Indonesia: Doing Normative Power Differently?

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1 QuickTime and a TIFF (Uncompressed) decompressor are needed to see this picture. Indonesia: Doing Normative Power Differently? David Camroux ISA Second Global South Conference 9 th January 2015

2 CAVEATs This document is a (lengthy) presentational cart that I have put before the written paper horse. The presentation follows the structure and arguments which shall be found in the written paper. My apologies to the chair, discussant and fellow panel members that a heavy load of correcting a massive number end of term papers, as well as some family complications hindered my fulfilling completely my academic obligations.

3 Outline of the Argument 1. Since its creation ( ) Indonesia has been a norm entrepreneur in security governance in Southeast Asia. 2. These norms spring from domestic praxis Javanese world views, revolutionary war, the dwi fungsi governance of a multi-ethnic geographically dispersed, archipelagic state, etc impacted upon by the Cold War context. 3. Since the end of authoritarian rule, ( Reformasi, 1998) and the end of the Cold War these norms have become increasingly hybridised (rhetorically at least, Westernised) as Indonesia has become a global as well as regional actor (e.g. membership of the G20). 4. The election in July 2014 of Joko Widodo (Jokowi) a first president of Indonesia not drawn from the New Order elite, and a product of the country s democratic/decentralized transition indicates initial elements of continuity and change in Indonesia s normative approach.

4 Indonesian actorness Middle power, in terms of three dimensions: statistical (demographics, economy), perceived (normative) and statecraft. The latter involves a dynamic of hybridisation creating and recreating itself both internally and externally (Ping 2005). A pivotal state for US foreign relations, i.e. one that is strategically important and central in its region, potentially playing a key role in global negotiations (Bresnan 1999). A global swing state, that is a nation that possesses a large and growing economy, occupies a central position in a region and has a democratic system of government (Kilman & Fontaine 2012). Gestaltungsmächte, roughly translated as a shaping power embracing many of the elements in the two US policy community perspectives mentioned above, but intellectually more satisfying, for it gives weight to the importance of ideas and norms. Using the last of these perspectives, this paper thus seeks to describe Indonesian actorness as that of a norm entrepreneur transposing indigenous norms at the regional level.

5 Western conceptualisations Two broad concepts have defined the analysis of Indonesian foreign relations since independence. Both of them were first developed at the LSE. The first enunciated by the late Michael Leifer (1983) is that of a sense of vulnerability. The second, was that developed by his most brilliant Indonesian PhD student at the LSE, Rizal Suzma (1999), undoubtedly today the most prolific and influential opinion-maker in Jakarta in the area of foreign relations, who demonstrated how foreign policy has been used as an instrument of regime legitimisation. Leifer, writing at the height of the New Order regime, also insisted on Indonesia s sense of regional entitlement (p.173), i.e. the sense of a leading role in ASEAN. Since the end of the Suharto dictatorship in 1998 and the on-going process of democratisation - and the concomitant decentralisation - on the one hand, a sense of vulnerability has been attenuated and, on the other, using foreign relations as a vector of legitimisation now requires meeting new parameters, in particular, acting globally and not only regionally.

6 Indonesian centrality in Southeast Asia?

7 Traditional Javanese geopolitical concepts «The mandala (circle of influence, interest or ambitions) can be described as a complex of geopolitical relations, relating to boundaries and to contact with foreign countries. The doctrine emphasized the cult of expansion A state s belligerence is in the first place directed towards its closest neigbors, thus making necessary the friendship of the state next to the foe, which, because of its proximity is also a natural enemy of the foe. But if the mutual foe should be conquered, the two allies would become close neighbors, which would create a new enmity. So this circle of alignment and alienation would steadily expand until a universal peace is reached by the establishment of a world-state with a sole and supreme ruler (chakravatin)» Moertono (2009 {1968}: 71. Designated a National Hero by Sukarno, Sultan Agung, who extended the central Javanese kingdom of Mataram to its maximum extent in the first half of the 17th century and defended it against the Dutch VOC, is here depicted on a 2006 commemorative stamp.

8 The colonial legacy s impact on Indonesian foreign relations views While Indonesia political leaders may appeal to past empires and post golden ages Indonesia within its present borders is a colonial creation, the succesor to the Netherlands East Indies. In high school textbooks the colonial period is depicted in wholly negative terms particularly the use by the Dutch of divide and rule strategy to maintain their control. Hence the obsession till reformasi with maintaining a centralized, unified state despite its problematical nature for an archipelagic nation of some 16,000 islands and over 200 linguistic groups. The bitter revolutionary struggle gave strong anti-imperialist tinge to foreign relations rhetoric which still finds expressions today in multiple forms of economic nationalism.

9 Decolonisation, the watershed transformational moment. Fromit emerged the concept of a Politik Luar Negeri Bebas dan Actif (independent and active foreign policy), dependent on perjuangen (struggle) and diplomasi (diplomacy) Statue at the entrance of the Sukarno- Hatta International Airport of Jakarta, depicting the first President and first Vice-President of an independent Indonesia. The former the epitome of the romantic (if bespoke-tailored and womanising) revolutionary idealist and the latter the sober diplomat. A tension that continues till today in Indonesia s external relations.

10 Mendajung Antara Dua Karang ( Rowing between Two Coral Reefs ) soft hedging a l indonesienne? Speech of Mohammad Hatta before the Central Indonesian National Committee (KNIP) on 2 September 1948, i.e. more than a year before effective independence Dr Mohammad Hatta, Vice-President of Indonesia, 1945 (1949) 1956 NB It needs to be underlined that, since independence, political leaders have conceptualized Indonesia s external relations in bahasa Indonesia, not, say, as in Malaysia or India, in a global lingua franca, e.g. English. The role of the discourse of foreign relations addressed to a domestic audience therefore has a particular acuity, for the use widespread use of bahasa has been an essential vector in developing a sense of national unity.

11 Embedded within the formative revolutionary struggle, a realpolitik view of international relations in the service of the new Nation was already at sway and the need to find a way to interact with the new hegemonic power. Indonesia s fate ultimately depends on the fate of Anglo Saxon capitalism and imperialism It is clear that till now Dutch power has simply been a pawn in a political chess game that the British have been playing, But we must recognize that Dutch power here has by no means the same significance for American as it does for British foreign policy. In this fact lies possibilities for us to win a new position for ourselves in harmony with the political ambitions of the Giant of the Pacific, the United States (quoted in Leifer 1983: 80, my emphasis) Sutan Sjahir, mythologized as the Teacher to the Nation, Indonesia s first Prime Minister & Foreign Minister in 1945.

12 Sukarno, a norm entrepreneur? pre-independence speech on Pancasila (the official 5 point ideology) on 1st January 1945 The first two principles, nationalism and internationalism, can be pressed to one, which I used to call 'socionationalism.' Similarly with democracy 'which is not the democracy of the West' together with social justice for all can be pressed down to one, and called socio-democracy. Finally - belief in God. 'And so what originally was five has become three: socio-nationalism, socio-democracy, and belief in God.' 'If I press down five to get three, and three to get one, then I have a genuine Indonesian term - GOTONG ROYONG [mutual co-operation]. The state of Indonesia which we are to establish should be a state of mutual cooperation. How fine that is! A Gotong Royong state.

13 Mutual cooperation and consensus domestic foundations Gotong royong (Moving house in Java) Musyawarah (Chatting during voluntary work)

14 The 1955 Asian-African (Bandung) Conference: placed Indonesia on the global stage setting the norms of the ASEAN way and for other Asian regionalisation initiatives (Photo: President Sukarno opens the conference)

15 Wawasan Nusantara: the sea which unites rather than divide With the benefit of hindsight the other major success of the Sukarno period, one with both profound domestic and international repercussions, was the enunciation of this archipelago principle first mooted in 1957 and promoted from This concept of territorial unity regards Indonesia as an inseparable union of land and water (tanah-air or homeland). This principle is now enshrined in the 1982 United Nations Convention of the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS), ratified by all the major powers except the US.

16 Three noteworthy normative effects, perhaps unintended, emerged from the conference both defining Indonesian foreign relations praxis and impacting on ASEAN: 1. The articulation and advancement of basic principles in the conduct of international relations such as respect for sovereignty, non-interference, anti-colonialism (today a critical distance from the West). 2. Non-alignment (or at least a distancing) from rival power blocs, power-balancing that today can be seen as soft hedging. 3. Mutual cooperation and and consensus as basic principles of the regional modus operandi. (see See Seng Tan & Amitav Acharya (eds, Bandung Revisited: The Legacy of the 1955 Asian- African Conference for International Order, Singapore: National University of Singapore Press, 2008)

17 Ketahan nasional (national resilience): the regional security rhetoric and praxis of the New Order regime of President Suharto ( )

18 Suharto came to power after an ostensibly failed Communist inspired coup attempt in 1967 and was ousted in 1998 victim of the Asian Financial Crisis. Yet in a sense once the dynamics of the Cold War had played out his situation became untenable. General Suharto, a Cold War hero and Father of Development

19 New Order Foreign Policy Suharto came to power in the height of the Cold War, his takeover of power being abetted by a US Administration wary of Sukarno s increasing closeness to the Partai Kommunist Indonesia Suharto s immediate external challenge was to restore peaceful relations with Indonesia s nearest neighbours, Malaysia and Singapore who had been the object of Sukarno s konfrontasi policy of low level conflict. Thus as has been amply demonstrated (Anwar 1994, Haftel 2010) Indonesia took a leading role in the creation of ASEAN, the first members of which other than Indonesia, Malaysia and Singapore were Thailand and the Philippines. ASEAN initially grouped the non-communist nations of SEA and was encouraged by the West as a bulwark against Communism. Suharto s purpose was both to acquire a new legitimacy both domestically and regionally for its leading role and to restore confidence through a series of incremental measures that continue to this day. Building a resilient ASEAN was thus the regional expression of building a resilient (i.e. economically developed) Indonesia. Yet it was not one of the front line states organizing a common front against the Vietnamese occupation of Cambodia.

20 Ketahan nasional (national resilience) Concept introduced in the early 70s, in particular by the Lembaga Ketahan Nasional (National Resilience Council) a military think tank set up todevelop ideological and strategic thinking within the context of the dwi fungsi (dual role) ascribed to the Military. The concept is holistic, viewing security as involving non-military aspects such as human security, energy security development and correct behavoir The cultural references and metaphors used to give substance to the concept mostly allude to the nation as a tenacious warrior who experiences hardships and, thanks to self reliance, overcomes dangers. As with the concepts of gotong royong and musyawarah this holistic view of self reliant resilience is promoted as a regional norm. The ASEAN Charter (2008) launched in Jakarta (where the Secretariat of the Association is based) uses much of the discourse.

21 and, hence, regional resilience, the sum total of the national resilence of individual ASEAN members. «If each member nation can accomplish an overall national development and overcome internal threats, regional resilience can result much in the same way as a chain derives its overall strength from the strength of it constituent parts.» (Jusuf Wanandi 1994: 305. Wanandi an influential Sino-Indonesian businessman,châtelain, founder of the CSIS (Indonesia s Chatham House) and owner of the Jakarta Post, has been for many years a central figure, alongside the late Hadi Soesastro, in Indonesia s two track diplomacy, successfully negotiating the transition into the post- Reformasi era.

22 Foreign Relations since the end of the New Order: compounding international engagement with regionalization and domestic resilience: a synthesis of the two preceding periods?

23 Reformasi: democratization and internationalization since Suharto. The end of Suharto dictatorship, often described as a strong regime with a weak state, continues to see the entry of new actors in Indonesian foreign relations: a) A vocal countervailing power in a Parliament that is no longer a rubber stamp. b) Competing voices dues to empowerment of politicians at the local level. c) A flourishing media expressing a multitude of opinions. d) Civil society groups (think tanks, religious organizations, academia, etc.) all claiming a right to be heard. e) Business groups with a greater degree of autonomy in relation to the political order. f) A professionalized and increasingly competent foreign ministry. g) A continuation of a tradition of independently minded foreign ministers.

24 B.J. Habibie (May October 1999) Sought a new hybridisation making Indonesia more respectable. Introduced major reforms freeing the media and decentralizing power to the provinces. Ended the Indonesian occupation of East Timor, thus removing a major scar on the country s international image. As a further reflection of this concerted effort to end Indonesia s marginal role and to acquire greater legitimacy he ratified six major UN conventions including the Convention against Torture and that for the Elimination of all forms of Racial Discrimination as well as four conventions of workers rights.

25 The former leader of the largest Muslim organization, Nahdlatul Ulama, he symbolized a particular moderate approach to the Muslim world. As such he gave legitimacy to the ideal a secular Indonesia at a time when, linked to the dismantling of the repressive apparatus of Suharto, inter-ethnic conflict with a strong religious (Muslim vs Christian) connotation was particularly rife. With strong echoes of the pan-asianism of Bandung he proposed on a visit to Delhi the creation of a triangular partnership between Indonesia, India and China. Considered an expression of his erratic behaviour this idea was not taken up. Abdurahman Wahid (Gus Dur) (October 1999 July 2001)

26 Megawati Sukarnoputri (July 2001 October 2004) The daughter of Indonesia s first president had to deal with the aftermath of 9/11 and the Bali bombings (2002). Avoided joining a US led war on terrorism, while accepting US and Australian assistance for dealing with home grown terrorism as an exercise in policing and education. Political Islam, however, became more influential in the Indonesian foreign policy agenda, partly as a response to domestic pressure. As did a stress on supporting democratisation within ASEAN, an element that became more pronounced with her successor. However an initiative in May 2003 to set up an ASEAN Peace Centre and an ASEAN intervention force failed to be supported by other ASEAN members.

27 A resilient Indonesia s(?) renewed confidence as a global actor (Photo source: Official portrait of Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, President of the Republic of Indonesia, ) We are a proud nation who cherish our independence and national unity. We are the fourth most populous nation in the world. We are home to the world s largest Muslim population. We are the world s third largest democracy. We are also a country where democracy, Islam and modernity go hand-in-hand. We will stay our course with ASEAN as the cornerstone of our foreign policy (Speech before the Indonesian Council on World Affairs, 19 May 2005, quoted in Murphy (2012:88)

28 Greater confidence, international legitimisation and national and regional - resilience Multiplication of foreign relations actors with the downgrading of the military role (although SBY and many of his ministers are ex-generals), strengthening of the DEPLU (the Foreign Ministry) and a greater influence of civil society actors. Reclaiming Indonesia s leadership role in ASEAN, by taking the moral high ground. E.g. by promoting a more critical approach to the Burmese junta (constructive engagement) Mediating role in the Cambodia-Thailand border dispute. Promotion of a the Political-Security Community as one of the three communities within the 2008 ASEAN Charter (the other two are economic and socio-cultural) Frustrated attempt to create an ASEAN Human Rights Commission with coercive powers. Opposed by the more authoritarian and semi-authoritarian leaderships of the other member states.

29 Achieving BRI(I)Cdom? SBY as global statesman, global salesman With the US first Pacific president, Barack Obama, a relatively popular figure in Indonesia having spent part of his childhood in Jakarta with his anthropologist mother Former French President Nicolas Sarkozy welcomes SBY at the G20 Summit in Cannes, 3rd-4th November 2011.

30 Indonesia s regional and global normative agenda today: «Dynamic equilibrium» Developed by the non-javanese Marty Natalegawa (BSc, LSE; M Phil, Cambridge; PhD, ANU), Foreign Minister since Oct Articulated late 2010 initially for a foreign audience in the language of IR. In a recent speech (2013) has argued that the Indo-Pacific faces three challenges: a trustdeficit ; unresolved territorial claims; managing the impact of change. Therefore a new paradigm is required: «A dynamic equilibrium is marked by an absence of a preponderant power not through the rigidity, rivalry and tensions common to the pursuit of a balance of power model. Instead through the promotion of a sense of common responsibility in the endeavour to maintain the regions peace and stability» (p.5)

31 Source: Amitav Acharya, Indonesia Matters: Asia s Emerging Democratic Power, Singapore: World Scientific, 2015, p. 15.

32 Source: Amitav Acharya, Indonesia Matters: Asia s Emerging Democratic Power, Singapore: World Scientific, 2015, p. 16

33 Joko Widodo s (Jokowi s) inauguration as President of Indonesia, 22nd October 2014 Source: Nikkei Asian Review

34 The Jokowi Presidency: Initial Impressions To be completed

35 Conclusions This brief and, by necessity simplified, overview has stressed a great many of the continuities in Indonesia s foreign relations actorness since independence. As Kivaimaki (2003) has argued Indonesia has been highly successful in preserving and extending its sovereignty and in maintaining the regional hegemon (the US) at a distance. Internally the sense of vulnerability of the decolonisation and Cold War period and fears of national disintegration have greatly diminished (despite occasional inter-ethnic tensions). The post Reformasi decentralisation that has accompanied democratisation would seem to express a heightened degree of national-cohesion. Multilateralism has comforted Indonesian sovereignty (e.g. Wawasan Nusantara) and, since Bandung, has provided platforms for the promotion of a regional role. The evolving norms articulated by political leaders over the last 70 years have defined Southeast Asia as a security community. First indications are that the newly elected President, Joko Widodo and the Indonesian Foreign Ministry are continuing a normative approach although it is too early to judge the impact within ASEAN

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