that marked the world in the early 1960s have intensified. While globalisation has posed important challenges and opened up new opportunities for many countries, its consequences have been highly unequal between countries and within countries. Some have reaped the benefits from trade, investment and technology flows and seem to be winning the struggle for development and for poverty alleviation: sometimes by following independent policies. 4. Most developing countries, however, especially African countries and LDCs, have remained neglected and sometimes have suffered as a result of the globalisation process. They still face major challenges for the realisation of their economic potential and the incorporation of large masses of the unemployed, informal male and female workers and the working poor into the productive sectors. There is a need to rethink the linkage between international trade and poverty elimination. There is a need to address the instability in world commodity prices. 5. For all countries, it is important that, at the international level, efforts will be deployed and policies implemented in order to facilitate reforms and to remove external constraints to put the developing world on a firm and sustainable development path. We can rightly say that, 40 years after the foundation of UNCTAD, the relationship between trade and development, which is the cornerstone of its mandate, has become even more important to analyse critically and to act on. 6. We are committed to the struggle for the eradication of poverty and hunger. Policy instruments and measures, such as the Global Fund Against Hunger, at the national and international levels, should be adopted, in particular by practising policies in the areas of trade, investment and finance (including through new financial initiatives), to encourage the creation of opportunities for the poor women and men of the world to have access to decent, stable jobs and adequate negotiated wages. This is the sustainable road to democracy, reforms, stability and growth. The Millennium Development Goals are an important but insufficient milestone. Special attention should be paid to the implementation of the Beijing Platform for Action in order that gender power relations are rearranged, so that women are empowered to participate equally with men in sustainable development. 7. The plight of the least developed countries should receive the utmost attention from the international (1 van 3) :51:54

401 Amendments to the official UNCTAD XI community. We are committed to generating and better utilizing additional international resources, market access and development assistance for the LDCs in order to enable them to establish, in the context of effective domestically-owned national policies, a solid political, social and economic base for their development processes. 8. Multilateral trade negotiations, under the Doha Work Programme, should be conducted with a view to addressing developmental concerns of countries, with a special focus on LDCs, in a manner that fully reflects the level of ambition agreed to at Doha. The Doha Work Programme should place development at the centre of the multilateral trade negotiations and then should reinforce the mandate of UNCTAD. UNCTAD can play a useful role in safeguarding the development dimensions of the Doha Work Programme and contributing to assessing and evaluating the balances and outcomes of negotiations and promoting mechanisms, including regulatory measures, to establish more balanced and equitable trade relations. We also positively consider the facilitation of accession of developing countries, especially LDC s, to the WTO. UNCTAD should also assist developed countries in gender mainstreaming and engendering their national and regional economic and trade policies to ensure gender equity and women's empowerment. 9. We recognise that improved coherence between national and international policies and practices and between the international monetary, financial and trading systems and the Norms of the UN system is fundamental for democratic and participatory sound global economic governance. We are committed to reforming in a comprehensive manner the existing inadequacies and insufficiencies of those systems in order to enhance their capacities to better respond to the needs of development, especially in the case of LDCs. The institutional dimension in terms of improved global governance is central here. We should also continue working on the creation of positive and development-centred synergies amongst trade, finance and investment and on how to link these efforts to development and eliminating inequities at the national and international levels. As recommended by the World Commission on the Social Dimensions of Globalisation, an inter-agency Globalisation Forum should be established. UNCTAD should play a key role in this Forum. In particular, attention should be devoted to improving international non-speculative capital flows for development, through the provision of automatic, assured and predictable sources of development finance, as well as dealing with the volatility of international capital markets. Measures to ensure long-term debt eradication of developing countries and countries in transition should be implemented. As a first step in this direction, we commit to unconditional cancellation of LDC debt. 10. We should also focus on future challenge and opportunities. In addition to national resources, capital accumulation and availability of labour, new factors such as information, innovation, creativity and diversity constitute the dynamic forces of today's world economy. We are committed to bridging the digital divide and ensuring harmonious, fair, equitable and sustainable development for all women and men and to building an inclusive information society, which will require genuine equal partnership and cooperation among Governments and other stakeholders, i.e. the private sector, civil society and international organisations, in which rights and responsibilities of all parties are reciprocal. 11. A more positive integration of developing countries and those developing countries with economies in transition into the international economy and the multilateral trading system depends also on the adoption of internal policies to move up the ladder towards sectors that incorporate innovation and that expand more dynamically. To achieve these results, countries must have the policy space to pursue diverse policy options in order to arrive at the best possible balance between different approaches in their national development strategies. 12. The process of sustainable development requires increased and equitable participation of all social and political forces in the creation of consensus for the adoption of effective national policies, which, in turn, requires democratic policies and institutions. We acknowledge the importance of all stakeholders, i.e. governments, the private sector, civil society and international organisations and the contribution all can make, in every country, to good governance. While development is the primary responsibility of each country, domestic efforts should be facilitated and complemented by an enabling international environment. Development policies should take cognisance of market forces in the promotion of growth, through trade, investment and innovation. They should also acknowledge the central role of the State in conferring political and economic stability, developing the required regulatory frameworks, channelling the resources for infrastructure and social projects, promoting social inclusion and reducing inequalities. We are committed to supporting national efforts dedicated to institution building in developing countries and countries in transition. 13. Although still limited to a small number of countries, there are encouraging signs that a significant source of global growth is being generated in the South. This new development could contribute to creating to a new geography of world trade. We underscore the importance of initiatives to facilitate the emergence of new dynamic centres of growth in the South through additional steps for the integration of these emerging economies with other developing ones. This can be achieved, inter alia, by means of amore comprehensive Global System of Trade Preferences among Developing Countries, which should also address the problems of the LDCs and economies in transition. 14. Given the growing importance of regional and interregional initiatives, we encourage UNCTAD to further develop capabilities designed to assist countries to participate effectively in these initiatives, while ensuring functional and coherent linkages with the multilateral system. 15. The decisions we have adopted at this UNCTAD XI, in addition to the Bangkok Plan of Action form a solid basis and are essential instruments in our continued commitment to support UNCTAD in fulfilling and strengthening its mandate as the focal point internationally for the integrated treatment of trade and development, on the road to its Twelfth Session in (2 van 3) :51:54

402 Amendments to the official UNCTAD XI (3 van 3) :51:54

403 STATEMENT TO THE EUROPEAN UNION ON GENDER AND TRADE FOR UNCTAD XI STATEMENT TO THE EUROPEAN UNION ON GENDER AND TRADE FOR UNCTAD XI June 15th 2004 The UN has recognised that gender equality is both a core value for sustainable development and a prerequisite for poverty elimination. With the Convention on the Elimination of all forms of Discrimination Against Women and the Beijing Platform for Action, the UN has developed an internationally accepted analytical framework and action plan for gender equality. We welcome the creation of the UNCTAD-led Task Force on Gender and Trade set up by the UN Inter-Agency Working Group in February 2003 and the UNCTAD XI initiative to highlight gender and trade as a cross-cutting issue. As a UN body, UNCTAD has both the responsibility and the competence to take a leadership role in ensuring that gender concerns are incorporated in a meaningful way in macro-economic policy. Trade policies impact on gender relations and human development by rearranging relations of power and access to resources between women and men. If trade policies are assumed to be gender neutral, they may reproduce or even worsen current forms of inequality and discrimination against women in all countries. We also welcome the statement of the European Union that 'UNCTAD should mainstream gender equality in its work. UNCTAD's support to developing countries should enable their economic and trade policies to empower women as both actors in, and beneficiaries of, economic growth.' Gender mainstreaming must be understood in the agreed terms of CEDAW and the BPFA as being strategy towards transformation of gender relations and gender stereotypes, and the empowerment of women. The impact of trade policy on the lives and livelihoods of women is compounded in countries of the South by the structural inequalities between North and South. The international economic order through UNCTAD, therefore must proactively promote the interests of those women who are most vulnerable to the negative impacts of international trade agreements. UNCTAD should also assist developed countries in gender mainstreaming and engendering their national and regional trade and other economic policies to ensure gender equity and women's empowerment. UNCTAD must take a leadership role by Promoting the implementation of UN gender equality and women's empowerment agreements within trade agreements. Devoting increased emphasis in its work to the social implications of trade and other economic policies, including their gender impact. Developing systems of gender and trade indicators and gender impact assessment mechanisms in both monitoring trade agreements and in ex ante assessment to forestall negative impacts of trade agreements on vulnerable women and men. Including in its independent research and analysis the evaluation of the impact of trade on women. Such research should focus not only on criticising the current neo-liberal framework, but on developing alternatives, drawing, for example, on the established body of feminist economics, and on the range of existing local level alternatives. Focusing its gender analysis not only on improving the condition of women in their current roles (e.g. better access to credit and micro-finance etc) and seeing them as potential actors in economic growth, but should draw on the transformative analysis of CEDAW to ensure that women are not confined in discriminatory positions by gender stereotyping. UNCTAD must ensure that every country has the competence and freedom to design development measures aimed at achieving gender equality and social justice. Donor countries should ensure that appropriate resources are directed to UNCTAD's work on gender equality. WIDE (Network Women In Development Europe) Banúlacht - Women in Ireland for Development, WIDE Ireland CONDGE (Coordinadora de ONGs), WIDE Spain KULU - Women in Development, Denmark, WIDE Denmark Danish 92 Group ICDA (International Coalition of Development Action) Cafra (Caribbean Association for Feminist Research and Action) (1 van 2) :52:02

404 STATEMENT TO THE EUROPEAN UNION ON GENDER AND TRADE FOR UNCTAD XI EWL (European Women's Lobby) IGTN-E - International Gender and Trade Network (Europe) Trade Matters Ireland (2 van 2) :52:02

405 Resolution 1325 (2000)Adopted by the Security Council at its 4213th meeting,on 31 October 2000 The Security Council, Resolution 1325 (2000) Adopted by the Security Council at its 4213th meeting, On 31 October 2000 Recalling its resolutions 1261 (1999) of 25 August 1999, 1265 (1999) of 17 September 1999, 1296 (2000) of 19 April 2000 and 1314 (2000) of 11 August 2000, as well as relevant statements of its President, and recalling also the statement of its President to the press on the occasion of the United Nations Day for Women s Rights and International Peace (International Women s Day) of 8 March 2000 (SC/6816), Recalling also the commitments of the Beijing Declaration and Platform for Action (A/52/231) as well as those contained in the outcome document of the twenty-third Special Session of the United Nations General Assembly entitled Women 2000: Gender Equality, Development and Peace for the Twenty-First Century (A/S-23/10/ Rev.1), in particular those concerning women and armed conflict, Bearing in mind the purposes and principles of the Charter of the United Nations and the primary responsibility of the Security Council under the Charter for the maintenance of international peace and security, Expressing concern that civilians, particularly women and children, account for the vast majority of those adversely affected by armed conflict, including as refugees and internally displaced persons, and increasingly are targeted by combatants and armed elements, and recognizing the consequent impact this has on durable peace and reconciliation, Reaffirming the important role of women in the prevention and resolution of conflicts and in peace-building, and stressing the importance of their equal participation and full involvement in all efforts for the maintenance and promotion of peace and security, and the need to increase their role in decision-making with regard to conflict prevention and resolution, Reaffirming also the need to implement fully international humanitarian and human rights law that protects the rights of women and girls during and after conflicts, Emphasizing the need for all parties to ensure that mine clearance and mine awareness programmes take into account the special needs of women and girls, Recognizing the urgent need to mainstream a gender perspective into peacekeeping operations, and in this regard noting the Windhoek Declaration and the Namibia Plan of Action on Mainstreaming a Gender Perspective in Multidimensional Peace Support Operations (S/2000/693), Recognizing also the importance of the recommendation contained in the statement of its President to the press of 8 March 2000 for specialized training for all peacekeeping personnel on the protection, special needs and human rights of women and children in conflict situations, Recognizing that an understanding of the impact of armed conflict on women and girls, effective institutional arrangements to guarantee their protection and full participation in the peace process can significantly contribute to the maintenance and promotion of international peace and security, Noting the need to consolidate data on the impact of armed conflict on women and girls, 1. Urges Member States to ensure increased representation of women at all decision-making levels in national, regional and international institutions and mechanisms for the prevention, management, and resolution of conflict; 2. Encourages the Secretary-General to implement his strategic plan of action (A/49/587) calling for an increase in the participation of women at decisionmaking levels in conflict resolution and peace processes; 3. Urges the Secretary-General to appoint more women as special representatives and envoys to pursue good offices on his behalf, and in this regard calls on Member States to provide candidates to the Secretary-General, for inclusion in a regularly updated centralized roster; 4. Further urges the Secretary-General to seek to expand the role and contribution of women in United Nations (1 van 3) :52:09

406 Resolution 1325 (2000)Adopted by the Security Council at its 4213th meeting,on 31 October 2000 field-based operations, and especially among military observers, civilian police, human rights and humanitarian personnel; 5. Expresses its willingness to incorporate a gender perspective into peacekeeping operations, and urges the Secretary-General to ensure that, where appropriate, field operations include a gender component; 6. Requests the Secretary-General to provide to Member States training guidelines and materials on the protection, rights and the particular needs of women, as well as on the importance of involving women in all peacekeeping and peacebuilding measures, invites Member States to incorporate these elements as well as HIV/ AIDS awareness training into their national training programmes for military and civilian police personnel in preparation for deployment, and further requests the Secretary-General to ensure that civilian personnel of peacekeeping operations receive similar training; 7. Urges Member States to increase their voluntary financial, technical and logistical support for gender-sensitive training efforts, including those undertaken by relevant funds and programmes, inter alia, the United Nations Fund for Women and United Nations Children s Fund, and by the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees and other relevant bodies; 8. Calls on all actors involved, when negotiating and implementing peace agreements, to adopt a gender perspective, including, inter alia: (a) The special needs of women and girls during repatriation and resettlement and for rehabilitation, reintegration and post-conflict reconstruction; (b) Measures that support local women s peace initiatives and indigenous processes for conflict resolution, and that involve women in all of the implementation mechanisms of the peace agreements; (c) Measures that ensure the protection of and respect for human rights of women and girls, particularly as they relate to the constitution, the electoral system, the police and the judiciary; 9. Calls upon all parties to armed conflict to respect fully international law applicable to the rights and protection of women and girls, especially as civilians, in particular the obligations applicable to them under the Geneva Conventions of 1949 and the Additional Protocols thereto of 1977, the Refugee Convention of 1951 and the Protocol thereto of 1967, the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women of 1979 and the Optional Protocol thereto of 1999 and the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child of 1989 and the two Optional Protocols thereto of 25 May 2000, and to bear in mind the relevant provisions of the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court; 10. Calls on all parties to armed conflict to take special measures to protect women and girls from gender-based violence, particularly rape and other forms of sexual abuse, and all other forms of violence in situations of armed conflict; 11. Emphasizes the responsibility of all States to put an end to impunity and to prosecute those responsible for genocide, crimes against humanity, and war crimes including those relating to sexual and other violence against women and girls, and in this regard stresses the need to exclude these crimes, where feasible from amnesty provisions; 12. Calls upon all parties to armed conflict to respect the civilian and humanitarian character of refugee camps and settlements, and to take into account the particular needs of women and girls, including in their design, and recalls its resolutions 1208 (1998) of 19 November 1998 and 1296 (2000) of 19 April 2000; 13. Encourages all those involved in the planning for disarmament, demobilization and reintegration to consider the different needs of female and male ex-combatants and to take into account the needs of their dependants; 14. Reaffirms its readiness, whenever measures are adopted under Article 41 of the Charter of the United Nations, to give consideration to their potential impact on the civilian population, bearing in mind the special needs of women and girls, in order to consider appropriate humanitarian exemptions; 15. Expresses its willingness to ensure that Security Council missions take into account gender considerations and the rights of women, including through consultation with local and international women s groups; 16. Invites the Secretary-General to carry out a study on the impact of armed conflict on women and girls, the role of women in peace-building and the gender dimensions of peace processes and conflict resolution, and further invites him to submit a report to the Security Council on the results of this study and to make this available to all Member States of the United Nations; 17. Requests the Secretary-General, where appropriate, to include in his reporting to the Security Council progress on gender mainstreaming throughout peacekeeping missions and all other aspects relating to women and girls; (2 van 3) :52:09

407 Resolution 1325 (2000)Adopted by the Security Council at its 4213th meeting,on 31 October Decides to remain actively seized of the matter. (3 van 3) :52:09

408 WIDE and GADN Conference Manifesto WIDE and GADN Conference Manifesto We, the Network Women in Development Europe, the Gender and Development Network, international Southern partners, Central and Eastern European partners, individual members and feminists present, meeting here in London on the occasion of WIDE s 20th anniversary Recognise The global scale of poverty, inequality and unsustainable levels of environmental damage That women and girls experience poverty differently to men and boys and amongst themselves That neo-liberalism is creating deep divisions between and within the North and South That the new security agenda is dominating global politics That human security has been pushed aside by the new narrow focus on military, security, and the war on terror That there is a backlash against women s human rights That until the imbalance of power between women and men, girls and boys, poor and rich, and between diverse cultures is addressed; we will not achieve women s human rights, economic and social justice nor a sustainable culture of peace. Note with concern That the critical inter-linkages between poverty, inequality and insecurity are not being made That macro-economic trends are undermining women s autonomy including sexual and reproductive health and rights That the global trade regime has reinforced the profound inequality between the North and the South, regionally and locally That market-led and private-sector models of development are failing citizens That fundamentalisms of ethnic, religious and moral right wing groups are dismantling women s livelihoods, economic security and control over their lives and bodies That US unilateralism is undermining and threatening global democracy. Call on world leaders, North and South To recognise and acknowledge the complex inter-linkages between poverty, inequality and insecurity and its disproportionate negative impact on women and girls To meet their international obligations under the Cairo Programme of Action, the Beijing Platform for Action and the Convention on the Elimination of Discrimination Against Women, to close the gap between policy and practice To ensure that foreign policy is not guided solely by economic self-interest of nations To recognise the critical role of civil society and social movements in determining good governance To be accountable to all citizens. Demand that Women participate in all levels of political, economic, cultural and social decision making. (1 van 2) :52:26

409 WIDE and GADN Conference Manifesto Call on women s movements globally To link North and South for a global feminist agenda To engage with other social justice movements To be more proactive in shaping our priorities and agenda To engage young women and recognise their legitimacy, rights and issues To revitalise the feminist movement. Call on other social movements To engage with the feminist agenda To ensure that women s and girls rights and livelihoods are integrated into their economic and social justice agendas. Signed in London on the 25 June Network Women in Development Europe 2. UK Gender and Development Network 3. One World Action 4. WOMANKIND Worldwide (2 van 2) :52:26

410 Declaration of the European Conference, Paris, 25th June, 2005 Declaration of the European Conference, Paris, 25th June, 2005 A new Era may Open itself in Europe We, the participants of the European Conference in Paris of 24th and 25th June 2005, put forward for debate in all the associative, trade union and political networks in Europe, the propositions contained in the following declaration: The victory of the No in France is that of the No of the Left, pro-european, globalisation critical and directed against neoliberalism and war. Prolonged by the Dutch No and the growing mobilisations (to be strengthened) of public opinion in numerous countries for the rejection of this text, it constitutes a major political event for Europe in its entirety. We should seize on this first success against neoliberal Europe and prolong it. This experience reveals to us that a gathering of the people and of citizens can result in anti-neoliberal majorities. We want to overcome the crisis of this European construction, which has the market as its idol and secret negotiations as its liturgy in order to found a social, democratic, peaceful, feminist, ecological Europe grounded in the solidarity among its people. Together we want to engage a large citizen's movement on the European scale in order to develop, from the local level up to the European scale, and in solidarity with all the people of the world, political and social dynamics in favour of another Europe. It is a matter of resisting and winning face to the neoliberal policies Of constructing a large and determined mobilisation on the immediate political objectives (withdrawal of the directives on liberalisation in course, especially the Bolkestein directive and that on labour time, which should be replaced by a new directive, which really limits work time and permits to improve working conditions). Of demanding that the people may be allowed to decide on their future and that their choices be respected. In this sense, we propose a campaign that could, for instance, be based on a petition in all of the countries and that would demand a fundamental change in the European politics. This reorientation should notably have as its objective: a better distribution of wealth; the fight against unemployment; precarity; poverty and social exclusion; the defence of our environment; the questioning of the dominating role of the European Central Bank and of the Stability Pact; the defence and the development of public services; the action for a real equality between women and men; the respect of the rights of immigrants; a European action in favour of nutritional sovereignty as fundamental right of the people. In order to debate and construct alternatives to the neoliberal policies in Europe, we would like to begin a European campaign open to all the forces opposed to neoliberalism that should wish so. It should permit: To favour the irruption of the people on the European scene as the only possible way out of the crisis; To contribute to the expression of people's and citizens' demands for another Europe; To create a public European space based on the principles of pluralism, of tolerance, of laicity (separation of church and state), in a spirit of assembly and of unity that will permit the gathering of many forces; To articulate our alternative propositions; To reinforce our cooperation with the people of Eastern Europe in order to help ameliorate the material and political conditions of their participation in the fight for a democratic and social Europe, with view to consecrating the budgetary means necessary and to fill the gap that still exists between the two parts of the continent; To construct a Europe refusing discriminations, racisms, patriarchical domination; To refuse the logic of war and of militarisation of the European Union, to construct a Europe that acts for another world. Construct a social, democratic, peaceful, feminist, ecological and solidarity-based Europe Everywhere there should engage itself a large political debate for constructing another, a social, democratic and ecological Europe. In this sense, we appeal to all the political, trade union, associative, network and movement activists, women and men, to the citizens, women and men, to conduct everywhere initiatives, gatherings and assemblies allowing to work out proposals. This vast movement could usher in a Manifesto or a Charter of Social, Democratic and Environmental Rights that could outline the Europe that we want; It would unfold itself in the process of the European Social Forum; in particular on occasion of the European preparatory assembly (EPA) of the ESF in Istanbul (September 23 to 25) and of the international gathering organised by the Italian networks in Rome (November 12 and 13); The ESF of Athens in April 2006 will permit to keep track of this work of preparation and to give it a new push forward; Proposals for mobilisation have been formulated on occasion of our meeting: for a day of European-wide (1 van 2) :52:42

411 Declaration of the European Conference, Paris, 25th June, 2005 demonstrations against the Bolkestein directive in connection with the international demonstration against the WTO in Geneva on October 15; for a day of Europe-wide demonstrations on occasion of the summit of the heads of state on December 15; for a day of local mobilisations for another Europe with assemblies, reunions, local social forums on March 4th, 2004; for an alternative summit Europe- Latin America on May 13 in Austria. The unifying French collective will bring these proposals to life and will prepare a reunion that will take place in the framework of the European Preparatory Assembly in Istanbul and which will allow us to summarise the work we have done along these tracks. We put this appeal at the disposal of all those, women and men, who would like to be a part, at the European level, of such a process of construction. Paris, 25th June, (2 van 2) :52:42

412 YES To Another Europe M E M O R A N D U M The European Feminist Initiative Acts in Priority for a NO to The Constitution and for a YES To Another Europe M E M O R A N D U M The European Union might become the bearer of a true peace project, of a constructive alternative to the policy of precarity, unemployment, poverty and an alternative to the policy of militarization and war which generate violence and insecurity. Violence restricts the field of possibilities, non-violence broadens it. Neoliberalism and common security policy, in close relationship with NATO and without reference to UN bring economic and defence choices, which will act as reciprocal commitments between countries of the European union. There are here two ingredients of the patriarchal power. If the new constitution becomes adopted, it will confirm the dominating male and neo-liberal power and will carved it in marble for several decades. We desire that on the first line of a new treaty between European countries be written Women rights, thus of half the population, in the same way as human rights and that there appears a reference to Convention for the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW) as a compulsory measure between countries of Europe. Indisputably, we dare defying the patriarchal order. THE EUROPEAN FEMINIST INITIATIVE FEMINISTE (IFE-EFI) ACTS IN PRIORITY FOR A NO TO THE CONSTITUTION AND FOR A YES TO ANOTHER EUROPE After the YES of Lithuania, Hungary, Slovenia and Greece through the vote of their respective Parliaments, and the YES of Spain through a referendum past February, 8 countries-france, Holland, Luxembourg, Poland, Denmark, Portugal, Ireland and England- will held referendums in between May 2005 and In Sweden and Czech Republic, there is a tendency for the decision being taken by their respective parliaments but the struggles are not ended to impose a referendum consultation. A NO in France will be decisive for the whole Constitution procedure. The odds are great for the NO to block a text where even human rights are dependent upon economical and military objectives! IFE-EFI calls the support of the GUE/NGL for organizing meetings, conferences and debates in the capitals of countries where it is still possible to act for a Democratic opening to the NO to the Constitution and for another Europe. A moratorium is necessary for new discussions and elaboration of a new treaty. In this process, feminist organizations and movements must be permanent consultant organizations in the same way as unions and humanitarian organizations. WOMEN RIGTHS REGRESS IN EUROPE Reproduction rights are forbidden in several countries of EU and are globally in the balance. Women are the most threatened on the labour market by precarity, flexibility and increase of the working time. Women are submitted to the male violence in the public sphere and the family sphere. Migrant women suffer a double discrimination : as women and as immigrants. Laicity is threatened in several countries through the role devoted to churches and religious communities. The freedom of sexual orientation is challenged. Women bodies are exploited and offered as goods. IFE-EFI calls the support of the GUE/NGL for the organization of thematic regional conferences in order to contribute to the fact that women rights should at last be considered as full rights and that the woman is at last considered as equal to the man. FOR ANOTHER EUROPE In order to build another Europe, we want: Parity and equality between men and women Inversion of economical priorities, which must be based upon the reproductive sphere: health, education, parental protection, elder people, etc. The choice of Resolution 1325 of UN as the base for any negotiation of peace and prevention of conflicts. Modern public services Banning of sexual exploitation and merchandisation of bodies, assistance, protection, rehabilitation of women suffering violence, terrorism and war inside and outside Europe. New negotiations must start between European countries with compulsory consultation of social (1 van 2) :53:00

413 YES To Another Europe M E M O R A N D U M movements-among which feminist organizations. IFE-EFI calls the support of the GUE/NGL for the editing of a quaterly report for contact, information and awareness about evoked topics. IFE will endeavour to find supports among European Institutions. Today, we live the construction of Europe surrounded by the silence and invisibility of women. For the first time in 50 years, people can debate about the future of Europe but in 15 countries among 25, their speech is seized. And yet women speak! The 1000 signatories from 132 organisations and from 30 countries who signed the call of IFE propose a feminist analysis critical about the European construction. It is a unique fact that can become th echo of voices of half the European population, in order to develop a democratic process in the name of all Human rights. The feminist analysis which gather us among IFE for another Europe is a lever for action against the patriarchal order. By deciphering its links with neo-liberalism, our analysis will make it visible and vulnerable. The European Feminist Initiative, by contributing to the democratic process, also contributes to make possible the change in the European construction. We know that 81% of women hold precarious jobs. The major part of people struck by poverty are women. We know that incomes, salaries and pensions are unfairly shared between men and women. Women are in charge of the major par of the non-remunerate home work. We know that women are greatly underrepresented in political executive power, union and economic life. Whatever differences between countries of EU, we can, with our common feminist analysis, create an action and transformation force through a large solidarity movement. Several countries are now watching France. French feminist organizations openly express themselves in favour of the NO to the European constitution. On the day before the referendum, in Marseille on May 28, la Marche Mondiale des Femmes has gathered women from all over Europe in order to express our requirement of another world and another Europe. We need all democratic forces to build egalitarian Europe. European Feminist Initiative INITIATIVE FEMINISTE EUROPÉENNE BRUSSELS May 4, 2005 EFI IFE for Another Europe Paris May, (2 van 2) :53:00

414 Montréal Principles on Women s Economic, Social and Cultural Rights Montréal Principles on Women s Economic, Social and Cultural Rights The Montréal Principles were adopted at a meeting of experts held December 7 10, 2002 in Montréal, Canada. These principles are offered to guide the interpretation and implementation of the guarantees of nondiscrimination and equal exercise and enjoyment of economic, social and cultural rights, found, inter alia, in Articles 3 and 2(2) of the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights, so that women can enjoy these rights fully and equally. The participants at the Montreal meeting were: Sneh Aurora, Fareda Banda, Reem Bahdi, Stephanie Bernstein, Gwen Brodsky, Ariane Brunet, Christine Chinkin, Mary Shanthi Dairiam, Shelagh Day, Leilani Farha, Ruth Goba, Soledad Garcia Muñoz, Sara Hossain, Lucie Lamarche, Marianne Møllmann, Dianne Otto, Karrisha Pillay, Inés Romero, and Alison Symington. They unanimously agreed on the following principles. A. INTRODUCTION Sex or gender inequality is a problem experienced primarily by women. The systems and assumptions which cause women s inequality in the enjoyment of economic social and cultural rights are often invisible because they are deeply embedded in social relations, both public and private, within all States. Acknowledging this systemic and entrenched discrimination is an essential step in implementing guarantees of non-discrimination and equality. The terms gender and sex should both be understood as referring to the range of economic, social, cultural, historical, political and biological constructions of norms of behaviour that are considered appropriate for women and men. Implicit in such an understanding of gender or sex relations is that male and female norms have been constructed so as to privilege men and disadvantage women. Gender and sex discrimination can be used interchangeably, and both gender inequality and sex inequality are used to refer to the disadvantaged position of women. In order to reflect this understanding of women s disadvantage, the Montréal Principles use the terms discrimination against women and women s equality wherever possible. Economic, social and cultural rights have a particular significance for women because as a group, women are disproportionately affected by poverty, and by social and cultural marginalization. Women s poverty is a central manifestation, and a direct result of women s lesser social, economic and political power. In turn, women s poverty reinforces their subordination, and constrains their enjoyment of every other right. The UN Charter mandates universal respect for, and observance of all human rights, including the right of women to equal exercise and enjoyment of their economic social and cultural rights. [1] All regional and global instruments which set out economic social and cultural rights contain guarantees of non-discrimination and of equal enjoyment for women of these rights. [2] An expression of this global consensus is found in Articles 3 and 2 (2) of the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights. In the political context of the early 21 st century, it is particularly important to underline this long-standing international consensus regarding human rights primacy. The lack of priority accorded to securing universal enjoyment of economic, social and cultural rights hurts women disproportionately. Women s particular vulnerability to social and economic deprivation is deepened further in conflict and postconflict situations and when economic sanctions are imposed. The Committee on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights has stated that economic, social and cultural rights must be taken into account when imposing sanctions, and State Parties to the Covenant should take account of the suffering that such sanctions are likely to inflict on certain sectors, such as women. As the UN Security Council has recognized, peace and women s equality are inextricably linked. [3] The inequality in the lives of women that is deeply embedded in history, tradition and culture [4] affects women s access to and enjoyment of economic, social and cultural rights. To ensure women s enjoyment of these rights, they must be implemented in a way that takes into account the context in which women live. For example, the traditional assignment to women and girls of the role of primary care-giver for children, older persons and the sick restricts women s freedom of movement and consequently their access to paid employment and education. The economic and social devaluation of the work, paid and unpaid, that women traditionally do from a very young age, contributes further to fixing women in a position of economic and social inequality. These factors diminish women s earning capacity and their economic autonomy, and contribute to the high rates of poverty among women worldwide. Traditional, historical, religious or cultural attitudes are also used to justify and perpetuate discrimination against women in the delivery of economic, social and cultural rights, including health services and education, by public and private agencies. (1 van 11) :53:15

415 Montréal Principles on Women s Economic, Social and Cultural Rights Inequality in women s enjoyment of economic, social and cultural rights contributes to their economic dependence, denial of personal autonomy and lack of empowerment. These in turn limit still further women s ability to participate in public life, including fora for economic, social, political and legal policy and decisionmaking. As the Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women has noted: Policies developed and decisions made by men alone reflect only part of human experience and potential. [5] Such policies and decisions are less likely to take account of gendered consequences, and the economic and social factors that affect women s lives. Economic, social and cultural rights and civil and political rights are particularly indivisible and interconnected in the lives of women: inequality in economic, social and cultural rights undermines women s ability to enjoy their civil and political rights, which then limits their capacity to influence decision and policy-making in public life. Since [a]ll human rights are universal, indivisible and interdependent and interrelated [6] equality in civil and political rights [7] is undermined unless equality in the exercise and enjoyment of economic, social and cultural rights is secured. It is especially important that women s entitlement to equal enjoyment of economic, social and cultural rights is acknowledged and re-emphasized in the current climate of neo-liberalism and economic globalization. Policies of privatization, economic austerity and structural adjustment have negative impacts for women. [8] For example, women are often the hardest hit by economic transition, financial crises and rising unemployment. In part, this is because women are relied upon to provide services that are cut such as caring for children, older persons and the sick, because women are often in insecure, part-time employment, they are commonly the first to lose their jobs. Furthermore, poverty can lead to a decrease in food intake among women and girls; girls are the first to drop out of schools; greater numbers of women are forced to migrate; and women are vulnerable to trafficking, violence and ill health. Economic and political insecurity provoke private and public backlash against women s rights that may be expressed through violence and articulated in the form of defending cultures and traditions. To fully implement the rights set out in Articles 3 and 2(2) of the International Covenant on Economic Social and Cultural Rights, and similar guarantees in other human rights instruments, requires an understanding that focuses upon the subordination, stereotyping and structural disadvantage that women experience. It requires more than just formal legal recognition of equality between the sexes. It requires commitment by all responsible parties to take all necessary steps to address the actual material and social disadvantage of women. B. DEFINITION OF WOMEN'S ECONOMIC, SOCIAL AND CULTURAL RIGHTS 1. Women s economic, social and cultural rights include, but are not limited to, the right to: An adequate standard of living including: food and freedom from hunger; water; clothing; housing and freedom from forced eviction; continuous improvement of living conditions; See for example: International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (ICESCR) article 11(1) and (2); Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW) article 14(2)(h); Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR) article 25; Universal Declaration on Eradication of Hunger and Malnutrition (UDEHM) article 1; Declaration on the Right to Development (DRD) article 8(1); Committee on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights, General Comment 15 ("The right to water"); Additional Protocol to the American Convention on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (San Salvador Protocol) article 12; Rome Declaration on Food Security; Istanbul Declaration and Program of Action on Human Settlements. [9] The highest attainable standard of mental and physical health throughout a woman s life cycle, including reproductive and sexual health and freedom; See for example: ICESCR article 10(2) and 12; International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR) article 6(4) and 18(4); Declaration on the Elimination of Discrimination Against Women (DEDAW) article 9(e); CEDAW articles 10(h), 11(2)(a) and 12; UDHR article 25; Declaration on Population and Development para. 7; Beiing Declaration and Program of Action paras. 89, 94 and 96; Convention on the Rights of the Child (CRC) articles 24, 3 (2); American Convention on Human Rights (ACHR) article 4(5); San Salvador Protocol article 10; Inter-American Convention on the Protection, Punishment and Eradication of Violence Against Women (ICPPEVAW) article 4(b); American Declaration on the Rights and Duties of Man (ADRDM) article xi; Declaration on Social Progress and Development (DSPD) article 11(b); DRD article 8(1); Maternity Protection Convention (MPC) article 3; African Charter on Human and Peoples Rights (African Charter) article 16; Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination Against Women, General Comment 24. [10] Equal inheritance and ownership of land and property; See for example: ICESCR article 11(1); CEDAW articles 13(b), 14(20(e) and (g), 15(2) and 16(h); DEDAW article 6(1)(a); DRD article 8(1); International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination (2 van 11) :53:15

416 Montréal Principles on Women s Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (CERD) articles 5(d)(v) and 5(d)(vi); UDHR article 17; ACHR article 21; African Charter, article 14; Beijing Declaration and Program of Action, para. 61(b), 62, and 63. [11] Social security, social protection, social insurance and social services, including special assistance before, during and after childbirth; See for example: ICESCR articles 9 and 10(2); CERD article 5(e)(iv); DEDAW article 10(1)(c); CEDAW articles 11 (1)(e), 11(2)(a), and 14(2)(c); MPC articles 4 and 6; UDHR article 22, 23(1) and 25(1); San Salvador Protocol articles 9(2) and 15 (3)(a); ADRDM article xvi; ICCPEVAW, article 8; CRC article 28. [12] Training and education; See for example: ICESCR articles 6 and 13; CEDAW articles 10 and 14(2)(d); DEDAW article 9; UDEHM article 4; CERD article 5(e)(v); UDHR article 26; ACHR article 17(1); ICPPEVAW article 6(b); San Salvador Protocol article 13 (1)(2) and (3); CRC article 28; Convention Against Discrimination in Education article 1; ADRDM article xii; Bejing Declaration and Program of Action para. 69. [13] Freely chosen work as well as just and favourable conditions of work including fair wages, equal remuneration and protection from sexual harassment and sex discrimination at work; See for example: ICESCR articles 6 (1), 6(2) and 7; CEDAW articles 11(1)c), (f); CERD article 5(e); ICCPR article 8 (3)(a); DEDAW article 10(1)(a); Abolition of Forced Labour Convention (AFLC) article 1; DSPD article 6; UDHR articles 4 and 23; Declaration on the Elimination of Violence against Women (DEVAW) article 3; ACHR article 6(2); African Charter articles 5 and 15; ADRDM, article xiv; San Salvador Protocol articles 6 and 7; Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms (CPHRFF) article 4(2); MPC article 8; Equal Remuneration Convention (ERC) article 1; Convention on Employment Policy articles 1 (1) and (2); ILO Declaration on Fundamental Principles and Rights at Work; ICPPEVAW, article 2(b). [14] Form and join trade unions; See for example: ICESCR article 8; ICCPR article 22; CERD article 5(e)(ii); DSPD article 10; San Salvador Protocol article 8; ILO Convention on Freedom of Association and Protection of the Right to Organize. [15] Protection from economic exploitation; See for example: ICESCR articles 8 and 10 (3); ICCPR article 8; Supplementary Convention on the Abolition of Slavery, the Slave Trade and Institutions and Practices Similar to Slavery article 1(b); CRC article 32; ILO Convention on Worst Forms of Child Labour; UDHR article 4; ACHR article 6. [16] Protection from coerced and uninformed marriage; See for example: ICESCR article 10(1); CEDAW article 16(1)(b); DEDAW article 6(2)(a); ICCPR article 23(3); Convention on Consent to Marriage, Minimum Age for Marriage and Registration of Marriage (Marriage Convention) article 1; CERD article 5(d)(iv); UDHR article 16(2); ACHR article 17(3). [17] A clean and healthy environment; See for example: ICESCR article 12(2)(b); African Charter article 24. [18] Participate in cultural life; See for example: ICESCR article 15(1)(a); CRC article 29(1)(c); CEDAW article 13(c); ICCPR article 27; DEVAW article 3; CERD article 5(e)(vi); UDHR article 27; ACHR article 26; African Charter articles 17(2) and 22(1); ICPPEVAW article 5; San Salvador Protocol articles 14(1)(a) and (b). [19] Claim and enjoy the benefits of patents and intellectual property; See for example: ICESCR article 15(1)(c); San Salvador Protocol article 14(c). [20] Nationality; and to bestow nationality on children; See for example: CEDAW article 9; DEDAW Article 5; Convention on the Nationality of Married Women (CNMW) article 1; Convention Relating to the Status of Refugees (CSR) article 2; UDHR article 15; ACHR article 20; CERD article 5(d)(iii). [21] Freedom from trafficking and exploitation; recognition of the human rights of trafficked persons; (3 van 11) :53:15

417 Montréal Principles on Women s Economic, Social and Cultural Rights See for example: CEDAW article 6; DEDAW article 8; DEVAW article 2(b); CRC articles 34 and 35; ICPPEVAW article 2(b); Protocol to Prevent, Suppress and Punish Trafficking in Persons, Especially Women and Children, Supplementing the United Nations Convention Against Transnational Organized Crime. [22] 2. Indivisibility and Interdependence of Rights Economic, social and cultural rights and civil and political rights are indivisible, interdependent and interconnected. In the real lives of women, it is difficult to separate these rights. For example, a woman s right to life is threatened as much by the deprivation of economic, social and cultural rights as by the deprivation of civil and political rights. 3. No Justification for Restriction Nothing in the wording or substance of any international or regional human rights document, policy, practice or custom can be used to justify restricting women s equal enjoyment and exercise of economic, social and cultural rights. 4. Non-Retrogression International law entitles women to claim the highest level of available protection for their rights that is afforded by international human rights instruments or national law, policy or custom. C. Principles of Equality and Non-discrimination 5. Women s Sex and Gender Inequality Unequal power relations between women and men must be acknowledged and changed, and the entrenched disadvantage caused by this power imbalance must be addressed, if women are to achieve the equal exercise and equal enjoyment of their economic, social and cultural rights. 6. Non-Discrimination and Equality Legal guarantees of non-discrimination based on sex and legal guarantees of equality for women, though expressed differently, are articulations of the same obligation. This obligation is not confined to negative restraints on States and third parties because negative restraints, alone, do not successfully eliminate discrimination against women. Both the right to non-discrimination and the right to equality mandate measures that prevent harmful conduct and positive steps to address the long-standing disadvantage of women. 7. Definition of Sex Discrimination Sex or gender discrimination occurs when intentionally or unintentionally, a law, program or policy, or an act or a failure to act, has the effect or purpose of impairing or nullifying the recognition, exercise or enjoyment by women of their economic, social and cultural rights. 8. Forms of Sex Discrimination Sex or gender discrimination is experienced as discrimination because of being a woman. It can also be experienced as discrimination on the basis of marital status, for example, as discrimination against wives, cohabitees, unmarried women, divorced women or widows, or on the basis of family status, family responsibility, pregnancy, reproductive capacity, or sexuality. Sexual harassment of women and violence against women must also be understood as forms of sex discrimination. 9. Substantive Equality Economic, social and cultural rights must be interpreted and implemented in a manner that ensures to women substantively equal exercise and enjoyment of their rights. Substantively equal enjoyment of rights cannot be achieved through the mere passage of laws or promulgation of policies that are gender-neutral on their face. Gender neutral laws and policies can perpetuate sex inequality because they do not take into account the economic and social disadvantage of women; they may therefore simply maintain the status quo. De jure equality does not, by itself, provide de facto equality. De facto, or substantive equality, requires that rights be interpreted, and that policies and programs - through which rights are implemented - be designed in ways that take women s socially constructed disadvantage into account, that secure for women the equal benefit, in real terms, of laws and measures, and that provide equality for women in their material conditions. The adequacy of conduct undertaken to implement rights must always be assessed against the background of women s actual conditions and evaluated in the light of the effects of policies, laws and practices on those conditions. 10. Intersectionality (4 van 11) :53:15

418 Montréal Principles on Women s Economic, Social and Cultural Rights Many women encounter distinct forms of discrimination due to the intersection of sex with such factors as: race, language, ethnicity, culture, religion, disability, or socio-economic class. Indigenous women, migrant women, displaced women, and non-national or refugee women experience distinct forms of discrimination because of the intersection of their sex and race, or their sex and citizenship status. Women may also confront particular forms of discrimination due to their age or occupation; family status, as single mothers or widows; health status, such as living with HIV/AIDS; sexuality, such as being lesbian; or because they are engaged in prostitution. Intersecting discrimination can determine the form or nature that discrimination takes, the circumstances in which it occurs, the consequences of the discrimination, and the availability of appropriate remedies. To ensure that all women enjoy the benefits of their economic, social and cultural rights, specific measures are needed to address the ways in which women are differently affected in their enjoyment of a right as a result of the intersection of discrimination based on sex with discrimination based on other characteristics. 11. Autonomy Women are entitled to exercise and enjoy their economic social and cultural rights as autonomous persons. They cannot enjoy their economic, social and cultural rights equally if they are treated as inferior to men or as adjuncts of, or dependents of men, whether those men are family members or others. In turn, economic, social and cultural rights must be interpreted and applied in ways that recognize women s right to full legal personhood and autonomy. D. IMPEDIMENTS TO WOMEN'S EQUALl ENJOYMENT OF ECONOMIC, SOCIAL AND CULTURAL RIGHTS 12. Impediments Structural impediments to women s equal exercise and enjoyment of economic social and cultural rights include, but are not limited to: (i) social norms, customs and traditions that legitimize women s inequality; (ii) failure to take account of women s disadvantage or their distinct experiences when designing laws or measures to implement economic, social and cultural rights; (iii) restrictions on access to legal or administrative bodies where remedies for rights violations may be sought; (iv) women s under-representation in decision-making processes; (v) women s unequal status in their families; (vi) the failure to recognize women s unremunerated work, and to encourage the fairer distribution between women and men of family and community-supporting labour; (vii) the neglect of women s economic, social and cultural rights in conflict and post-conflict situations; and (viii) the gender-differentiated effects of economic globalization. These impediments must be addressed and eliminated to ensure that measures adopted to implement economic, social and cultural rights will benefit women equally. E. LEGAL OBLIGATIONS 13. Justiciability and Allocation of Resources Women s rights to non-discrimination and equality are enforceable by judicial bodies and administrative tribunals in all circumstances, including when they raise issues of government allocation of resources for the realization of economic, social and cultural rights. 14. Immediate Obligation The right to non-discrimination and to the equal exercise and enjoyment of economic, social and cultural rights imposes an immediate obligation on States. This obligation is not subject to progressive realization. The obligation is also an immediate one for inter-governmental bodies and quasi-state actors or other groups exercising control over territory or resources. 15. Respect, Protect, Fulfill and Promote Women s right to non-discrimination and equality imposes four specific obligations on States: the obligations to respect, protect, fulfill and promote women s exercise and enjoyment of economic, social and cultural rights. These four obligations are indivisible and interdependent and must be implemented by States simultaneously and immediately. 16. Range of Conduct The obligations to respect, protect, fulfill and promote women s economic, social and cultural rights require a range of conduct from States. States are obliged to both refrain from acting harmfully and to take positive steps to advance women s equality. States are required to repeal laws and policies that discriminate either directly or indirectly. They are also required to guarantee women s rights to non-discrimination and to the equal exercise and enjoyment of economic, social and cultural rights in appropriate domestic laws, such as national constitutions and human rights legislation, and in the interpretation of customary and personal laws. States are obliged to regulate the conduct of third parties, such as employers, landlords, and service providers. States are also obliged to design and implement policies and programmes to give long-term and full effect to women s economic, social and cultural rights. These may include the adoption of temporary special measures to accelerate women s equal enjoyment of (5 van 11) :53:15

419 Montréal Principles on Women s Economic, Social and Cultural Rights their rights, gender audits, and gender-specific allocation of resources. 17. Rights-claiming mechanisms States must ensure that women s rights to non-discrimination and to the equal exercise and enjoyment of economic, social and cultural rights can be effectively interpreted and applied by judicial and quasi-judicial bodies that are independent from government. Further, States must ensure that the right to be free from discrimination and the right to equality are interpreted substantively, rather than formally, by judicial and quasi-judicial bodies, so as to foster the equal enjoyment by women of economic, social and cultural rights. States, when appearing as parties or intervenors before judicial or quasi-judicial bodies must advocate for the interpretation and application of rights that will ensure women s substantive enjoyment of them. 18. Maximum Available Resources States must use the maximum available resources to respect, protect, fulfill and promote economic, social and cultural rights. The maximum available resources must be distributed in a manner that provides substantively equal exercise and enjoyment of economic, social and cultural rights by women. 19. Trade, Trade Agreements and International Financial Institutions States have a non-derogable obligation to guarantee women s equal enjoyment of their economic, social and cultural rights in their actions and decision-making in the context of trade, trade agreements, and agreements with, or participation in, international and regional financial institutions. 20. Due Diligence All States when participating in international financial institutions, trade agreements, or aid and development programs shall apply a due diligence test to assess, foresee and prevent any adverse consequences of trade agreements, structural adjustment programs, development and humanitarian assistance, and other economic and social policies on women s economic, social and cultural rights. Where harm is caused by such agreements or programs, the responsible States and institutions shall implement compensatory measures. This applies at national, regional and international levels, in public and private spheres of life. 21. Provision for Basic Needs In the context of scarcity, States shall make sure that the basic needs of women are satisfied, especially in regard to health care, access to potable water, sanitation services, housing, education, energy and social protection. This obligation prevails as well in times of conflict and post-conflict. States and other inter-governmental bodies must ensure that services are provided in a manner that does not discriminate against women, and that ensures women s equality. 22. Privatization and Regulation of Third Parties Where services are partially or wholly privatized, at a minimum States are required to adopt an effective regulatory system to monitor the distribution of such services and service providers must work in cooperation with the State to ensure the substantively equal enjoyment of services by women in fulfilment of the State s international legal obligations. 23. Regulation of Transnational Corporations and Third Parties States have an obligation to require transnational corporations and other commercial entities, when they are providing services or programs related to the enjoyment of economic, social and cultural rights, to ensure that women benefit equally. States also have an obligation to prevent transnational corporations and other commercial entities from violating women s economic, social and cultural rights on their territory. When such rights are violated, States have a duty to provide women with effective remedies. 24. Recognition of Unremunerated Work States must adopt specific measures to recognize the economic and social contribution of the women who carry out unremunerated activities. States must also ensure that women or particular groups of women do not carry out a disproportionately large part of the unremunerated and devalued workload of families and communities, including domestic labour and the care of children, sick, and older persons. 25. Participation States and inter-governmental bodies must ensure that women can and do participate fully in the formulation, development, implementation and monitoring of economic, social and cultural programs and policies. They must also ensure the full participation of women in the formulation, development, implementation and monitoring of (6 van 11) :53:15

420 Montréal Principles on Women s Economic, Social and Cultural Rights specific strategies, plans and policies that aim to eliminate their gender specific disadvantages. This may require States and intergovernmental bodies to ensure women s participation in decision-making where non-state actors provide programs or services that are related to the enjoyment of economic, social and cultural rights. F. Violations 26. Commission and Omission Violations of women s economic, social and cultural rights can occur through acts of commission or omission by States and other actors who are insufficiently regulated by the State, or not regulated by the State. 27. Failure to Correct Where the economic, social and cultural rights of women, or particular groups of women, have been violated, States are obliged to adopt concrete measures designed to ensure the immediate enjoyment of these rights by the affected women. 28. Undermining the Rights Undermining women s enjoyment or exercise of their economic, social and cultural rights constitutes a violation. A State undermines these rights by: adopting overly restrictive interpretations of rights-conferring provisions; taking the position that economic, social and cultural rights are not justiciable; restricting access by women, and organizations which represent them, to judicial and quasi-judicial bodies; implementing women s equal enjoyment progressively rather than immediately; and, failing to maintain adequately funded and effective enforcement institutions. 29. Retrogressive Measures The adoption of retrogressive measures that further reduce women s access to or enjoyment of their economic, social or cultural rights constitutes a violation. 30. Unwillingness to Use Resources A State which is unwilling to use the maximum of its available resources for the realization of economic, social and cultural rights violates women s economic, social and cultural rights. G. MECHANISMS AND REMEDIES 31. Judicial and Quasi-Judicial Mechanisms States must establish and maintain effective mechanisms for fully claiming and enforcing women s economic, social and cultural rights, including independent courts and tribunals, administrative authorities and national human rights and women s commissions. Judges and other adjudicators must be provided with adequate training regarding women s rights to equality and to the equal enjoyment of their economic, social and cultural rights. States must also ratify relevant international and regional treaties that allow international remedies and communication procedures without reservations that have the effect of undermining women s equal exercise and enjoyment of their economic, social and cultural rights. 32. Policy Mechanisms States are required to ensure that there is a national system of institutions and mechanisms, including national human rights institutions, commissions, and ombuds offices, which will support the development of strategies, plans and policies specifically designed to guarantee women s equal exercise and enjoyment of their economic, social and cultural rights. This system must guarantee the effective inclusion of women s perspectives in the design and application of public policies in economic, social and cultural areas. 33. Resources for Mechanisms States must provide sufficient financial and physical resources to the institutions and mechanisms that have the responsibility to implement and enforce women s economic, social and cultural rights in order to ensure their effectiveness and accessibility. 34. Access States must remove any obstacles that prevent women or certain groups of women from accessing institutions and mechanisms which enforce and implement women s economic social and cultural rights and provide women with information regarding how to access them. States must also adopt measures, such as legal aid, to facilitate women s access to institutions and mechanisms that can implement and enforce women s economic, social and (7 van 11) :53:15

421 Montréal Principles on Women s Economic, Social and Cultural Rights cultural rights. 35. Standards, Data and Review States must continuously review and revise the implementation and enforcement of women s economic, social and cultural rights by developing gender-sensitive standards, methodologies, criteria, targets and indicators, as well as tools for gender disaggregation of statistical data and for budgetary analysis to specifically assess women s substantively equal enjoyment of their economic, social and cultural rights. 36. Remedies In the event of an infringement of the right to non-discrimination or the right to equal enjoyment of women s economic social and cultural rights, States are required to provide one or more of the following non-exhaustive list of remedies: compensation, reparation, restitution, rehabilitation, guarantees of non-repetition, declarations, public apologies, educational programmes, prevention programmes, revised policies, benchmarks and implementation programmes, and other effective and appropriate remedies. The State has a related obligation to ensure that the appropriate remedy is both ordered and effectively implemented. **** [1] UN Charter Articles 55, 56, and 103. [2] International Covenant on Economic Social and Cultural Rights, Articles 2(2) and 3; American Convention on Human Rights, Article 1(1); Additional Protocol to the American Convention on Human Rights in the Area of Economic, Social and Cultural Rights, Article 3; European Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms (read in conjunction with its Protocols), Article 14; African Charter on Human and Peoples Rights, Article 2; Cairo Declaration on Human Rights in Islam, Article 1. [3] Security Council Resolution 1325, [4] As identified by the Human Rights Committee at para. 5 in its General Comment 28: Equality of rights between men and women (article 3). 29/03/2000. CCPR/C/21/Rev.1/Add.10. [5] CEDAW General Recommendation 23: Political and Public Life. 13/01/97. Contained in document A/52/38. See para. 13. [6] United Nations General Assembly, Vienna Declaration and Programme of Action, I. 12/07/93. A/CONF.157/23 at para 5. [7] As reiterated in HRC General Comment 28, supra note 4. [8] Report of Independent Expert, Fantu Cheru, Effects of Structural Adjustment Programmes on Full Enjoyment of Human Rights, UN Doc. E/CN.4/1999/50, 24 February [9] International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights, 19 December 1966, 993 U.N.T.S. 3, Can. T.S No. 46, 6 I.L.M. 360 (entered into force 3 January 1976) [ICESCR]. Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women, 18 December 1979, 1249 U.N.T.S. 13, Can. T.S No. 31, 19 I.L.M. 33 (entered into force 3 September 1981) [CEDAW]. Universal Declaration of Human Rights, GA Res. 217 (III), UN GAOR, 3d Sess., Supp. No. 13, UN Doc. A/810 (1948) 71 [UDHR]. Universal Declaration on the Eradication of Hunger and Malnutrition, adopted by the World Food Conference, endorsed by GA Res (XXIX) 1974, 29th Sess., UN Doc. E/CONF. 65/20 (1974) 1 [UDEHM]. Declaration on the Right to Development, GA Res. 41/128, annex, 41 UN GAOR, 41st Sess., Supp. No. 53, UN Doc. A/41/53 (1986) 186 [DRD]. United Nations Committee on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights, General Comment 15, E/C.12/2002/11, 26 November Additional Protocol to the American Convention on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights, O.A.S. T.S. No. 69, (1989) 28 I.L.M. 156 (entered into force 16 November 1999) (San Salvador Protocol). Rome Declaration on World Food Security, Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations, Report of the World Food Summit, Rome, November 1996, Part One (WFS 96/REP) (Rome, 1997), appendix. Istanbul Declaration and Program of Action on Human Settlements, adopted by United Nations Conference on Human Settlements, 4 June [10] International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights, 19 December 1966, 993 U.N.T.S. 3, Can. T. S No. 46, 6 I.L.M. 360 (entered into force 3 January 1976) [ICESCR]. International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, 19 December 1966, 999 U.N.T.S. 171, Can. T.S No. 47, 6 I.L.M. 368 (entered into force 23 March 1976) [ICCPR]. Declaration on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women, GA Res. 2263(XXII), UN GAOR, 22d Sess. (1967) [DEDAW]. Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women, (8 van 11) :53:15

422 Montréal Principles on Women s Economic, Social and Cultural Rights 18 December 1979, 1249 U.N.T.S. 13, Can. T.S No. 31, 19 I.L.M. 33 (entered into force 3 September 1981) [CEDAW]. Universal Declaration of Human Rights, GA Res. 217 (III), UN GAOR, 3d Sess., Supp. No. 13, UN Doc. A/810 (1948) 71 [UDHR]. Cairo Declaration on Population and Development, adopted at the International Conference of Parliamentarians on Population and Development, Cairo, 4 September Report of the Fourth World Conference on Women: Platform for Action, A/Conf.177/20, 17 October 1995 [hereinafter Platform for Action]. Convention on the Rights of the Child, 20 November 1989, 1577 U.N.T.S. 3, 28 I.L.M (entered into force 2 September 1990) [CRC]. American convention on Human Rights, 22 November 1969, 1144 U.N.T.S. 143, O.A.S. T. S. No. 36 (entered into force 18 July 1978) [ACHR]. Additional Protocol to the American Convention on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights, O.A.S. T.S. No. 69, (1989) 28 I.L.M. 156 (entered into force 16 November 1999) (San Salvador Protocol). Inter-American Convention on the Protection, Punishment and Eradication of Violence Against Women, 9 June 1994, 33 I.L.M (entered into force 5 March 1995) [ICPPEVAW]. American Declaration on the Rights and Duties of Man, adopted at the Ninth Annual International Conference of American States, Bogota, Declaration on Social Progress and Development, GA Res (XXIV), 24 UN GAOR 24th Sess., Supp. No. 30, UN Doc. A/7630 (1969) 49 [DSPD]. Declaration on the Right to Development, GA Res. 41/128, annex, 41 UN GAOR, 41st Sess., Supp. No. 53, UN Doc. A/41/53 (1986) 186 [DRD]. Maternity Protection Convention, 2000, 15 June 2000, I.L.O. No. 183, 40 I.L.M. 2 (entered into force 7 February 2002) [MPC]. African Charter on Human and Peoples Rights, 27 June 1981, 1520 U.N.T.S. 217, 21 I.L.M. 58 (1982) (entered into force 21 October 1986) [African Charter]. Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination Against Women, General Comment 24, 2 February [11] International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights, 19 December 1966, 993 U.N.T.S. 3, Can. T. S No. 46, 6 I.L.M. 360 (entered into force 3 January 1976) [ICESCR]. Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women, 18 December 1979, 1249 U.N.T.S. 13, Can. T.S No. 31, 19 I.L.M. 33 (entered into force 3 September 1981) [CEDAW]. Declaration on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women, GA Res. 2263(XXII), UN GAOR, 22d Sess. (1967) [DEDAW]. Declaration on the Right to Development, GA Res. 41/128, annex, 41 UN GAOR, 41st Sess., Supp. No. 53, UN Doc. A/41/53 (1986) 186 [DRD]. International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination, 7 March 1966, 660 U.N.T.S. 195, 5 I.L.M. 352 (entered into force 4 January 1969) [CERD]. Universal Declaration of Human Rights, GA Res. 217 (III), UN GAOR, 3d Sess., Supp. No. 13, UN Doc. A/810 (1948) 71 [UDHR]. American convention on Human Rights, 22 November 1969, 1144 U.N.T.S. 143, O.A.S. T. S. No. 36 (entered into force 18 July 1978) [ACHR]. African Charter on Human and Peoples Rights, 27 June 1981, 1520 U.N.T.S. 217, 21 I.L.M. 58 (1982) (entered into force 21 October 1986) [African Charter]. Report of the Fourth World Conference on Women: Platform for Action, A/Conf.177/20, 17 October 1995 [hereinafter Platform for Action]. [12] International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights, 19 December 1966, 993 U.N.T.S. 3, Can. T. S No. 46, 6 I.L.M. 360 (entered into force 3 January 1976) [ICESCR]. International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination, 7 March 1966, 660 U.N.T.S. 195, 5 I.L.M. 352 (entered into force 4 January 1969) [CERD]. Declaration on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women, GA Res (XXII), UN GAOR, 22d Sess. (1967) [DEDAW]. Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women, 18 December 1979, 1249 U.N.T.S. 13, Can. T.S No. 31, 19 I.L.M. 33 (entered into force 3 September 1981) [CEDAW]. Maternity Protection Convention, 2000, 15 June 2000, I.L.O. No. 183, 40 I.L.M. 2 (entered into force 7 February 2002) [MPC]. Universal Declaration of Human Rights, GA Res. 217 (III), UN GAOR, 3d Sess., Supp. No. 13, UN Doc. A/810 (1948) 71 [UDHR]. Additional Protocol to the American Convention on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights, O.A.S. T.S. No. 69, (1989) 28 I.L.M. 156 (entered into force 16 November 1999) (San Salvador Protocol). American Declaration on the Rights and Duties of Man, adopted at the Ninth Annual International Conference of American States, Bogota, Inter-American Convention on the Protection, Punishment and Eradication of Violence Against Women, 9 June 1994, 33 I.L.M (entered into force 5 March 1995) [ICPPEVAW]. Convention on the Rights of the Child, 20 November 1989, 1577 U.N.T.S. 3, 28 I.L.M (entered into force 2 September 1990) [CRC]. [13] International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights, 19 December 1966, 993 U.N.T.S. 3, Can. T. S No. 46, 6 I.L.M. 360 (entered into force 3 January 1976) [ICESCR]. Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women, 18 December 1979, 1249 U.N.T.S. 13, Can. T.S No. 31, 19 I.L.M. 33 (entered into force 3 September 1981) [CEDAW]. Declaration on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women, GA Res. 2263(XXII), UN GAOR, 22d Sess. (1967) [DEDAW]. Universal Declaration on the Eradication of Hunger and Malnutrition, adopted by the World Food Conference, endorsed by GA Res (XXIX) 1974, 29th Sess., UN Doc. E/CONF. 65/20 (1974) 1 [UDEHM]. International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination, 7 March 1966, 660 U.N.T.S. 195, 5 I.L.M. 352 (entered into force 4 January 1969) [CERD]. Universal Declaration of Human Rights, GA Res. 217 (III), UN GAOR, 3d Sess., Supp. No. 13, UN Doc. A/810 (1948) 71 [UDHR]. American convention on Human Rights, 22 November 1969, 1144 U.N.T.S. 143, O.A.S. T. S. No. 36 (entered into force 18 July 1978) [ACHR]. Inter-American Convention on the Protection, Punishment and Eradication of Violence Against Women, 9 June 1994, 33 I.L.M (entered into force 5 March 1995) [ICPPEVAW]. Additional Protocol to the American Convention on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights, O.A.S. T.S. No. 69, (1989) 28 I.L.M. 156 (entered into force 16 November 1999) (San Salvador Protocol). Convention on the Rights of the Child, 20 November 1989, 1577 U.N.T.S. 3, 28 I.L.M (entered into force 2 September 1990) [CRC]. Convention Against Discrimination in Education, 429 U.N.T.S. 93, B.T.S. 44 (1962) (entered into force 22 May 1962). American Declaration on the Rights and Duties of Man, adopted at the Ninth Annual International Conference of American States, Bogota, Report of the Fourth World Conference on Women: Platform for Action, A/Conf.177/20, 17 October 1995 [hereinafter Platform for Action]. [14] International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights, 19 December 1966, 993 U.N.T.S. 3, Can. T. S No. 46, 6 I.L.M. 360 (entered into force 3 January 1976) [ICESCR]. Convention on the Elimination of All (9 van 11) :53:15

423 Montréal Principles on Women s Economic, Social and Cultural Rights Forms of Discrimination against Women, 18 December 1979, 1249 U.N.T.S. 13, Can. T.S No. 31, 19 I.L.M. 33 (entered into force 3 September 1981) [CEDAW]. International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination, 7 March 1966, 660 U.N.T.S. 195, 5 I.L.M. 352 (entered into force 4 January 1969) [CERD]. International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, 19 December 1966, 999 U.N.T.S. 171, Can. T.S No. 47, 6 I.L.M. 368 (entered into force 23 March 1976) [ICCPR]. Declaration on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women, GA Res. 2263(XXII), UN GAOR, 22d Sess. (1967) [DEDAW]. Abolition of Forced Labour Convention (ILO No. 105), 25 June 1957, 320 U.N.T.S. 291, Can. T.S No. 21 (entered into force 17 January 1959) [AFLC]. Declaration on Social Progress and Development, GA Res (XXIV), 24 UN GAOR 24th Sess., Supp. No. 30, UN Doc. A/7630 (1969) 49 [DSPD]. Universal Declaration of Human Rights, GA Res. 217 (III), UN GAOR, 3d Sess., Supp. No. 13, UN Doc. A/810 (1948) 71 [UDHR]. Declaration on the Elimination of Violence Against Women, GA Res. 48/104, UN GAOR, 48th Sess., Supp. No. 49, UN Doc. A/48/49 (1993) 217 [DEVAW]. American convention on Human Rights, 22 November 1969, 1144 U.N.T.S. 143, O.A.S. T. S. No. 36 (entered into force 18 July 1978) [ACHR]. African Charter on Human and Peoples Rights, 27 June 1981, 1520 U.N.T.S. 217, 21 I.L.M. 58 (1982) (entered into force 21 October 1986) [African Charter]. American Declaration on the Rights and Duties of Man, adopted at the Ninth Annual International Conference of American States, Bogota, Additional Protocol to the American Convention on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights, O.A.S. T.S. No. 69, (1989) 28 I.L.M. 156 (entered into force 16 November 1999) (San Salvador Protocol). Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms, 4 November 1950, 213 U.N.T.S. 222, E.T.S. No. 5 (entered into force 3 September 1953) [CPHRFF]. Maternity Protection Convention, 2000, 15 June 2000, I.L.O. No. 183, 40 I.L.M. 2 (entered into force 7 February 2002) [MPC]. Equal Remuneration Convention, 29 June 1951, 165 U.N.T.S. 303, ILO No. 100 (entered into force 23 May 1953) [ERC]. Convention on Employment Policy, ILO No. 122 (adopted 9 July 1964). ILO Declaration on Fundamental Principles and Rights at Work, (1998) 37 I.L.M (signed 19 June 1998). Inter-American Convention on the Protection, Punishment and Eradication of Violence Against Women, 9 June 1994, 33 I.L.M (entered into force 5 March 1995) [ICPPEVAW]. [15] International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights, 19 December 1966, 993 U.N.T.S. 3, Can. T. S No. 46, 6 I.L.M. 360 (entered into force 3 January 1976) [ICESCR]. International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, 19 December 1966, 999 U.N.T.S. 171, Can. T.S No. 47, 6 I.L.M. 368 (entered into force 23 March 1976) [ICCPR]. International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination, 7 March 1966, 660 U.N.T.S. 195, 5 I.L.M. 352 (entered into force 4 January 1969) [CERD]. Declaration on Social Progress and Development, GA Res (XXIV), 24 UN GAOR 24th Sess., Supp. No. 30, UN Doc. A/7630 (1969) 49 [DSPD]. Additional Protocol to the American Convention on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights, O.A.S. T.S. No. 69, (1989) 28 I.L.M. 156 (entered into force 16 November 1999) (San Salvador Protocol). ILO Convention on Freedom of Association and Protection of the Right to Organize, 68 U.N.T.S. 17, ILO No. 87 (adopted 9 July 1948). [16] International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights, 19 December 1966, 993 U.N.T.S. 3, Can. T. S No. 46, 6 I.L.M. 360 (entered into force 3 January 1976) [ICESCR]. International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, 19 December 1966, 999 U.N.T.S. 171, Can. T.S No. 47, 6 I.L.M. 368 (entered into force 23 March 1976) [ICCPR]. Supplementary Convention on the Abolition of Slavery, the Slave Trade and Institutions and Practices Similar to Slavery, 226 U.N.T.S. 3, C.T.S. 1963/7 (entered into force 30 April 1957). Convention on the Rights of the Child, 20 November 1989, 1577 U.N.T.S. 3, 28 I.L.M (entered into force 2 September 1990) [CRC]. ILO Convention on Worst Forms of Child Labour, ILO No. 182 (adopted 19 November 2000). Universal Declaration of Human Rights, GA Res. 217 (III), UN GAOR, 3d Sess., Supp. No. 13, UN Doc. A/810 (1948) 71 [UDHR]. American convention on Human Rights, 22 November 1969, 1144 U.N.T.S. 143, O.A.S. T. S. No. 36 (entered into force 18 July 1978) [ACHR]. [17] International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights, 19 December 1966, 993 U.N.T.S. 3, Can. T. S No. 46, 6 I.L.M. 360 (entered into force 3 January 1976) [ICESCR]. Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women, 18 December 1979, 1249 U.N.T.S. 13, Can. T.S No. 31, 19 I.L.M. 33 (entered into force 3 September 1981) [CEDAW]. Declaration on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women, GA Res. 2263(XXII), UN GAOR, 22d Sess. (1967) [DEDAW]. International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, 19 December 1966, 999 U.N.T.S. 171, Can. T.S No. 47, 6 I.L.M. 368 (entered into force 23 March 1976) [ICCPR]. Convention on Consent to Marriage, Minimum Age for Marriage and Registration of Marriages, 7 November 1962, 521 U.N.T.S. 231, (entered into force 9 December 1964) [Marriage Convention]. International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination, 7 March 1966, 660 U.N.T.S. 195, 5 I.L.M. 352 (entered into force 4 January 1969) [CERD]. Universal Declaration of Human Rights, GA Res. 217 (III), UN GAOR, 3d Sess., Supp. No. 13, UN Doc. A/810 (1948) 71 [UDHR]. American convention on Human Rights, 22 November 1969, 1144 U.N.T.S. 143, O.A.S. T. S. No. 36 (entered into force 18 July 1978) [ACHR]. [18] International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights, 19 December 1966, 993 U.N.T.S. 3, Can. T. S No. 46, 6 I.L.M. 360 (entered into force 3 January 1976) [ICESCR]. African Charter on Human and Peoples Rights, 27 June 1981, 1520 U.N.T.S. 217, 21 I.L.M. 58 (1982) (entered into force 21 October 1986) [African Charter]. [19] International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights, 19 December 1966, 993 U.N.T.S. 3, Can. T. S No. 46, 6 I.L.M. 360 (entered into force 3 January 1976) [ICESCR]. Convention on the Rights of the Child, 20 November 1989, 1577 U.N.T.S. 3, 28 I.L.M (entered into force 2 September 1990) [CRC]. Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women, 18 December 1979, 1249 U.N.T.S. 13, Can. T.S No. 31, 19 I.L.M. 33 (entered into force 3 September 1981) [CEDAW]. International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, 19 December 1966, 999 U.N.T.S. 171, Can. T.S No. 47, 6 I.L.M. 368 (entered into force 23 March 1976) [ICCPR]. Declaration on the Elimination of Violence Against Women, GA Res. 48/104, UN GAOR, 48th (10 van 11) :53:15

424 Montréal Principles on Women s Economic, Social and Cultural Rights Sess., Supp. No. 49, UN Doc. A/48/49 (1993) 217 [DEVAW]. International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination, 7 March 1966, 660 U.N.T.S. 195, 5 I.L.M. 352 (entered into force 4 January 1969) [CERD]. Universal Declaration of Human Rights, GA Res. 217 (III), UN GAOR, 3d Sess., Supp. No. 13, UN Doc. A/810 (1948) 71 [UDHR]. American convention on Human Rights, 22 November 1969, 1144 U.N.T.S. 143, O. A.S. T. S. No. 36 (entered into force 18 July 1978) [ACHR]. African Charter on Human and Peoples Rights, 27 June 1981, 1520 U.N.T.S. 217, 21 I.L.M. 58 (1982) (entered into force 21 October 1986) [African Charter]. Inter- American Convention on the Protection, Punishment and Eradication of Violence Against Women, 9 June 1994, 33 I.L.M (entered into force 5 March 1995) [ICPPEVAW]. Additional Protocol to the American Convention on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights, O.A.S. T.S. No. 69, (1989) 28 I.L.M. 156 (entered into force 16 November 1999) (San Salvador Protocol). [20] International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights, 19 December 1966, 993 U.N.T.S. 3, Can. T. S No. 46, 6 I.L.M. 360 (entered into force 3 January 1976) [ICESCR]. Additional Protocol to the American Convention on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights, O.A.S. T.S. No. 69, (1989) 28 I.L.M. 156 (entered into force 16 November 1999) (San Salvador Protocol). [21] Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women, 18 December 1979, 1249 U.N.T. S. 13, Can. T.S No. 31, 19 I.L.M. 33 (entered into force 3 September 1981) [CEDAW]. Declaration on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women, GA Res. 2263(XXII), UN GAOR, 22d Sess. (1967) [DEDAW]. Convention on the Nationality of Married Women, 20 February 1957, 309 U.N.T.S. 65, Can. T.S No. 2 (entered into force 11 August 1958) [CNMW]. Convention Relating to the Status of Refugees, 28 July 1951, 189 U. N.T.S. 137, 158 B.S.P. 499 (entered into force April 22, 1954) [CSR]. Universal Declaration of Human Rights, GA Res. 217 (III), UN GAOR, 3d Sess., Supp. No. 13, UN Doc. A/810 (1948) 71 [UDHR]. American convention on Human Rights, 22 November 1969, 1144 U.N.T.S. 143, O.A.S. T. S. No. 36 (entered into force 18 July 1978) [ACHR]. International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination, 7 March 1966, 660 U.N. T.S. 195, 5 I.L.M. 352 (entered into force 4 January 1969) [CERD]. [22] Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women, 18 December 1979, 1249 U.N.T. S. 13, Can. T.S No. 31, 19 I.L.M. 33 (entered into force 3 September 1981) [CEDAW]. Declaration on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women, GA Res. 2263(XXII), UN GAOR, 22d Sess. (1967) [DEDAW]. Declaration on the Elimination of Violence Against Women, GA Res. 48/104, UN GAOR, 48th Sess., Supp. No. 49, UN Doc. A/48/49 (1993) 217 [DEVAW]. Convention on the Rights of the Child, 20 November 1989, 1577 U.N.T.S. 3, 28 I.L.M (entered into force 2 September 1990) [CRC]. Inter-American Convention on the Protection, Punishment and Eradication of Violence Against Women, 9 June 1994, 33 I.L.M (entered into force 5 March 1995) [ICPPEVAW]. Protocol to Prevent, Suppress and Punish Trafficking in Persons, Especially Women and Children, Supplementing the United Nations Convention Against Transnational Organized Crime, (2001) 40 I.L.M. 335 (not yet in force). (11 van 11) :53:15

425 Doc Political Declaration of the International Forum on the Rights of Women in Trade Agreements We, the women attendees from Belgium, Bulgaria, Brazil, Chile, Colombia, Ecuador, Unites States of America, Philippines, Jamaica, Mexico, Peru, Uganda, Turkey, Venezuela, Mongolia, Thailand, Palestine, Korea, Canada, Guyana, France, Cuba, Austria, Argentina, Italy, India, Switzerland, Germany, Costa Rica, Guatemal, Bolivia, Holland, and El Salvador DECLARE 1. That the fifth ministerial of the World Trade Organization held in Cancun is celebrated within a global context marked by an atmosphere of war, militarization and unilateralism in several regions of the world. 2. That the big economic powers and the multinational corporations have unfolded new strategies to condition and pressure the developing countries through regional and bilateral agreements that deepen the inequities and disadvantages that impact negatively on the communities, indigenous peoples, and especially women. 3. That the WTO negotiations and the free trade agreements violate women's human, economic, social, and cultural rights consigned in the Universal Declaration on Human Rights, and in multiple international agreements. 4. That the least favored populations of the world are legally unprotected because of the unequal status acquired in the aforementioned commercial agreements. While for the deveoping courntries, these agreements gain constitutional characters, the same is not true for the big economic powers, and once the agreements are signed it is very hard to cancel them. 5. That the themse hat are discussed int he fifth ministerial conference impact negatively and drastically on women's quality of life in the planet. Agriculture is an activity and a fundamental form of life for the development of countries, since it constitutes the means for subsistence of billions of persons and families. It is also the basis of sovereignty and security of nourishment, and is related with the know-how and enrichment brought by and protected for thousands of years by women. The privatization of the public services transfers the social costs of social reproduction to women. Healthcare, water, and other services are a public responsibility of governments, and thus cannot be converted into simple merchandises by the WTO agreements. The agreements on intellectual properties related to trade, usurp the rights of communities to their natural resources and the traditional knowledge of indigenous women; the agreemetns favor the privatization of genetic resources and biodiversity, inhibit scientific and technological development of the developing countries, and give supremacy to the income of transnational companies. 6. That the so-called "new themes" such as investment, competition, government acquisitions, and facilitation of trade are not to be opened to negotiations because they will induce the impoverishment of developing countries and contribute to the genderation of more obstacles to gender inequities that are to be overcome. 7. That women will promote an alternative agenda to globalization that centers on human, economic, social and cultural rights of women, in which: Sovereignty and security of nourishment of the nations are assured, women's preponderant reole in agricultural production is recognized, and that the gender relations are transformed to allo full exercise of citizenship to women. The establishment of the preeminence of international agreements and treaties related to human, environmental, labor, sexual, and reproductive rights above any rules or trade agreement. Promotion of the instrumentation of instances and mechanisms that note forms of democratic governance among nations in which developing countries can rescue their reights to sovereignty. These mechanisms will have to guarantee equitable forms of women's participation. The International Forum on Women's Rights within Trade Agreements calls upon the governments of the countries to not sign any agreements that attempt on women's quality of life. We convoke the Forum for an Alternative Front to the WTO to join in this declaration and adopt the demands of (1 van 2) :53:32

426 Doc women in this declaration that constitute 70% of the world's poor. 9 September 2003, Cancun/Mexico Source: (2 van 2) :53:32

427 About globalizacija.com About GLOBALIZACIJA.COM Globalisation is one of the contemporary issues that have become more frequent topics of lively debates in recent years. We can read about globalisation in various contexts and forms, from newspaper articles to scholarly research. Although there is no universal agreement on its definition and components, the word globalisation is being used more often, by politicians, researchers, academics, economists, lawyers, environmentalists, sociologists, and other experts, as well as human rights activists, anti-globalists and alterglobalists. The lack of an internationally accepted definition of globalisation incites controversies about the concept. There are also quite different views on whether or not globalisation is a novel phenomenon. Despite differences of opinion about globalisation, there is no doubt that global macroeconomic tendencies have direct and/or indirect influence on the lives of every one of us; that global development of technology and information is increasingly visible around us; and that decisions of policy makers in the International Monetary Fund, the World Bank and the World Trade Organisation indirectly influence the possibilities from which we can make choices and decisions. However, what are the effects of globalisation from the human rights perspective? Do all people have equal access to the benefits of contemporary development? Do all individuals have equal access to resources, employment, education, health care, food and water? Do a Cambodian peasant, a female Philippino labourer and a yuppie from New York City gain equal benefits from open markets with free flow of capital and goods across borders? Do high levels of foreign direct investment (FDI) bring development and economic well-being to the receiving countries? How does FDI impact the structure of the labour force? Do foreign investments have the same influence on employment possibilities for women and for men? Do they contribute to improvement of the common well-being? Will privatisation of water, hospitals and schools contribute to better quality of these services? Who will benefit, and who will lose? Do economic and technological development help decrease the number of homeless, hungry, unhealthy and powerless people? Despite enormous, fast technological development, why are there still millions of poor people? What is widening the gap between those who have and those who have not? Why is the gender perspective important in linking poverty with human rights? What is GATS; what is TRIPS; why is it important to know what lies behind these abbreviations? What will citizens get from their country s membership in the World Trade Organisation? Will they lose or win? What are roles of the International Monetary Fund and World Bank in the Globalisation Story? What is neoliberalism? How is it connected with regional security and militarism? What does the Bolkeinstain Initiative mean to us? What are the implications of neoliberal macroeconomic policy and practices on human rights and well-being? Is development based on private capital and profit the only possible path to economic development and human well-being? Are there alternatives to neoliberalism; and, if so, what are they? Is it possible to develop novel indicators of economic development? What is the care economy, and how is it connected to a national economy? How is unpaid women s work in their homes linked to economic development? What is gender budgeting, and how can it contribute to promotion and implementation of women s rights? Why have women s rights become indispensable to researching various aspects of globalisation? These are some of the questions that will be highlights of articles and research present in this web site, written by eminent experts in fields such as economics, law, human rights, women s rights, sociology, and political sciences. The aim of this online publication, as well as the printed version that will be published twice a year in Serbian and English, is to offer public access to the knowledge and research of experts from relevant institutes and of members of international networks with whom we have collaborated over the years. The web site will be updated twice monthly. (1 van 2) :53:40

428 About globalizacija.com In contrast to the richness of expert articles and publications on these issues that characterises the English-speaking parts of the world, in Southeastern Europe such work is rare and insufficiently presented to the public. On the other hand, the transition from the socialistic economies to market economies has already marked both the economy and the population in all of the countries in this region. Willing to accept globalisation or not, being for or against it, is of no consequence globalisation happens to us and around us. Awareness of the complex social processes in progress, as well as of their effects on a National Economy, State, Society, Family and Individual, is the prerequisite for their comprehension. Interdisciplinary studies of development and research on globalisation are well developed in many countries. Thus, for us, living in the region of Southeastern Europe, it is useful to be introduced to and informed about existing expert analyses of these phenomena, their theoretical aspects and analyses of practices and experiences of other countries. To perceive, to question and to comprehend are the first steps toward achieving positive social changes. This inquiry into policies and practices will help us to recognise what happens (to us), whether we are on a good path, and how to move forward if we long for a better, more equitable, more humane world. There are always alternatives, and the choice ours. The best way to predict future is to create it. Mirjana Dokmanovic, Editor-in-Chief Bela Orcic, Webmaster & Design (2 van 2) :53:40

429 About Us Women's Centre for Democracy and Human Rights is a nongovernmental, notfor-profit organisation based in Subotica, Serbia and Montenegro, and founded in Its mission is to develop democratic society, rule of law and respect for human rights through education, advocacy and research. Our goals are: Development of democratic society based on human rights, gender equity and social justice; Elimination of discrimination of all kinds; Advancement of development and globalisation models and actions based on a human rights approach that facilitates equitable distribution of resources; Improvement of the economic and social positions of women and other marginalized groups in society and of their inclusion in politics and economic decision making at all levels; and Transformation of human rights and women s rights issues into political issues. We achieve our goals by: Promoting public consciousness of human rights, gender equity and democratic values through education, and advocacy campaign; Researching topics related to our goals; Organising round tables, seminars and conferences; Organising free legal counselling services for women in the fields of labour, employment and privatisation; Writing and printing publications; and Collaborating with NGOs, trade unions, women s organisations, coalitions, networks and research institutions at local, national and international levels. Our activities include: Advocacy for implementation of the Beijing Platform for Action, Convention on Elimination of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW) and other international human rights treaties and conventions; Advocacy for developing national mechanisms for the advancement of women; Advocacy for greater and more visible participation of women in decision-making, public policy and conflict resolutions; Advocacy and research on implementing gender budgets as a strategy to achieve gender equality; Research on the position of women in societies in transition to market economies and in the context of economic globalisation; Human rights education for youth using the gender perspective; Creation and printing of publications on human rights, women s rights and contemporary aspects of globalisation; Participation in related international conferences and events, such as the European Social Forum and the World Social Forum; Organisational activities for international meetings and events, such as the Hearing on Gender Equality in the Wider Europe in the European Parliament in 2004; and Organisation of international events, such as the First International Conference on Transition, Privatisation and Women held in The organisation has regular contacts with many NGOs and international and regional networks, including WIDE (Network Women in Development Europe) based in Brussels, Belgium; Inclusive Security: Women Waging Peace, based in Cambridge, Massachusetts, USA; AWID (Association of Women s Rights in Development) based in Toronto, Canada; Les Penelopes based in Paris; and NEWW (Network East-West Women-Polska) based in Gdansk, Poland. The organisation is a member of the CEE/NIS Gender Budgeting Working (1 van 2) :53:50

430 About Us Group formed at the NEWW Conference, 2004, in Poland. Publications: Rodna ravnopravnost i Javna Politika ( Gender Equality and Public Policy) (2002). New World Order: Uticaj globalizacije na ekonomska i socijalna prava žena ( New World Order: Impact of Globalisation on Economic and Social Rights of Women ) (2002). Transition, Privatisation, and Women, (2002) a compilation of papers presented at the international conference: The Impact of Privatisation and Structural Adjustment in the Transition Countries on the Economic and Social Position of Women, Subotica, Serbia, February, President and Project Coordinator: Mirjana Dokmanovic Mrs. Dokmanovic is a consultant on human rights and gender issues, international lawyer, researcher and journalist. She has published articles and coordinated numerous projects at international, national and local level in the fields of community development, human rights, women s rights, and globalisation. In the focus of her recent activities are human rights and women s rights in the context of privatisation and globalisation. She participated the Beijing +5 events, and was invited as a speaker to the World Social Forum (2004), the European Social Forum (2003), and many other international conferences and events on human rights, women s rights, globalisation and human security in USA, Austria, the Netherlands, Belgium, Czech Republic, Poland, Mexico, Germany and other countries. Affiliations: Women Waging Peace, Women in Development Europe (WIDE), Association for Women s Rights in Development (AWID), Network East-West Women (NEWW), Yugoslav International Law Association, Scientific Association Technology and Society. (2 van 2) :53:50

431 Partners PARTNERS Association for Women's Rights in Development (AWID) Association for Women's Rights in Development (AWID) is an international membership organization connecting, informing, and mobilizing people and organizations committed to achieving gender equality, sustainable development, and women's human rights. AWID's web site is divided into four major themes: Feminist Organizational Development, Gender Equality and New Technologies, Women's Rights and Economic Change, and Young Women and Leadership. Within each theme, there are innovative advocacy, research, or development initiatives and analyses of new theories in the field, as well as book and article reviews and members' comments on provocative and fundamental issues. In addition, there are practical tools, such as resources and manuals, advocacy opportunities, and recent news items on local actions and successes. Bulgarian Gender Research Foundation Bulgarian Gender Research Foundation (BGRF) is an NGO of public utility that promotes social equality and women s human rights in Bulgaria through research, education and advocacy programs. The BGRF is based in Sofia. Its team consists of lawyers, academics, experts in advocacy, education, monitoring violations of human rights, lobbying for legislative changes, preparing publications, networking. The BGRF has branches in Plovdiv, Haskovo, Gorna Oryahovitza. BRIDGE (development - gender) BRIDGE (development-gender) is an information resource on mainstreaming gender in development. The site produces a newsletter, articles, research papers on gender and development, and guides in gender mainstreaming. FemCities FemCities is a service-oriented platform with the aim of connecting women and providing information, support and mutual advice. The in-depth information pool is open to a broad public, regardless of gender or profession. FemCities address everyone who is interested and/or involved in gender and feminist topics in the fields of politics, economy, culture, the arts, social affairs, technology, science, health, law, media, etc. Karat Coalition KARAT is a regional coalition of organizations and individuals that works to ensure gender equality in the CEE/CIS countries, monitors the implementation of international agreements and lobbies for the needs and concerns of women in the region at all levels of decision-making fora. Les Penelopes Les Pénélopes of today weave the web aimed at promoting, editing and diffusing information using all types of media, from the point of view of women and to favour all activity ensuring the exchange, the handling, the updating, the centralization, and the diffusion of this information in favour of all women of the world. Network of the East-West Women-Polska (NEWW-Polska) The NEWW links women across national and regional boundaries to share resources, knowledge, and skills. Its mission is to empower women and girls throughout the East (Central and Eastern Europe, and Newly Independent States and the Russian Federation) and the West by dialogue, networking, campaigns, and educational and informational exchanges. The international Secretariat of NEWW is run by NEWW-Polska in Gdansk. Network Women in Development (WIDE) Network Women in Development (WIDE) articulates principles of gender equality and (1 van 2) :53:59

432 Partners justice in the development processes through various its analytical papers, reports, and advocacy activities. WIDE monitors and influences international economic and development policy and practice from a feminist perspective. WIDE s work is grounded on women s rights as the basis for the development of a more just and democratic world order. The WIDE site features readings on women's economic rights, liberalisation and globalisation, the European Union, and relevant United Nations documents and events. It also includes information on the WIDE organizational structure, training courses, newsletter, publications and resources in Spanish. Women s Information Technology Transfer (WITT) Women s Information Technology Transfer (WITT) is a portal site to link women s organizations and feminist advocates for the Internet in Eastern and Central Europe. is a website, providing strategic ICT information to all, and supporting, in a collective way, Central and Eastern European women in developing the web as an instrument in their social activism. WITT is committed to bringing women s actions, activities and struggles into the spotlight, promoting the use of free software as a way to highlight women s voices. Inclusive Security: Women Waging Peace The Network advocates for the full participation of all stakeholders, especially women, in peace processes. Creating sustainable peace is achieved best by a diverse, citizen-driven approach. Of the many sectors of society currently excluded from peace processes, none is larger or more critical to success than women. Since 1999, the Waging has connected more than 400 women experts with over policy shapers to collaborate on fresh, workable solutions to long-standing conflicts across the globe. Waging s Policy Commission is researching and documenting women s activities in conflict prevention, negotiations, and post-conflict reconstruction in some 15 conflicts; these studies provide models to encourage policymakers to include women and gender perspectives in their program designs and budgets. We appreciate support from: Humanist Institute for Cooperation with Developing Countries (Hivos) The Humanist Institute for Cooperation with Developing Countries (Hivos) is a Dutch nongovernmental organisation that aims to contribute towards a free, just and sustainable world. It is committed to the poor and marginalized - and to the organisations that promote Hivos s priority issues in countries in the South and in South-East Europe. Sustainable improvement of their situation is the ultimate benchmark for Hivos's work. An important cornerstone here is strengthening of the position of women in society. Mama Cash Fund for Women Mama Cash, the world s first independent funding organization for women, strives for a peaceful and just world where women are free to make their own choices and to develop their myriad talents and skills. It is for these reasons that Mama Cash supports women's groups that blaze the trail with self-initiated projects. The fact that Mama Cash supports groundbreaking projects initiated by new and local women s groups sets Mama Cash apart from other grant making organizations. (2 van 2) :53:59

433 Links LINKS United Nations Gender Equality & the Millennium Development Goals The UN Interagency Network on Women and Gender Equality, the OECD/DAC Network on Gender Equality and the Multilateral Development Bank Working Group on Gender are pleased to announce the launch of the MDGenderNet website - an online resource on gender equality and the Millennium Development Goals. United Nations System of Organizations The United Nations System of Organizations is the official portal to websites of UN organizations. It also gives direct links to projects and initiatives and various joint programs of the UN system. The United Nations The United Nations home page provides access to news, texts of documents, online databases, and links to UN offices and agencies. The Human Rights section provides the text of documents and treaties and reports on the status of human rights around the world. UN Division for the Advancement of Women The UN Division for the Advancement of Women is tasked to promote women s equality and human rights. It features news and information about women-focused programs and meetings within the UN. The United Nations Human Rights Page The United Nations Human Rights Page provides quick links to the websites of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights; the Universal Declaration of Human Rights; the World Conference against Racism, Racial Discrimination, Xenophobia and Related Intolerance; the International Criminal Court for the Former Yugoslavia; human rights treaties; human rights documents; and, a background information on the work of the United Nations in relation to the promotion and protection of human rights. UNESCO Division of Human Rights, Democracy, Peace & Tolerance The website of the Division of Human Rights, Democracy, Peace & Tolerance of the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) provides information on United Nations activities in the areas of human rights, democracy, peace, and tolerance. Among the features of the site are definitions of these areas, documents, databases, education opportunities, relevant sites, and publications. United Nations Development Fund for Women (UNIFEM) The United Nations Development Fund for Women (UNIFEM) is the women's fund at the United Nations. It provides financial and technical assistance to innovative programs and strategies that promote women's human rights, political participation, and economic security. Within the United Nations system, UNIFEM promotes gender equality and links women's issues and concerns to national, regional, and global agendas by fostering collaboration and providing technical expertise on gender mainstreaming and women's empowerment strategies. United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) The United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) is the UNs' global development network. It advocates for change and connects countries to knowledge, experience, and resources to help people build a better life. The UNDP's network links and coordinates global and national efforts to reach its goals. It aims to help countries build and share (1 van 9) :54:07

434 Links solutions to the challenges of democratic governance, poverty reduction, crisis prevention and recovery, energy and environment, information and communications technology, and HIV/AIDS. It helps developing countries attract and use aid effectively. It also promotes the protection of human rights and the empowerment of women. United Nations Human Settlements Programme (UN-Habitat) The United Nations Human Settlements Programme (UN-Habitat) aims to promote sustainable urbanization through policy formulation, institutional reform, capacitybuilding, technical cooperation, and advocacy; and, monitor and improve the state of human settlements worldwide. United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights (UNHCHR) The Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights (UNHCHR), is the UN lead agency for the promotion of human rights. The UNHCHR site provides general information about the agency and its programs and activities, databases on treaty bodies and charter-based bodies, reports and press releases on the outcomes of sessions and meetings, and announcements about agency events. United Nations Economic Commission for Europe (UNECE) The website of the UNECE contains gender section introducing activities aim at mainstreaming gender into data collection and statistics, economic research and analysis (including population studies) and economic policies. Special attention is given to Eastern and South-Eastern Europe, Central Asia and the Caucasus, where in many respects women's position has deteriorated during the transition process. The site offers Gender Statistics Data Base and assessments of gender statistic in selected countries; Gender analysis of selected economic trends in the 'Economic Survey for Europe'; Exchange of good practice on gender aspects of economic policies, and support of women s entrepreneurship. It also introduces documents, publications, news and events, and links to UN-DAW, Regional Commissions, partner organisations and NGOs. United Nations Human Rights Organizational Structure The United Nations Human Rights Organizational Structure site provides a chart intended to describe the functioning of the United Nations system in the field of human rights. It places emphasis on those bodies and programs with major human rights responsibilities, such as the General Assembly, Security Council, Secretariat, and Treaty-monitoring bodies. United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) The website of United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) features the activities of the agency. It is also a portal of information on the plight of refugees and internally displaced people worldwide and various campaigns to help them. United Nations International Research and Training Institute for the Advancement of Women (INSTRAW) The United Nations International Research and Training Institute for the Advancement of Women (INSTRAW) is committed to promoting gender equality and women's advancement worldwide through research, training, and the collection and dissemination of information. Its operational methodology, the Gender Awareness Information and Networking System (GAINS), is an internet-based international research and training environment driven by a worldwide decentralized network. The INSTRAW site offers an online library that houses over 1,000 gender-related resources from around the world, including bibiliographies, summaries of and links to online documents, contact information of gender research and training organizations, websites that focus on gender issues, and discussion forums and newsletters. The site also features new publications, news and announcements, and information about the INSTRAW network and training activities. United Nations Research Institute for Social Development (UNRISD) The United Nations Research Institute for Social Development (UNRISD) aims to carry out multidisciplinary research on the social dimensions of contemporary problems affecting development. The web site offers information on a variety of topics, including gender, HIV/AIDS, human rights, and sustainable development. (2 van 9) :54:07

435 Links United Nations Integrated Regional Information News Network (IRIN) The website of United Nations Integrated Regional Information News Network (IRIN) contains news and features that aim to provide an accurate picture of issues and events relevant to people s human rights and welfare in Sub-Saharan Africa and Central Asia. United Nations News Wire (UNWire) The United Nations News Wire produces daily news about the activities of the United Nations and mainstream and alternative media news on issues relevant to the work of the United Nations. International Court of Justice The International Court of Justice is the principal judicial organ of the United Nations. Its seat is at the Peace Palace in The Hague (Netherlands). The Court has a dual role: to settle in accordance with international law the legal disputes submitted to it by States; and, to give advisory opinions on legal questions referred to it by duly authorized international organs and agencies. International Labor Organization The International Labor Organization (ILO) is a UN specialized agency that promotes social justice and protection of human and labor rights. The website provides information about the agency s programs and activities, meetings and events related to labor, and links to other ILO sites and UN agencies. International Telecommunication Union (ITU) The International Telecommunication Union (ITU) is an international organization within the UN system, formed by governments and private sector groups to coordinate global telecom networks and services. Access this site to know more about the history and work of the ITU, including one of its major projects, the World Summit on the Information Society. Setting the Record Straight: Facts about the United Nations Visit this site to find out about the following topics: the International Criminal Court, the UN and business, protecting the environment, global climate change, UN conferences, and the UN Conference on the Illicit Trade in Small Arms and Light Weapons. Women's Rights are Human Rights Set up by the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights, the Women's Rights are Human Rights website gives readers a menu of basic information on the "women's rights as human rights" framework, as well as the latest news, conferences, documents, and other information arising from the UN's work to promote and protect women's rights. Women and Gender Equality Visit this site to find out more about the Women and Gender Equality unit of the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO). The site offers the latest news about UNESCO s programs for women, as well as informative readings on women and gender. WomenWatch WomenWatch is a gateway to the information and resources on the promotion of gender equality throughout the United Nations system, including the United Nations Secretariat, regional commissions, funds, programs, and specialized agencies. Created in March 1997, WomenWatch provides Internet space for global gender equality issues and supports the implementation of the Beijing Platform for Action. The web site also provides information on the outcomes of women-related UN meetings and conferences. It also informs about efforts to incorporate gender perspectives into the follow-up to global conferences, such as the International Conference on Financing for Development, the World Summit on Aging, the Children's Summit, and the World Summit on Sustainable Development. (3 van 9) :54:07

436 Links World Health Organization (WHO) - Gender and Women's Health Department The World Health Organization (WHO) -- Gender and Women's Health Department web site provides information on health issues related to women. The topics it usually covers are female genital mutilation, violence against women, and women and HIV/AIDs. International Human Rights Instruments Lodged within the website of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights, the International Human Rights Instruments page offers the complete list of international declarations, resolutions, statutes, treaties and conventions pertaining to various concerns under human rights. United Nations Human Rights Organizational Structure The United Nations Human Rights Organizational Structure website provides a chart that describes the functioning of the United Nations system in the field of human rights. It places emphasis on those bodies and programs with major human rights responsibilities, such as the General Assembly, Security Council, Secretariat, and Treaty-monitoring bodies. Links to UN Conference Sites Recent world conferences have produced powerful plans of action that have in common the protection and betterment of all human futures, North and South, specifically addressing the protection of women's human rights and generally promoting human rights principles. Taken together, existing international norms and standards and the proclamations resulting from these world conferences provide the basis for comprehensive actions against threats to human dignity and security. UN Conference for Environment and Development(Rio de Janeiro, 1992) World Conference on Human Rights (Vienna, 1993) International Conference on Population and Development (Cairo, 1994) World Summit for Social Development (Copenhagen, 1995) Fourth World Conference on Women (Beijing, 1995) Second World Conference on Human Settlements (Istanbul, 1996) 50th anniversary of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights". th /50anniv.htm Research on Globalization Development Alternatives for Women in the New Era (DAWN) The network of the Development Alternatives for Women in the New Era (DAWN extends throughout the regions of Africa, Asia, Latin America, the Caribbean and the Pacific. Its advocacy work covers themes of the Political Economy of Globalization; Political Restructuring and Social Transformation; and Sexual and Reproductive Health and Rights. DAWN's site regularly posts analytical papers on covered themes and reports on relevant world events written from a Southern feminist perspective. Grassroots Women Grassroots Women is a Canada-based organization that aims to address the systemic political and economic marginalization of working class women caused by imperialism. Since 1995, a diverse group of women have joined Grassroots Women discussions, events, marches, and conferences on issues such as health, immigration, childcare, and globalization. The website contains organizational and campaign news and information. (4 van 9) :54:07

437 Links World Socialist Website The World Socialist Website is an online publication that provides news and analytical articles on global concerns such as globalization, anti-war movements, and workers' rights. Socialist Worker Online Socialist Worker Online is the newspaper of the International Socialist Organization. The publication features news, announcements on events, and analytical articles on trade and globalization, anti-war movements, workers' rights, racism and numerous other topics under social, economic and political justice issues. Social Watch A website produced by an international coalition of citizens dedicated to monitoring the world's governments' activities related to the eradication of poverty and attainment of gender equity. The site offers a very informative collection of country reports, web resources, in-depth reports, news and events, and outcomes and analyses of relevant conferences. World Bank Research on Globalization Collection of topic papers and reports Global Policy Forum Useful set of resources and links that explore the nature of globalization. General Gender Resources Collection of News on Gender OneWorld is an international network of cooperative centers that aims to be an online media gateway that effectively informs a global audience about human rights and sustainable development. You can view an archive of news articles on gender and women's rights from the news section of the site. GenderStats GenderStats is a database of gender statistics, the website is currently a work in progress, but it is already an excellent resource for statistics that are available by country on gender profile summaries, basic demographic data, population dynamics, labor force structure, education, and health. Also available are international comparisons on gender differences, gender and education, and reproductive health from World Development Indicators (WDI 2000). Siyanda Siyanda is an on-line database of selected gender and development materials from around the world. It is also an interactive space for practitioners, policymakers and academics to share ideas, experiences and resources for mainstreaming gender in development. International Gender Studies Resources The International Gender Studies Resources aims to facilitate the integration of Women's and Gender Studies into International and Area Studies philosophy and curricula. General and specific bibliographies and filmographies on issues pertaining to women and gender in Africa, Asia, Latin America, the Middle East and Arab World, and among minority cultures in North America and Europe are provided. The site also includes links to related resources on the Internet. International Information Center and Archives for the Women s Movement (IIAV) The International Information Center and Archives for the Women s Movement (IIAV) is a source, intermediary and the supplier of information and documentation for all those who (5 van 9) :54:07

438 Links occupy themselves with the position of women. The site provides comprehensive information on books, periodicals, data, addresses, archives, visual materials, current or historical, national or international. Its computer database facilities and Women's Thesaurus allow researchers to enter and receive answers on special queries. Most collections listed in the site are available at the IIAV facility in Amsterdam, The Netherlands. Development-Gender (BRIDGE) Development-Gender (BRIDGE) is an information resource on mainstreaming gender in development. The site produces a newsletter, articles, research papers on gender and development, and guides in gender mainstreaming. International Association of Feminists Economists (IAFFE) The International Association for Feminist Economics (IAFFE) is a non-profit organization that seeks to advance feminist inquiry of economic issues and to educate economists and others on feminist points of view on economic issues. In 1997 IAFFE gained NGO in special consultative status with the Economic and Social Council of the United Nations. European and North American WomenAction (ENAWA) The European and North American WomenAction (ENAWA) is a network of media, information and communication technology (ICT), information, and advocacy organizations. It is a web-based community of feminist organizations committed to developing networks that contribute to the quality of the lives of women in Europe and North America and to the quality of the lives of women worldwide who are affected by politics and developments in these regions. Economic, Social & Cultural Rights Center for Economic and Social Rights (CESR) CESR pushes for social justice through its various advocacies on people's economic and social rights. It is a co-initiator of the Women's Economic Equality Project (WEEP), along with the National Association of Women and the Law, which is based in Canada. International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights This site presents the full copy of the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights that was entered into force on January 3, The International Network for Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (ESCR-Net) ESCR-Net is an emerging coalition of organizations and activists from around the world dedicated to advancing economic, social, and cultural rights. This web site contains four interactive, searchable databases (or directories) of organizations and individuals, project and activities, regional and domestic case law, and events. Communication Initiative The Communication Initiative is a partnership of development organisations seeking to support advances in the effectiveness and scale of communication interventions for positive international development. Its activities include an extensive web site, e-publications, and specific projects in support of development communication. Equality & Non Discrimination Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW) This site provides the full text of the international human rights instrument for women, the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW). Bringing Equality Home: Implementing the CEDAW (6 van 9) :54:07

439 Links Shanthi Dairiam, director of the International Women's Rights Action Watch (IWRAW) Asia Pacific, writes a booklet of case studies exploring the ways and extent to which the CEDAW has been implemented in various countries. Equality Now International human rights organization Equality Now commits itself to protecting the civil, political, economic and social rights of girls and women around the world. It uses traditional and new forms of communication, organizes media events, conducts research, and mounts campaigns to condemn abuses against women, and promote awareness on women's rights and influence political leaders and policy-makers. Its Women Action Network, which is composed of women's rights groups and advocates from around the world, serves as the center of information gathering and dissemination of international appeals and protests. Gender Equality This is the website of the Unit for Equal Opportunities for women and men of the Directorate General for Employment and Social Affairs of the European Commission. The website contains information of the European Commission's activities in relation to the integration of a gender perspective in European Community policies, compilation of news and documents arranged according to themes, news on follow-up activities to Beijing+5, and links to other government and non government websites with a gender focus. Women and Gender Equality The website of the Women and Gender Equality unit of the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO). It offers the latest news about UNESCO's programs for women, as well as informative readings on women and gender. International Gender and Trade Network (IGTN) The IGTN is an international network of gender advocates actively working to promote equitable, social, and sustainable trade. The Network utilizes research, advocacy and economic literacy to address the specific trade issues of the seven regions: Africa, Asia, Caribbean, Europe, Latin America, North America and the Pacific. International Non-Governmental Organizations and Movements World Social Forum The World Social Forum is an open meeting place where groups and movements of civil society opposed to neo-liberalism and a world dominated by capital or by any form of imperialism, but engaged in building a planetary society centred on the human person, come together to pursue their thinking, to debate ideas democratically, for formulate proposals, share their experiences freely and network for effective action. The WSF proposed to debate alternative means to building a globalization in solidarity, which respects universal human rights and those of all men and women of all nations and the environment, and is grounded in democratic international systems and institutions at the service of social justice, equality and the sovereignty of peoples. Regional Social Forums: Pan-Amazonian Social Forum European Social Forum Mediterranean Social Forum American Social Forum They are part of World Social Forum mundialization process and are followed by the WSF International Council. They are called regional because they take place at a macroregional level. They follow the methodology and political criteria that the WSF Charter of Principles have set and they aim to make World Social Forum closer to the reality of (7 van 9) :54:07

440 Links social movements and entities around different regions worldwide and vice-versa. For instance, there are European, Pan-Amazonian and Americas Social Forums. Peoples Global Action In 1998 movements from all continents met in Geneva to launch a worldwide coordination of resistances to the global market, a new alliance of struggle and mutual support called Peoples' Global Action against "Free" Trade and the World Trade Organisation (PGA). This platform, defined by the PGA hallmarks, manifesto and organisational principles, is an instrument for communication and coordination for all those fighting against the destruction of humanity and the planet by capitalism, and for building alternatives. These documents have evolved during subsequent conferences, in particular to take a clearly anti-capitalist (not just anti-neoliberal) stand, to avoid confusion with right-wing anti-globalisers and to strengthen the perspective on gender. People s Movement for Human Rights Education Founded in 1988, the People's Decade of Human Rights Education (PDHRE-International) is a non-profit, international service organization that works directly and indirectly with its network of affiliates primarily women's and social justice organizations to develop and advance pedagogies for human rights education relevant to people's daily lives in the context of their struggles for social and economic justice and democracy. Our World is Not for Sale Coalition International coalition to stop corporate globalization. Debt Jubilee + Drop the Debt International Financial & Multilateral Institutions World Trade Organization The World Trade Organization (WTO) is the only global international organization dealing with the rules of trade between nations. At its heart are the WTO agreements, negotiated and signed by the bulk of the world's trading nations and ratified in their parliaments. The goal is to help producers of goods and services, exporters, and importers conduct their business. The World Bank Group The World Bank Group consists of five closely associated institutions: the International Bank for Reconstruction and Development (IBRD); International Development Association (IDA), International Finance Corporation (IFC); Multilateral Investment Guarantee Agency (MIGA); and the International Centre for Settlement of Investment Disputes (ICSID). The World Bank's Debt Initiative for Heavily Indebted Poor Countries (HIPC) International Monetary Fund An international organization of 182 member countries, established to promote international monetary cooperation, exchange stability, and orderly exchange arrangements; to foster economic growth and high levels of employment; and to provide temporary financial assistance to countries under adequate safeguards to help ease balance of payments adjustment. Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (8 van 9) :54:07

441 Links The Free Trade Area of the Americas The Secretariat of the North American Free Trade Agreement (9 van 9) :54:07

442 Contact CONTACT It is not obligatory to fill all the fields, but it is desirable if you want to be contacted by us. First name: Surname: Organisation: Country: City: (1 van 2) :54:12

443 Contact Message: (max. 800 char.) More left: 800 characters... Thank you! (2 van 2) :54:12