Occupational segregation of immigrant women in Spain

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1 Workin Paper Series Occupational sereation of immirant women in Spain Coral del Río Ola Alonso-Villar ECINEQ WP

2 ECINEQ March Occupational sereation of immirant women in Spain * Coral del Río Ola Alonso-Villar Universidade de Vio Abstract The aim of this paper is to analyze occupational sereation in the Spanish labor market from a ender and an immiration perspective. In doin so, several local and overall sereation measures are used. Our results suest that immirant women in Spain suffer a double sereation since sereation affects them to a reater extent than it does either native women or immirant men. There are, however, remarkable discrepancies amon the sereation of immirant women dependin on their reion of oriin. Thus, immirant women from the European Union (EU) have the lowest occupational sereation, while sereation seems particularly intense in the roup of women from European countries outside the EU bloc and Asia (the levels of which are hiher than that of Latin American and African women). Keywords: immiration; ender; occupational sereation; local sereation; overall sereation JEL classification: J16; D63 * Financial support from the Ministerio de Educación y Ciencia (rants ECO C02-01/ECON and SEJ C03-01/ECON) and from FEDER is ratefully acknowleded. Address of correspondence: Universidade de Vio; Facultade de CC. Económicas; Departamento de Economía Aplicada; Campus Laoas-Marcosende s/n; Vio; Spain. Tel.: ; fax: ; ovillar@uvio.es

3 1. Introduction In the last twenty years, Spain has emered from bein an out-miration country to become an immirant-receivin nation, mainly from Latin America (Ecuador and Colombia, mostly), Europe (Romania), and the Mahreb (Morocco). Immiration converence with other European Union countries has occurred in a few years. Thus, accordin to the data from the Spanish Institute of Statistics (INE, 2009), in 1996 only 1.4 percent of Spain s population were forein nationals, while this percentae increased to 11.4 percent in This trend has made Spain the country in the Oranisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) with the reatest increase in its immiration rate over the period from 2000 to 2005, an increase that means Spain now ranks eleventh amon countries with the hihest rates of immiration. 1 Within the immirant roups, the distribution by ender is rather balanced (the numbers in 2008 were 2.47 million women and 2.80 million men); however, within the Spanish labor market we see remarkable differences in the representations of women and men. In this reard, immirant men show a hiher representation than native men in construction and ariculture, whereas immirant women are overrepresented in domestic services, accommodation, and caterin (includin restaurants and bars). However, up to now, the literature has not addressed in detail the analysis and quantification of occupational sereation for each of these four demoraphic roups: immirant women/men workers and native women/men workers. This is so, amon other reasons, because most sereation indexes actually measure overall sereation rather than the sereation of a particular demoraphic roup, since they quantify the discrepancies amon the distributions of all population subroups across occupations. 2 Nevertheless, one can be interested not only in measurin areate sereation but also in explorin the sereation of a taret roup--immirant women workers, for example. Recently, Ola Alonso-Villar and Coral del Río (2008) have axiomatically proposed several indexes with which to quantify the sereation of any taret roup and have then connected them with overall sereation measures existin in the literature. This 1 This allows Spain to occupy a position close to countries with a much loner immirant tradition, such as USA, Sweden, Germany, and France (see United Nations, 2006). 2 Thus, for example, Jaai Parasnis (2006) uses several overall sereation indexes in order to compare the distributions of natives and immirants in Australia. 2

4 procedure allows one to measure the sereation of each population subroup toether with its contribution to overall sereation. The aim of this paper is to analyze occupational sereation in the Spanish labor market from a ender and immiration perspective. In doin so, the measures put forward by Jacques Silber (1992), Sean Reardon and Glenn Firebauh (2002), and David Frankel and Oscar Voli (2007) will be applied to quantify overall sereation, and the tools proposed by Ola Alonso-Villar and Coral del Río (2008) and Coral del Río and Ola Alonso-Villar (2010) will be used to analyze the sereation of several population subroups. This will allow us to determine the contribution of immirant women to overall sereation while comparin it with that of immirant men, native women, and native men. In addition, the roup of immirant woman workers will be classified into several subroups, dependin on their home reion, in order to discern the differences amon them. So far as we know, this topic has not yet been addressed in the literature. On one hand, the literature of sereation in the labor market has mainly focused on occupational/industrial sereation by ender, while differences amon workers that related to their nationality/race have received less attention (Randy Albelda, 1986; Mary Kin, 1992; Jaai Parasnis, 2006), especially in Europe. On the other hand, in measurin sereation by ender, most researchers have dealt with overall sereation, whereas the sereation of population subroups has received almost no consideration. (Some exceptions are Hazel Moir and Joy Selby Smith, 1979; and Coral del Río and Ola Alonso-Villar, 2010.) Our case study is interestin in itself for three reasons. First, Spain is a country where occupational sereation explains a lare part of the ender wae ap. In this reard, by usin the European Structure of Earnins Survey for 1995, Robert Plasman and Salimata Sissoko (2004) estimate that this contribution represents about 29.6 percent in Spain. Second, the number of immirants in Spain has remarkably increased in the last few years. And third, nationality appears to be an important factor in explainin Spanish earnin aps (Hipólito Simón, Esteban Sanromán, and Raúl Ramos, 2008). 2. Backround Gender disparities in the labor market can emere from several causes, includin individual characteristics, market opportunities, and environmental conditions. Accordin 3

5 to human capital theory, discrepancies between the ob opportunities of women and men may be a consequence of differences in education and experience. Therefore, one would expect small ender differences in the occupational structure of an economy so lon as the educational achievements of women and men were similar. Nevertheless, in practice, this is not necessarily so. In fact, men in Spain are much more evenly distributed across occupations than women, despite the fact that the latter have a hiher educational level (Coral del Río and Ola Alonso-Villar, 2010). Moreover, as these authors show, hiheducated women are also less equally distributed across obs than hih-educated men, which suests that ender sereation can coexist with educational achievements bein hiher for women than men. One should keep in mind, however, that a similar level of education between women and men does not necessarily mean a similar kind of education. In fact, women in Spanish universities continue to invest in acquirin skills oriented mainly toward traditionally female obs, which also happens in the remainin European Union (EU) countries (see European Statistical Office, Eurostat, 2007). Thus, rouhly 80 percent of students in Spain who raduated in teachin or health studies in 2004 were women, while this percentae decreased to nearly 26 percent in enineerin and similar fields. (These percentaes in the EU-27 were 77 percent and 24 percent, respectively.) Given that this decision for women is based to a sinificant extent on labour market opportunities, as pointed out by Richard Anker (1998, p. 7), it is clear that labor markets still have to convince youn females that it is worthwhile to study in male-dominated disciplines. Another factor explainin ender sereation discussed in the literature is the existence of differences between women and men in their preferences for obs. Reardin this matter, it is important to note that preferences are not independent of environmental conditions, especially if social roles induce women to assume most of the domestic responsibilities (includin child and elderly care). 3 The compatibility between family life and work has important consequences in terms of employment patterns, and it may well fuel the trend of many women toward occupations with flexible work hours. In spite of this, Barbara Petronolo (2004) shows that the overrepresentation of women in part-time and temporary obs observed in most countries of the EU is not always explained by differences in preferences. In fact, she suests that work discrimination does exist in southern Europe 3 Accordin to data from the Spanish Institute of Statistics (INE, 2006), one out of two male workers with children leaves his full parental responsibility to his wife. 4

6 since this observed sereation is not well explained either by productivity or by preferences. In addition, sereation may arise to solve the difficulties that occur when roupin women and men in the work place. As pointed out by Claudia Goldin (2002) in her pollution theory of discrimination, men lose status when women are hired for the same kind of obs they hold since this could be viewed as a sin that those occupations have low requirements. Consequently, discrimination aainst women emeres, at least partially, as a form of protection of men s occupational status. Geore Akerlof and Rachel Kranton (2000) add psycholoical considerations to the analysis and propose a model based on the identity conflicts that arise when women and men share the same occupations. When a women works in what was traditionally viewed as a male occupation, she suffers a direct cost due to a loss of her female identity and an indirect (but not necessarily lower) cost if the identities of her male co-workers are affected by her presence and they, thus, act to strenthen and maintain their own identity. Accordin to these authors, the interactions amon these factors contribute to a separation between women and men at work, which creates a situation that is not without its cost. The literature also offers several reasons that the distribution of immirants across occupations may depart from that of natives (Pak-Wai Liu, Junsen Zhan, and Shu-Chuen Chon, 2004; Jaai Parasnis, 2006). Thus, on one hand, in order to enter the labor market, newly arrived immirants have to accept obs that do not necessarily match their skills; on the other hand, their ob opportunities are likely to depend on mirant networks, all of which may reinforce the concentration of immirants in occupations with a hih immirant presence. In addition, the educational attainment of immirants may be very different from that of the host country, not only reardin the number of schoolin years but also reardin the specific knowlede required to do well and prosper in the receivin country (as is the case of lawyers and doctors). Lanuae and cultural differences between the sendin and the receivin reions are also factors that may hinder the process of assimilation of immirants, especially if employers in the receivin reion possess discriminatory views or attitudes. One should keep in mind that the occupational sereation of immirants may be also fueled by other factors. For instance, social and spatial characteristics of residential neihborhoods work to shape individuals networks and affect the provision of basic public oods (such as education, healthcare, and 5

7 transportation), all of which certainly have an impact on the ob opportunities of the immirant population, especially that of women (Pascale Joassart-Marcelli, 2009). In addition, school and neihborhood sereation by race and social status may affect educational outcomes of students (David Card and Jesse Rothstein, 2007), which serves to perpetuate a framented society. Both types of sereation, by ender and reion of oriin, should be a matter of concern to researchers and policy-makers. The tendency of some demoraphic roups to concentrate in low pay/status obs, as is the case with many women and immirants (Hervé Queneau, 2006; Pascale Joassart-Marcelli, 2009), notably impacts their levels of poverty. It also affects how other roups see them and how they view themselves, which may neatively condition their future prospects. In addition, the exclusion of certain social roups from some occupations implies a waste of human resources and reduces the ability of the market to respond to labor chanes, a factor that should not be overlooked in a lobal economy concerned with efficiency and competitiveness (Richard Anker, 1998). And last, but not least, critical issue here is that sereation enhances a lack of shared lanuae, cultural values and norms. This makes social coordination more difficult. Some have arued that sereation puts the whole idea of a peaceful society with its constitutional and civic liberties at risk (Romans Pancs and NicolaasVriend, 2007, p.4). The literature on immiration in Spain has mainly dealt with the effects of immiration on native employment, the wae aps between immirant and native workers, and the assimilation of immirants into the labor market. 4 However, scholars have not addressed the analysis and quantification of occupational sereation as it relates to the country of oriin workers. 5 On the other hand, the studies on occupational sereation by ender in Spain have mainly focused on measurin the discrepancies between the distributions of women and men across occupations (Ricardo Mora and Javier Ruiz-Castillo, 2003, 2004; and Soledad Otero and Carlos Gradín, 2001), while the analysis of the sereation of 4 See, Samuel Bentolilla, Juan Dolado, and Juan Francisco Jimeno (2007), Catalina Amuedo-Dorantes and Sara de la Rica (2007), Juan Canal-Domínuez and César Rodríuez-Gutiérrez (2008), Hipólito Simón, Esteve Sanromá, and Raúl Ramos (2008), Juan Dolado and Pablo Vázquez (2008), and Mario Izquierdo, Aitor Lacuesta, and Raquel Veas (2009). 5 A first attempt of takin into account the immiration variable can be found in Antonio Caparrós Ruiz, and Mª Lucía Navarro Gómez (2008), who show the distribution of native (and immirant) workers in Spain across nine occupations. 6

8 particular demoraphic roups, such as that of immirant women, has received almost no attention Sereation Measures Accordin to Sean Reardon and David O Sullivan (2004, p. 122), sereation can be thouht of as the extent to which individuals of different roups occupy and experience different social environments. A measure of sereation, then, requires that we (1) define the social environment of each individual, and (2) quantify the extent to which these social environments differ across individuals. Socioloists and economists have devoted a reat deal of attention to analyzin sereation of students across schools and occupational sereation in the labor market. Most of these studies focus on the case of two population subroups (blacks/whites, hih/low social position, women/men), either proposin ad hoc measures that are used for empirical analysis (Otis Duncan and Beverly Duncan, 1955; Tom Karmel and Maureen MacLachlan, 1988; Jacques Silber, 1989), or axiomatically derivin sereation indexes (Robert Hutchens, 1991, 2004; Satya Chakravarty and Jacques Silber, 2007, amon others). In this binary context, sereation is said to exist so lon as one distribution departs from the other. 7 Thus, in measurin occupational sereation by ender, the distribution of women workers across occupations is enerally compared with that of men. One should keep in mind, however, that this kind of measurement does not allow one to quantify the sereation of women workers, as is sometimes said, but rather overall or areate sereation, since both demoraphic roups are contrasted. Note that sereation exists not only when women have a low presence in certain occupations, but also when men do in others, since both women and men shape the employment structure of the economy. In fact, as documented by Richard Anker (1998), there are occupations everywhere that are stronly feminized (nursin, secretary/typist, housekeeper, bookkeeper/cashier, buildin caretaker/cleaner and tailor/sewer), which suests that male workers are not distributed evenly across occupations, even thouh the value of these niches to women is often of dubious value as these occupations tend to have low pay and status (Richard Anker, 1998, p. 285). 6 An exception can be seen in Coral del Río and Ola Alonso-Villar (2010), where the occupational sereation of several subroups of women (partitioned by ae, educational level, type of ob, etc.) are analyzed. Note, however, that the aforementioned paper does not distinuish between immirant and native women. 7 The study of sereation in the case of multiple cateories does not, however, have such a lon tradition, even thouh in recent years this topic has received increasin attention amon scholars (Jacques Silber, 1992; David Frankel and Oscar Voli, 2007). 7

9 As a consequence of the above, if one is interested in measurin women s sereation, or the sereation of any other taret roup, traditional sereation measures cannot be used. So far as we know, only Ola Alonso-Villar and Coral del Río (2008) have explored this issue axiomatically, while proposin new indices that satisfy basic properties. Accordin to these local sereation measures, the taret roup is sereated so lon as its distribution across occupations departs from the employment structure of the economy. The use of a eneral benchmark aainst which to compare the distribution of any population subroup seems an appealin option since it allows them to propose local indexes with ood properties and then connect them with overall sereation measures existin in the literature. Measurin the sereation level of a taret roup does not imply, however, that the sereation of that roup can be determined without takin into account the remainin population subroups. Sereation is indeed a phenomenon that requires considerin the relative position of individuals with respect to others, as is done when measurin poverty accordin to a relative approach. As in that case, we maintain that the sereation level of a taret roup can be calculated and that this creates a powerful approach allowin researchers to delve more deeply into the study of sereation. In fact, the measurement of female sereation in the labor market is not a new topic in the literature. For instance, three decades ao, Hazel Moir and Joy Selby Smith (1979) offered a variation of the index of dissimilarity to measure the industrial sereation of female workers in the Australian labor market. 3.1 Local sereation measures When occupational sereation in the labor market is analyzed, the indexes commonly used quantify overall sereation. However, one can be interested not only in measurin areate sereation but also in explorin the sereation of a taret roup (local sereation). Ola Alonso-Villar and Coral del Río (2008) (AV-DR, henceforth) tackle this matter in a multiroup context by proposin an axiomatic framework in which to study the occupational sereation of any population subroup. In what follows, we present the notation and introduce these tools. 8

10 Consider an economy with J 1 occupations amon which total population, denoted by T, is distributed accordin to distribution t t t t 1, 2,..., J, where t 0 represents the number of individuals in occupation ( 1,..., J ) and T t. Let us denote by c c1, c2,..., c J the distribution of the taret roup ( 1,..., G) across occupations, where c t. Distribution c could represent, for example, immirant women or any other roup of citizens in which we are interested. Therefore, the economy can be summarized by matrix, E, which represents the number of individuals of each taret roup in each occupation, where rows and columns correspond to population subroups and occupations, respectively. Note that the total number of individuals in occupation is t c, and the total number of individuals of taret roup is C c. In order to measure the sereation of a taret population roup we compare the correspondin row,,..., c1 c J, with the total sum of the rows, t,..., 1 t J, both distributions expressed in c1 c proportions. In other words, distribution,..., C C J is compared with t 1 t,..., J T T. G subroups J occupations c1 c J G G G c c c C G 1 J c C E c t c t 1 1 J J Within this framework, AV-DR propose the followin measures in order to quantify the sereation of taret roup : G t t i c c i TT t t i, i 2 C T, (1) 9

11 a 1 t c C 1 if a 0,1 aa ( 1) T t T a ( c ; t), (2) c c C ln if a 1 C t T where the first measure is a variation of the classic Gini index and the second represents a family of indexes related to the eneralized entropy family ( a can be interpreted as a sereation aversion parameter). These indexes, toether with a variation of the index of dissimilarity proposed by Hazel Moir and Joy Selby Smith (1979), D 1 c t, (3) 2 C T will be used later in the empirical section. To analyze the sereation of any demoraphic roup, we will also use the local sereation curve proposed by AV-DR. 8 To calculate this curve, first, the occupations have to be ranked in ascendin order of the ratio c t ( 1,..., J ) and, second, the cumulative proportion of employment, t i i T, is plotted on the horizontal axis and the cumulative proportion of individuals of the taret roup (women immirants, for example), i c C i, is plotted on the vertical axis. Therefore, this curve can be written as c i i S ( ) ( c ; t), (4) C ti where is the proportion of cumulative employment represented by the first T i occupations. 9 Therefore, the local sereation curve shows the underrepresentation of the taret roup with respect to the employment structure of the economy, decile by decile. If the taret roup is distributed amon occupations in the same manner as the distribution of total 8 The sereation curve is similar to the Lorenz curve used in the literature on income distribution. 9 In a binary context, the (overall) sereation curve is obtained by comparin the distribution of one population subroup amon oranizational units with that of the other subroup. (This curve was initially proposed by Otis Duncan and Beverly Duncan, 1955.) 10

12 employment, the local sereation curve would be equal to the 45º-line and no sereation would exist for that demoraphic roup. As shown by AV-DR, index G, toether with the family of indexes ( ; ) c t a (and also any other local sereation index satisfyin some basic properties), is consistent with nonintersectin S curves. In other words, when comparin two different distributions, if the sereation curve of one of them dominates that of the other (i.e., if the sereation curve of the former lies at no point below the latter and at some point above), these indexes will take a hiher value when they are evaluated at the dominated distribution. This makes the use of these curves a robust procedure, since when sereation curves do not cross, a powerful conclusion can be reached without the use of several local indexes. However, if curves cross or if one is interested in quantifyin the extent of sereation, the use of indexes satisfyin some basic properties seems the most appropriate course to take. One should keep in mind that when curves cross, the conclusion reached with an index may differ from that of others since even thouh all these local indexes have in common some basic properties, they disaree reardin additional properties. This is a consequence of the different weihts that each index ives to discrepancies in occupations between the benchmark and the distribution of the taret roup Overall sereation measures In recent years, the study of sereation in the case of multiple cateories of individuals has received increasin attention amon scholars. Thus, David Frankel and Oscar Voli (2007) have characterized the mutual information index in terms of basic axioms. This index, which is an extension of that previously proposed by Henri Theil and Anthony Finizza (1971) in a dichotomous context, can be written as M C T t c t lo lo T C T t c. (5) 10 These differences also appear in the literature of income distribution when measurin inequality and poverty with indexes consistent with the Lorenz and TIP criterion, respectively. 11

13 In our case, it measures the amount of information that the random variable whose probability distribution is t t 1,..., J T T contains about another random variable, whose 1 C C probability distribution is,..., T T G. In other words, it quantifies the reduction in the uncertainty of one random variable due to the knowlede of the other (see Thomas Cover and Joy Thomas, 1991, p. 18). One can easily show that M can be rewritten as follows: C M c t 1 ;. (6) T Therefore, this overall sereation measure can be built by areatin a local index in an appealin manner: Each taret roup is weihted by its demoraphic weiht, which seems helpful for empirical analyses, since it allows one to ascertain the contribution of each taret roup to overall sereation. In order to compare the robustness of our results, in our empirical analysis we also use other overall sereation measures previously proposed in the literature, such as those offered by Jacques Silber (1992) and Sean Reardon and Glenn Firebauh (2002). In this vein, the index proposed by the former, I p, can be written as the weihted mean of local index D for each taret roup in which the economy can be partitioned: I p D. (7) C T On the other hand, the unbounded Gini index, G, proposed by Sean Reardon and Glenn Firebauh (2002) to measure overall sereation, is the weihted mean of local index for each taret roup: G C G G. (8) T 4. Occupational Sereation in Spain from a Gender and Immiration Perspective 12

14 In the last decade, Spain has experienced a remarkable increase in its immirant population. As shown in Fiure 1, accordin to the revised version of the municipal census (Revisión anual del Padrón Municipal) undertaken by the Spanish Institute of Statistics (INE, 2009, 2010a), the number of immirants in 1996 was over half a million people, while in 2008 it had increased to over 5 million people. As a consequence of this, the immiration rate has raised 10 percentae points, from 1.4 percent to The cause of this immiration expansion is of a economic nature and it is related to both the remarkable increase of the Spanish GDP (the averae annual percentae rowth between 1998 and 2007 was 3.8, see European Commission, 2009) and the inability of the native labor supply to satisfy the hih demand (see José Inacio Pérez, 2009). The immirant employment in Spain has been analyzed from several points of view, mainly in studies that focus on quantifyin its effects on the Spanish labor market, and also on public expenditures and revenues (Dolores Collado, Íñio Iturbe-Ormaetxe and Guadalupe Valera, 2004; Rafael Muñoz de Bustillo and José-Inacio Antón, 2009; Pablo Vázquez, Mario Alloza, Raquel Veas and Stefano Bertozzi, 2008). Unlike previous works, the aim of this paper is to analyze the types of obs in which immirant women work so as to quantify the occupational sereation of this roup, by usin the tools shown in Section 3, as compared with that of immirant men, native women, and native men. 3,500, ,000, ,500,000 8 Persons 2,000,000 1,500,000 6 % 1,000, , Years Immirant women Immirant men Immiration rate (%) 0 Fiure 1. Women and men immirants in the municipal census and immiration rate (in percentae). Source: INE (2009, 2010a). 13

15 The data used in this paper comes from the Spanish Current Population Survey (EPA) conducted by the INE by followin Eurostat s uidelines. This quarterly survey offers labor market information of a representative sample of households. It is conducted mainly to provide fiures on the labor force, and it is commonly used for international comparisons (in particular, to obtain the official unemployment and activity rates). Even thouh the microdata correspondin to 2009 are available, for this research we choose to use instead those of the second quarter of 2007 since we are interested in quantifyin the occupational sereation of immirant women durin a period of hih employment. 11 In fact, the second quarter of 2007 has the lowest unemployment rate of the whole democratic period (see Fiure 2, where data for each quarter are iven) QII 1978QII 1979QII 1980QII 1981QII 1982QII 1983QII 1984QII 1985QII 1986QII QII 1988QII 1989QII 1990QII 1991QII 1992QII 1993QII 1994QII 1995QII 1996QII 1997QII 1998QII 1999QII 2000QII 2001QII 2002QII 2003QII 2004QII 2005QII 2006QII Unemployment rate Female unemployment rate Male unemployment rate QII 2008QII 2009QII Fiure 2: Evolution of the unemployment rates from Source: INE (2010b). Accordin to this survey, 16.3 percent of the employed population of Spain is immirant, 43.6 percent of which are women. (This percentae is 3 points hiher than that of native 11 In the second quarter of 2007, this survey athered information on 166,674 individuals, 70,506 of whom were employed. (They represented an occupational population of 20,367,315 people.) The methodoloy of this survey was modified the first quarter of 2005, in particular, to take into account the increase of forein residents in Spain. 12 The death of the dictator Francisco Franco took place at the end of 1975, and the Spanish Constitution was sined in 1978, so that the eneral elections of 1979 are the first of the present democratic period. Finally, note that Spain oined the European Union in

16 women within native workers.) 13 Fiure 3 shows the distribution of immirant workers, both women and men, accordin to six lare reions of oriin labeled as follows: The EU- 25 and other countries, the Rest of Europe, Latin America, Africa, Asia, and the Rest of the World. 14 We see that Latin American immirants represent nearly 50 percent of total employed immirants, and this reion is the only one where the number of women exceeds that of men. (Of the total number of Latin Americans workin in Spain, 50.3 percent are women.) If we look at each ender separately, we see that immirant women workin in Spain, who represent 7.1 percent of the labor force, come mainly from Latin American and European countries. Reardin immirant men, who have a hiher presence in the labor force (9.2 percent), we find that those from Africa have an important weiht as well. Immirants in the Rest of the World subroup represent a very small roup in both cases % EU-25 and others Rest of Europe Latin America Africa Asia Rest of the World Immirant female workers Immirant male workers Immirant workers Fiure 3: Distribution of immirant workin women and men across six lare reions The relevance of immiration from European countries and Africa can be explained by their eoraphical proximity, especially if we take into account that Morocco (which 13 By immirant population, we mean those persons born outside of Spain and also to those born in Spain who possess a forein or double nationality. (This allows us to include second-eneration immirants in the study.) 14 We have included Iceland, Liechtenstein, Norway, and Switzerland in the roup named EU-25 bloc and others since, even thouh these countries are not included in the European Union, the immiration policies applied in Spain to them are similar to those within the bloc ( Réimen Comunitario de residencia ). However, Romania and Bularia, which are included in the EU-27 since 2007, are not included in this roup since most of these immirants are affected by a transitory reimen, which is similar to that of countries outside the European Union ( Réimen General de extranería ). The reion named Rest of the World includes part of North America (Canada and the USA), Australasia, and Oceania. 15

17 contributes nearly 12 percent of the total immirants) is the African country with the hihest number of workers in Spain, followed at reat lenht by Seneal (see Fiure 4). Immiration from the roup labeled Rest of Europe is also stronly concentrated in two countries: Romania (which represents 12.4 percent of total immiration) and Bularia (2 percent). Both countries have beloned to the EU since 2007 even thouh, as shown in the Appendix (see Fiure 9), their per capita ross domestic product (GDP) is below 50 percent of the EU averae, which helps to explain the lare numbers of immirants from these countries. On the contrary, the presence within the Spanish labor market of other European countries outside the EU bloc is more balanced, and none of them stands out aainst the others. Reardin Latin American immirants, it should be noted that the stron presence of this roup cannot be explained merely by eoraphic proximity, but rather by historical and cultural factors. A shared common lanuae and the fact that some of the Spanish mirants who moved to America in the past (for economic, as well as political reasons) possess a Spanish nationality are both factors that contribute to the stron networks found on both sides of the Atlantic, which in turn, facilitates the arrival of new workers to Spain. At present, Ecuador (with 14 percent of total immirants), Colombia (7 percent), Arentina and Bolivia (around 5 percent, each), and Peru (3 percent) are the countries with the hihest presence of immirants. France Germany United Kindom Remainin countries Portual Romania 12.4% China Bularia Philippines Brasil Peru Morocco 11.8% Bolivia Arentina Colombia Ecuador 14.1% Seneal Fiure 4. Distribution of workin immirants across main countries of oriin 16

18 If we analyze the main characteristics of immirants in Spain, as shown in Table 1, we see that immirant female (and male) workers are youner than native workers, especially those from European countries outside the EU bloc, Africa, and Latin America. 15 Reardin their educational attainments, we find remarkable differences amon immirants dependin on their reion of oriin: 16 a) A reater proportion of both female and male workers from the EU bloc, and especially those from the rest of the world, have university derees than do native workers. Thus, while 41 percent of native women in Spain (and 30 percent of native men) have a hih level of education, this percentae increases to 44 percent for women from the EU bloc and to 63 percent for the rest of the world. (These percentaes are, respectively, 42 percent and 83 percent for men.) b) Workers from other European countries and Latin America have an intermediatelevel of education, since more than 41 percent of women and 38 percent of men have finished secondary school. c) In the Asian and African roups, the proportion of female (and male) workers with a low level of education is particularly hih (between 49% and 60% for women and between 45% and 69% for men). Natives EU-25 and others Rest of Europe Latin America Africa Asia Rest of the World Women Men Women Men Women Men Women Men Women Men Women Men Women Men AGE Youn (<30) Middle-aed Elderly (>45) EDUCATION Low-educated Intermediateeducated Hih-educated Table 1: Distribution of immirant and native workers by educational level and ae 15 Three roups of ae have been considered: Youn individuals (16 to 29 years old), middle-aed individuals (30 to 44 years old), and elderly individuals (over 45 years old). 16 Three educational roups are considered: Low-educated (those who have not finished secondary school); intermediate-educated (those who have completed secondary school); and hihly-educated (those who have a collee deree or a deree in vocational trainin, 2 nd technical collee). 17

19 4.1. Occupational sereation of immirant women When analyzin in which economic sectors immirant women are employed, we find that 28 percent of them are in domestic services, 20 percent are employed in accommodations and caterin business (includin bars and restaurants), and 24 percent work in branches of real estate and other business activities (includin buildin cleanin), and retail trade (see Table 5 in the Appendix). 17 These percentaes stronly vary, however, by reion of oriin. Thus, women from the EU bloc have a distribution across branches of activity similar to that of native women workers, showin a low presence in domestic services and a hih presence in education and manufacturin industries. 18 However, women from other European countries, Latin America, and Asia are hihly concentrated in domestic services, with ratios between 28 percent and 39 percent. It is also important to emphasize the stron presence of female African and Asian workers in accommodations and caterin (10 points above that of the entire populaiton of immirant women). 19 In order to focus the study of the distribution of immirant women across obs, we have plotted the occupational sereation curve of this roup, toether with the sereation curves of immirant men, native women, and native men (see Fiure 5, where the four taret roups are included). Occupations are considered at a two-diit level of the CNO (National Classification of Occupations), and the list includes 66 occupations. Each point of the sereation curve of immirant women indicates the proportion of these workers correspondin to each cumulative decile of total employment. (The remainin curves are built analoously.) Note that in order to build this curve, the occupations have to be ranked accordin to the relative presence of the taret roup (see Section 3). Thus, the first decile represents 10 percent of total employment, and it includes those occupations in which immirant women have the lowest relative presence; the second cumulative decile represents 20 percent of total employment, and it also includes those 17 Reardin male immirants, 39 percent of them work in construction while 34 percent are distributed amon manufacturin, retail trade, and accommodation and caterin. 18 The pattern of workin women from the rest of the world differs notably from that of native and remainin immirant women, but we must be careful in derivin conclusions from this roup, iven its small weiht within the Spanish labor market. 19 The concentration of immirant men in construction is particularly intense for those comin from Africa, Latin America, and from European countries outside the EU bloc (these percentaes are 38, 41 percent and 55 percent, respectively). Note that construction is an important sector of the Spanish economy. Durin the real-estate boom, which took place between 1998 and 2006, this sector explained about a forth of the economic rowth (Julio Rodríuez López and Erica Felliner Jusúe, 2007). It is also remarkable the presence of the Europeans from outside de EU bloc, and that of African male workers, as well, in ariculture (with percentaes around 12 percent). 18

20 occupations in which the taret roup has the lowest relative presence, and so on. If 10 percent of immirant women worked in the occupations included in the first decile of total employment, 20 percent in the second, 30 percent in the third, etc. one could conclude that the distribution of female immirant workers across occupations does not show sereation (and the correspondin curve would be equal to the 45º-line). So lon as the sereation curve of the taret roup departs from the 45º-line, the taret roup is sereated: It is underrepresented in certain kinds of occupations (those included in the bottom deciles) and, consequently, overrepresented in others (those included in the top deciles). The further this curve is from the 45º-line, the hiher is the sereation level of the taret roup Cumulative taret workers Cumulative employment Native Men Immirant Men 45º-line Native Women Immirant Women Fiure 5. Occupational sereation curves of immirant/native women and men. As shown in Fiure 5, the sereation curve of immirant women is below that of immirant men and native women and men. Therefore, immirant women suffer a double sereation: They are more sereated than both immirant men and native women. Reardin immirant men, their curve is also below that of native men, but the use of these curves does not allow one to draw any conclusions about the sereation of this roup as compared with that of native women, since the curves cross, which makes the use of local sereation indexes imperative (see Table 2, where six of the local indexes defined in Section 3 are shown). Most local indexes indicate that the occupational sereation of immirant men is hiher than that of native women, and all of them show 19

21 much hiher value than those of native men. (This is consistent with the conclusion achieved by usin the sereation curves, since the curve of immirant men is clearly below that of native men.) From Fiure 5, we may also infer that there are many occupations in which immirant (and also native) women do not work, while the number of occupations in which immirant (and native) men do not work is much lower. Thus, in the second cumulative decile of the correspondin sereation curve (which includes the 20 percent of obs where the respective taret roup has the lowest presence) 5.8% of native men, 3.3% of immirant men, 1% of native women, and 0.4% of immirant women work. Therefore, one should not be surprised that the disparities in terms of sereation between both immirant roups are so lare (as shown in Table 2), and also that these disparities increase when the parameter of index ( c a ; t ) lowers. Given that the sereation curve of immirant men is never below that of immirant women, all of the sereation indexes consistent with this criterion show hiher values for the latter. Moreover, these indices show that the sereation of immirant women is at least 26 percent hiher than that of immirant men. LOCAL SEGREGATION D G Employment shares (%) Immirant women Immirant men Native women Native men Table 2. Local sereation indexes of immirant/native women/men and employment shares. To continue this analysis, we plot the distribution of immirant workin women across non-cumulative ventiles of total employment (once that occupations have been ranked from low to hih female immiration presence) and compare it with the distribution of the remainin population subroups across the same ventiles (see Fiure 6). We find that in those occupations where there are almost no immirant women (as happens in the first ventile), there are no native women either. On the other hand, in those occupations where most immirant women work (which corresponds to the fifth non-cumulative ventile), the proportion of native women workin there nearly doubles that of immirant males and quadruplicates that of native males. In other words, the distribution of immirant women seems to be more similar to that of native women than to the distribution of immirant 20

22 men. In fact, if we consider the top ten occupations in which immirant women have the hihest relative presence (which includes domestic employees and other indoor cleanin staff, caterin workers, and personnel service workers, inter alia), we find that they employ 77 percent of the immirant women, 45 percent of the native women, 21 percent of the immirant men, and 11 percent of the native men (see Table 6 in the Appendix). It is important to note that accordin to the Spanish Structure of Earnins Survey for 2002 provided by the INE, all of these occupations pay hourly waes that are below the national averae (see Table 6, last column). 20 On the other hand, the list of occupations with the lowest presence of immirant women represents 1 percent of these workers, 5 percent of native women, and 51 percent of immirant men. Observe that even thouh the hourly waes of these occupations are slihtly hiher than those associated to the top ten list, those in which immirant men have a hiher presence are also below the national averae. In fact, women and men immirants share a stron presence in low-wae occupations, even thouh, as shown before, they differ reardin the type of low-wae occupation in which each roup works: The former tend to concentrate in obs stronly feminized, while the latter concentrate in the most masculinized obs. Thus, in only 2 out of 66 occupations, do both women and men immirants have employment ratios above the national employment ratios: Caterin service workers and Aricultural, livestock, and fishin laborers % Total Employment Immirant Women Immirant Men Native Women Native Men Ventile 1 Ventile 2 Ventile 3 Ventile 4 Ventile 5 Fiure 6. The distribution of immirant/native women and men across ventiles of total employment ranked by the presence of immirant women. 20 Even thouh the top ten occupations with the hihest relative presence of native women are not shown in the aforementioned table, we find that in only two of them, professions associated with a first cycle university deree either in health or teachin, the presence of immirant women is very low. Both occupations have waes above the national averae (54 percent and 43 percent above the averae, respectively, accordin to the aforementioned survey). 21

23 OVERALL SEGREGATION M G I p Contribution to overall sereation (%) C T M 1 C T G G C T Immirant women Immirant men Native women Native men Table 3. Overall sereation and contribution of each taret roup D I p Finally, if we calculate the contribution of each taret roup to overall occupational sereation, we find that the cateory of immirant women contributes almost 12 points above its demoraphic weiht accordin to index M (18.9 percent versus 7.1 percent) and 5 points above it, accordin to indexes G and I p (compare Tables 2 and 3). 21 contribution of both immirant men and native women to overall sereation is between 5 and 3 points above their demoraphic weihts, which reinforces our previous findin that immirant women suffer a double sereation Occupational sereation of immirant women by reion of oriin In what follows, we wonder whether the distribution of immirant women across occupations varies dependin on the reion of oriin of these immirants. For that purpose, the sereation curve of immirant women is decomposed in six subroups (see Coral del Río and Ola Alonso-Villar, 2010, for a more technical description of this kind of decomposition). The first six bars in Fiure 7 represent the distribution of the correspondin subroups of female immirants across non-cumulative ventiles of total employment once occupations have been ranked from low to hih female immirant presence. Therefore, each non-cumulative ventile represents 20 percent of total employment in Spain and the classification of obs in these five ventiles is common for all the subroups considered in the analysis. The seveth bar at the riht-hand side of Fiure 7 represents the distribution of immirant women across the above-described ventiles. The 21 The difference amon these indexes can be explained as follows: M index ives more importance to the fact that there are many occupations in which women immirants do not work than the other two overall indexes. 22

24 We see that women from the EU bloc are more evenly distributed across non-cumulative ventiles than the remainin subroups (and also than the whole immirant female roup) since they work in occupations with both low and hih female immirant presence. However, women from Asia, Africa, Latin America, and the rest of Europe are stronly concentrated in occupations with many other immirant women (the fifth ventile ranes between 58 percent and 83 percent). Thus, 83 percent of the women who come from countries outside of the EU bloc works in the occupations of the Spanish economy with the hihest female immirant presence EU-25 and others Rest of Europe Latin America Africa Asia Rest of the World Inmirant Women Ventile 1 Ventile 2 Ventile 3 Ventile 4 Ventile 5 Fiure 7. Distribution of immirant women across ventiles by reion of oriin. In order to o further in the analysis, we now plot the sereation curve of each subroup of immirant women (see Fiure 8). We see that the occupational sereation of women from the EU bloc is the lowest, while that of women in the Rest of the World cateory is the hihest, i.e., the former roup has the lowest occupational sereation while the latter has the hihest. 23 Note that the hih sereation of women in the Rest of the World roup is a consequence of a stron concentration of these women in scientific obs, 22 The concentration of immirant men from these reions in occupations with hih immirant male presence is not so stron, as shown in the Appendix (Fiure 10). 23 This result is also found in the case of immirant men, even thouh, in their case the sereation curve of those comin from the EU is closer to the curve of Latin Americans and Asians than in the case of females (see Fiure 11 in the Appendix). 23

25 especially teachin, and administrative obs (47 percent and 27 percent of them, respectively, work in these types of occupations). 24 In Fiure 8, we also note that Europeans from outside the EU bloc have a hiher occupational sereation than Latin Americans and Africans. This may be a consequence of the more intense concentration of the former in 2 out of 66 occupations: Caterin service workers (such as cooks and waiters) and, especially, domestic and other indoor cleanin staff (which represent, respectively, 22 percent and 46 percent of immirant women from European countries outside the EU bloc). Most local indexes also show that these European women suffer more sereation than Asians (see Table 4), while the later are more sereated than Latin Americans and Africans. From all the above data, it follows that women from European countries outside the EU bloc represent the roup with the hihest occupational sereation in Spain (excludin the particular case of women from the Rest of the World roup), followed closely by Asian women Cumulative taret workers Cumulative employment EU-25 and others Africa Rest of Europe 45º-line Latin America Asia Rest of the World Fiure 8. Occupational sereation curves of immirant women comin from six lare reions. 24 In any case, remember that we must be careful about drawin conclusions for the Rest of the World roup iven its small weiht within the Spanish economy. 24

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