Social Marketing for Preventing Violence Against Women: Making every action matter

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1 Social Marketing for Preventing Violence Against Women: Making every action matter Literature Review for the Challenge Family Violence Project June 2013 Dr Tracy Castelino, Mish Colla and Dr Jacques Boulet Cooperative

2 Funded by: This project has been funded under the Reducing Violence against Women and their Children grants program, part of the Victorian Government s Community Crime Prevention Program. Participating Councils and Agencies 2

3 Social Marketing for Preventing Violence Against Women: making every action matter Contents Introduction Social Marketing: definition, history, significance Definition - 4 History and significance - 5 Social Marketing: theories and frameworks - 6 The influence of Social Marketing in Health Promotion Social Marketing: a tool for the prevention of violence against women Applying the four PPPPs within the context of violence against women social marketing campaigns Social marketing using Social Norms and Bystander Intervention strategies - 15 Understanding Bystander Intervention -16 Gendered Intervention: social marketing directed to men Social Marketing Campaigns: practice examples Concluding Remarks Points for Consideration Practical recommendations for social marketing campaigns within the context of violence against women Social marketing campaigns on violence against women Key Steps References Appendices - 42 Appendix 1 Campaigns directed at whole of community or specifically men in response to violence against women: Websites Appendix 2 Campaigns using social marketing directed specifically at men Appendix 3 Campaign Examples and use of PPPP Suggested citation: Castelino, T., Colla, M. & Boulet, J. (2013) Social Marketing for Preventing violence Against Women: making every action matter Literature review for the Challenge Family Violence Project, Borderlands Cooperative, Melbourne, Australia and project partners. 3

4 Introduction Complex problems require complex approaches. Violence against women is a complex problem and therefore a complex, purposeful and comprehensive approach is required to enhance the safety and wellbeing of women, build relationships based on respect and equality and transform social norms that negate women s potential to live fully engaged and healthy lives. Research over the last 20 years has taught us that change is not immediate or even particularly rational and that there are many factors and many catalysts that are necessary to bring about transformation. Broad social change is required in order to build safer and more respectful communities. Strategies implemented to bring about social change need to include: legislative and policy change, an effective criminal justice system, social marketing innovations, community mobilization, coordination of national and/or state based alliances with local domestic violence and women s organisations; training, advocacy and on-going monitoring and evaluation. During the last 50 years, social marketing has been growing in popularity in the context of attempts to influence citizens behaviours (Andreasen, 2006; Lacayo & Singhal, 2008; Donavan, 2011). It employs marketing philosophy, tools and techniques to assist in enabling behavioural change and, whilst there are many communication processes and tools that are now being utilised to combat violence against women, this review concentrates on social marketing programs targeting the whole public and then those addressing men and women separately. Both nationally and internationally, social marketing represents one strategy to challenge violence-supportive attitudes and behaviours; it has a growing presence in primary prevention efforts that focus on responding to the key determinants of violence against women rather than supporting victims of violence and holding perpetrators accountable. Within the context of primary prevention there are efforts to change the social norms by providing key messages of appropriate behaviour and respectful relationships and providing people with ideas, skills and strategies to challenge sexist and violence-supportive attitudes. It is critical, however, that social marketing campaigns are part of an overall comprehensively and collaboratively developed package to respond to the epidemic of violence against women in all societies rather than representing stand-alone issue-based and time-limited media campaigns. This literature review aims to present research and programs that use asocial marketing models to respond to the endemic issues of violence against women; we present several practice examples to display the strategies, theories, frameworks and methods used and the effectiveness of these campaigns for individual and social change. Finally, points for consideration are provided for the use of social marketing directed at men in campaigns for the prevention of violence against women. 1. Social Marketing: definition, history, significance Definition Social marketing is defined as the application of commercial marketing technologies to the analysis, planning, execution, and evaluation of programs designed to influence the voluntary behaviour of target audiences in order to improve their personal welfare and that of their society (Andreasen, 1994:110). Social marketing can, and more often does, include the use of social media tools and practices. It is often confused with social media and media campaigns, however, these media forms vary from internet-based viral marketing to building idea- or brand awareness, increasing visibility and - possibly - selling a product or service that commonly uses strategies such as authoritative information, entertainment, humour or controversy. 4

5 This section will cover a brief history and development of social marketing and its powerful influence on health promotion and primary prevention efforts to respond to violence against women. History and significance Marketing is well established and used in business and organisations to create mutually beneficial marketing exchanges. Marketing grew out of the capitalist environment and is grounded in the liberal, individualistic philosophy (Dann & Dann, 2005). From this philosophical framework, the needs and actions of the individual are the focus for influence and change. Whilst social marketing is strongly influenced by its marketing origins, it differs from other branches of marketing as its goal is to enhance community wellbeing by changing individual behaviour. Social marketing draws upon the social sciences to achieve its goal for individual and community change. The introduction of the World Wide Web in 1991, the integration of internet search engines and indexes such as Google in 1998, and the uptake of social networking sites such as Facebook and Twitter from provided a dramatic new landscape in which public awareness and behaviour change programs can advertise and access their clientele. The current social marketing landscape has become so accessible that campaigns are now located in an environment of media saturation. After the digital revolution, it can be said that organisations that work to prevent violence against women are in a significantly better position to create social marketing campaigns (in terms of accessing advanced design technology, accessing skilled people to implement social marketing and reduced financial cost). However, this is somewhat negated by the saturated landscape in which all social marketing campaigns now have to operate. The over-abundance of (social) marketing messages dilutes the effect of any one particular campaign, the result being that individuals are exposed to a high number of campaigns, but are less likely to actively take in the specificity of any of the messages. Indeed, only a superficial digestion of the information is probable and a complete dissociation from the material is possible. There is considerable confusion surrounding the use of the term social marketing in the health and social change context; we found that many terms are used interchangeably or they extend to explanations of certain communication methods intending to actively challenge gender inequality and violence against women. Communication methods of that type include community education through face-to-face educational groups and programs, local educational strategies such as social norms and bystander approaches and other media strategies. It is not helpful to use the terms marketing and communications interchangeably as there are substantive differences between the two, particularly their very different points of departure. Effective marketing generally starts from the point of the view of the audience or client and seeks to anticipate and address their needs. Communications tend to be declarative, laying out a detailed factual argument, with information and evidence and then try to connect those to the audience s interests. Importantly, the term social marketing campaign is not synonymous with the term mass media campaign, although frequently it may involve mass media communication. The key orientation in social media campaigns is communication and engagement towards facilitating the change of a particular behaviour so as to achieve a more socially acceptable desired behaviour (Andreasen, 1994; 2004; Donovan, 2011). Even though social marketing is often understood as large scale, high-cost mass media campaigns targeted at state-wide or national levels, there is also a locally grown form that targets a community issue and invites an innovative social marketing response. Whether the final communication channels adopted within a social marketing strategy comprise high-cost national television and cinema advertising or a poster positioned on a bus stop in the neighbourhood, the principles of communication and program design are the same (Weinreich, 1999). 5

6 A number of features for effective media campaigns have been identified in the national and international research literature for influencing attitudinal and behaviour change. A systematic review of media campaigns focusing on violence against women found that media campaigns alone are unlikely to result in behavioural change, but rather should be integrated with, as they mutually reinforce, other on-the-ground strategies (Donovan and Vlais 2006 cited in Powell, 2011). To be most successful, social marketing relies on employing thorough research in order to understand the target audience as well as ensuring that the conveyed messages are being effectively and persuasively communicated (Powell, 2011). Media campaigns directed at reducing anti-social behaviours need to be wary of unintended negative effects and consequences. Using fear messages can have the effect of triggering the very behaviour that the ad is designed to prevent (Henley, 2002 cited in Hastings, Stead & Webb, 2004). An intimate partner violence prevention advertising campaign in Scotland that used fear-arousing and shocking imagery found to have triggered attacks from some violent male partners (Hastings et al, 2004). Additionally, messages that are experienced as accusatory or that evoke shame and guilt are likely to evoke defensive reactions (Stanley, Fell, Miller, Thomson & Watson, 2012). Applying social marketing to the horrendous social and human rights issue of violence against women demands a way of thinking, problem solving and generating strategies that will resonate with the life experiences of the target audience for whom they have been developed. Herein lies the additional complexities of applying social marketing to violence against women: the target audience can be the whole population, women subjected to violence, men who have perpetrated violence and women and men separately as bystanders or witnesses. What is the specific problem/issue to be targeted as the goal for change? Which form of social marketing is most suitable? Who is the target audience? What is the target behaviour? What is an acceptable product exchange? Social Marketing: theories and frameworks Andreasen identifies key elements of social marketing: it is a time-limited campaign, not a program; its main aim is to change behaviour; it centralizes the customer as the target for change; it targets voluntary behaviour and positive change for society as a whole (1994:112). As well, it is based on the philosophy of marketing in support of design, development and the implementation of campaigns. Our review of the literature indicates that social marketing campaigns complement other communication interventions such as education and public awareness. Using mass media to challenge gender norms and attitudes and raise awareness of violent behaviour throughout society can be a powerful communication tool. Broad-based communication campaigns along with laws and policies, community and school-based interventions and gender-based group programs are all important approaches to promote gender equality, respectful behaviours and preventing violence against women (WHO, 2009). Research suggests that there is a greater likelihood of success if messages are tailored to audiences using social marketing principles and creating a supportive environment that enables the intended audience to make changes e.g. by mobilizing communities in support of the campaign (WHO, 2010). With marketing principles at the core, campaigns are based on research, such as pre-testing information and product messages in order to be more able to anticipate intended and unintended consequences for example, by using focus groups with members of the target audience or through interviews with expert witnesses - to determine existing attitudes and beliefs and ways of motivating people to change their behaviour (WHO, 2010; Donavan & Vlais, 2005). 6

7 Predecessors to social marketing include the Diffusion of Innovation approach, which came to fame in the context of international development and the social learning approach, which has been part of the informal education approaches in adult and community education. They often intend to persuade some people (usually opinion leaders) to adopt new behaviours and opinions and further identify how the latter will attempt to persuade others to do the same. The above theoretical influences are significant given their attempts at working with champions for change and given that they are oriented to mobilising individual-community responsibilities for in this context - creating a safe place and actively responding to violence and abuse and violence-supportive attitudes. Diffusion of Innovation theory offers three valuable contributions to understanding the intersection of social change and social marketing: factors that make a product/innovation successful; the importance of peer-to-peer conversations and of peer networks and understanding the needs of different target groups and audiences (Lacayo & Singhal, 2008). It thus usefully complements the development of social marketing campaigns as it provides an explanation of how innovations (new ideas, new practices and new behaviours) are communicated over time among the members of a social system. Diffusion of Innovations theory highlights the importance of making sense of the relational and contextualised aspects of people in their communities, networks and systems and the power, privilege and influence of some members over others (Lacayo & Singhal, 2008). Critical to the success of applying this approach is an understanding of the social norms, the social patterns of influence and the prevailing perceptions of the target audience and its wider community context. The table below provides a concise description of various social change oriented marketing frameworks. The list is provided to offer an overview of the landscape of social change marketing being in use; obviously, social marketing is one option and generally does not work on its own but should be built into an overall social change campaign. It is worthwhile noting Tufte s (2005) work on social change and edutainment, as social marketing is one element of this overall strategy to transform negative, violence-supportive community cultural norms. Edutainment has been described as the use of entertainment as a communicative tool that is crafted to strategically connect with a particular audience on concerning social issues by using social marketing of individual behaviour towards a liberating and citizen-driven articulation for social change (Tufte, 2005). This is a valuable approach as it is informed by bottom-up, grassroots community connections and knowledges. Whilst this work is located within a development context, it bears relevance to locally grown campaigns. Tufte stresses the need to locate the root of problems/issues not in the lack of information or individual or cultural deficits, but as structural inequalities, power imbalances and deep-seated societal problems. Therefore, developing a comprehensive social change approach includes social marketing that is grounded in a participatory and consultative process of development and is aimed at building collective action that is centred on social and gender justice, inequalities and power imbalances in society. 7

8 Marketing Type Not-forprofit marketing Causerelated marketing Pro-social marketing Corporate philanthropy Upstream marketing Social marketing Edutainment Table 1. Social change oriented marketing frameworks Description Marketing activities used by not for profit organisations to achieve organisational goals which may or may not include behavioural change A for profit organisation forms a partnership with a pro-social organisation such that sales of the commercial entity s products assist in promoting or funding the cause A commercial organisation promoting a cause that is directly related to its target audience Private organisations adopt a cause that has no direct relationship to sales or to the company s target market Advocacy and change policies, laws, regulations, and physical environments The design, implementation and control of programs seeking to increase the acceptability of a social idea or practice in a target group Disseminating information as well as raising awareness and change behaviour and the consultation with target audience is important for the development of messages and resources Example Men s anti-violence organisations selling White Ribbons Where a percentage of sales of a product, like sales from the Suzanne Grae clothing shop is directed to the White Ribbon Campaign or cause such as domestic violence service Condom manufacturer providing information on safe and respectful safe, informed consent Social responsibility arms of private organisations Police code of practice dictating that each incident of family violence needs to be responded to and documented White Ribbon Campaign Television programs, commercials and posters (Donovan and Henley, 2003; Donovan & Vlais, 2005; Lacayo & Singhal, 2008) The influence of social marketing in health promotion In the public health field, an intervention framework is used that includes and distinguishes primary, secondary and tertiary prevention efforts. Primary prevention means stopping the violence before it occurs and it is the intervention in which social marketing campaigns are more specifically operating. The primary prevention approach is central to the World Health Organization (WHO) and the Victorian Health Promotion Foundation (VicHealth) programs and policies, whereby both define violence against women as a public health issue and emphasise the importance of addressing the root causes and taking a multi-agency response. The WHO also states that primary prevention policies and programs help prevent violent behaviour through interventions designed to eliminate the underlying causes and risk factors and strengthen protective factors. The public health/primary prevention discourse is based on an ecological model that includes environmental strategies aimed at creating the deepest, longest-lasting change across the individual, relationship, community and societal levels. The WHO reports (Krug et al., 2002; Sethi et al., 2004; Butchart et al., 2008) have a consistent message that violence emerges from multiple and complex personal, social and economic causes and that, therefore, the reduction of violence necessitates multifaceted efforts. 8

9 This approach compels a number of systems to take responsibility for violence prevention at the global, national and local levels, including the family, education, health, work, criminal justice and social services. The public health approach seeks to build on current successful systemic and local responses and adds to (not replaces!) the criminal justice response as well as human rights or gender mainstreaming (Butchart et al., 2004). Feminist thinking has been dynamic and powerful in its influence on primary prevention work, which seeks to challenge the fundamental beliefs about gender equity and violence in order to transform a culture of accepted or tolerated violence into one of equity and respect. Examples of efforts to engage the community directly in violence prevention initiatives include: local social marketing and communications campaigns, facilitation of local research, active development and promotion to raise awareness of violence against women and monitoring and critical evaluating of violence prevention initiatives (i.e. with in-built accountability processes to women; Castelino, 2011). The feminist lens in primary prevention is essential as there is an increased focus on engaging men in violence prevention efforts and on social marketing and media campaigns intended to challenge violence-supportive attitudes. The mass media have been used as a tool in public health and public education campaigns for many years. Television, radio, print media, billboards, poster advertisements and information brochures have all been used, with remarkable success both internationally and in the Australian context, to encourage individuals to adopt healthier attitudes and behaviours (Powell, 2011). After a period where public health professionals were philosophically opposed to (largely, we suspect, because of a perception of marketing as a capitalist tool and for being too individually orientated and for reinforcing victim blaming ), social marketing has been moulded to better fit not-for-profit organisations interested in social change. This adaptation has added, however, to the confusion and to a conflation of terms; for instance, the media components of a campaign are described as social marketing and not the entire campaign process. Or, as noted by Dann & Dann (2005), some government departments have embraced social marketing because they believe that addressing violence against women is all about individual change (i.e., encouraging personal responsibility and accountability) and thereby absolving the structural and political environment and policy context from responsibility and themselves from funding and generating policy and legislative initiatives. Other contributors (Donovan 2011; Andreasen, 2006) also note that initial resistance to and strong criticism of social marketing (even any form of marketing) to influence community health and wellbeing was widespread. Criticisms varied from a discomfort by non-profit organisations employing marketing frameworks who felt it compromised their work, to concerns with the targeting of individuals, as opposed to responding to the social, political and environmental contexts of problems. Social marketing experts responded to these criticisms with a change in focus and strategy: the concept of upstream social marketing was developed. Upstream social marketing recognises the at times - significant environmental barriers which exist and make it difficult for behaviour change to occur at the individual level. In these cases, it may be necessary to employ upstream efforts, which aim to change the political, social, legal, physical or public policy environment by giving messages to industry or government. The upstream concept involves influencing decision makers and facilitating changes in environments, so that change (individual or systemic) can take place; for instance, making connections between unhealthy eating and obesity and targeting eating habits without consideration of social inequities and the socio-cultural norms and practices ignores the economic, political and socio-cultural practices to healthy eating and lifestyles. Social marketing has been a significant influencing element in the public health field in Australia for more than two decades, clear and dynamic leadership provided by the Victorian Health Promotion Foundation (known as VicHealth). 9

10 It is a key component in promoting engagement in health protection behaviours (e.g. the QUIT Campaign), early detection programs (e.g. breast screen register) and the promotion of individual health behaviour change (e.g. If you drink and drive, you re a bloody idiot ). It is built on the application of evidence-based strategies and often, dual consumer/provider communication strategies. 2. Social Marketing: a tool for the prevention of violence against women This research appraisal of violence against women social marketing campaigns builds on the VicHealth Report (Donovan & Vlais, 2005), which included a critical review of past social marketing strategies to address violence against women. The review noted many key learnings, such as the importance of individual, societal and specific institutional campaigns that target women s safety and changes in social norms; campaigns should be sustained beyond a single dose in order to build on small successes and enhance sustainability; and any campaign should be integrated with and mutually reinforce other activities such as legislative and policy changes, community development, community education or improvements in the way organisations respond to the incidence of form of violence or engage in their prevention. Along with the key factors for social marketing campaigns identified in the VicHealth Report (Donovan & Vlais, 2005), recent literature emphasizes the importance of including key stakeholders throughout the social marketing or social change program and campaign design. It is imperative that social marketing campaigns responding to violence against women consult and collaborate with women s services and the domestic violence sector in order to enhance the management of the intended and unintended consequences. Further, based on international research on violence prevention efforts, it is recommended that the gendering of the entire campaign be comprehensively undertaken by applying a gender audit to the overall process of social marketing campaign design and development as well as to the understanding of the issue and the target audience (see Castelino, 2011). Applying the four PPPPs within the context of violence against women social marketing campaigns There are several models for social marketing (Donovan, 2011; Dann & Dann, 2005; Andreasen, 1994; Weinreich, 2011) all of them based on the traditional four Ps : design a product, consider the place, minimize the price and promote the desirable behaviour. Some revisions include other Ps, such as politics, as it covers the lever to influence policy change and policy makers (Pirani, 2002). Donovan s version of the four Ps of social marketing are: population, products, places and political structure (2011:34), clearly including the broad social change aspects responding to critiques of the individualised nature of social marketing. Within the population component, he includes targeted individual changes of behaviour in order to bring about population changes. Donovan (2011:24) highlights the importance of considering a planned and comprehensive marketing framework when developing and designing public health change campaigns; he also recommends good research, good planning, relevant attitudinal and behavioural models of change and support from sociocultural, legislative and structural environments (2011:25). Key marketing principles focus on increasing the target group s motivation to respond to a pre-determined issue or problem by reducing the barriers that prevent them from responding, increasing opportunities in specific ways at specific sites to respond and then building in skill development to increase the confidence and competence to respond. Whilst these principles have been utilised in social norms campaigns (challenging men s misperceptions of other men s sexual activity) and bystander intervention programs (focusing on sexual violence prevention on college campuses), particular considerations are required for the context of 10

11 intimate partner violence, because largely existing heterosexual couple norms still refer to this violence as private, occurring behind closed doors and between couples. From a review of the literature and social marketing campaigns, four factors are highlighted as significant indicators of preventing violence against women campaign efficacy in this area: 1) centralising the customer as the target for change 2) targeting voluntary behaviour 3) making the product and its promotion relevant and 4) positive change for society as a whole. 1. Centralising the customer as the target for change Social marketing emphasises the target or audience as an active and dynamic part of the process. This campaign component seeks to understand the target group, what matters to them and what is relevant in their daily lives (Andreasen, 2004; Dann & Dann, 2005). There are several target groups within the violence against women prevention campaign context and each requires a different strategic focus and product presentation. There are men who are perpetrators, men with violence-supportive attitudes, women victims of violence, the whole of population as a community, and men and women as bystanders or witnesses. We highlight the gendered lens required for each of the target groups in order to acknowledge and manage the gendered construction and perpetration of violence. For instance, the successful Freedom from Fear Campaign is the first of its kind to target perpetrators of intimate partner violence; Gibbons & Patterson (2000:5) document the importance of taking great care and caution with the focus group interviewing of this particular target audience. In his coverage of the White Ribbon Campaigns, Flood (2011) details the specific attention required on men and masculinity in order to purposefully respond to the gendered dynamics of intimate partner violence and gender inequality. Engaging men specifically is, therefore, based on the understanding that male intimate violence is gendered and that men need to share a number of common assumptions such as: men have a role in preventing violence against women; men need to be invited to be partners in solving the problem; small, interactive-all male groups facilitated by men are particularly effective; positive anti-violence values and actions of men need to be strengthened; and men must work in collaboration with women in these efforts (Berkowitz, 2004). Theories of change, social learning and behaviour (change) have enhanced social marketing strategies as designers conceive of the process of change that each particular target group experiences in order to accept and engage in the new, more desired behaviours. For instance, different campaign messages are devised for women who are victims of violence and for men who are predominantly the perpetrators of violence. Considerations are given to better understand the values that permit the behaviour, making it relevant to the specific target group s lives and relationships, potentially supporting and negating responses and consequences, and their belief in their knowledge, ability, and skills to carry out the action (Donovan, 2011). Returning to the Freedom From Fear Campaign, the target audience were perpetrators of intimate partner violence; in focus groups it was evident that this group valued fathering, therefore messages centred on being a better father and developing positive relationships with their children. From a crime prevention context, Homel and Carroll (2009) provide an interesting example of focusing on the offender and on deterrence in addition to engaging the victim of crime with the provision of information to enhance protective behaviours. They note the anticipatory benefit effect of publicising changes to responses to burglary, for example, and how it impacted on offenders perceptions of the availability of suitable opportunities to offend (2009:1). They also emphasise the benefits to victims as it enables them to take action to modify their own behaviour that is known as the exchange, giving up a less desirable behaviour for a more socially desirable one. 11

12 Homel and Carroll s detailed focus on offender deterrent evidence allows for hard-hitting social marketing campaigns, for instance, stating the criminal consequences for assaulting one s intimate partner, rather than eliciting voluntary behaviour to reduce violence against women or change violence-supportive attitudes. Unfortunately, Homel and Carroll do not apply a gendered analysis which limits their argument for social marketing within a crime prevention paradigm, as there is a focus on the individual victims and offenders. Without a gender analysis it is difficult to comprehensively explain the dynamic of intimacy in privacy or behind closed doors leading to men s violence against women in their own homes. Women s Aid in the United Kingdom launched a powerful and challenging social marketing campaign in 2007 with posters, comments from women celebrities and their made up head and shoulder portrait to show the physical effects of domestic violence. The aim of this campaign was to shock, raise awareness, name domestic violence as a problem and provide help-seeking resources. Other countries (such as South Africa, India and Nicaragua) have used social marketing (see Raising Voices, Michau, 2007) and edutainment to purposefully tell stories of domestic violence, its impact on all members of the family and the community and its other detrimental consequences (Lacayo & Singhal, 2008). We believe that social change activists require a mix of various strategies in order to engage both individual and social change catalysts simultaneously and over extended time. Marketing research has found that the possibility for social change is greater if the individual or group strongly relates to the message or product that is promoted. Potter et al (2010) call this self-identification, which refers to an individual s ability to see himself or herself and a familiar context in the social marketer s message (Potter et al., 2010:5). Social marketing campaigns need to research relevant and connecting places, products and people in order to create familiarity and commonality for the target audience. For instance, much of the sexual violence prevention campaigns in the United States have focused on how college students see their behaviour in relation to their peers and then promote positive behaviours and social norms. The Mentors in Violence Prevention bystander programs and the My Strength Campaign are two examples of how social norms marketing has supported the design of relevant local campaigns by targeting, selecting and supporting young male leaders in their neighbourhoods to promote alternative masculinities by speaking out against sexual violence (Lee et al., 2007). The concept of social self-identification allows for the consideration of the diverse needs of specific populations and target groups and for devising product promotions relevant to them. For example, in the New Zealand It s Not Ok national campaign, some of its positive impact was due to its localised and cultural acknowledgement of the importance of family and whānau to Māori and Pacific peoples. Strategic advice on how the Campaign might impact on the former was provided to the Campaign through consultation with a Māori Reference Group and a Pacific Advisory Group (Point Research, 2010:8). Rosenberg, in an insightful book (Join the Club 2011) about the power of the local and community for meaningful social change, writes about the importance of making connections with peers and using this as a resource for changing problem behaviour or offering exciting alternatives. Social marketing campaigns can thus generate the power to transform individuals and communities when substantial commonalities are recognised and brought to bear. 2. Targeting voluntary behaviour Social marketing targets voluntary behaviour and makes attractive certain choices above others, but people are still left with the choice to buy the product ; it is thus about voluntary engagement and behaviour change, punishment and coercion are not part of the design. There are interesting dilemmas and tensions with creating a non-punitive and inspiring campaign for an issue that is a crime. Careful design and implementation are required with consultation with women s services (Gibbons & Patterson, 2000). 12

13 As mentioned earlier, an excellent example of a social marketing effort that targeted perpetrators is the Freedom From Fear campaign. It worked with key stakeholders from government, criminal justice and community services, focusing primarily on perpetrators of intimate partner violence, asking them to voluntarily seek help to change their violent ways; if they voluntarily would seek support to change their violent behaviour, the incidence of violence in the homes would be reduced and their women partners and children would feel and be safer; it would also enhance the health and wellbeing of the entire community (Gibbons & Patterson, 2000). The New Zealand originated Action on Family Violence, the It s not OK Campaign (2010) also targeted perpetrators of intimate partner violence; its key messages focussed on the effects of the violence, the damage caused to family, that behaviour change was possible and that change was in their best interests (Point Research, 2010). In order to reach the point of sustained behavioural change, the product offered needs to be communicated and positioned in such a way as to make it more attractive than perpetrators current harmful behaviours. In both the aforementioned campaigns, what was offered was service provision: phone help-lines and counselling services. Anonymity was assured and there was no pressure on men to disclose their name; the phone line was not linked to the police so that concern of criminal sanctions, known as the competition product, was reduced and hope for change by being better men through counselling programs figured as the promotion product. Through a feminist lens, the methods employed for such a campaign need to be devised with the safety of women and children as a paramount concern. Researching and pre-testing needs to take into account expertise and knowledge of women s domestic violence services, their mandate being women s safety, health and wellbeing. This section has illustrated that social marketing is more than mere education or legislative change and differs from other social media campaigns; whilst successful marketing campaigns have provided information to the public/consumer, many have not emphasized and urged the need for stopping current, less desirable for more acceptable behaviour. Social marketing campaigns require an change, a giving up of a less desirable behaviour for a more desirable, socially more acceptable and positive behaviour. 3. Making the product and its promotion relevant Formative research plays a central role in ensuring that materials developed for any social marketing campaign are linked to other key factors, such as materials and communications that connect with the target group s experiences, local environments that provide some positive exchange and clear social-community benefits. Social marketing efficacy is more likely if communication materials are developed with the target audience through pre-testing (Lacayo & Singhal, 2008; Donovan & Vlais, 2005; see also Weinreich, 2011 Section VII, pp ). Formative research is also essential for ensuring that material developed for delivery by intermediaries such as police, local crime prevention workers or teachers reflects their attitude towards and intention to use the materials. For instance, in the Freedom From Fear Campaign, various formative research processes were employed to examine message comprehension, credibility, and motivations to change. Further negative perceptions of the messages were tested, e.g. unwarranted attack on all men (Gibbons & Patterson, 2000). As referred to earlier, through preliminary investigations with the target group, perpetrators of intimate partner violence, it was discovered that it was more effective to target the experiences of and effects on fathering rather than the effects on the intimate partner relationship. This is useful information for the various promoters and key stakeholders who have to deliver the message and the resource materials. The marketing framework and terminology, while at times unsettling for the community service sector, allow a new understanding of the problem behaviour and what is necessary for there to be a positive change at the individual and social level. 13

14 Cost/benefit terminology is used to better understand what the perceived benefits of the suggested behaviour are and whether they outweigh the perceived costs in order for the target group to give it a go. It is critical to be cognizant of the target audience and what, from their perception, competes with the more socially desirable behaviours. Social marketing looks at ways to increase the benefits of non-violence supportive attitudes and behaviours and to lower the costs of behaviour change for the individual. Many violence against women social marketing campaigns use skills training and relationship modelling to provide men with respectful relationship strategies to strengthen the campaign messages challenging negative and rigid gender norms. One strategy for connecting with and being relevant to the target audience is selecting a message bearer who is branded as displaying the alternative and more positive behaviour. In social marketing campaigns, celebrities (e.g. singers, actors, sportspeople, etc.) have been used as role models to endorse this alternative behaviour choice. To be incorporated into an effective social marketing program, those who directly interact with the target market must be fully trained in and be committed to the campaign objectives. The White Ribbon campaign has responded to criticism of their use of male ambassadors who have not best represented the brand of being a respectful man by developing criteria, assessments and accreditation processes (WRC, 2012). Behaviour must change - this is the crux of social marketing campaigns and it is to occur through a series of targeted activities. Increased awareness and better understanding of violence against women only do not make a social marketing campaign successful; there has to be a change in behaviour (Andreasen, 1994:110). Neglect of this bottom line can lead to enormous waste of scarce resources, a miss-focus on education and information provision rather than on social change. Thinking about the White Ribbon campaign and measuring success based on behavioural change in the target group men, the following questions are worthwhile considering: Is the measure of success the number of white ribbons sold, or the number of men who buy white ribbons or the number of men who take the pledge on the day, or the number of men who actively respond to violence-supportive attitudes? Is the buying of white ribbons indicative of an increased awareness and thus the possibility and probability that a man would intervene or speak up about domestic violence? Does the purchasing of the white ribbon make a statement in and of itself? Is a man wearing a white ribbon perceived as a challenge, a statement to other men, about a way of preventing violence against women? For social marketing campaigns in this complex area of intimate partner violence to gain traction, more training, support and accountability processes are needed at the local level. 4. Positive change for society as a whole An original component of social marketing is the focus on individual change; with this in mind, social marketing campaigns responding to violence against women are not enough on their own. They need to complement policy changes, education and legislative reform, community services, crisis intervention and perpetrator programs. Such campaigns work better as part of a wider strategy to transform society. 14

15 International development organisations and local community based organisations in developing countries have much to teach western social marketing campaigns (Michau, 2007; Lacayo & Singhal, 2008; WHO, 2009); they are based on community development and community mobilization principles and strategies, working to build each other s strengths as individuals who are part of a wider community. Michau (2005, 2007) from Raising Voices asserts that communities who envision change need to strengthen or re-orient themselves from within, find their own cultural strengths and norms for respect and equality. Social marketing aims to model new collective social norms, mobilize communities and change the mindsets of individuals, influence public discourse and set political agendas. There is no profit or corporate benefit to social marketing: a key principle is that these campaigns focus on making the community better, safer, more respectful, healthier and more engaged citizens. At its best, social marketing campaigns present key messages that open the minds and hearts of people and encourage them to make positive changes in their lives. *** These four components run across the international and local literature and contribute to the successful development of social marketing campaigns combatting violence against women. It is clear that any campaign attempting to challenge attitudes and behaviours in this area requires a gendered lens that is purposefully integrated into every campaign component. There is a critical difference between social marketing used to stop habits such as smoking and alcohol consumption and those used to stop violence against women; the former has individual detrimental health and wellbeing effects (Dyson, 2012) but the behaviour is not illegal or a violation of someone s human rights. In developing new social marketing campaigns to prevent violence against women, consideration needs to be given to the criminal component of such violence, to the secret violation of human rights behind closed doors and to the strong and complex gendered patriarchal dynamic in intimate partner relationships. Preventing violence against women by intimate partners requires challenging institutionalised norms and structures of heterosexual relationships and the individual family unit. Given the four social marketing components articulated above, the next section notes various methods and applications of these factors in campaigns and programs. The list is not comprehensive but is provided to set the scene and landscape of possibilities for using social marketing to actively respond at the multiple levels at which violence against women should be addressed. Key to the principles and philosophy of social marketing used in the prevention of violence against women is the link with social norms and bystander intervention marketing strategies. The social marketing factors (PPPPs) recommend that a successful campaign put the customer as the target for change central the marketing design should conceive the experiential process of change that target group members would have to go through so as to make the new behaviour more appealing than the current one (Donovan, 2011). The bystander intervention design locates the customers as individuals seeking new and preferable responses to witnessing violence against women, while the social norms design locates the customers as individuals who are seeking new and preferable understandings of others beliefs and actions. Social marketing using Social Norms and Bystander Intervention strategies Norms are socially constructed and are malleable; that is, they are able to change when social contexts changes (Pease & Flood, 2008); individuals attitudes and behavioural responses towards an issue are significantly influenced by what they perceive the consensus to be on a particular issue, that is, by their perceptions of dominant norms. Peer pressure is the primary influence in shaping people s behaviour; however, behaviours are easily influenced by incorrect perceptions of how peers think and by wrong anticipation of their behaviour (Lee, Guy, Perry, Sniffen & Mixson, 2007). 15

16 Social norms of particular concern for this report are aggressive demonstrations of masculinity; attributes such as toughness, aggression, independence and heterosexual conquest are often positively valued by men. Implicitly, these norms provide support for violence against women. For example, research has consistently found that men who hold traditional views on gender roles, who have a rigid belief in male dominance/privilege, or hold misogynistic attitudes about women are more likely to perpetrate violence against women (Pease & Flood, 2008; Powell, 2011). Research studies document that men often hold misperceived notions about other men s endorsement of violence against women, attitudes and behaviours the table below summarises these misperceptions. Table 2: Common misperceptions amongst men of other men s attitudes, comfort levels and behaviours Underestimation the importance that most men and women place on consent Underestimation the willingness of men to intervene against sexual violence Underestimation the discomfort of their peers with remarks or actions demeaning to women and the objectification of women Overestimation Overestimation Overestimation men s comfort in behaving in stereotypically masculine ways overestimate the adherence of their peers to rape myths the quantity of men s sexual activity e.g. believe that other men do not value or discuss consent with potential sexual partners e.g. believe that other men do not value intervention or will not physically intervene. e.g. believe that other men are comfortable hearing comments or seeing actions that demean or objectify women e.g. believing that other men feel comfortable in displaying stereotypically masculine behaviour e.g. believe that other men agree with this understanding of the nature of men e.g. believe that other men experience a greater number of sexual interactions (Berkowitz, 2003, 2004; Fabiano, Perkins, Berkowitz, Linkenbach & Stark, 2003; Lee, Guy, Perry, Sniffen & Mixson, 2007; Harvey, Garcia-Moreno & Butchart, 2007) There is a strong link between men perceiving other men s beliefs and the use of this perception in men making decisions and taking actions. A key factor influencing the likelihood that a man will intervene to prevent a sexual assault is his perception of other men s willingness to intervene. In one study, it was found that individual men s intention to intervene to challenge norms condoning sexual violence was easily predicted by their views of the extent to which others held social norms supporting intervention (Powell, 2011). An understanding of social norms can be utilised in social marketing campaigns directed at men; correcting these misperceptions can liberate men to behave in ways that are healthier and more aligned with personal values (Berkowitz, 2004). Understanding Bystander Intervention Bystander Intervention refers to actions taken by a person or persons not directly involved as a victim or perpetrator at a time of a critical incident to identify, speak out about or seek to engage others in responding to the incident. 16

17 In incidences specific to violence against women, these interventions include responding to violent incidents and/or behaviours, attitudes, practices or policies that contribute to violence. Understanding bystander intervention as it relates to the prevention of violence against women can assist marketing designers to construct messages that assist in removing intervention obstacles and enhancing intervention enablers. The bystander intervention marketing approach challenges members of communities to take responsibility for the issue of sexual violence and to recognise their ability to intervene and create community standards wherein sexual violence is not tolerated (McMahon & Farmer, 2009). This approach characterises all people as potential allies in violence prevention and transitions sexual violence, misogyny and violence against women from a personal issue to a community issue. The emphasis on bystanders as prevention agents reduces the burden of sole responsibility for rape avoidance that is often placed on women. As Burn (2009) suggests, if people can learn to recognize situations in which others are at risk for sexual assault, take responsibility for intervening and know how to intervene, sexual assault could potentially be reduced. Research into bystander intervention (and apathy ) provides an understanding of enablers of and obstacles to people intervening in sexist and violent remarks and actions about/towards women, and, even more specifically, to men intervening in the relevant situations. Powell (2012) found that Victorians in bystander situations are most likely to take pro-women action when: they perceive the behaviour as serious, and they believe they will have strong support for such action from their peers and colleagues, community or organisation. Enablers of bystander intervention specific to violence against women are the: knowledge of what constitutes violence against women awareness of harm caused by violence against women perception of responsibility to intervene perceived ability to intervene skills desire to educate perpetrator empathy for and desire to support victim self-validation, catharsis expressing anger, disapproval etc. In addition, people who strongly support gender equality are more likely to undertake some form of bystander intervention as are those who are aware of policies and procedures relating to respectful relationships, gender equality and/or sexual harassment in their workplace or organisation (Powell, 2012). A number of obstacles have been identified that hinder people s confidence in intervening in situations of violence against women and sexism (Powell, 2011, 2012, Shotland & Straw, 1976, Exner & Cummings 2011): the ambiguous nature of some expressions of everyday sexism and heterosexism exclusive group identity; male peer groups based on violence/aggressive masculinities fear of violence or of being targeted by the perpetrator; fear that masculinity will be called into question ambiguity regarding the relationship between the potential victim and potential perpetrator (and a belief that it is a personal and not a political/community issue) perception that action would be ineffective 17

18 fear that perception is wrong and intervening will not actually be needed lack of knowledge about how to intervene rigid adherence to traditional gender roles; attitudes supporting male dominance fear that friendship would be compromised / preserving interpersonal relations Another potential problem is that when situations are ambiguous, people rely on others reactions to help make decisions for action. Pluralistic ignorance occurs when ignorant, inactive bystanders look to other ignorant, inactive bystanders and, consequently, all fail to identify the situation as intervention appropriate (Latane &Darley, 1968, in Burn 2009). Additionally, when bystander numbers increase, responsibility becomes diffused ; each bystander feels a decreased sense of intervention responsibility (Latane & Darley 1970). This diffusion of responsibility is especially likely to occur when bystanders are not cohesive and social norms do not support intervention (Rutkowski et al in Burn 2009). Gendered Intervention: social marketing directed to men Due to the salient role of gender in understanding intimate partner violence, researchers and practitioners have recognised the need to involve men in ending violence against women (Foubert & Newberry, 2006; Foubert & Perry, 2007). Women anti-violence activists as well as male anti-violence activists have developed strong arguments for leadership and responsiveness by men as a key point of intervention. For example, national and international organisations like Men Can Stop Rape, mentors in Violence Prevention and the White Ribbon Campaign, enlist boys and men to take a leadership stance against violence and to challenge narrow views of masculinity that promote violence and aggression (Donovan & Vlas, 2006; Flood, 2011; Katz, 2011). It is evident that effective intimate partner violence prevention programs must approach men not as potential perpetrators, but as potential helpers, allies and bystanders (Foubert & Newberry, 2006). Based on this perspective, the bystander approach to intimate partner violence prevention is gaining popularity, as it enables all men the opportunity to help prevent violence. Social marketing to change social norms of men, masculinity and violence-related attitudes is being developed as an important prevention strategy that can be implemented in media campaigns. Both currently and historically, there are few current research examples of social marketing campaigns directed specifically at men with the intention to change social norms regarding violence against women. Of these few, some have used the technique to highlight the gap between men s perceptions of other men s agreement with violence-supportive and sexist norms. Gathering and publicising data on men s actual attitudes and behaviour can undermine men s conformity to sexist peer norms and increase their willingness to intervene in violent behaviour (Flood and see Appendix 2 p.43). On the other hand, the application of the social norms approach in social marketing has been effective in changing other unhealthy attitudes and behaviour in large sectors of society, such as reductions in alcohol and cigarette intake. A preventative norms approach to social marketing in eliminating violence against women campaigns should attempt to foster healthier norms regarding gender roles, relationships and violence and to correct misperceptions men may have about their peers social norms on these issues (Harvey, Garcia-Moreno & Butchart, 2007). Effective social norms marketing directed at men needs to be based on an understanding of the nature and extent of men s misperceptions of norms related to gender, relationships, and violence (Harvey, Garcia-Moreno & Butchart, 2007). 18

19 In case-examples where social marketing has been used to challenge social norms and promote male bystander intervention, particular elements or themes have been used: men are portrayed in positive, non-violent roles not all men are violent men can be active supporters of women (intervene, challenge norms) men can join together; mateship, champions, ambassadors, allies. A social marketing developmental sequence can be utilised, starting with creating an awareness of the problem of violence against women, to fostering personal change, and ending with a commitment to impact the behaviour of other men, all within a context that is consistent with the goals and practices of feminist thinking (Berkowitz, 2004). 3. Social Marketing Campaigns: practice examples The VicHealth Review of Communication Components of Social Marketing / Public Education Campaigns Focusing on Violence Against Women by Donovan & Vlais (2005) offers a comprehensive listing of international and national campaigns. For over 30 campaigns - some of which are specifically directed to men - the review documents the background, formative research, target groups and behavioural objectives, communication objectives and message strategies, campaign basic features, mass media materials, community organising, community development and other accompanying interventions, outcomes and evaluation, documented theories of attitude change and assumptions, and contact information. The Social Marketing for Preventing Violence Against Women: making every action matter literature review published by VicHealth offers an overview of this widening approach. Using the four factors (PPPPs) for significant indicators for campaign efficacy, the practice examples can be summarised into categories that 1) centralise the customer as the target for change; 2) target voluntary behaviour; 3) make the product and its promotion relevant; 4) aim at positive change for society as a whole, that is, it complements existing services and activities (see appendix 3 p.44). The following case examples have been divided into social marketing campaigns directed at both genders /whole of community approaches and campaigns directed specifically at men. Images are supplied to visually assist with the understanding of the campaign marketing style and links to the websites are also provided for closer examination of the projects. 19

20 Directed at both genders: Violence Against Women: Australia Says No (Australia, National) This Australian campaign, funded and delivered by the Federal Government, focused on two target groups: Women experiencing violence to encourage them to phone the national helpline to seek help to increase their understanding that violence is a crime and is not acceptable, is never their fault, and that, although seeking help can be and feel difficult, it is the right thing to do and can make a difference. Men (in general, including those engaging in violence) to encourage them to stop using or not adopt the use of violence against women to phone the national helpline to seek help if they are using violence to seek consent for sexual activity to take measures to stop other men from being violent towards women to increase their awareness that violence against women is not acceptable and is a crime to increase their awareness that women do not deserve violence to increase their awareness that that violence does not only include hitting. Know Your Power: Step in, speak up (USA) The Know Your Power campaign was developed by a team of university students, staff and faculty. This marketing campaign is the extension of the larger Bringing in the Bystander Project campaign that was developed, administered and evaluated by University of New Hampshire researchers. The Bringing in the Bystander Project provides suggestions for specific roles to all community members, which they can identify with and adopt in preventing the community problem of sexual violence. These roles include: interrupting situations that could lead to assault before it happens or during an incident speaking out against social norms that support sexual violence having skills to be an effective and supportive ally to survivors. 20

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