c a t a l o g u e 1 9 The Idda Collection: Romanesque Biblical Manuscripts c to 1240

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1 LES ENLUMINURES LTD. 23 East 73 rd Street 7 th Floor, Penthouse New York, NY Tel: (212) Fax: (212) newyork@lesenluminures.com LES ENLUMINURES LTD North Lake Shore Drive Chicago, IL Tel: (773) Fax: (773) chicago@lesenluminures.com LES ENLUMINURES 1, rue Jean-Jacques Rousseau Paris Tel: (33) Fax: (33) info@lesenluminures.com c a t a l o g u e 1 9 The Idda Collection: Romanesque Biblical Manuscripts c to 1240 The Idda Collection: Romanesque Biblical Manuscripts c to 1240 Laura Light and Christopher de Hamel Preface by Sandra Hindman

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3 The Idda Collection: Romanesque Biblical Manuscripts c to 1240 Laura Light and Christopher de Hamel Preface by Sandra Hindman

4 Catalogue 19 The Idda Collection: Romanesque Biblical Manuscripts c to 1240 EXHIBITION: Laura Light and Christopher de Hamel Preface by Sandra Hindman APRIL 9 TO MAY 2, 2015 LES ENLUMINURES LTD. 23 East 73 rd Street 7 th Floor, Penthouse New York, NY Tel: (212) newyork@lesenluminures.com SANDRA HINDMAN 2015 ISBN LES ENLUMINURES PARIS CHICAGO NEW YORK

5 Table of Contents Preface 7 Introduction 11 1 The Liesborn Gospels 21 Northwestern Germany (Liesborn Abbey?), c Gospel Lectionary 49 Northern Spain, Catalonia (Ripoll?), c Gospel Lectionary 67 Iberian Peninsula (Portugal, Lorvâo?, or Northern Spain), c The Rebdorf Psalter 87 Southern Germany, c The Buxheim Psalter 103 Southern Germany (Augsburg?), c (before 1235?) 6 BRUNO, Correction and Completion of PATERIUS 127 Germany, Swabia (St. Blaise Abbey?), c JEROME, Expositio super Psalmos triginta 147 Italy (Northern?), c GREGORY THE GREAT, Moralia in Job 159 Northern Italy (Morimondo Abbey), c AUGUSTINE, Enarrationes in Psalmos 175 Austria (Lambach Abbey), c ORIGEN, Homiliae in Genesim et Exodum 189 Austria (Lambach Abbey?) c HAIMO OF AUXERRE, Commentarium in Cantica canticorum 207 Northern Germany, Thuringia (Erfurt), c HUGH OF SAINT VICTOR, Dialogus de creatione mundi; and Homiliae in Ecclesiasten 225 Eastern France (Lorraine?), c Vulgate Bible, Job with the Glossa Ordinaria 243 Northern Italy, c Vulgate Bible, Epistles of St. Paul with the Glossa Ordinaria 259 Northern Italy (Milan?), c Vulgate Bible, Gospel of Mark with the Glossa Ordinaria 279 Northern Italy (Tuscany?), c Vulgate Bible, Apocalypse and Catholic Epistles with the Glossa Ordinaria 297 Southern Europe (Spain?), c Bibliograpy 314 Biographies 318 Acknowledgments 319 Copyrights

6 Preface The Idda Collection The sixteen manuscripts in this catalogue contribute to the history of the first millennium of the Bible in the Latin West. The project for a catalogue like this is, in itself, almost unimaginable in the twenty-first century. There has probably never before been a trade or auction catalogue devoted exclusively to codices (not fragments) of the Bible or indeed of any other type of medieval manuscript of this early date. To compose the present catalogue, we were able to assemble a selection of exceptional manuscripts from one of the great European private collections of medieval manuscripts and art at the highest level. Distinguished for its unusual focus on monastic study, the collection is especially rich in early manuscripts. The name, the Idda Collection, has a special resonance for its owners. The Swiss saint Idda of Toggenburg (c ) retreated after an unhappy marriage to a local count first to the forest and then at the end of her life to a Benedictine convent, the Cloister of Fischingen. Coins and medals (the imagery used throughout this catalogue) issued already in the fifteenth century depict her with the faithful stag, her escort in the forest and on her final journey to the cloister. The compelling story of her life extolls her monastic ideals, with specific reference to the gem-studded Psalter that served her for her daily devotions an image that vividly conjures up many of the manuscripts from the collection that are contemporary with Idda s lifetime. The sale of some of these precious manuscripts, far from depleting this important collection, is intended to raise a capital sum for the preservation and future enhancement of the rest of the collection. 6 7

7 The remarkable volumes in this catalogue include relatively straightforward examples of the biblical text, such as Gospel Books and Psalters. Also included are texts through which the medieval reader would have known the Bible Lectionaries with the biblical readings arranged for church services, commentaries especially on the Old Testament, and glossed Bibles of individual books of the New and Old Testaments. The earliest manuscript is the stunning Liesborn Gospels that dates from the end of the first millennium and is preserved in a unique fifteenth-century carved wooden treasure binding. Only one manuscript, the Buxheim Psalter, dates after the year Most of the volumes thus fit squarely in Romanesque Europe, and they come primarily from the Germanic countries, Italy, and the Iberian Peninsula. Not only is the early date of these manuscripts astonishing, but so too is the fact that we know much about their places of origin in some of the most famous monastic communities of medieval Europe. Catalogues published by Les Enluminures are always a team effort. In this instance, two world-renowned specialists on the medieval Bible are the major contributors (see biographies at the end of the volume). Laura Light, whose books and articles are fundamental for the study of the origins of the thirteenthcentury Bible, was largely responsible for the admirable scholarly entries. She was joined by Christopher de Hamel, a specialist on the study of the Bible in the years before 1200, who contributed to the entries and whose marvelous introduction lucidly sets the stage for what follows. I am hugely grateful to them both, to Gaia Grizzi, who directed the project, and to every person on our team who toiled for many months on this landmark catalogue for the history of the Bible. Sandra Hindman 8 9

8 Introduction The First Millennium of the Bible It is a truism to describe the Bible as the most successful book ever written. More biblical manuscripts survive from the Middle Ages than any other texts and over the widest possible range of languages and origins, from three continents; the Bible was the first substantial book printed in Europe (in Mainz, c. 1454), and even now it is still the best-selling book in print throughout the world. Its text has been transmitted with more fidelity to the original than any other writings from the ancient world, with infinitely more manuscript evidence to back this up (and undoubtedly more rigorous scholarship on the subject). We all know what a Bible is. It is a volume of multiple components from Genesis to Revelation. About two-thirds of it is the Old Testament, the body of early Scriptures and prophecies inherited from the Jews, and its final part comprises the New Testament, from the Gospel narratives of Jesus through to predictions of the Last Judgment and the end of the world. We think of Bibles as single compact volumes, the portable handbooks of the Christian faith. This is a catalogue of biblical manuscripts made during the first thousand years of the history of the text in Europe. Every item here is an essential part of that story of the transmission of the Scriptures. Not one of them corresponds to a Bible as just defined. That is a remarkable fact. For one thing, during the first millennium of Christendom (and most of the history of Judaism), the individual books of Scripture generally circulated as separate volumes or as small clusters of books bound together. If we could have peeped into the treasure chests of a church or monastery in the time of Jerome 11

9 (c ), we would have seen individual Gospels, Psalters, Epistles, books of Kings, Jewish law, and so on, all more or less identical in phrasing to the respective components of modern Bibles, but all of very different sizes and formats. The shape and scale of each manuscript would tell us about how they were used and read, including little books of Psalms for private devotion and great Gospel Books in ornamental bindings for carrying in procession into church. No one would expect to read them in any particular order, and groupings of texts, if there were more than one in any volume, might vary greatly. The first catalogue description of the Liesborn Gospels (no. 1), as late as 1219, described the manuscript as comprising all four texts in a single volume, as if that were not necessarily self-evident. The modern order of the Gospels, Matthew, Mark, Luke, and John, was not entirely fixed even in Jerome s time, when they were sometimes presented as Matthew, Luke, Mark, and John. The Buxheim Psalter and the Liesborn Gospel Book here are the nearest in this catalogue to straightforward components of a normal Bible text as we use it today (nos. 5 and 1). In both these manuscripts, however, the familiar texts are accompanied by other travelling companions from late antiquity. The Psalms are attended by a calendar, litany, and prayers. The four Gospels are in the company of canon tables, capitula lists, and prologues. Their composite natures take us back in direct lines of transmission to the needs of the early Christians in the late Roman Empire. Even the astonishing binding of the Liesborn Gospels is an echo of something from far back into the distant past. This manuscript and its ancestors were not being used primarily as laptop narratives of the life of Jesus for interested readers, but as sacred symbols for display and use in the liturgy, precious and sacred even when they were closed. Carolingian and Ottonian Gospel Books were probably not actually read very often at all, which may explain the remarkable preservation of so many early manuscripts, including this one. For practical purposes, the Gospel texts selected for use during church services would usually have been read aloud from Lectionaries (nos. 2 and 3). For most of the congregation (and we are speaking of a time in the history of a text when the majority of people were illiterate), contact with actual words of the Gospels would have been principally through Lectionaries. Although the selection and sequence of texts depend on the needs of particular services, these manuscripts are less encumbered with accretions than Gospel Books and Psalters. Neglect Lectionaries at our peril if we want to understand the impact of the Gospels on the population of medieval Europe. Most knowledge of the Scriptures in the Middle Ages, however, was probably acquired through oral telling of the stories and through homilies and sermons which were spoken aloud. This practice goes back to the very beginning. Jesus himself read from the scroll of Isaiah in the synagogue in Nazareth and then preached on the text (Luke 4:16-22); the missionaries in Acts tell their audiences of Christ s ministry but without use of the Gospels, not then written. The first of the very great Christian biblical expositors was Origen (c. 185-c. 254) (no. 10). He lived at a time when the early Church was still a persecuted minority. Origen could, in theory, quite easily have known someone who had met someone who had seen Jesus alive. His surviving homilies (many are lost) are strongly influenced by the technique of biblical interpretation promulgated by the Jewish Platonist, Philo of Alexandria (d. c. 50 A.D.) Read Origen and we are eavesdropping on conversations from apostolic times. Origen treats the Scriptures as a conscious code to be deciphered into multiple layers of meaning, literal, moral, and allegorical. He was self-consciously Christian in a period when Christianity still felt the need to distinguish itself from Judaism, which gives added interest to his commentaries on Genesis and Exodus, at the heart of the Jewish Torah. If there were Old Testament passages which Origen found inconsistent with his own position and credibility, he interpreted them primarily as allegorical and symbolic, rather as liberal Christians today understand the miracles of Jesus. By the time of Jerome (no. 7), Christianity had become the religion of the Roman Empire, following the edicts of Constantine from 313 onwards. Jerome was the principal translator of the Latin Vulgate text of the Bible, and so he is reflected in every one of the manuscripts described here. He had access to the famous Hexapla of Origen himself, a polyglot anthology of parallel texts of the Old Testament Scriptures in the ancient versions and translations, now extant only in fragments. Jerome s immense learning and understanding of the complexities of textual transmission and interpretation set a standard of biblical scholarship which is still valid even today. He stands at the beginning of the great age of the Latin patristic writers on the Bible. The second giant name is that of his slightly younger contemporary, Augustine of Hippo ( ). His massive work on the Psalms, the Enarrationes in Psalmos (no. 9), treats the biblical text as primarily allegorical, rather than literally. The third and final writer in the supreme trinity of patristic commentators is Gregory the Great (c ). His Moralia in Job (no. 8), the ultimate monastic text, takes the puzzling biblical narrative of the sufferings of Job and interprets it entirely as an allegory and guide to ideal Christian behavior. It was through Gregory that one of the least known books of the Old Testament thus became universally famous. Gregory s huge influence is seen in the many manuscripts and adaptations of his texts, including the work by his own notary, Paterius (d. 606) (no. 6). Even Haimo of Auxerre (d. c. 865/6), in the Carolingian court (no. 11), was dependent on the technique of Gregory in his allegorical interpretation of the Song of Songs. Indeed, unless one explains 12 13

10 the Song of Songs as primarily symbolic at multiple levels, it would be hard to understand how it merits inclusion in the Scriptures at all. reference Bibles, from the late twelfth century onwards, a format which has been with us ever since. Notice how all the biblical books commented on here by the Church fathers are from the Old Testament Genesis and Exodus, the Psalms, Job, and the Song of Songs. The patristic writers all considered such texts to be quarries for excavating prophecies or prefigurations of the New Testament, or as concealed allegories to be recognized and deciphered. That was the monastic method of study, slow and meditative. A monk would read a sentence at a time, and then ruminate on it, turning it over and over in his mind, even after the book had been returned to its chest in the cloisters or library. Manuscripts offered here belonged to the monasteries of Santa Maria de Colomba, Morimondo, Petersberg in Erfurt, Ochsenhausen, and others (nos. 13, 8, 11, and 6). Of course monks used commentaries on books of the New Testament too, but in some ways these were less useful, because the narratives there were more straightforward and Christological and were to be taken at face value. The great turning-point in the use of the Bible came in the early twelfth century with Hugh of Saint Victor (d. 1142), master in the Augustinian schools of theology in Paris, which later evolved into what became the first university in northern Europe (no. 12). Hugh was not a monk but a canon, a subtle distinction. Canons were clerics who reached out into the secular world. Hugh taught that the literal meaning of Scripture had to be understood first of all, and that the Old Testament needed to be studied within a framework of chronological history. Only then, he believed, could one begin to seek layers of allegory and mystical meaning. This was revolutionary in its time. Contemporary with Hugh of Saint Victor were the masters teaching in the French cathedral schools, also canons, including Anselm of Laon (d. 1117) and Gilbert of Auxerre, the Universal (d. 1134). They perfected the complex biblical format known as the Gloss (nos. 13, 14, 15, and 16). This too restored the centrality of Scriptural narrative, which runs like a stream down the middle of the pages and from book to book of the entire biblical corpus, from Genesis to Revelation. Around it, in the margins and between the lines, are carefully selected quotations from Origen, Jerome, Augustine, Gregory, Haimo, and the others. The reader thus had easy access to almost a thousand years of traditional interpretation, by glancing to the left or right, but the Bible text itself was the central tree from which these supplementary branches sprouted. Glossed books transformed the perception and use of the Scriptures into texts available in commerce, independent of monasteries. Private people bought them. From sets of glossed books it was only a short step to the production of comprehensive one-volume Biblical commentators necessarily quote from the Bible passages they are discussing, usually extensively. An author can only use the version of the text available to him in his own time. In reading Origen, or Jerome, or Gregory, for example, we have indirect access to the exact readings of long-lost uncial codices of the Scriptures in the possession of those saintly authors in third-century Alexandria, fourth-century Palestine, and sixth-century Rome, respectively. Through citation, we are glimpsing witnesses often far older and more breathtaking than any early manuscripts of the Bible now extant. Even Gregory, in his introduction to the Moralia (no. 8), explains that the papal court in his time used both the Latin Vulgate of Jerome and the earlier Vetus Latina, and that he himself has decided to use either version in his commentary, depending on the nuances of meaning required in any particular context. A traditional mainstream commentator like Gregory may therefore be a witness to readings from a Bible text of legendary rarity. Of course all commentaries themselves carry their own stemmas of textual descent, including subconscious correction by later scribes against Bibles then more familiar to them, but they nonetheless carry littlestudied genetic lines back to long-gone manuscripts of the early Church. Their family trees are largely independent from those of Bibles without commentaries. An appreciation of medieval Bibles and biblical commentaries as footsteps in the ancestry of the modern Bible has been a feature of book collecting since the Renaissance. The huge documentation of the Latin Scriptures gives them an incomparable academic importance for the study of textual transmission, which is more comprehensive than with any other text known in the Middle Ages. Some collectors have gathered Bibles from a high Catholic standpoint, regarding the Scriptures as an eternal symbol of the universal church. One such was Estelle Doheny ( ), papal countess, former owner of nos. 1, 6, and 15. For her, the Liesborn Gospels were the counterpart of her Gutenberg Bible, the two pillars of her faith. Many collectors, however, came to Bibles from the very low churches. They include Quakers, Baptists, and evangelicals. For them the text of the Bible is their most personal and precious inheritance. Outstanding collections of Bibles and early scriptural commentaries were assembled by, among many others, Andrew Gifford ( ), Baptist minister; Francis Fry ( ), Quaker and abolitionist; and Alexander Peckover ( ), Quaker banker of Wisbech in Cambridgeshire and owner of no. 7. Throughout history, early Bibles have often been the most personal possessions of collectors, perhaps because to many people, myself included, biblical books 14 15

11 resonate both as texts and as objects. It is curious, in looking through the provenances of items described here, that there are manuscripts from the private collections of E. H. Dring ( ), managing director of Quaritch, and Lionel Robinson ( ), one of the brothers who owned the entire residue of the Phillipps Collection: of the tens of thousands of manuscripts which passed through the hands of both these men, these were the items they held back personally (nos. 5 and 16). Bibles too have often commanded high prices. If one had to guess the most valuable books in the world, as book collectors do at dinner parties, the candidates would probably all be biblical (the great Isaiah from the Dead Sea Scrolls, the Codex Sinaiticus, the Lindisfarne Gospels, the Book of Kells, a Gutenberg Bible on vellum ). These were always valuable books. The last (and indeed only) time that the Liesborn Gospels appeared in a bookseller s catalogue was in the possession of Messrs Rosenbach in 1945, when it was described in capital letters as ONE OF THE MOST VALUABLE MANUSCRIPTS OF THE GOSPELS IN PRIVATE HANDS. If that was valid seventy years ago, it is even truer now. Christopher de Hamel Parker Librarian, Corpus Christi College, Cambridge Senior Vice-President, Les Enluminures 16 17

12 6 Paterius 5 Buxheim Psalter 11 Haymo of Auxerre 1 Liesborn Gospels 4 Rebdorf Psalter Liesborn Erfurt Rebdorf St. Blasien Buxheim Ochsenhausen Lambach Morimondo Chiaravalle della Colomba 3 Portuguese Lectionary Lorvâo Ripoll 9 Augustine on the Psalms 10 Origen 2 Catalonian Lectionary 8 Gregory, Moralia in Job 13 Job, glossed 18 19

13 1 The Liesborn Gospels: Gospel Book In Latin, decorated manuscript on parchment Northwestern Germany (Liesborn Abbey?), c The finest manuscript of the greatest of all texts, big, heavy, Ottonian, wide pages, huge initials, spacious, clear, legible, stately, monumental, sacred, for swearing oaths and for carrying in procession, an altar book, a holy artifact, a relic, prepared before the fulfilment of the first millennium; signed by its scribe, presented by a woman to a community of women, the oldest known book from Liesborn; from the time of the Vikings and the end of the migration period in Europe; corrected and evidently used, with extraordinary care; complete, in astonishing condition, treasured for a thousand years, bound for six hundred, famous for two centuries; in a binding of extreme significance; almost unimaginable in private hands, unrepeatably free of export restrictions, unobtainable, awe-inspiring, astonishing, a survival of wonder. Gospel Books throughout the Middle Ages were considered the physical embodiment of the Word of God sacred books, kept in the church treasury, and carried ceremoniously to the altar during Mass. The holy character of these books was reflected in their elaborate treasure bindings, often decorated with gold and gemstones and perhaps even with relics. The binding on the Liesborn Gospels with its moving depiction of the Crucifixion is apparently a late fifteenth-century replacement of an earlier treasure binding. Gospel Books include the complete biblical text of each of the four Gospels, Matthew, Mark, Luke, and John. Public reading of the Gospels was part of the church s liturgy from the early days of Christianity, and by medieval times, there were at least two biblical readings at each Mass. The second and most important of these was always from the Gospels. Each Sunday or feast day was assigned an p. 17, Canon Tables, The Liesborn Gospels 21

14 appropriate Gospel passage. The final text in this Gospel Book is a list of the Mass readings, or pericopes, for the liturgical year (a capitulary or capitulare evangeliorum), allowing users to find the correct passage within the Gospel Book itself. Lists like these go back to the seventh and eighth centuries, linking this book to the liturgical practices of the very early Middle Ages (Klauser, 1972). Medieval Gospel Books are among the most famous and precious of all medieval manuscripts. Celebrated early examples include the Book of Durrow (late seventh century), the Lindisfarne Gospels (early eighth century), the Book of Kells (late eighth century), the Vienna Coronation Gospels (c. 800), the Lorsch Gospels (early ninth century), and the Codex Aureus of St. Emmeram (late ninth century). A later medieval example, the Gospel Book of Henry the Lion (c. 1180), sold in 1983 for more than ten times the then highest price for any manuscript. Some of the most opulent of all were made in the Ottonian period, named after the Holy Roman Emperors of the dynasty beginning with Otto I, who was anointed at Aachen in 936. These include the Gospels of Otto III (late tenth century), the Codex Aureus of Echternach (c. 1030) and the Golden Gospels of Henry III (c. 1045). The Liesborn Gospels, to our knowledge, is the last Ottonian Gospel Book still in private hands. This manuscript was written near the end of the tenth century. The script is an upright broadly spaced caroline minuscule: ascenders are slightly clubbed or wedge-shaped, ampersand is used for et and internally, ligatures for ct, st are used often, as well as a ligature for ns using a majuscule N ; the second scribe notably also uses a rt ligature. All these support a date shortly before the year The script may be compared with a copy of Paul the Deacon, Homilies, dated between (Munich, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, Clm 6256, Kirchner, 1955, no. 41) (fig. 1.1 of f. 7v). We know the identity of the second scribe, since he signed the colophon at the bottom of p. 337 in Rustic capitals: Gfrxxbrd[us] Diaconus Anno Primo Ordinationis Suȩ Hoc Libellum Scrkpskt. His name, Geruuardus (or Gerwardus) and the word, scripsit (wrote) are partly in simple code, with the vowels replaced by their following consonants. In translation, the colophon reads, The deacon Gerwardus wrote this book in the first year of his ordination. It is very unusual indeed for any Gospel Book to be signed by its scribe at all, and the half concealment of his name is perhaps from 22 p. 337, colophon (detail), The Liesborn Gospels p. 6, The Liesborn Gospels (reduced) 23

15 humility. Alternatively, we might wonder whether he used this code for the opposite reason, as evidence of his cleverness. Each Gospel begins with a decorative page, composed of the titles and opening words of the text, copied in a combination of majestic capitals and large interlace initials, drawn in red, and infilled in pale yellow, occasionally with touches of green. This type of decoration goes back hundreds of years to ninth-century Carolingian models. It is a solemn volume, and the lack of lavish gold and silver pigment and pictorial decoration focuses the attention on the sacred text itself. There are no traces of Gerwardus in the archives of Liesborn (although almost nothing survives from the early years of the foundation), but the name Gerwardus does appear twice in the necrology of a Sacramentary, Düsseldorf, ULB, MS D 1, from the house of canonesses in Essen (Huth, 1986, pp. 255 and 264; see also Müller, 1987, pp ). One entry, datable to the second half of the tenth century, records his death, 4 kal. Septembris oviit Geruuard diaconus et monachus. It is possible that this deacon at Essen was indeed the scribe of the Liesborn Gospels. There were close connections between the two houses, and the necrology includes names of many people not necessarily from Essen itself. Liesborn is in Westphalia in Northwestern Germany, in the diocese of Münster. The abbey was founded in the second half of the ninth century as a convent for canonesses of noble birth. It was destroyed in 1126, and was re-founded in 1130 by Bishop Egbert of Münster ( ) as a community for Benedictine monks. This volume is the earliest surviving manuscript from this important foundation, and the only known volume that dates to the original foundation for women. A twelve-line poem on p. 2 dedicates it from Berthildis to the patron saint of Liesborn Abbey, Saint Simeon: Sancte senex Symeon, Domini dilate responso in vita aeterna quae scribe fecerat ista (Venerable Saint Simeon, known by the promise of the Lord that you would not see death before seeing Christ in life, whom you joyfully embraced with your arms, accept this book, presented with a pious heart from the mother of the pious servants. May Christ be pleased, that at the request of this patron, Berthildis will be entered in the Book of Life and will as a prudent virgin join the lovely wedding feast of the Groom, then the one who will be led into the Kingdom of Heaven with the righteous is the one who bore the Lord Christ on the arm. May whoever reads this, always say, may she rest in eternal life, who let this be written). The wording suggests that Berthildis was an abbess (she is called the mother of pious servants ). Traditionally, she has been identified with the eleventh abbess of Liesborn in the list of the abbesses in the history of Westphalia by Bernard Witte, a monk from Liesborn (written c , but published in 1778). There is, however, some difficulty accepting this theory. Witte did not include dates, but Oderadis, the second to the last abbess 24 p. 2, dedicatory poem, The Liesborn Gospels (reduced) 25

16 26 Binding, upper cover, The Liesborn Gospels (reduced) Binding, lower cover, The Liesborn Gospels (reduced) 27

17

18 who follows Berthildis in this list, was abbess around 1100, when she built the present church tower (dated stylistically and by archaeological evidence). The Berthildis in Witte s list, if it is accurate, therefore probably lived sometime near the end of the eleventh century. The patron saint of the original foundation at Liesborn was Saint Simeon, and among the abbey s treasures was a relic of his arm. When it was re-founded for monks in 1130, the abbey was dedicated to Saints Cosmas, Damian, and Simeon. The manuscript remained at Liesborn when it became a Benedictine monastery for monks; a later medieval ex libris was added after the verses in honor of Berthildis, Liber sanctorum martirum Cosme Damiani et Symeonis prophete in Lisborn. Liesborn grew to have an impressive library, and two catalogues of the collection survive, dating from 1219 and This Gospel Book is recorded in both of them; it is the forty-eighth item in the 1219 catalogue (Rose, 1905, II.3, p. 1444, 4 Evangelistae 1 Vol. ), and it is listed as O 67 in the 1795 catalogue (Rose, 1905, II.3, p. 1442). The abbey was suppressed in Many of its books, including this one, were initially acquired by the university library at Münster. Fifty-six manuscripts survive from Liesborn, now in collections in Berlin, Copenhagen, Wolfenbüttel, Krakow, and still in Münster. The present binding of this Gospel Book is one of its most unusual and impressive features. The front cover is a thick oak board with a relief carving of the Crucifixion in the center, and the four symbols of the evangelists in large roundels at each corner: the angel for Matthew, the eagle for John, the lion for Mark, and the winged ox for Luke. Originally painted in gold, red, blue and flesh colors, there has been a considerable loss of pigment on the uncarved surfaces and edges, but even today the deep blue and scarlet are striking. This may well have been intended to imitate (and possibly replace) an earlier treasure binding, such as the binding of the Freckenhorst Golden Book, copied at a nearby Abbey in the eleventh century (Hinz, 2000, pp ) (fig. 1.2), or the Goslar Gospels, Munich, BSB, Clm 837, with a tenth-century ivory Crucifixion and twelfth-century silver gilt surround, on a wooden panel. Like the binding of the Liesborn Gospels, the silver treasure binding of the Mondsee Gospel Book from Regensburg, Baltimore, Walters Art Museum, MS W.8, has the Crucifixion in the center, in this case on gold under a rock crystal, surrounded by ivory plaques depicting the four Evangelists (fig. 1.3). Marks from metal fittings from a previous binding are still visible on p. 1 of the Liesborn Gospels. The style of the carving is consistent with the Lower Rhine or Westphalia. The lower cover is a more traditional brown leather covering over a wooden board, decorated with stamps including impressions of two different tools of 30 p. 29, Gospel of St. Matthew, The Liesborn Gospels (reduced) 31

19 32 pp , Gospel of St. Mark, The Liesborn Gospels (reduced) 33

20 34 pp , Gospel of St. Luke, The Liesborn Gospels (reduced) 35

21 the Virgin Mary standing on a sickle moon and holding Jesus, and another showing the Lamb of God. This leather cover was certainly made at Liesborn, and can be assigned to the Hauptwerkstatt bindery, and probably dated before 1515 (Kroos, 1977; Schunke, 1979; Overgauuw and Priddy, 2003, p. 40). A very similar stamped binding is still at Liesborn in the Museum, on a copy of Johannes Gerson, Opera, volume 3, dated 1514 (Museum Abtei Liesborn, Inv. Nr 00/156E). A treasure binding constructed from a wooden relief carving is certainly exceptionally rare and may be unique (Overgauuw and Priddy, 2003). It dates from the important period in the Liesborn s history after it had joined the Bursfeld Congregation in 1464, probably during the abbacy of Heinrich von Kleve ( ). Bernard Witte in his chronicle of the abbey praised Heinrich von Kleve for building the church and the abbey, and for commissioning numerous works of art, including the altarpiece by the Liesborn Master (mostly now in London, National Gallery). Alternatively, it may date to the abbacy of the next abbot, Johannes Schmalebecker ( ), who is mentioned in chronicles for his work with the library. The artist was trained in the Rhenish-Westphalian tradition, and the carving may well have been done at the abbey where the binding was certainly made. Later evidence of use includes the arresting diagram now on the first page of the Gospel Book. Probably added in the twelfth century, this diagram shows the way to salvation by linking the seven petitions of the Lord s prayer, the seven gifts of the Holy Spirit and the seven earthly conditions of the Beatitudes (poor in spirit, hungry, mourning, etc.). This is an early version of a text of this type, known in five other manuscripts, the earliest an eleventh-century manuscript from Southwestern Germany (Wolfenbüttel, Herzog August Bibl., Cod. Guelf. 70, Weissenburg, f. 131v). All the known copies of this diagram apart from the copy in the Liesborn Gospels are found in manuscripts of one of the Gospels with marginal glosses (Rehm, 1994, section 3.3.1, pp ; see also Hamburger, 2009, for a different Pater noster diagram). This Gospel Book is one of the few surviving manuscripts from this time period from Northwestern Germany, and the only manuscript from the diocese of Münster. Some scholars have suggested that it may actually have been made at Werden or at Corvey (Martin Schøyen corresponded on this subject in 1988 with Joachim Wollasek, Hartmut Hoffman, and others), but with no comparable extant manuscripts from the diocese of Münster, this is a matter of uncertainty. Its presence at Liesborn shortly after completion is in no doubt. This is an expansively laid-out volume that would have been very easy to use for public liturgical reading. It is also equipped with a number of traditional accessory texts that circulated with the Gospels. The Canon Tables, presented in a series of arches with decorative capitals in red and yellow wash, date back to Eusebius of Caesarea in the fourth century. He divided the Gospels into numerous short sections corresponding to events within the text (Matthew, for example, has 355 sections). He then compared all these passages, identifying passages common to all the Gospels, passages found in three of the Gospels, in two, or those that were found in only one, assigning each case to one of ten tables. Here the Gospel text is divided into these short sections, and a marginal apparatus lists not only the number of the appropriate Canon Table, but also lists the parallel passages found in the other Gospels. Each Gospel also begins with a numbered capitula list summarizing the contents; the biblical text is divided into corresponding chapters that begin with red initials and are numbered in red. Liesborn, Abbey PHYSICAL DESCRIPTION: i (former flyleaf, paginated 1-2) folios on parchment, with later added parchment flyleaves conjoint with front and back pastedowns, modern pagination in pencil top outer corner recto [338], complete (collation i 8 [beginning p. 3; 3, pp. 7-8, and 6, pp are single) ii 8 iii 6 iv-vi 8 vii 8 [-8, before p. 109, cancelled with no loss of text] viii-x 8 xi 8 [-4, before p. 163 and -6 through 8, cancelled with no loss of text] xii-xiii 8 xiv 6 xv-xxi 8 xxii 8 [-5 through 8, cancelled with no loss of text] xxiii 6 [-5 through 6, cancelled with no loss of text] xxiv 2 ), quires are signed in Roman numerals followed by a q in the first seventeen quires (primus q[uaternus] to xvii q[uaternus], p. 256) in the lower outer corner on the last leaf, ruled in hard point with the top two and bottom two horizontal rules full across and with double full-length vertical bounding lines, some prickings upper margin (justification x mm.), written in brown ink in a caroline minuscule in twenty-four long lines by two scribes (the second scribe beginning on p. 257), the capitulare evangeliorum copied by the second scribe in a smaller script in thirty-seven long lines, (justification x mm.), rubrics and running titles in rustic capitals in red, THIRTEEN PAGES OF CANON TABLES IN ARCADES, columns with bases and foliate capitals, some shafts with simple interlace and other decoration, outlined in red and heightened with yellow, five pages with text in large square capitals, INCIPITS TO THE GOSPELS IN LARGE LETTERS DECORATED WITH LEAFY SCROLLS AND INTERLACE, drawn in red and heightened with yellow, the usual references to the Ammonian sections in the margins of the Gospels, in excellent condition, apart from negligible staining at edges of some leaves, lower half of f. 163 (pp ) excised. Bound in a later fifteenthcentury treasure binding, likely modelled on the original binding (described below), with thick wooden boards (flat with square edges and corners, not shaped or bevelled), back cover of brown 36 37

22 leather tooled in blind with three borders of four fillets forming a broad outer border framing a rectangular center panel scored with diagonal lines, all decorated with stamps, with metal cornerpieces and a central boss, and two metal fasteners, closing around small metal pegs in the outer edge of the upper board, re-backed (modern leather spine), back cover with some scuffs to outer edges, and wear, front cover now missing much of its original paint and gilt, but sound and overall in good condition, housed in a blue leather vertical case lettered Liesborn/ Gospels. Written for Berthildis/ Great-Granddaughter of/ Witikind the Great/ Original Manuscript/ X th Century, with a small round red label ( 40 ). Dimensions 304 x 242 mm. TEXT: p. 1, [Circular Pater Noster diagram added in the twelfth century, with a series of concentric circles, outer ring], incipit, Subscriptus patrie reditum docet ordo figure ; [second ring], incipit, vii peticionares ; [third ring], incipit, Dona sancti spiritus ; [inner ring], incipit, Beatitudo ; [center], incipit, Deus ; p. 2, [dedicatory poem in hexameters], incipit, Sancte senex symeon domini dilate responso in vita aeterna que scribi fecerat ista ; [below, ex libris added in a fourteenth- or fifteenth-century hand], incipit, Liber sanctorum martirum Cosme Damiani et Symeonis prophete In Lisborn ; pp. 3-15, [Prologues to Matthew], Beatissime Papae Damaso Hieronimvs, incipit, Novum opus me facere [Stegmüller, , no. 595]; p. 6, Prologus Quattuor Evangeliorum, incipit, Plures fuisse [Stegmüller 596]; p. 8, Eusebivs Carpiano Fratri Salutem, incipit, Ammonius quidem Alexandrinus [Stegmüller 581]; p. 10, Hieronimvs Damaso Papa, incipit, Sciendum etiam ne quis [Stegmüller 601]; p. 11, Incipit Argvmentum Secundum Mathevum, incipit, Matheus ex iudęa sicut in ordine [Stegmüller 590]; p. 11, Incipit Breviarium Eiusdem, incipit, I. Natiuitas Christi magi cum muneribus ; II. Regressio ihesu ex ęgypto in nazareth [Capitula or Breviarum I-XXVII; de Bruyne, 1914, series A; Stegmüller 11016]; pp , Canon Tables, I-X; pp , Gospel according to Matthew; [p. 108, blank but ruled]; pp , [Prologue to Mark], Incipit Argvmentum Secundum Marcvm, incipit, Marcus evangelista dei [Stegmüller 607]; p. 110, Incipit [Arg: expunged] Breviarivm, incipit, I. De iohanne baptista et uictu et habitu eius ; II. De socru petri a febribus liberata [Capitula I-XIII; de Bruyne, 1914, series A; Stegmüller 11016]; pp , [opening rubric on p. 112] Gospel according to Mark; pp , [Prologue to Luke], Incipt Argvmentum Evangelii Secvndum Lvcam, incipit, Lucas Syrus Antiochensis [Stegmüller 620]; p. 166, Incipivnt Capitula, incipit, I. Zacharias uiso angelo ; II. Symeon iustus christum [Capitula I-XXI; de Bruyne, 1914, series A; Stegmüller 11016]; [p. 174, Explicit for Capitula and incipit for Gospel, full page, written in large capital letters]; pp , Gospel according to Luke; pp , [Prologue to John, rubric on p. 264], Incipit Argvmentum secundum Iohannem, incipit, Hic est Iohannes [Stegmüller 624]; p. 265, Incipit Breviarivm Secvndum Iohannem, incipit, I. Pharisęorum leuitę interrogauit...; II. Ihesus ad cenam de aqua vinum fecit [Capitula I-XIIII; de Bruyne, 1914, series B=A; Stegmüller 11016]; pp , Gospel according to John; [Gospel ends mid p. 327, bottom half of the folio is now missing; p. 328, blank, with notes, mostly erased, and a small drawing of a bust-length man, perhaps 12 th -century]; pp , Incipit capitulare Evangeliorum de circulo anni. In vigilia natalis domini, incipit, Secundum matheum kapitulum iii. Cum esset desponsata vsque salvuum faciet populum suum a peccatis eorum... ; [Klauser, 1935, overall similar to type, with new feasts including Kilian (contemporary correction from Cyriacus), and Gereon]; [Colophon in rustic capitals] Gfrxxbrdus Diaconus Anno Primo Ordinationis Suȩ Hoc Libellum Scrkpskt; [p. 338, blank]. SCRIPT: The script is an upright broadly spaced caroline minuscule, ascenders are slightly clubbed or wedge-shaped, ampersand is used for et and internally, ligatures for ct, st and majuscule Ns ; the second scribe, Gerwardus, notably uses a rt ligature as well. ILLUSTRATION: pp , thirteen pages with the ten Canon Tables, in decorative arched frameworks constructed with different styles of architectural capitals, touched with pale yellow; p. 29, Gospel of St. Matthew, with the opening word, Liber in large initials made of interlace in red outline partially colored in pale yellow, with touches of green; p. 17, Gospel of St. Mark, with the opening IN of the first word Initium in large intertwined initials in red outline with interlace and leafy finials, touched with pale yellow; with three lines of capitals, alternately red and black; pp , Gospel of St. Luke, two pages of handsome display capitals in alternate lines of red and yellow, 38 p. 34, marginal concordance and quire signature, The Liesborn Gospels (reduced) 39

23 with the opening letter, Q [uoniam] in red outline with interlace and white vine, touched with pale yellow and red; p. 268, Gospel of John, interlace I [n] running almost the full-length of the page, with the opening words in display capitals. Generally similar interlace initials are found in an eleventh-century Gospel Book from Saxony, probably from Corvey, Bamberg, SB, MS Msc. Bibl. 96 (fig. 1.4 of f. 53), and in a copy of Gregory the Great, Moralia, from Mainz, c. 1000, Munich, Bayerische Staabsbibliothek, Clm 8102 (Klemm, 2004, cat. 203, Abb. 454) (fig. 1.5 of f. 1). BINDING: Discussed above. Upper cover: thick oak board with recessed CARVED RECTANGULAR RELIEF OF THE CRUCIFIXION AND THE FOUR EVANGELISTS S SYMBOLS in large roundels at corners, gesso with polychrome and a punch and gilded decoration. The style of the carving is consistent with the Lower Rhine or Westphalia. The lower cover, blind-tooled leather over a thick wooden board, certainly made at Liesborn (Kroos, 1977; Schunke, 1979, p.154 no. 60, p.197 no. 10, p.198 no. 29, p. 29 no. 35), probably before 1515 (Kroos, p. 42; Overgauuw and Priddy, 2003, p. 40, suggest that blind-stamped bindings were not made at Liesborn after this date). ORIGIN AND OWNERSHIP: 1. Written at the end of the tenth century as suggested by the evidence of script and decoration in Westphalia in Northwestern Germany, probably at Liesborn; copied by two scribes; the second, the deacon Gerward, signed his name in cipher as Gfrxxb rd[us] on p A twelve-line poem on p. 2 dedicates this book, presented by Berthildis, to the patron saint of Liesborn, Simeon. 2. Present at Liesborn until its secularization in Later medieval ex libris, p. 2: Liber sanctorum martirum Cosme Damiani et Symeonis prophete in Lisborn. Recorded in the 1219 and 1795 catalogues of their library (forty-eighth item in the 1219 catalogue; Rose, 1905, II.3, p. 1444, O 67 in the 1795 catalogue, Rose, 1905, II.3, p. 1442). 3. Recorded in the university library at Münster in 1821 according to the Repertorium der Urkunden u.d. Archivakten des Klosters Liesborn, no. A140/2 p. 4 (cf. Liesborn Ausstellung, 1965, p. 49 note 13). 4. In 1826 owned by Dr. Ludwig Tross ( ), professor at Hamm, in Westphalia; his note on the front pastedown. 5. Belonged to Sir Thomas Phillipps ( ), who purchased it in 1830 from Tross (pencil note, front pastedown); his manuscript 4735 (Phillipps catalogue, p. 78, MS 4735 Evangelium Berthildis ). Then by descent to his heirs, the Fenwick family, Cheltenham; sold to Dr. A. S. W. Rosenbach ( ), Philadelphia. 6. Belonged to the Countess Estelle Doheny ( ), one of the greatest women book collectors in the United States, who purchased it from Rosenbach in 1950 (described in Bond and Faye, 1962, p.13 no. 53); Edward Laurence Doheny Memorial Library, St. John s Seminary, Camarillo, California, MS 53); Doheny sale, Christie s, Estelle Doheny Collection: part II, Medieval and Renaissance Manuscripts, December 2, 1987, lot Belonged to Martin Schøyen (b. 1940), Oslo and London, whose collection is described as the largest private manuscript collection formed in the twentieth century; his MS Idda Collection, Switzerland. PUBLISHED REFERENCES: The medieval catalogue of Liesborn Abbey from 1219 (Rose, 1905, vol. II.3, p. 1444; Müller, 1987, p. 52). BERNARD WITTE, History of Westphalia, written c , appendix, describing this manuscript and transcribing the dedicatory poem (R. P. Bernardi Wittii ordinis s. Benedicti Historia antiquae occidentalis Saxoniae, sec nunc Westphaliae, Monasterii Westphalorum, 1778, p. 753). Liesborn library catalogue dated 1795, O 67 (Rose, 1905, vol. II.3, p. 1442; cf. Müller, 1987, p. 52). Repertorium der Urkunden und der Archivakten des Klosters Liestborn (now Staatsarchiv Münster, Repertorium Nr. A 140/2), after THOMAS PHILLIPPS, The Phillipps manuscripts: Catalogus librorum manuscriptorum in bibliotheca D. Thomae Phillipps, Bt., impressum typis Medio-Montanis, , reprint with an introduction by A. N. L. Munby, London, 1968, no Catalogue of Books and Manuscripts in the Estelle Doheny Collection, Los Angeles, 1946, part II, p. 4 and plate II. A. N. L. MUNBY, The Formation of the Phillipps Library up to the Year 1840, Cambridge, 1954, p. 33, and 158, number E. WOLF AND J. F. FLEMING, Rosenbach: A Biography, London, 1960, pp W. H. BOND AND C. U. FAYE, Supplement to the Census of Medieval and Renaissance Manuscripts in the United States and Canada, New York, 1962, p. 13, no. 53. RUTH MEYER, Die Initialhandschriften des Liesborner Klosterbibliothek, in Liesborn, Kunst und Geschichte der ehemaligen Abtei, Oelde, Westf., 1965, pp , at p. 44 and note 13. RICHARD 40 p. 1, Pater noster diagram, The Liesborn Gospels (reduced) 41

24 ROUSE, Medieval Manuscripts and Early Printed Books, A Bibliophile s Los Angeles. Essays for the International Association of Bibliophiles on the Occasion of their XIV th Congress, ed. John Bidwell, Los Angeles, 1985, pp , at pp. 49 and 50. HELMUT MÜLLER, Das Bistum Münster 5. Das Kanonissestift und Benediktiner Kloster Liesborn, Germania Sacra, Neue Folge 23, Die Bistümer der Kirchenprovinz Köln, Berlin, 1987, pp. 40, 49, 60, MICHAEL WESSING, Museum Abtei Liesborn: Heimathaus des Kreises Warendorf; Museumsführer und Geschichte der Abtei, 1989, pp , abb. 29. L. A. MORRIS, Rosenbach Abroad: Pursuit of Books in Private Collections, Philadelphia, 1988, p. 42, no. 4. SIGRID KRÄMER, Handschriftenerbe des deutschen Mittelalters, Mittelalterliche Bibliothekskataloge, Deutschlands und der Schweiz, Ergänzungsband 1, Munich, , p ANDREAS FINGERNAGEL, Die Illuminierten Lateinischen Handschriften Deutscher Provenienz Der Staatsbibliothek Preussischer Kulturbesitz, Berlin, Jahrhundert, Wiesbaden, 1991, p. 32. J. BIDWELL, Bible Collections in Los Angeles, A Thousand Years of the Bible: an Exhibition of Manuscripts from the J. Paul Getty Museum, Malibu, and Printed Books from the Department of Special Collections, University Research Library, UCLA, Malibu and Los Angeles, 1991, p. 12. C. DE HAMEL, Chester Beatty and the Phillipps Manuscripts, The Book Collector, Autumn 1991, reprinted, A. S. G. Edwards, ed., The Pleasures of Bibliophily, London and New Castle, Delaware, 2003, pp , at pp O. D. POPA, Bibliophiles and Bookthieves: The Search for the Hildebrandslied and the Willehalm Codex, Berlin and New York, 2003, pp.122 and 126. EEF OVERGAAUW AND BENNIE PRIDDY, Das Liesborner Evangeliar, The Schøyen Collection, Oslo/London, MS 40, Warendorf, EXHIBITED: Conference of European National Librarians, Oslo, September, 1994; Museum Abtei Liesborn, March 30 - May 11, 2003; Klostersturm und Fürsten Revolution, in the Museum für Kunst und Kulturgeschichte, Dortmund, May 24 - August 17, 2003; Verbum Domini I, an exhibition of Bibles and interfaith religion at the Vatican that debuted on 1 March MÜLLER, HELMUT. Das Bistum Münster 5. Das Kanonissestift und Benediktinerkloster Liesborn, Germania Sacra, Neue Folge 23, Die Bistümer der Kirchenprovinz Köln, Berlin OVERGAAUW, EEF AND BENNIE PRIDDY. Das Liesborner Evangeliar, The Schøyen Collection, Oslo/London, MS 40, Warendorf, REHM, ULRICH. Bebilderte Vaterunser-Erklärungen des Mittelalters, Baden-Baden, ROSE, VALENTIN. Verzeichniss der Lateinischen Handschriften der Königlichen Bibliothek zu Berlin, Zweiter Band: Die Handschriften der Kurfürstlichen Bibliothek und der Kurfürstlichen Lande, Dritte Abteilung, Die Handschriften-Verzeichnisse der Königlichen Bibliothek zu Berlin, Dreizehnter Band, Berlin, SCHUNKE, ILSE. Die Schwenke-Sammlung gotischer Stempel und Einbanddurchreibungen, Berlin, ONLINE RESOURCES Germania Sacra On Liesborn LITERATURE BASBANES, NICHOLAS A. A Gentle Madness: Bibliophiles, Bibliomanes, and the Eternal Passion for Books, New York, 1995 (on Sir Thomas Phillipps as a collector). DE BRUYNE, DONATIEN. Sommaires, divisions et rubriques de la Bible latine, Namur, HAMBURGER, JEFFREY F. HAEC FIGURA DEMONSTRAT: Diagrams in an early-thirteenth century Parisian copy of Lothar de Segni s De Missarum Mysteriis, Wiener Jahrbuch für Kunstgeschichte 58 (2009), pp HINZ, ULRICH. Verborgene Schätze. Die mittelalterlichen Handschriften der Stifts- und Dechaneibibliothek Freckenhorst, in Freckenhorst, : Aspekte einer 1150 jährigen Geschichte [aus Anlaß des 1150 jährigen Ortsjubiläums], ed. Klaus Gruhn, Warendorf-Freckenhost, 2000, pp HUTH, VOLKHARD. Die Düsseldorfer Sakramentarhandschrift D1 als Memorialzeugnis. Mit einer Wiedergabe der Namen und Namengruppe, Frühmittelalterliche Studien 20 (1986), pp KIRCHNER, JOACHIM. Scriptura Latina libraria, a saeculo primo usque ad finem Medii Aevi, Munich, KLAUSER, THEODOR. Das Römische Capitulare Evangeliorum: Texte und Untersuchungen zu Seiner Ältesten Geschichte, Münster in Westf., KROOS, RENATE. Härkelse iut n Wastfölsken un Lippsken - Mittelalterliche Einbandstempel von Liesborn, Falkenhagen und Lippstadt, Westfalen 55 (1977), pp KLEMM, ELISABETH. Die ottonischen und frühromanischen Handschriften der Bayerischen Staatsbibliothek, Wiesbaden,

25 Fig. 1.1 Munich, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, Clm 6256, Paul the Deacon, Homilies, f. 7v Fig. 1.2 Münster, Museum für Kunst und Kultur, Westfälisches Landesmuseum, Inv. Nr. G-1008 LG, Codex aureus of Freckenhorst, treasure binding 44 45

26 Fig. 1.3 Baltimore, Walters Art Museum, MS W.8, Mondsee Gospels, treasure binding Fig. 1.4 Bamberg, Staatsbibliothek, MS Msc. Bibl. 96, Gospel Book, f. 53 Fig. 1.5 Munich, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, Clm 8102, Gregory, Moralia in Job, f

27 2 Gospel Lectionary In Latin, illuminated manuscript on parchment Northern Spain, Catalonia (Ripoll?), c High-quality, top-end, grand, expensive, stately, well-written, graceful, unforgettable, beautifully laid out, finely preserved, southern European Gospel Lectionary; a weighty museum-quality manuscript (would suit any owner of an ivory or Limoges enamel plaque seeking the perfect receptacle for its installation on the upper cover); calligraphic hands worth the effort of disentangling, touching Visigothic and documentary scripts, maybe in the context of an episcopal household; from a world of incense, velvet, Roman marble, candlelight, pilgrims, miracles, and sanctity; spectacular frontispiece, like a Mozarabic carpet, with echoes of patterns traded across Europe; intense madder red, coral pink, sea blue, metallic green; in almost perfect condition for a thousand-year-old book; published in color in the Monumenta Codicum Manu Scriptorum of H. P. Kraus, the greatest bookseller s catalogue of modern times. A Gospel Lectionary includes the Gospel readings for the Mass, arranged according to the liturgical year (this manuscript also includes prayers for many of the feasts). Biblical readings are a central part of every Mass. Most Masses included two readings of which the second and more important was always from the Gospels. Although these Mass readings or pericopes were entirely biblical, complete Bibles were probably rarely used liturgically. Instead, there were a number of different types of specialized manuscripts for this purpose. Gospel Books were common, especially early in the Middle Ages, such as that from Liesborn (no. 1), equipped with lists of the Gospel readings in liturgical order (capitularies or capitulare evangeliorum). Gospel Lectionaries, however, were an even more practical solution, and included only the text of the appropriate pericopes arranged in the order of the liturgical year rather than in the order of the Bible (see also no. 3). 49

28 50 ff. 4v-5, full-page illuminated L, Gospel Lectionary 51

29 The Gospel Lectionary therefore lies at the very heart of medieval religious belief and practice, and provides a close-up view of worship in the medieval Church. Because Lectionaries were usually copied from other Lectionaries rather than from complete Bibles, they can sometimes preserve readings of considerable textual value. The history of the Vulgate in Spain is of special interest, and the text of this Lectionary deserves careful study and comparison with Spanish Gospel Books and Bibles. We do not know exactly where this Lectionary was copied. There are no medieval ex libris notes or other evidence of ownership. Nonetheless, the cumulative evidence of its text, script, and decoration, suggests that the manuscript was copied at Santa Maria de Ripoll, one of the most important monasteries in eleventh-century Catalonia, or at a monastery within Ripoll s sphere of influence. First of all, it is clearly for monastic use. It includes readings for the feasts of Saint Benedict and his translation, and there is an added marginal note on f. 116 stipulating that at this place during the reading, the brother were to rise up ( Ibi surgant fratres ). The style of the illumination is consistent with an origin in Catalonia. On f. 223 there are readings for the dedication of a basilica (In dedicatione basilicae). The Abbatial Church at Ripoll was accorded the special status of basilica, and this term is used in documents describing its dedication in The manuscript belongs to the moment in the mid-eleventh century when the old Mozarabic rite of Catalonia was being superseded by the Roman. Remnants of distinct Mozarabic traditions occur here, for example, in the indication for the season of Lent to begin on the Sunday following Ash Wednesday (Dominica initium quadragesima, f. 43v). The script too points to a date around It is copied in an expert, rather calligraphic caroline minuscule, with features characteristic of Spanish scripts, such as the frequent use of an open-topped a (resembling u ). This letter form derives from Visigothic minuscule, the uniquely Iberian script descended ultimately from provincial Roman cursive. Other Spanish features here include the form of z (both the zig-zag form and a cedillac), tironian-7 for et with a long flat top stroke, and abbreviations including dis for discipulis, 'n', with a superscript line for non, omia for omnia, dmc for dominica, and spellings (e.g. hȩdifcanti ). A manuscript of the Phaenomena of Aratus copied at Ripoll in 1056, Vatican City, Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, MS Reg. lat. 123, shows many of these features including the open a (Puigvert, 1998) (fig. 2.1). The Lectionary includes one very striking full-page decoration based on the word Liber, for the Gospel reading for Christmas Day: Liber generationis Ihesu Christi, filii David, filii Abraham (Matthew 1:1-16), with wild, spiky vines, 52 f. 116, Ibi surgant fratres, Gospel Lectionary 53

30 54 ff. 90v-91, initials, Gospel Lectionary 55

31 animal-heads spouting flames, and gorgeous colors, including deep purple with red spots, soft blue, and dark green. It is entirely consistent with illumination from Ripoll and related scriptoria, such as Vic (we thank Matthew Wetherby for sharing his research on this manuscript; to be published). One example from Ripoll itself is the initial F from the opening folios of the Ripoll Bible, Vatican City, Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, MS Vat. Lat. 5729, that shows similarities with the illumination in this Lectionary, as does the vivid green color used in the Bible in the illustrations for Genesis and Ezekiel. Similar infilling of foliates and flourished tips of leaves are found in the initial Q in a sermon manuscript from Ripoll from the mid-eleventh century (Paris, BnF, MS lat. 1954, fol. 20v) (fig. 2.2). In a wider arc, the Roda Pontifical, Arxiu Capitular de Lleida, MS RC 36 (formerly MS 16) (fig. 2.3), copied c. 1000, has a similar frame, and Arxiu i Biblioteca Episcopal de Vic, MS 44, f. 87v (formerly, Vic, Museo Episcopal inv. 7501) (fig. 2.4), partially dated 1064, has similar spouting dragon heads. Vic and Ripoll were very close geographically and institutionally in the eleventh century (Oliba, who died in 1046, was abbot of Ripoll and bishop of Vic). Some of the most striking comparisons for the style of this decoration illustrate the international nature of the monastic world in the eleventh century. Catalonia maintained close artistic links with both France and Italy; in fact this Lectionary was at one time attributed to Milan (Kraus, 1974). Its artists have stylistic links with the work of an Italian artist, Nivardus, who worked in France at the abbey of Fleury earlier in the eleventh century (Nordenfalk, 1953). The full-page and bordered initial L from the Gospel of Matthew in Paris, BnF, MS lat offers close comparison to the mise-en-page of the Gospel Lectionary described here (fig. 2.5), and the spiky foliates and the interlace of the borders in Los Angeles, Getty Museum, MS Ludwig V 1, also attributed to Nivardus, compare similarly (Teviotdale, 2011). Stylistic similarities can also be found in another manuscript probably copied at Fleury c by a different artist, Baltimore, Walters Art Museum MS W. 3 (in particular, the bird-like heads with red foliage flowing from their mouths) (fig. 2.6). In the early eleventh century Fleury shared close connections to the monastery of Santa Maria de Ripoll in Catalonia, including documented exchanges of books. The organization of this manuscript is of special interest, suggesting that it was copied from an exemplar arranged differently. Later in the Middle Ages, certainly by the twelfth century, most liturgical books arranged their contents according to the Temporale (or Proper of Time, the Sundays and festivals commemorating the Life of Christ) and the Sanctorale (or Proper of the Saints, including feasts celebrating the Virgin Mary). Early lists of readings, in contrast, were organized according to the calendar year, with the feasts of the Temporale and Sanctorale 56 f. 141v, initials, Gospel Lectionary 57

32 mixed together (for example, see the organization of the readings in the Capitulare evangeliorum in the Liesborn Gospels, no. 1). In this Lectionary sections of the Temporale alternate with sections including feasts for the Sanctorale, following seamlessly from one to the next. The manuscript begins with Christmas (later, most manuscripts would begin with the first Sunday in Advent), followed by the series of feasts through the fifth Sunday after Epiphany. This section of the Temporale is followed by feasts of the saints from January through the end of March, which are in turn followed by feasts from the Temporale beginning in Lent, and so forth. The two feast days added at the very beginning of the manuscript, Ambrose (7 December), and Mark (25 April), seem to have been omitted in error in their proper places, and so were added at the beginning. The summer Sundays are counted after Pentecost (in contrast with the much earlier practice seen in the Liesborn Gospels, no. 1), but the inclusion of Trinity Sunday at the end of the series immediately before the first Sunday in Advent is noteworthy. Trinity Sunday, celebrated on the Sunday following Pentecost, was mandated for the whole church very late in the Middle Ages in Its placement in this manuscript is in keeping with liturgical custom in the eleventh century. Everything about this volume is extraordinarily elegant. The pages are slightly tall in shape, with generous margins. We know that it is the same size today (or very close) as it was when it was first made, since it preserves the marginal prickings made when the pages were ruled. The layout is well-proportioned, with ample room between each line. This was a volume that was easily read and well-suited for its function as a volume for public reading. The script is very beautiful, and obviously the product of well-trained scribes. Some majuscules within the text are neatly highlighted with careful strokes of red, yellow or blue. This is not an arbitrary detail of decoration, but reflects very old practices in presenting the biblical text. Each lection begins with a colored initial, most often red, but sometimes in blue; these are always attractive, and notable for their ingenuity. Since this is a lectionary, many are the letter I for readings beginning In illo tempore (At that time ). The scribe took care to vary their shape. The decorative majuscules preceding the illuminated pages were probably a twelfthcentury addition (see also no. 3), but are in keeping with this aesthetic inclination. Spanish Romanesque manuscripts are extremely rare and almost never find their way onto the market. A manuscript this early, and of this quality, from Spain is especially important. It is a lovely volume, noteworthy for its animated and vibrantly colored full-page initial introducing the Gospel reading for Christmas Day, but also for the decorative initials on each page. 58 f. 154, prickings and notes for the rubricator, Gospel Lectionary 59

33 ff , Temporale from Septuagesima to Letania maior (25 April) [Reading for Good Friday ends f. 127v; f. 128rv was left blank except for a rubric on f. 128v, Sabbato sancto; blank space for initial remains on f. 129]; ff. 140v-141v, Sanctorale, Vitalis to Gordianus and Epimachus (28 April-10 May); ff , Temporale, Ascension to the octave of Pentecost; ff. 146v-162v, Sanctorale, Gervasius and Protasius to Andrew (16 June-30 November) [Among the feasts included are John the Baptist, the translation of Benedict, Lawrence, Assumption, Nativity of Mary, All Saints, Martin, Cecelia, Clement and Andrew]; ff , Temporale, first Sunday after Pentecost to the end of Advent [Feasts are counted after Pentecost (concluding with Dominica xxv), followed by Trinity Sunday, and four Sundays in Advent]; ff. 214v-221v, Common of Saints including a prayer designated (in the rubric) for Felicity (f. 221v), but containing the prayer used for any virgin martyr; ff , Votive Masses: De sancta cruce, Pro quacumque tribulatione, In dedicatione basilicȩ (two readings, ff v), concluding with readings for a Mass for the dead, In agenda mortuorum; ends mid f. 226; remainder and f. 226v, blank. Ripoll, porch PHYSICAL DESRIPTION: 226 folios on parchment, modern foliation in pencil bottom inside corner, complete (collation i 4 [1, pastedown] ii-iii 8 iv 8 [with a small slip inserted between 6 and 7 before f. 27] v-xx 8 xxi 6 xxii 8 [2, f. 164, and 7, f. 169 are single] xxiii-xxix 8 ), no original catchwords or signatures, quires numbered in a modern hand in pencil bottom inner corner on the first leaf, ruled in hard point with the top two or three and bottom three or four horizontal rules full across, double vertical bounding lines, vertical lines apparently executed for each bifolium individually, lines scored four sheets at a time, prickings in three outer margins throughout (justification x mm.), written above the top ruled line in brown ink in a caroline minuscule in seventeen to eighteen long lines, except quire ten, ff , with twenty-one long lines, blank space for initial on f. 129, some notes for the rubricator visible in the far outer margins, red rubrics, majuscules at the beginning of a line are copied between the outer bounding lines, capitals touched in yellow, red or blue, numerous very attractive and inventively shaped large (seven- to one-line) red or blue initials, some with decorative void spaces within the initials, often decorated with opposite color, ONE FULL- PAGE INTERLACE INITIAL L (Liber) on f. 5 in shades of blue, bright red, and yellow on a deep purple and green ground, WITH FULL BORDER, some flaking of pigments on f. 5, rust stains with holes and minor damage at center of the upper edges of ff. 1-6, suggesting that the volume was chained at some point before being rebound, otherwise in remarkable condition for its age and rarity. Modern binding of suede leather over early wooden boards, fairly thick and extending only slightly beyond the book block, spine with two raised bands, head and tail bands, with brass clasp closing back to front, in excellent condition, housed in modern fitted black box with red leather labels on spine, lettered in gilt Gospel Lectionary; Spain, Catalonia?, c Dimensions 234 x 145 mm. TEXT: [There are no divisions into sections in the manuscript according to the Temporale or Sanctorale; each feast follows the next seamlessly. The sections in the description below, used for clarity, are not found in the manuscript.] ff. 1-3, blank; f. 3v, In natali sancti ambrosii, incipit, Deus qui nos annua beati ambrosii confessoris tui atque pontificis sollempnia frequentare ; In sancti Marci euangelistae, incipit, Deus qui beatum Marcum euangelistam tuum [Readings for the Feasts of Ambrose (December 7) and Mark (April 25)]; ff. 4-28, Temporale from the Christmas vigil to the fifth Sunday after Epiphany [Begins with the Christmas Vigil (Matthew. 1:17-21) on f. 4; f. 4v, originally blank, now has Initium sancti Euangelii Secundum Matheum, copied in decorative capitals, introducing the text on f. 5, which is the first word of Matthew s Gospel ( Liber ), with the text of Matthew 1:1-16 continuing on ff. 5v-6v; followed by the readings for the three Masses of Christmas ( Exiit editum, Pastores loquebantur and In principio ), beginning on f. 7. Christmas is followed by the usual saints from Stephen through Silvester, and the feast of the Circumcision; note that the Sundays are counted from Christmas, and not Epiphany, and there are therefore six Sundays following Christmas]; ff. 28v-33v, Sanctorale, Marcellus to the Annunciation (16 January-25 March) [Readings for the feasts Marcellus (16 January), Prisca, Agnes, Vincent, Conversion of Paul, Agnes secundo, Purification, Chair of Peter, Gregory, Benedict (21 March), and the Annunciation (25 March)]; SCRIPT: Discussed in detail above. Other distinctly Spanish features include the use of multiple (and often peculiar) forms for a single majuscule letter (e.g., D on ff. 11v-12, 29v-30, 31v-32; S on ff. 114v-115, 156v-157; and I on ff. 139v-140, 141v-142, and 207v-208). The display script on f. 4v, added in the twelfth century, is characteristically Spanish as well; see for example the Bible, Lérida, Capitular Archives, MS 1, from Catalonia, in the last quarter of the twelfth century (Cahn, 1982, pp , no. 144). ILLUSTRATION: On f. 5 there is a full-page decoration based on the word Liber, for the Gospel reading for Christmas Day: Liber generationis Ihesu Christi, filii David, filii Abraham (Matthew 1:1-16). The L fills much of the enclosed space, while the remaining letters were written in red in smaller capitals on the rectangular green panel to the right. Animal-head terminals enliven the interlace patterns of the L, while the vines of the border have, in contrast, a more distinctly spiky quality. These patterns are all characteristically Iberian, as are the colors, especially the deep purple with red spots for the ground, the soft blue, and the dark green. ORIGIN AND OWNERSHIP: 1. Almost certainly made in Catalonia, possibly at Ripoll or at an affiliated house, c (see above). 2. H. P. Kraus, Monumenta Codicum Manu Scriptorum, 1974, no. 9, part of what is probably the most prestigious catalogue of manuscripts ever issued by a bookseller. 3. Bruce Ferrini and Les Enluminures, ltd., Important Illuminated Manuscripts, 2000, no Richard Adams, Private Collection, Washington D.C., his ex libris inside front cover. 5. Idda Collection, Switzerland. PUBLISHED REFERENCES: H. P. KRAUS, Monumenta Codicum Manu Scriptorum, New York, 1974, no. 9, pp MARGOT MCILWAIN NISHIMURA, Important Illuminated Manuscripts, Bruce Ferrini and Les Enluminures, Akron, Ohio, and Paris, 2000, no. 9. LITERATURE AVRIL, FRANÇOIS, JEAN-PIERRE ANIEL, MIREILLE MENTRÉ, ALIX SAULNIER AND YOLANTA ZAŁUSKA. Manuscrits enluminés de la péninsule ibérique, Bibliothèque nationale, Département des manuscrits, Centre de recherches sur les manuscrits enluminés, Paris, CAHN, WALTER. Romanesque Bible Illumination, Ithaca, New York, CASTIÑEIRAS, MANUEL, AND IMMACULADA LORÉS. Las Biblias de Rodes y Ripoll: una encrucijada del arte románico en Catalunya, in Les fonts de la pintura románica, ed. C. Mancho and M. Guardia, Barcelona, 2008, pp CONTESSA, ANDREINA. Between Art, Faith and Science. The Concept of Creation in the Ripoll and Roda Romanesque Bibles, Iconographica 6 (2007), pp DODWELL, CHARLES. The Pictorial Arts of the West, , New Haven,

34 DOMÍNGUEZ BORDONA, JESÚS. Spanish Illumination, Florence and New York, IBARBURU ASURMENDI, MARÍA EUGENIA. De capitibus litterarum et aliis figuris, Barcelona, JUNYENT, EDUARDO, ed. Diplomatari i escrits literaris de l abat i bisbe Oliba, Barcelona, JANINI, JOSÉ. Manuscritos litúrgicos de las bibliotecas de España, Burgos, MUNDÓ, ANSCARI. Importación, exportación, y expoliaciones de códices en Cataluña (siglos VIII al XIII), in Coloquio sobre circulacion de codices y escritos entre Europa y la peninsula en los siglos VIII- XIII, septiembre 1982, Santiago de Compostela, 1988, pp NORDENFALK, CARL. A Tenth-Century Gospel Book in the Walters Gallery, in Studies in the History of Book Illumination, London, 1992, pp NORDENFALK, CARL. A Travelling Milanese Artist in France at the Beginning of the Eleventh Century, in Arte del primo millennio: atti del 2. Convegno per lo studio dell arte dell alto medio evo tenuto presso l Università di Pavia nel settembre 1950, ed. Edoardo Arslan, Turin, 1953, pp PUIGVERT, GEMMA. El manuscrito Vat. Reg. Lat. 123 y su posible adscripción al Scriptorium de Santa Maria de Ripoll, in Roma, magistra mundi. Itineraria culturae medievalis. Parvi flores. Mélanges offerts au Père L.E. Boyle à l occasion de son 75 e anniversaire, Louvain-la-Neuve, 1998, pp TEVIOTDALE, ELIZABETH C. Das Sakramentar Von Beauvais: MS. Ludwig V 1, J. Paul Getty Museum, Los Angeles, Codices selecti 127, Graz, Fig. 2.1 Vatican City, Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, MS Reg. lat. 123, Aratus, Phaenomena, f. 17v WILLIAMS, JOHN. Early Spanish Manuscript Illumination, London, ZAPKE, SUSANA ed. Hispania Vetus: Musical-liturgical Manuscripts from Visigothic Origins to the Franco-Roman Transition (9 th -12 th centuries), Bilbao, Fig. 2.2 Paris, BnF, MS lat. 1954, Sermons, f. 20v ONLINE RESOURCES Jean-Baptiste Lebique, Les livres de la messe Les livres des lectures de la messe, in Initiation aux manuscrits liturgiques, Ædilis, Publications pédagogiques, 6, Paris-Orléans,

35 Fig. 2.3 Lleida, Arxiu Capitular de Lleida, RC 36, Roda Pontifical, f. 38 Fig. 2.5 Paris, BnF, MS lat. 1126, Evangeliarium, f. 2v Fig. 2.4 Vic, Arxiu i Biblioteca Episcopal, MS 44, Isidore, De summo bono, f. 87v Fig. 2.6 Baltimore, Walters Art Museum, MS W.3, Gospel Book, f

36 3 Gospel Lectionary In Latin, decorated manuscript on parchment Iberian Peninsula (Portugal, Lorvâo?, or Northern Spain), c Southern European, touching the Atlantic coast, from a world of restful dark churches in an Iberian landscape of almost unbearable heat and brightness of sun; red and brown swirling ornament; primitive, from the edge, Christianity between Judaism and Islam; little, easy to hold, easy to read; corrected, recited, chanted, the Passion marked up for public performance, at the pre-dawn of theater ; extraordinarily rare; mysterious, strange, full of secrets, somehow reached South America, possibly very early; red edges, royal seals. This manuscript is a twelfth-century Gospel Lectionary that includes the readings for the Mass from the Gospels, arranged according to the order of the liturgical year. Excerpts from the Gospels were not read in order during the year (a liturgical practice known as lectura continua, which may in fact have been the case in the very early Church it is a debated point), but instead, passages appropriate to the liturgical occasion were chosen for reading. It was therefore convenient to use a book such as this one that included just the passages read in church, arranged in the order they were read, instead of using a Gospel Book like the Liesborn Gospels (no. 1). The twelfth century was the century of the Gospel Lectionary. Earlier in the Middle Ages, Gospel Books were more common, and later in the Middle Ages, the Missal, which included all the texts for the Mass including the readings in one volume, to some extent replaced the Lectionary. This twelfth-century Lectionary can be compared with the earlier Catalonian Lectionary also described here (no. 2). The most immediate difference is how its contents are organized, with the feasts of the Temporale and Sanctorale clearly separated into two different sections. The order of this volume is, however, a f. 54v, (detail), Gospel Lectionary 67

37 68 ff. 17v-18, display script, Gospel Lectionary 69

38 little curious. It now begins in the middle of the Sanctorale, followed by the Common of Saints, and then by the Temporale. A more usual arrangement would be to begin with the feasts for the Temporale, followed by the Sanctorale and the Common of Saints. Whether this idiosyncratic order has any meaning is difficult to say; it is not the result of the texts being bound out of order, since the Temporale begins in the middle of a quire immediately following the Common of Saints, and there are no other signs of disarrangement. Like the Catalonian Lectionary, this manuscript includes prayers for various feasts, but here they are gathered together in a separate section at the end of the book, rather than being copied following the Gospel texts. Also included are a series of readings for Votive Masses that is, Masses for special occasions, always an interesting section: here we have Masses for the Trinity, the Holy Cross, Mary, Michael, for rain, for a priest (ad missam sacerdotis), to request the grace of the Holy Spirit, for a friend (pro amico), for charity, for a journey, and for the sick. The Gospels were chanted by the deacon during Mass according to simple tones that were memorized. The accounts of Christ s Passion read on Palm Sunday and during Holy Week, however, were special, and different tones were used for each of the important speakers (or groups of speakers) within the narrative. Here there are small letters added above the line of text in red or brown ink to indicate the pitch, tempo and volume for Christ, the narrator, and the crowds and disciples (a cross for Christ, c and s ). Similar letters were added later in the Middle Ages between the lines in the Passion narratives in the Liesborn Gospels (no. 1); they are not found in the Catalonian Lectionary (no. 2). By the thirteenth century there is evidence that these different parts of the Passion lessons were divided among different people, and historians have linked this liturgical practice to the development of liturgical drama in particular the Passion play in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries. The manuscript was copied in an upright twelfth-century minuscule; evidence of the script, use of hard point ruling, and the style of the decoration all support an origin around the middle of the century in the Iberian Peninsula. The script includes a number of Iberian features, including a distinctive z, long, flat-topped tironian-7, and characteristic abbreviations (including dms for dominus ) and spellings, including epiphania. Establishing exactly where this little Lectionary was copied, however, remains a matter for further research. Since it includes the translation of St. Benedict in the Sanctorale, and prayers for St. Benedict and his sister, St. Scholastica, it seems likely that it was copied at a Benedictine monastery. Given that fact, the format of this Lectionary is rather interesting. It was originally somewhat larger (evidence of trimming by a later binder, a 70 f. 1, penwork initial, Gospel Lectionary 71

39 72 ff. 18v-19, display script, blank space for an initial, Gospel Lectionary 73

40 ff. 31v-32, initials, Gospel Lectionary 74 75

41 common occurrence, is especially evident here in the upper margin, which is trimmed very closely along the top of the text), but even so, this was always quite a small volume. Perhaps it was copied for use while travelling (maybe by the Abbot, since Benedictine monks were discouraged form travelling) or for use at a side altar? It includes few particularly Spanish or Portuguese saints, apart from St. Eulaia of Mérida, who was popular throughout the Iberian Peninsula. Since there are only two large initials in the volume, the inclusion of an initial for the readings for the feast of St. John the Baptist may be significant (the other initial is at Palm Sunday, and there is a blank space for an initial on f. 22 at Septuagesima Sunday). The display script used before three important feasts is one of this manuscript s most striking features. The forms of the capitals are wildly imaginative (certainly not reproducing ancient scripts), and are intertwined to produce highly decorative patterns. On f. 18, the Temporale begins with two lines of display script (two lines high) copied on six ruled lines in red and black letters, Item ordo de evangeliorum. Dominica primo in aduentus domini secundum marcum; on f. 19, two lines of display script in red and black letters, copied between three ruled lines, are used for the opening words of the text of Matthew 21:1 (with a space left blank for an eleven-line initial), and on f. 53, there are two lines of display script in red followed by the initial for Palm Sunday. Decorative display scripts are a common feature in twelfth-century Iberian manuscripts. Numerous examples could be cited including the Missal, Salamanca, Universidad, Archivo y Biblioteca, MS 2673 (discussed below), a copy of Gilbert de la Porré s Commentary on the Psalms, Paris, BnF, MS lat (fig. 3.1), and the Lives of the Saints, London, British Library, Egerton MS 2656, all Iberian from the second half of the twelfth century, as well as the decorative majuscules added as a heading on f. 4v of the Catalonian Lectionary described here (no. 2). The decoration in this Lectionary is otherwise restrained; in addition to numerous red initials, some with simple pen decoration (found at the beginning of each Gospel reading), it includes only two larger initials with braided interlace and foliage, both outlined in pen, without coloring. These initials may be compared with the initial on f. 1 of Paris, BnF, MS lat (Julianus Antecessor, Epitome), a manuscript that has not been securely localized, although Catalonia in the first half of the twelfth century has been suggested (Avril, et al., 1982, p. 54, no. 54, plate XXVII) (fig. 3.2). A Plenary Missal, now Salamanca, Universidad, Archivo y Biblioteca, MS 2673, was copied in a similar script, with similar minor decoration and interlace initials, in this case painted (cf. in particular the initial in the Missal on f. 14v, and the initial on f. 54v of our manuscript). Where this Missal was 76 f. 69, interlinear red letters for dramatic reading of the Passion, Gospel Lectionary 77

42 copied is not known, although Salamanca has been suggested as a possibility (we thank Professor Manuel Pedro Ferreira for his help with this matter), but it includes Aquitanian neumes of the Portuguese type. The later history of our Lectionary suggests that it may in fact have been copied in Portugal, or at least that it was in Portugal at some point in its history. It includes two red wax seals from the Crown Prince of Portugal added on the spine and inside the front cover, probably in the eighteenth century. Although hardly evidence of royal ownership, they suggest that the manuscript was in Portugal at that time. Later it was owned by Professor José Anthero Pereira, Jr. (d. 1970) of São Paulo, Brazil (Pereira, 1941). The general appearance of the script, especially the rectangular shape of most letters, noticeable in particular in the oval-shaped o, the smooth tops to letters such as m and n, and the angular finishing strokes found on the top of the ascenders, are found in other manuscripts from Portugal from this period, including, for example, Lisbon, Instituto dos Arquivos Nacionais [formerly Arquivo da Torre de Tombe], Lorvâo 16, a Martyrology from Lorvâo, dating c (Burnam, , no. xlviii) (fig. 3.3). The complex interlace found in the initials of this manuscript is also similar to the interlace used in the initials in our Lectionary. The monastery of Lorvâo, found about twenty kilometres west of Coimbra, was an ancient foundation, possibly even dating before the ninth-century Christian re-conquest of Coimbra in 878. In the eleventh century, the monastery adopted the Benedictine Rule, and later in 1206 it became a Cistercian convent for nuns. It prospered in the twelfth century, rebuilding its church and cloister, and its scriptorium was one of the most the most important in Portugal. The Apocalypse of Lorvâo (Lisbon, Instituto dos Arquivos Nacionais [formerly Arquivo da Torre do Tombo], MS 160) copied in 1189 by the scribe Egeas (or Egas), can be claimed as the most important illuminated twelfth-century Portuguese manuscript (Duggan, 1990). Further research is needed, however, to establish with certainty whether this Lectionary was in fact copied at Lorvâo, or elsewhere in Portugal or even in a neighboring area of Northern Spain. 78 Spine and inside front cover, wax seals, Gospel Lectionary 79

43 In primus de sancta trinitate. Que ęcclesia suffragia dicuntur; Votive masses for the Trinity, Holy Cross, Mary, Michael, for rain, ad postulandum serenitatem, for a priest (ad missam sacerdotis), to request the grace of the Holy Spirit, for a friend (pro amico), for charity, for a journey, and for the sick; ff. 118v-122, Alternate Gospel lections for feria iv and vi; f. 120v, Gospel lections for a Mass for the dead (pro defunctis); ff v, Prayers for the Temporale and Sanctorale, concluding imperfectly with the seventeenth Sunday after Pentecost; among the relatively few saints included note Benedict and Scholastica [Includes prayers for the four Sundays in Advent, Nicholas, Lucy, Thomas, Stephen, John, Holy Innocents, Silvester, Epiphany, the Sundays after Epiphany, Marcellus, Sebastian, Agnes, Vincent, Conversion of Paul, Purification, Agatha, Scholastica, Valentine, St. Peter s Chair, Peter, Matthew, Processus and Felicity, George, Benedict, Lent, Easter, Sundays following Easter, Ascension, In die sancto spiritus, Pentecost and the following Sundays, ending imperfectly with the seventeeth Sunday]. Lorvâo, Monastery PHYSICAL DESCRIPTION: ii (paper) i (modern paper) folios on parchment (numerous original holes and other defects, many repaired with contemporary sewing, e.g. ff. 68, 69, 72), modern foliation in pencil top outer corner recto, leaves are lacking at the beginning and end and two folios are lacking after f. 3 (collation i 8 [-4 and 5, with loss of text] ii-xvi 8 xvii 8 [probably originally a quire of eight, now with only one leaf, so -2 through 8]), horizontal catchwords center lower margin (some trimmed), no leaf or quire signatures, ruled in hard point with the top, third, penultimate and bottom horizontal rules usually full across, single vertical bounding lines sometimes full length (justification x 98 mm.), written on the top ruled line in an elegant twelfthcentury minuscule in twenty-three long lines, brief phrases of musical notation (neumes) on f. 15v (in red above the line of text) and in the margin of f. 86v (in brown ink, staffless, clearly added but early), red rubrics, the Passion Sequences include indications of the readers in red (c, s, and a cross), some capitals are touched in red, over three hundred seven- to three-line red initials, mostly the initial I ( In illo tempore ) in decorative designs often with flourishes, f. 18v, six-line red initial with penwork decoration, SIX LINES OF HEADINGS IN ELABORATE ORNAMENTAL CAPITALS (ff. 18, 19 and 53) in red and black, or red, TWO LARGE PENWORK INITIALS, eleven- and thirteen-line, ff. 1 and 54, outlined in black ink with interlacing and foliage, signs of much use, damp-stained in outer margins, trimmed, quite close in the upper margin, and with partial loss of a few marginal notes, repairs to the lower margins throughout (especially quire one and the outer bifolia of other quires), other minor tears and defects. Bound in eighteenth-century brown mottled leather, spine with six raised bands, simple gilt decoration and title tooled in blind: MISCEL./ No. <?>.XIV, edges dyed red, rebacked with the spine laid down, boards bowed, edges and top and bottom of spine with some wear, but in good condition, remains of wax seal on spine (Crown Prince of Portugal?, see below). Dimensions x 134 mm. TEXT: ff. 1-6, Sanctorale, now beginning imperfectly, // autem non poterat loqui ad illos [Luke 1:22], in the feast John the Baptist (24 June), then continuing with John and Paul (26 June) to Andrew (30 November) [Among the feasts included note, Iraenus (28vi, Bishop of Lyons?), translation of Martin (4vii), Benedict (translation 11vii), Praxedis (21vii), Gorgonius (9ix), Maurice (22ix), Andochius and Thyrsus, here et Canelici (24ix), Victor (of Marseille, 29ix), Dionysius (9x), Gerald (presumably Gerald, count of Aurillac,13x), followed by Junianus (hermit, duplex at Limoges, 16x), Luke (18x) and Aquilinus of Evreux (19x), Teudericus (Theudericus, monk at Lérins and founded monasteries near Vienne, 29x), followed by All Saints (1xi), Lauterius abbot and Benignus et alii (of Dijon?, 1xi), Eucherius (of Lyon, 16xi), Nicholas (6xii), Syrus, bishop (of Pavia, 9xii), Eulalia (of Mérida, 10xii), Lucy (13xii), and Thomas (presumably the Apostle, 21xii)]; ff. 6-18, Common of Saints; ff , Temporale from the first Sunday in Advent to the twenty-fourth Sunday after Pentecost, concluding with the Sunday before Advent (Dominica ante adventum) [The fourth Sunday in Advent is listed as a Dominica vacat; Lent begins with Dominica in Quadragesima, followed by another Dominica vacat; the first Sunday after Pentecost is Trinity Sunday (mandated as a feast for the general church very late in 1334, but observed earlier in many dioceses)]; ff v, Ordo euangeliorum. SCRIPT: The script is a twelfth-century minuscule datable to the middle of the twelfth century, c ; the scribe uses both the ampersand and the tironian-7 to abbreviate et, e-cedilla is found occasionally, round letters are written separately with the exception of pp, ascenders are slightly forked, and minims are finished with an upward stroke; the decoration and the use of hard point ruling suggest a date more towards the middle of the century. The script includes numerous Iberian features, including a distinctive z, long, flat-topped tironian-7, and characteristic abbreviations and spellings. The script is similar to that of Chapel Hill, North Carolina, University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, Wilson Special Collections Library, MS 98, Isidore, Quaestiones in vetus testamentum written in Castille in 1173 (Thomson, 1969, no. 112) (fig. 3.4). ILLUSTRATION: Two initials drawn in ink, and left uncolored: f. 1, for the Feast of St. John the Baptist, eleven-line initial, decorated with shading and acanthus in black ink; f. 54v, for Palm Sunday, thirteen-line initial, infilled with a large acanthus leaf at the top of the initial, and elaborate interlace below; and one large six-line red initial with pen decoration on f. 18v. Decorative display script: f. 18, the Temporale begins with two lines of display script (two lines high) copied on six ruled lines in red and black letters, Item Ordo de Evangeliorum. Dominico primo in aduentus domini secundum marcum; f. 19, two lines of display script in red and black letters copied between three ruled lines used for the opening words of the text of Matthew 21:1 (with a space left blank for an eleven-line initial); f. 53, two lines of display script in red (followed by the initial for Palm Sunday); on f. 22, the rubric of Septuagesima Sunday is copied in a slightly larger than usual script, followed by a blank for twelve-line initial. OWNERSHIP AND ORIGIN: 1. The evidence of the script supports an origin around the middle of the twelfth century; includes the translation of St. Benedict in the Sanctorale, and Benedict and Scholastica in the final prayers, suggesting it was copied in a Benedictine monastery. Eulaia of Mérida, also included, was popular throughout the Iberian Peninsula. The script and the style of the initials suggest that it may have been copied in Northern Spain or Portugal (discussed above). 2. Two later notes, see ff. 44 and Two red wax seals, on spine (partially overlaid), and inside front cover with the arms of the crown prince of Portugal. 4. Belonged to Professor José Anthero Pereira, Jr. (d. 1970), of São Paulo, Brazil, whose estate sold it at Sotheby s, December 6, 1983, lot London, Sam Fogg, Cat. 16, 1995, no Idda Collection, Switzerland. PUBLISHED REFERENCES: JOSÉ A. PEREIRA, JR., Estudo de manuscrito, Revista do arquivo municipal São Paulo 76 (May, 1941), pp SAM FOGG RARE BOOKS, Text Manuscripts and Documents, Catalogue 16, pp , no. 29. LITERATURE AVRIL, FRANÇOIS, JEAN-PIERRE ANIEL, MIREILLE MENTRÉ, ALIX SAULNIER AND YOLANTA ZAŁUSKA. Manuscrits enluminés de la péninsule ibérique, Bibliothèque nationale, Département des manuscrits, Centre de recherches sur les manuscrits enluminés, Paris,

44 BURNAM, JOHN M. Palæographia iberica; fac-similés de manuscrits espagnols et portugais (IX e -XV e siècles), Paris, DUGGAN, ANNE J. A New Becket Letter, Historical Research. The Bulletin of the Institute of Historical Research 63 (1990), pp PEREIRA, JR., JOSÉ. A. Estudo de manuscrito, Revista do arquivo municipal São Paulo 76 (May, 1941), pp SANTOS, MARIA JOSÉ AZEVEDO. Da visigótica à carolina, a escrita em Portugal de 882 a 1172: aspectos técnicos e culturais, Lisbon, THOMSON, S. H. Latin Bookhands of the Later Middle Ages , New York, ONLINE RESOURCES Portuguese Early Manuscript Database Salamanca, Universidad, Archivo y Biblioteca MS Jean-Baptiste Lebique, Les livres de la messe Les livres des lectures de la messe, in Initiation aux manuscrits liturgiques, Ædilis, Publications pédagogiques, 6, Paris-Orléans, Fig. 3.1 Paris, BnF, MS lat , Gilbert de la Porrée, Commentary on the Psalms, f. 2 Fig. 3.2 Paris, BnF, MS lat. 4713, Julianus Antecessor, Epitome, f

45 Fig. 3.3 Lisbon, Instituto dos Arquivos nacionais [formerly Arquivo da Torre de Tombe], Lorvâo MS 16, Martyrology, f. 202 Fig. 3.4 Chapel Hill, North Carolina, University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, Wilson Special Collections Library, MS 98, Isidore, Quaestiones in vetus testamentum, f

46 4 The Rebdorf Psalter: Psalms, Biblical Canticles and Creed with Gloss In Latin, illuminated manuscript on parchment Southern Germany, c A monastic book, with all the quirks and oddities of a book that fits no formula and meets no demands beyond the needs of its first owner; heavy, massive, uncompromising, unselfconscious, as rounded and as weighty as Romanesque churches; strangely glossed, one quire left entirely unglossed, the biblical text in various sizes; beautiful, wonderfully decorated, to the highest quality of line drawing, infilled with color, the sources for its designs still to be pursued through pattern sheets and legend; solemn dancing figures captured in a moment in time 850 years ago; in astoundingly fresh condition, medieval monastic binding, as rounded as a cushion, with the name of Rebdorf on the upper edge and the outer edges studded with medieval knotted page-markers; from a monk s cell, hardly a library text at all, a talisman for a whole life of spirituality. This beautiful manuscript is a Psalter, with the complete text of the one hundred and fifty Psalms, accompanied by a commentary related to the Glossa Ordinaria (the Ordinary Gloss). Each page includes not only the biblical Psalm text written in a larger script in the center of each page, but also commentary copied in the margins and between the lines. People in the Middle Ages interacted with the biblical text in many ways. A book such as this one reminds us that at least for the people who knew the Bible best monks and nuns, canons, friars and theologians this interaction took place within the context of their deep knowledge of how the text was interpreted and explained by earlier commentators. We usually think of the Glossa Ordinaria as a text for students. As we shall discuss later (nos ), it originated with the teaching of professors in the cathedral 87

47 schools of Northern France at the end of the eleventh century. The Psalms, however, were special, since they were the central texts for the public prayer of the church in the Divine Office, chanted daily by clerics and members of religious orders, and the mainstay of private devotion (no. 5). Glossed Psalters were not always books for the classroom; some were prayer books, providing a tapestry of commentaries on the Psalms to nourish the devotional life of their readers. Rebdorf was a house for Augustinian Canons in Eichstätt in Bavaria, founded in 1156, at the initiative of (or through the help of) the Emperor Frederick Barbarossa (d. 1190). It joined the Windesheim Congregation in 1458, and became a center of the Devotio Moderna over the course of the sixteenth century. This Psalter was in the library at Rebdorf by the fifteenth century. It is bound in a fifteenth-century Rebdorf binding, with the shelfmark E.1 and includes two ex libris notes from the Abbey, dating from the fifteenth century, although it was apparently not included in the fifteenth- or sixteenth-century Rebdorf library catalogue (there are several glossed Psalters but none with the pressmark E.1 ; Ruf, 1933, vol. 3, p. 309). Numerous manuscripts survive from their important library, the vast majority dating after 1458 (Krämer, , pp , not including this manuscript). This Psalter and a handful of other manuscripts now mostly in institutional collections in Germany and France are witnesses to the intellectual interests and devotional life at Rebdorf in its early years in this case, probably very soon after its foundation. This is certainly not an ordinary manuscript, and it would have been an appropriate and important foundation gift for the monastery (and although there is no evidence to support this, perhaps even a gift from the Emperor Frederick Barbarossa himself; it is not impossible). In layout and script, it is very similar to other glossed books of the Bible from Rebdorf, now in the Vatican Library in Rome, Vatican Library, MSS Pal. Lat. 51, 91, 98 and 121 (fig. 4.1). The script is particularly close to Pal. Lat. 91, on the Pauline Epistles, often a pair with a glossed Psalter. On f. 1 there are a series of introductory glosses to the first Psalm. At the bottom of this page is an intriguing note, Otto cum socio. iiii solidi (Otto and friend, four shillings), in a hand that is contemporary with the manuscript. We do not know for sure who Otto was, but it is very possible that this is a record of the payment of either the scribe or, more likely, the artist. As such, it would be evidence that this manuscript was copied or decorated by professionals. There is evidence of professional artists working in monasteries in England and France in the twelfth century, and this may be evidence of the practice in Germany early in the century. There were at least two artists who made the beautiful initials found in this book. Perhaps the better artist, hitherto called the Rebdorf Master for the want of any better name, can now be known as Otto. 88 Binding, The Rebdorf Psalter 89

48 The quality of the decorated initials at the beginning of forty Psalms in this manuscript sets it apart from most glossed biblical manuscripts from this period. The initials are the work of at least two artists. The skill of the main artist, who has been called the Rebdorf Master, is displayed to great effect in the opening initial on f. 1v that includes, entwined within the beautifully shaded, intricate scrolls of white vines, a man mounted astride the initial at the top, and another man at the bottom of the initial, being chased by a long-eared rabbit. This playful quality is found in some of the smaller initials, many of which are constructed from intertwined dragons, birds or other animals (for example, Psalms 18-25, 42, 52, 57-59, and 68). Many of the larger initials are more formal and are beautifullyexecuted examples of shaded foliate initials, partially filled with red, blue and ochre (see especially Psalms 51, 52, and 101, which includes a standing figure of man). The initials for Psalms 19 and 24 on ff. 19v and 23v, are very similar to initials done by one of the artists found in the Legendarium Windbergense, produced at Windberg during the abbacy of Gebhard, between (Munich, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, Clm 22245, f. 35r) (fig. 4.2). Windberg, also in Bavaria, was a Praemonstratensian foundation about 130 kilometers east of Rebdorf. The textual history of the Gloss on the Psalms is particularly complicated, since it was revised twice in the course of the twelfth century. The text in this manuscript is generally similar to the first version of the text, dating back to the teachings of Anselm of Laon (d. 1117) in the late eleventh or early twelfth century, but in a version that may have been influenced by commentaries on the Psalms circulating in Southern Germany where it was copied. The opening gloss is actually a partial quotation from the Expositio psalmorum of Bruno of Würzburg (d. 1045). Martin Morard of the Institut de recherche et d histoire des textes in Paris has studied the text of this manuscript, and compared it with a small group of other Psalters with the Ordinary Gloss copied around the middle of the twelfth century. This study underlines its importance, since it includes glosses not found in the other manuscripts he studied. His study is a preliminary one, but clearly delineates what will be a fruitful path for future research. Following the text of the Psalms are the Ferial Canticles and the Athanasian Creed, all with marginal and interlinear commentary. The Canticles are songs or hymns of praise from the Old and New Testament recited daily at the Office of Lauds: Confitebor tibi on Monday, Ego dixi on Tuesday, Exultavit cor on Wednesday, Cantemus Domino on Thursday, Domine audivi on Friday and Audite celi que loquor on Saturday; the Athanasian Creed was chanted daily at Prime. The use of this Psalter as a book for liturgical prayer and private devotion might also explain the curious fact that the ninth quire (ff ) lacks glosses. The manuscript overall is in excellent condition, but there are stains in the bottom f. 1v, opening initial, The Rebdorf Psalter 91

49 outer corners of ff , and the original ninth quire may have been damaged, perhaps even in the scriptorium while it was being copied. A new quire was copied to replace it, laid out to accommodate the gloss, but the glosses were never added either in the twelfth century, or at any later point in this book s history. Rebdorf, cloister PHYSICAL DESCRIPTION: 168 folios on parchment (good quality with some original holes and sewing in red on f. 12), modern foliation in pencil top outer corner recto, two bifolia following f. 42 bound out of order, correct order, ff. 44, 43, 46, 45, complete (collation i-v 8 vi 8 [3/6 and 4/5 were bound incorrectly, correct order 1, 2, 4 (f. 44), 3 (f. 43), 6 (f. 46), 5 (f. 45), 7-8] vii-viii 8 ix 6 [ff ] x-xiii 8 xiv 10 xv-xxi 8 ), ruled usually very lightly in lead (often indiscernible), column of biblical text with double vertical bounding lines, single vertical bounding lines in far outer and inner margins flanking the gloss, some folios with the top and bottom horizontal rule full across, glosses appear to be copied in unruled space, prickings for the biblical text in three outer margins (justification biblical text 210 x 70 mm.; text and gloss x 160 mm.), written above the top ruled line in black ink in a twelfth-century minuscule of very good quality, with the biblical text copied in a central column of eighteen widely spaced long lines, and marginal and interlinear gloss added in a smaller more rounded book script of up to sixty-five lines, quire nine (ff ) is written in a different, perhaps slightly later, hand, and does not include the gloss, each Psalm verse copied on a new line beginning with a one line red initial, eleven opening lines on f. 1v in alternating red and black capitals, FORTY DECORATED INITIALS, finely drawn and shaded in pen with entwined foliage, SIXTEEN of these include animals, dragons, etc. in colors, TWO large initials with human figures, f. 1v, the 1/3-page Beatus initial with two men and a hare, and the initial on f. 113, all with finely drawn foliage shaded in pen and colors, numerous smaller red initials and rubrics, in excellent condition, negligible staining at edges of some leaves, and larger stains in the lower outer corner, ff Bound in the fifteenth century in blind-tooled pigskin over heavy bevelled wooden boards (described in detail below), housed in a fitted blue cloth case, title on a leather label Glossed Psalter/ MS. On vellum/ From Rebdorf, s. xii (with a small round label, 712 ). Dimensions 280 x 185 mm. TEXT: ff v, [Psalms 1-150, with glosses]; f. 1, [first marginal glosses, added on a folio originally left blank], incipit, Prophetia est divina aspiracio que rerum eventus ; Idithun asaph filii ; Rex david cum prospere ; Propheta considerans... que per mortuos a Christo suscitatos significatur ; ff. 1v-56, Psalms 1-50; Psalm 50 ends mid f. 56; f. 56v was left blank, so Psalm 51 begins on the recto in a new quire; ff , Psalms ; Psalm 100 ends top f. 112, remainder and f. 112v blank, 92 f. 18, initial, knotwork tabs marking liturgical divisions, The Rebdorf Psalter (reduced)

50 so Psalm 101 begins on the recto in a new quire; ff , Psalms ; ff , Ferial Canticles, with marginal and interlineral glosses; ff. 167v-168v, [Athanasian Creed], incipit, Quicumque vult, with marginal and interlinear glosses. SCRIPT AND LAYOUT: Biblical text and gloss both written above the top ruled line in black ink by more than one scribe in a twelfth-century minuscule of very good quality, with the biblical text copied in a central column of eighteen widely spaced long lines, and marginal and interlinear gloss added in a smaller more rounded bookhand in up to sixty-five lines; the script is upright, with straight d, s and r predominating, e-cedilla, tironian-7 and ampersand for et ; the first scribe writes in a hand that suggests he could be French, but scribes later in the volume are more likely German (note especially the characteristic tironian-7 with wavy tops). Quire nine (ff ) is written in a different, perhaps slightly later, hand and does not include the gloss. ILLUSTRATION: Forty Psalms begin with decorated initials, finely drawn and shaded in pen with entwined foliage, some infilled with blue, green, red and ochre, a few with lime green; sixteen include figures of animals, dragons or other creatures, including the very fine initials at Psalms 1 and 101 (discussed above), and Psalms 18 (f. 18), 19 (f. 19v), 20 (f. 19v), 21 (f. 20v), 22 (f. 22v), 23 (f. 23), 24 (f. 23v), 25 (f. 24v), 42 (f. 45v), 52 (f. 58), 57 (f. 62), 58 (f. 63), 59 (f. 64v) and 68 (f. 75v). Large, very attractive white vine or other foliate initials are found before Psalms 38, 39, 40, 41, 43, 44, 45, 51, 80 and 97. Interestingly, the traditional hierarchy of initials in a Psalter, with major divisions at Psalms 1, 51 and 101, and at the Ferial divisions, is somewhat inconsistently observed here, with quite prominent initials found at Psalms that are liturgically unimportant. BINDING: The binding is a very handsome example of a Rebdorf binding from the fifteenth century (probably after the reform of the Abbey in 1458). The seven large knotwork leather tabs that mark the liturgical divisions of the Psalter are a noteworthy feature. Bound in pigskin over heavy bevelled wooden boards, tooled in blind with simple intersecting triple fillets forming a rectangular center panel decorated with intersecting diagonal lines, a few round rosette stamps with six petals, sewn on three cords, seven contemporary knotted leather tabs marking the liturgical divisions, upper cover lettered Psalterium with pressmark E.1. in two places, top edges lettered Rebdorf, spine with three raised bands (plus raised bands at the head and tail) forming four compartments with two later brown leather labels added in the first labelled in gilt: LIBER/ PSALMORUM/ CUM GLOSSA/ INTERLINEARI/ and CODEX/ MEMBRANACEUS/ PER VETUSTUS ; two later brass clasps and catches, once with five bosses on front and back covers (holes and circular impressions remain). Front pastedown, fragment of a fifteenth-century Missal from Germany, in a large formal Gothic script; incipit, //to aque et torrentes in solitudine et que arida erat in stagnum et siciens in fontes aquarum. Dicit Dominus omnipotens. In sole posuit tabernaculum suum Oremus. Flectamus genua. Levate. Indignos nos quesumus Domine famulos tuos... eo ianuam et non // ; Back pastedown, Noted fragment from a twelfth-century Germany Antiphonary with staffless neumes; incipit, Quia ecce veniet et non tardabit. Consolamini, consolamini popule meus dicit Deus vester. Antiphona. Letamini in Iherusalem et exsultate omnes Antiphona. Dabit illi Dominus sedem David patris suit et regnabit in eternum. In quacumque die huius cum antiphona exspectetur differuntur//. ORIGIN AND OWNERSHIP: 1. Written in Germany, likely in Southern Germany, in the second third of the twelfth century, c , based on the evidence of the script, decoration and later provenance. 2. The manuscript belonged to the Augustinian house of St. John the Baptist at Rebdorf, near Eichstätt, in Bavaria, founded in 1156 (see below), and it is quite possible that it was copied there (or brought there very early in its history); with fifteenth-century inscriptions at the foot of the inner front cover Iste liber est beatissimi Johannis [crossed out: beate] baptiste in Rebdorff Eystensis dyocesis, and at the top of the pastedown of the lower cover Liber beati Johannis baptiste in Rebdorff prope Eystet. The top edges lettered Rebdorf, and the upper cover lettered Psalterium with a pressmark E.1 in two places. The index to the fifteenth- or sixteenth-century Rebdorf library catalogue includes several glossed Psalters (Ruf, vol. 3, 1933, p. 309). 3. A small f. 23v, initial, The Rebdorf Psalter 95

51 ff. 100v-101, page layout, The Rebdorf Psalter

52 clutch of glossed books from Rebdorf belonged to the great library of the Electors Palatine at Heidelberg. The collection was sacked in 1622 during the Thirty Years War; some books were lost and the residue was sent to the Vatican, where it remains as the Biblioteca Palatina (the glossed books listed above). Since the manuscript clearly did not follow the route of the dispersal of the library of Rebdorf after the abbey s suppression in 1806, it may well also have been part of the Palatine library in Heidelberg. 4. Belonged to Edmund Hunt Dring ( ) and to his son Edmund Maxwell Dring ( ), successively directors of Bernard Quaritch Ltd., London booksellers. 5. Belonged to Martin Schøyen (b. 1940), Oslo and London, who acquired it through Quaritch in 1990; his MS 712; bookplate inside front cover; deaccessioned to Sam Fogg in Idda Collection, Switzerland. PUBLISHED REFERENCES: Listed in the online catalogue of the Martin Schøyen Collection (Online Resources). EXHIBITED: Oslo Katedralskole 850 år, Jubileumsutstilling Mars 2003; Verbum Domini I, an exhibition of Bibles and interfaith religion at the Vatican that debuted on 1 March LITERATURE BACKMUND, NORBERT. Die Chorherrenorden und ihre Stifte in Bayern. Augustinerchorherren, Prämonstratenser, Chorherren vom Hl. Geist, Antoniter, Passau, 1966, pp BAIER, HANS. Die Zerstörung der Rebdorfer Bibliothek, Historische Blätter für Stadt und Landkreis Eichstätt 17 (1968), pp HÖCHERL, JOSEF. Rebdorfs Kanoniker der Windesheimer Zeit, , Historischer Verein Eichstätt, Sammelblatt 85 (1992), pp FROEHLICH, KARLFRIED AND MARGARET T. GIBSON, eds. Biblia Latina cum Glossa Ordinaria : Facsimile Reprint of the Editio Princeps Adolph Rusch of Strassburg 1480/81, Turnhout, KLEMM, ELISABETH. Die romanischen Handschriften der Bayerischen Staatsbibliothek, part one, Die Bistümer Regensburg, Passau und Salzburg, Wiesbaden, KRÄMER, SIGRID. Handschriftenerbe des deutschen Mittelalters. Mittelalterliche Bibliothekskataloge, Deutschlands und der Schweiz, Ergänzungsband 1, Munich, , pp (not listing this manuscript). REITER, ERNST. Domus sancti Johannis Baptistae in Rebdorp (Rebdorf), Monasticon Windeshemense, vol. 2, Deutsches Sprachgebiet, ed. Wilhelm Kohl, Brussels, 1977, pp RUF, P. Mittelalterliche Bibliothekskataloge Deutschlands und der Schweiz, III, Munich, 1933, p SMITH, LESLEY. The Glossa Ordinaria: The Making of a Medieval Bible, Leiden and Boston, ONLINE RESOURCES Martin Schøyen Collection 98 f. 57, inhabited initial, The Rebdorf Psalter

53 Fig. 4.1 Vatican City, Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, MS Pal. Lat. 51, Bible, f. 2v Fig. 4.2 Munich, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, Clm 22245, Legendarium Windbergense, f

54 5 The Buxheim Psalter: Psalter with Calendar, Canticles and Litany In Latin, illuminated manuscript on parchment Southern Germany (Augsburg?), c (before 1235?) Jaunty, colorful, set with three-dimensional gold and silver, resembling enamels or the earliest stained-glass, every page with ornament, imagination, endless variety; Romanesque from the gothic era, in its ancient binding; light, portable, tactile, personal, private; one of the oldest medieval books ever made for secular use, at the dawn of lay literacy, with farming scenes in its calendar, ploughing, harvesting, sowing and cooking; probably aristocratic, knightly, chivalric, court culture, music, prayer, doubtless from a castle chapel or chantry; later gathered in by Buxheim Abbey, Carthusian, where every monk lived as a hermit with his own cell and garden, perhaps an ancestral treasure of a novice; shared a library with a Gutenberg Bible; then with a more-or-less unbroken provenance ever since; chosen by H. P. Kraus as one of the hundred finest illuminated manuscripts he ever handled. The books discussed to this point all are associated with the public, liturgical use of the Bible in the Eucharistic service of the Mass, and the daily public prayer of the church said by clerics, monks and nuns, the Divine Office. The central text of the Mass was the Gospels, preserved in Gospel Books such as the Liesborn Gospels and in Gospel Lectionaries (nos. 1-3). The core text of the Divine Office was the Psalms; the Rebdorf Psalter (no. 4) was a book used by canons to enrich their liturgical life. The importance of the Psalms to medieval Christians, however, extended beyond their public liturgical use in the Divine Office. Psalters were copied throughout the Middle Ages for private devotional use, and from early in the Middle Ages through the thirteenth century, they were the primary prayer books used by the f. 45, (detail), St. Michael and the dragon, The Buxheim Psalter 103

55 laity. Some of the most famous books from Carolingian times were illuminated Psalters commissioned by the emperors themselves. The Dagulf Psalter, Vienna, ÖNB, Cod. 1861, was made for Charlemagne (d. 814); his grandson, Charles the Bald (d. 877), also owned a beautifully illuminated Psalter (Paris, BnF, MS lat. 1152). By the second half of the twelfth century, especially in Germany, the illuminated Psalter for private devotional use for lay people was a popular and established genre the first devotional books made in any quantity for secular owners. A very early example is the Psalter made for Henry the Lion (d. 1195) and his wife, Matilda (d. 1189) in Lower Saxony after 1167 (London, British Library, Lansdowne MS 381). The Buxheim Psalter is later, but it is an important and relatively early example of this type of Psalter. This is a luxurious manuscript doubtless made for a wealthy owner. It includes the one hundred and fifty Psalms, accompanied by a calendar of the saints, the Gallican canticles (biblical passages said daily during the Office), a Litany and prayers. The manuscript begins with calendar pages that list the feasts of saints celebrated each month, tailored to the saints that were important in the locality where the Psalter was made (or where it was intended to be used). The artist used the calendar pages for charming and less formal illuminations from day-to-day life, decorating each page with four arches along the top, and then adding five little buildings in the hollows between the arches and at the ends. In the middle of the page in a large roundel, the artist drew one of the traditional labors of the month: May, for example, is illustrated by a girl seated among green foliage with leaves in her hair, holding a red fleurde-lis in each hand; September shows the grape harvest, one man cutting grapes with a sickle and another trampling them in a cask and beating them down with a paddle; and November, a man threshing bundles of corn, with a pitchfork behind him. The initials within the Psalter itself in contrast are quite solemn and dramatic. Psalms 1, 51, and 101 (the traditional tripartite division of the Psalter), begin with full-page historiated initials that celebrate the religious meanings of the Psalms. They are very high quality, and notable for the colorful rich linen-fold drapery. H. P. Kraus considered this Psalter one of the hundred greatest manuscripts he had owned, and was unstinting in his love of these illuminated pages: The present manuscript must be considered as one of the finest surviving examples of Franconian art of the early years of the thirteenth century (or perhaps the closing years of the twelfth century). None of the manuscripts from this area which we have seen can be said to surpass the present one in the artistic merits of its large miniatures. 104 f. 1, calendar page (May), The Buxheim Psalter 105

56 106 ff. 2v-3, calendar pages (August, September), The Buxheim Psalter 107

57 Psalm 1 begins with a two-compartment initial depicting two seated figures. The top figure has traditionally been identified as David, the author of the Psalms, here depicted as a young king, without a beard, seated on a throne. The lower figure is clearly a bishop since he is holding a crozier, and it has been suggested that he may be the high priest Melchizedek. Psalm 51 begins with a splendid image of St. Michael, depicted as a standing figure dressed in swirling colored robes holding a lance which he thrusts into the mouth of the dragon. Psalm 101 is introduced with the standing figure of Christ, with his right hand raised in blessing and his left hand holding a book in the fold of his robe. Images of saints were an important element in the iconography of Psalters copied for lay use (Klemm, 2004). The image of St. Michael before Psalm 51 is a good example of this, and there is an established iconographic tradition in German Psalters to depict him before this Psalm (fig. 5.1 and 5.2). It is even possible that the figure below David before the first Psalm is not Melchizedek, but rather a locally venerated saint. The evidence of the script and the style of the illumination suggest that it was certainly made in Southern German in the early decades of the thirteenth century, c The calendar and the litany include numerous saints popular in Augsburg and in the diocese of Constance (modern-day Switzerland around Constance and St. Gall, and neighboring Southwestern Germany). The calendar includes St. Ulrich on July 4 (venerated especially in Augsburg), later underlined in red. The feast of St. Elizabeth of Thuringia (also known as Elizabeth of Hungary) was added to the calendar on November 17. Elizabeth, a Hungarian Princess who married Louis IV of Thuringia, was canonized in 1235, only four years after her death. The fact that her feast was added suggests that the manuscript may date before 1235 (St. Dominic, canonized in 1234, was also added). Other saints in the calendar and litany include Gallus, principal patron St. Gall, on October 16, celebrated in Switzerland, Freiburg, Munich, and Rottenburg; Othmarus, first Abbot of St. Gall on November 16; and Bishop Conrad on November 26. Conrad was bishop of Constance, and his relics are preserved in the cathedral. Both Saints Ulrich and Afra (also venerated at Augsburg) are included in the litany. Certainly, the iconography of this Psalter, and in particular, the St. Michael initial compares closely with a number of later Psalters localized to Augsburg. For example, Munich, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, Clm 16137, f. 49, dated around (Klemm, 1998, cat. 120) (fig. 5.1), has a very similar initial, down to the 108 f. 4v, (detail), calendar page (December), The Buxheim Psalter f.5, a King and a Bishop, The Buxheim Psalter 109

58

59 neck of the dragon intertwined within the bottom of the initial (one could believe this artist used the Buxheim Psalter as a model). The St. Michael initial on f. 54 in Baltimore, Walters Art Museum, MS 78, probably copied at Augsburg around the middle of the thirteenth century, is another example (fig. 5.2). The Walters Psalter has been linked with two other Psalters from Augsburg, New York Public Library, MS Spencer 11 (also later owned by Buxheim) and Augsburg, University Library, MS 1.2.qu.19. None of these are close to the Buxheim Psalter in style, and they are all later in date. Closer in style to the Buxheim Psalter are the series of single leaves dispersed in Munich by at least 1874 (Swarzenski, 1936, p. 137, no. 58, and figs. 710, 713, ), including Nuremberg, Germanisches Nationalmuseum, Kupferstichkabinett Mm (fig. 5.3) and Nuremberg, Landesgewerbemuseum INV. V. 24 NR. 1925/6,traditionally, but not certainly, attributed to Augsburg in the first half of the thirteenth century. An earlier description suggested that some of these leaves may even have once been included within the Buxheim Psalter as full-page miniatures before the first Psalm. The initials in a Psalter, Bamberg, Staatsbibliothek, Msc. Bibl. 48 (A II 47) from Bamberg, especially the drapery in the Annunciation, are also similar enough in style that some connection may be possible, a matter that is worth further consideration (Swarzenski, 1936, figs ) (fig. 5.4). In addition to these grand illuminations before Psalms 1, 51, and 101, there are fourteen large historiated initials marking liturgical divisions within the Psalter. A technical feature of interest in these initials is the use of panels of gold or silver covered with red tracery, apparently achieved by drawing the red first and then washing over in metallic paint: the initial on f. 82v is unfinished and shows only about half the gold applied. Sewing holes remaining above the illuminated initials show that they were once covered with little silk or textile curtains. The initial on f. 89v for Psalm 105 ( Confitemini domino ) shows a kneeling figure holding a scroll, partially erased, but apparently inscribed pirao[ ] (or possibly pimo[ ] ), which could be a name. Is this a self-portrait of the artist (Piron?), shown in an act of humble confession? The organization of the Divine Office, and in particular, the way the Psalms were distributed over the course of each day and through the week, differed slightly depending on where the Office was being said. The liturgical use in monasteries differed from that followed by secular clerics such as priests and bishops who did not belong to a monastic order (or other clerics such as those associated with Cathedral churches). There are historiated initials in this Psalter at the beginning of Psalms 26, 38, 52, 68, 80, 97, and 109. Together with the illuminated initials at Psalms 1 and 101, these divisions correspond to the groupings of Psalms in the 112 f. 84, Christ Blessing, The Buxheim Psalter 113

60 114 ff. 34v-35, The Buxheim Psalter 115

61 Divine Office on successive days of the week in non-monastic churches: Psalm 1 was the first Psalm of Matins on Sunday, Psalm 26 on Monday, and Psalm 38 on Tuesday, and so on through Saturday (see Hughes, 1982, p. 52, figure 4.2). Psalm 109 was the first Psalm sung at Sunday Vespers. Initials at Psalms 114, 121, 126, 131, 137, and 143 mark the readings at Vespers, Monday-Saturday, and there is an initial before the first Canticle. Although liturgical in origin, initials at these points in the Psalter were traditional, and are often found in Psalters such as this one intended for devotional use. At some time in the fifteenth century, this manuscript was acquired by the famous Carthusian monastery at Buxheim, certainly by 1446 when the inscription was added on f. 1v stating that it was allocated for the use of Conrad Rietesel, a monk of Buxheim. Buxheim was founded in 1402 just east of Memmingen in the diocese of Augsburg in upper Swabia (now on the border between the modern states of Baden-Württemberg and Bavaria). In the fifteenth century it was one of the largest and wealthiest Carthusian houses in Germany, with a substantial library of manuscripts and printed books. When the manuscript passed into use at Buxheim, the monks vigorously altered it to suit its new use as a Choir book. The Psalms sung at the long night office of Matins were numbered 1-12, and headings were added to identify the day of the week; in many cases, the monks even rubbed away small squares of pigment within the initials so they could write the numbers inside the initials. Corresponding to these numbers and headings, are leather tabs marking the beginning of Psalms 20, 32, 45, 59, 73, 85, and 101 that mark the Psalms sung at Matins according to monastic use on each day of the week beginning with Sunday; there are also tabs at Psalms 109, marking the Psalm sung on Sunday at Vespers, and Psalm 148, sung at Lauds. The manuscript was foliated, the Psalms were numbered consecutively, and the prayers and other texts that were needed for the Divine Office, some with musical notation, were added in the margins and on half sheets inserted into the volume. This transformation of a devotional Psalter into a book to be used for the Divine Office was very carefully organized; many of the additions on the half sheets include references to other places within this book using folio numbers. This is a very attractive volume physically; sturdy, easily read, and quite moderate in size and weight even in its fifteenth-century binding (wooden boards often add substantially to the weight of a book). The fact that the transformation of this Psalter from a volume for private devotion to a Psalter for use during the Divine Office can be so readily traced within its pages makes it a particularly compelling artifact. 116 f. 3v, calendar page (October), The Buxheim Psalter 117

62 Transfiguration of St. Bruno above Buxheim, by Caspar Sichelbein, Buxheim, 1603 PHYSICAL DESCRIPTION: 136 folios plus five partial leaves and one complete leaf, now f. 137, added in the fifteenth century, on parchment (good quality, some original holes formerly sewn, e.g. f. 89, circled in red), foliated in pencil top outer corner recto with added partial leaves following ff. 27, 39, 50, 61, and 95 foliated as ff. 28a, 40a, 51a, 62a, and 96a, lacking two leaves at the beginning and one at the end after f. 136, else complete (collation, i 2 [-1 and 2, entirely lacking, with loss of text] ii-iii 2 iv-v 8 vi 8 [+halfsheet tipped in after 7, following f. 27] vii 8 viii 8 [+halfsheet tipped in after 3, following f. 39] ix 8 [+halfsheet tipped in after 6, following f. 50] x 8 xi 8 [+halfsheet tipped in after 1, following f. 61] xii 8 xiii 6+1 [f. 81, singleton, added after 4] xiv 8 xv 8 [+halfsheet tipped in after 4, following f. 95] xvi-xix 8 xx 6 [-6, following f. 136, with loss of text] xxi 1 [fifteenth-century addition, likely once preceded by another leaf, possibly cancelled]), quires numbered by a modern hand in pencil on the first leaf, no original catchwords or signatures, ruling extremely faint but it seems to have been ruled with a very hard lead that usually left no color, prickings occasionally remain top margin (justification 160 x mm.), written in dark brown ink, probably above the top ruled line in a broad early gothic bookhand in twenty long lines, the first word of each Psalm in capitals touched in red, first words of main divisions of the text in alternately red and blue letters, versal initials throughout in red and, on a few pages (and apparently without significance), also touched in blue, LARGE FOUR LINE INITIALS THROUGHOUT at the start of each Psalm vigorously drawn in parted red and blue with penwork infilling and surround in both colors, sometimes extending into margins, and sometimes forming simple pictures (e.g., a king in a crown, perhaps God, for Psalm 49, Deus deorum on f. 42v; a house for Psalm 90, Qui habitat on f. 78v; the face of Christ for Psalm 98, Dominus regnavit on f. 83r; a kneeling figure holding a scroll, possibly the artist himself for Psalm 105, Confitemini domino on f. 89v; a face of a happy man and a gothic gateway for Psalm 118, Beati illuminati in via on f. 100; and a face for the Athanasian Creed, Quicumque vult on f. 132v), FOURTEEN LARGE ILLUMINATED INITIALS, two of them with a dragon, mostly six lines high, EIGHT CIRCULAR CALENDAR MINIATURES of the occupations of the months, and THREE FULL-PAGE HISTORIATED INITIALS; LATE MEDIEVAL BUXHEIM BINDING of wooden boards very slightly bevelled on their inner edges extending slightly beyond the bookblock, sewn on three double twisted thongs pegged into the boards, green and white head and tail bands, covered with white leather, impressions of two small tools stamped on spine (only), one arabesque in a cusped lozenge, the other floral in a lozenge, the main divisions of the text marked by tabs on the edges of the pages mostly in tanned leather roughly sandwiched around the edges of the pages, metal clasps on straps from lower cover held by rectangular strips of brass stamped with a floral design (only upper one remains; lower one a modern replacement) fitting onto metal catches on edge of upper cover, later paper labels on spine with title Psalte/rium and a rosette stamped or stencilled in dark red, pastedowns from a German twelfth-century manuscript (described below), housed in red cloth and leather slip case, lettered on spine, The Buxheim Psalter/ XIII Cent., and with Helmut Beck s embossed white book label. Dimensions 211 x 151 mm. 118 Binding, The Buxheim Psalter 119

63 TEXT: ff. 1-4v, Calendar, May to December only, one month per page; text in red and black, not graded, but with occasional names underlined later in red, including Uldaricus (or Ulrich, 4 July, underlined in red), Willibald (7 July), Verena (1 September), Magnus (6 September), Regula (12 September), Leodegar (2 October), Gallus (16 October), with octave, Othmar (16 November), Conrad (26 November); Dominic (5 August), canonized in 1234 and Elizabeth of Thuringia (19 November), canonized in 1235, are both added; St. Francis, canonized in 1228 is lacking; ff v, Psalter, with Psalms 148, 149, 150 copied as one; ff. 122v-134, [Gallican canticles], f. 122v, Confitebor tibi domine [Isaiah 12]; f. 123, Ego dixi [Isaiah 38:10]; f. 123v, Exultavit cor meum [1 Kings 2:1]; f. 124v, Cantemus domino gloriose [Exodus 15:1]; f. 125v, Domine audiui [Habakkuk 3]; 126v, Audite celi [Deut. 32:1]; f. 129v, Benedicte omnia [Daniel 3:57]; f. 130, Benedictus dominus deus [Luke 1:68]; f. 130v, Pater noster ; f. 131, Credo in deum ; f. 131, Magnificat [Luke 1:46]; f. 131v, Nunc dimittis [Luke 2:29]; f. 131v, Te deum laudamus ; f. 132v, Quicumque vult (Mearns, 1914, pp ); ff. 134v-136v, Litany with martyrs Stephen, Clement, Sixtus, Cornelius, Cyprian, Blasius [erased, relic at St. Blaise], Emmeram [Regensburg, erased], Lambert [Liège, erased], Laurence, Vincent, Denis [erased], Boniface [Rhineland, all south Germany, erased], Januarius [erased], Kylian [Franconia, erased], Cyriacus [apparently, thoroughly erased], Maurice, Gereon and his companions [Cologne, erased], George [erased], Vitus, Sebastian, Oswald [relics at Weingarten], Pelagius [lived in Constance], Pantaleon, Christopher, Chrysogonus, and Thomas [Becket]; and with confessors including Remigius, Maximinus [Trier], Willibald [Eichstätt], Ulrich [Augsburg], Conrad [bishop of Constance, canonized in 1123], Benedict, Anthony, Jerome, Maurus, Columbanus [Bobbio], Gallus [area of Lake Constance], Magnus [area of Lake Constance, Bavaria], Othmar [area of Lake Constance], Maiolus [eastern France], Udilus [Odilo?], Leonard, Giles, and Alexius; and with virgins and widows including Afra [Augsburg], Verena [Zurzach, Switzerland], Margaret, Scholastica, Walpurga [Eichstätt], Katherine, Crescentia, Elizabeth [possibly Elizabeth of Schönau, d. 1164?], and Ursula [Cologne], ending imperfectly in the invocations which follow the Litany, Ut obsequium servitutis// ; f. 137rv, [Hymns, not noted, added in the fifteenth century], Ymnus ferialis ad nocturnum, incipit, Eterne rerum conditor ; Ymnus ad laudem ferialis diebus, incipit, Splendor paterne glorie ; [ending mid. f. 137v, remainder blank]. ILLUSTRATION: ff. 1-4v, Eight calendar pages, with each page framed in bars of silver and gold with four arches along the top with five little buildings in the hollows between the arches and at the ends, with a large letter K in gold or silver in the top left hand corner of each page, illustrated with a miniature in a roundel painted in strong dark colours heavily outlined and without gold, inscribed with titles in white capitals: f. 1, [May], a girl seated among green foliage with leaves in her hair, holding a red fleur-de-lis in each hand; f. 1v, [June], a man ploughing, steering a twowheeled plough drawn by two horses whose rumps are just visible past a tree; f. 2, [July], a man sharpening a scythe with a green stone; f. 2v, [August], a man cutting corn with a sickle; f. 3, [September], the grape harvest, one man cutting grapes with a sickle and another trampling them in a cask and beating them down with a paddle; f. 3v, [October], a man sowing seed with a sack beside him; f. 4, [November], a man threshing bundles of corn, with a pitchfork behind him; f. 4v, [December], a man stunning a pig with the back of an axe, with a cooking pot hanging over a fire on the right. Three full-page historiated initials: f. 5, Psalm 1, a King and a Bishop, 172 x 122 mm., with the letters EATUS VIR in red capitals vertically down the right-hand edge of the page, the initial in split and interlaced design in grey-green with a crowned figure seated on a throne between two addorsed dragons in the upper compartment, and in the lower compartment a bishop holding a crozier and seated on a chair with lion s head arm finials, all on grounds of raised burnished silver and gold, within panels of blue, red and green; f. 45, Psalm 51, St. Michael and the dragon, 162 x 118 mm. with extension increasing height to 187 mm., with the letters UID GLORIARIS in red capitals horizontally across the bottom of the page, the oval initial itself in pink split open with the descender formed of a dragon (with a second face on its chest) twining its long neck through the bow of the initial, the initial enclosing a standing figure of St. Michael thrusting a lance into the dragon s mouth on a silver ground, framed surround in blue, red and green; f. 84, Psalm 101, Christ Blessing, 165 x 114 mm., with the letters OMINE in red capitals vertically down the right-hand edge of the page, the initial itself in green split open with the left-hand finials each terminating in a bearded human head, all enclosing a standing figure of Christ; fourteen illuminated initials, sixto four-line, in pink, blue or silver on gold, silver, pink or yellow panels with red tracery: ff. 23, 34v, 46, 56v (formed from a blue dragon), 70v, 82v, 95v, 98 (in leafy design in blue terminating in a trumpet), 108, 110 (in leafy design in blue), 111v, 114v, 118v, and 122v (formed of a blue dragon). BINDING: Bound in a handsome example of a late medieval binding from Buxheim, with substantial wooden boards covered with white leather, and decorated on the spine with the impressions from two different small lozenge-shaped stamps; the main divisions of the text marked by tabs on the edges of the pages. Pastedowns: two adjacent leaves from a manuscript of Peter Lombard s Sentences, Germany, c (?), front pastedown, incipit, [in]uitans nos ad manducandum Et semel Christus mortuus in cruce est ibique// [Migne, Patrologia latina, vol. 192, Paris, 1855 [online edition], col. 865, section 5, line 5-866, section 7, line 3]; text continues on the back pastedown, incipit, [imm]olatus est in semetipso lacrimis et orationibus accedat securus// [col. 866, section 7, line 3-867, section 8, line 9]; front pastedown is the lower outer portion of the leaf (trimmed top and outer margin); back pastedown is the top outer portion of a leaf (trimmed in the inner and bottom margins, with loss of marginal notes on the outside), ruled in lead, copied in an upright late caroline minuscule in two columns of at least thirty-three lines, red initials and headings. ORIGIN AND OWNERSHIP: 1. Made for secular use in Southern Germany, possibly in Augsburg, c Acquired by 1446 by the famous library of the Carthusian house at Buxheim, where it was extensively adapted for use as a ferial Psalter. At the top of f. 1v there is a Buxheim ownership inscription recording that the book is assigned to the use of Conrad Rietesel, monk of the house, in 1446: Pertinet libellus iste ad buchshaim usui fratris Conradi rietesel de nyffen professi eius domus deputatus sub anno domini Later ownership marks from Buxheim are found on f. 1, seventeenth- or eighteenth-century, P.P. Cartusianorum in Buxheim ; and a printed label 3 towards the top of the spine; the manuscript once included additional evidence from Buxheim, now no longer extant (recorded in previous descriptions): inside front cover, a shelfmark N.144 ; upper cover, a number 69 (for the Buxheim library, see Honemann, 1995, especially pp ; Ruf, 1932; Krämer, ; see also Online Resources; for the Buxheim shelfmarks, see Sexauer, 1978, pp ). 3. Buxheim was suppressed in The library became the property of Graf von Ostein, and then in 1809 passed to his sister Gräfin von Hatzfeld, and the following year to their cousin Graf Friedrich Karl Waldbott von Bassenheim; the library was sold by his son, Munich, Carl Föster, September, 20, 1883, probably lot Quaritch, catalogue 261 (1908), no. 454, and catalogue 290 (1910), no. 214; and Sotheby s, November, 20, 1912, lot 187, to Cotton. 5. John Meade Falkner ( ), liturgical historian; his sale at Sotheby s, December 12, 1932, lot 412, to Quaritch (their cat. 474, no. 179). 6. Edward J. Bullrich, (formerly with part of his book label), bought from Quaritch, September, ; by descent to D. L. Alvear, who sold it at Sotheby s, March 17, 1952, lot 313, to Edward Bullrich, Jr. (presumably bought back by the first collector s son). 7. Edward Bullrich, Jr. sale, Sotheby s, July 5, 1965, lot 227, to H. P. Kraus. 8. Kraus Catalogues (1967), no. 2; (1970), p. 2, no. 9, and (1978), no Helmut Beck ( ) of Stuttgart (his round white embossed bookplate inside front cover); his sale, Sotheby s, June 16, 1997, lot London, Sam Fogg; Cat. 20 (1998), no. 2; and Art of the Middle Ages, 2007, p Idda Collection, Switzerland. PUBLISHED REFERENCES: H. P. KRAUS, Mediaeval and renaissance manuscripts selected for the beauty of their illumination and the significance of their texts, New York, 1967, cat. 117, no. 2. H. P. KRAUS, Manuscript Treasures, Masterworks of Mediaeval and Renaissance Painting and Illumination, New York, 1970, p. 2, no. 9. H. P. KRAUS, In Retrospect: A Catalogue of 100 Outstanding Manuscripts Sold in the Last Four Decades, New York, 1978, no. 21. HELMUT ENGELHAT, Die Würzburger Buchmalerei im Hohen Mittelalter: Untersuchungen zu einer Gruppe illuminierter Handschriften aus der Werkstatt der Würzburger Dominikanerbibel von 1246, Würzburg, 1987, pp. 80 and 181. SIGRID KRÄMER, Handschriftenerbe des deutschen Mittelalters, Mittlelalterliche Bibliothekskataloge, Ergänzungsband 1, Munich, , listing this manuscript on p. 137 (as formerly H. P. Kraus)

64 SAM FOGG, Cat. 20, London, 1998, no. 2. SAM FOGG, Art of the Middle Ages, London, A. S. G. EDWARDS, Medieval Manuscripts Owned by J. Meade Falkner, in The Medieval Book, Glosses from Friends and Colleagues of Christopher de Hamel, t Goy-Houten, LITERATURE Carl Förster sche Kunstauction. Abtheilung II. Bibliotheca Buxiana. Catalog der Bibliothek des ehem. Carthäuserklosters Buxheim aus dem Besitze seiner Erlaucht des Herrn Hugo Grafen von Waldbott- Bassenheim [ ], Munich, n. d. [1883]. HONEMANN, VOLKER. The Buxheim Collection and its Dispersal, Renaissance Studies 9 (1995), pp HUGHES, ANDREW. Medieval Manuscripts for Mass and Office: A Guide to Their Organization and Terminology, Toronto, Buffalo, and London, KLEMM, ELISABETH. Die Darstellung von Heiligen als Thema der Psalterillustration, in The Illuminated Psalter: Studies in the Content, Purpose and Placement of its Images, ed. F. O. Büttner. Turnhout, 2004, pp KLEMM, ELISABETH. Die Illuminierten Handschriften des 13. Jahrhunderts Deutscher Herkunft in der Bayerischen Staatsbibliothek, Wiesbaden, MEARNS, JAMES. The Canticles of the Christian Church, Eastern and Western, in Early and Medieval Times, Cambridge, Fig. 5.1 Munich, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, Clm 16137, Augsburg Psalter, f. 49 RUF, PAUL, ed. Mittlelalterliche Bibliothekskataloge Deutschlands under der Schweiz, 3. Bd. 1. Teil: Bistum Augsburg, Munich, 1932, pp SEXAUER, WOLFRAM D. Frühneuhochdeutsche Schriften in Kartäuserbibliotheken. Untersuchungen zur Pflege der volkssprachlichen Literatur in Kartäuserklöstern des oberdeutschen Raums bis zum Einsetzen der Reformation, Europäische Hochschulschriften, Reihe 1, Deutsche Literatur und Germanistik 247, Frankfurt am Main, Fig. 5.2 Baltimore, Walters Art Museum, MS 78, Psalter, f. 54 SWARZENSKI, H. Die Lateinischen Illuminierten Handschriften des XIII. Jahrhunderts in den Ländern an Rhein, Main und Donau, Berlin, ONLINE RESOURCES Buxheim and its Library

65 Fig. 5.3 Nuremberg, Germanisches Nationalmuseum, Kupferstichkabinett, Mm 26 (Bredt 19), Annunciation Fig. 5.4 Bamberg, Staatsbibliothek, MS Msc. Bibl. 48, Psalter, f. 7v

66 6 BRUNO [PS. PATERIUS B], Correction and Completion of PATERIUS, Expositio veteris ac novi testamenti [Liber testimoniorum]; Sequences and Hymns; Two Sermons by an Unidentified Author In Latin, illuminated manuscript on parchment Germany, Swabia (St. Blaise Abbey?), c Big, monumental, from the depths of the Black Forest, with initials reminiscent of entangled woods, lions, birds and creatures of the dark; monastic, austere, ancient, heavy, almost flawless condition, clean pages, huge margins probably untrimmed since it left the scriptorium, deep red initials, floppy pages crackling as they turn; a monastic text, usable, readable, publishable, encompassing in one huge volume all the works of Gregory the Great, his homilies, the Pastoral Care, and above all the Moralia on the book of Job, with citations of absolute precision, drawn from manuscripts in Gregory s own household; a manuscript with an unbroken line of provenance for 900 years, including two Ottonian monasteries, a prince s castle in Bohemia, a papal countess of California, and a Scandinavian shipping magnate. To understand how the Bible was experienced during the Middle Ages it is important to remember that it was read and studied in the context of the commentaries written by the revered Church Fathers. Gregory the Great was often depicted during the Middle Ages with a dove symbolizing the Holy Spirit perched on his shoulder. The Bible encompassed not only the words we think of as the Bible, but also the divinely inspired interpretation and understanding of these words in the writings of the teachers of the church. As Christopher de Hamel has observed, an eleventh- or twelfth-century monastery might have owned two or three manuscripts of the Bible (or manuscripts containing parts of the Bible), but they would have owned dozens of biblical commentaries (de 127

67 Hamel, 2001, pp ). Monks heard the words of the Bible during the liturgy; they then meditated and studied these words in commentaries (nos. 6-12). This is a classic monastic book copied at the very end of the eleventh century or the beginning of the twelfth century. It is an impressive volume in its size. Its text was formally copied by well-trained scribes, and it is very easy to read with relatively few abbreviations. There is little evidence that these scribes were under pressure to work quickly. In contrast with the books copied in the later Middle Ages, this book was copied by monks who worked hard, but at a meditative pace; their hours in the scriptorium were part of their devotional life. The careful red and yellow initials and other decoration certainly enliven the volume, but they are also functional, and served to make the different sections of the text easy to find. It survives to this day in remarkably fine condition and it still a wonderful volume to read and to admire. Its history is linked to two of the great Benedictine monasteries of Southern Germany. We know it was in the library of the monastery of St. George at Ochsenhausen by the fourteenth century when notes added were stating that although it was then being used by a certain John, a rector at Lopham (almost certainly Laupheim, south of Ulm, and about thirty kilometres from Ochsenhausen), it was to be returned to Ochsenhausen after his death ( In Ochsenhusen perthinet liber iste post mortem Johannis rectoris in lopham amen ), but it is likely that it was part of their library much earlier. Ochsenhausen was founded in 1093 as a priory of the monastery of St. Blaise in the Black Forest. The early history of St. Blaise dates back to the ninth century, when it may have been a cell of Rheinau Abbey, but its foundation is usually associated with Reginbert of Seldenbüren (d. c. 962). In the eleventh century it was an important center of Swabian monastic reform according to the constitutions of the Northern Italian Cluniac Abbey of Fruttuaria. Numerous houses, including, among others, Muri, Gottwieg, Wiblingen and Ochsenhausen, were reformed or founded under its supervision. It was a wealthy house, with an important scriptorium. Scholars are generally in agreement that in the late eleventh and twelfth centuries, and in particular, in the early decades after its foundation, manuscripts for the library at Ochsenhausen were copied at its mother house of St. Blaise (Houben, 1979; cf. Stamm in Das tausendjährige St. Blasien, 1983, pp ). Certainly the style of the initials in this manuscript is similar to that of initials found in other St. Blaise manuscripts. This lovely and impressive manuscript of an important contemporary text would have been an appropriate foundation gift to the new Abbey. 128 f. 2v, initial, Bruno [Ps. Paterius B], Expositio veteris ac novi testamenti (reduced) 129

68 130 ff. 50v-51, Bruno [Ps. Paterius B], Expositio veteris ac novi testamenti (reduced) 131

69 The Liber testimoniorum (Book of Testimonies) is a work by St. Paterius, who was a church notary and close associate of Pope Gregory the Great (Pope from ), and who died as Bishop of Brescia in 606. Paterius searched through Gregory s works, especially the Moralia on Job (no. 8), extracting comments on various biblical passages, and rearranging them in the order of the Bible. His work was not completed, and only the commentaries on Genesis through the Song of Songs survive. A number of twelfth-century authors imitated and completed Paterius s text (Étaix, 1958; Wasselynck, 1962; Wilmart, 1972; Martello, 2012a, and 2012b). The text in our manuscript is the version of Paterius s text by an otherwise unknown author, the monk, Bruno. Bruno s commentary was not common; it is now known only in about fifteen manuscripts, or a few more (eleven listed in Stegmüller, , nos ; a partial copy at Harvard Houghton Library, MS Typ 205, see Light, 1988, cat. 21, pp ; Darmstadt, Hessische Landes- und Hochschulbibliothek, MS 892, and Munich, BSB, Clm 14406; Martello, 2012a, p. 157 says it exists in more than twenty copies, but does not list them). Apart from its prologue, it has never been printed, and it is awaiting a full scholarly study (prologue, Patrologia latina, vol. 79, cols ). Bruno s project to correct and complete Paterius s text is an interesting witness to the continued importance and adaptation of Gregory s thought in the early twelfth century, and also of considerable interest because of his desire to produce a commentary on the complete Bible. He may have been a contemporary of Anselm of Laon (d. 1117), who later witnesses said wanted to gloss the whole Bible but was prevented from doing so by his many duties (nos ). We know his name only from the prologue that is found in some copies of the text (it is lacking in our manuscript). Bruno mentions that he wrote at the urging of Bernard. Bernard has been identified as Bernard of Clairvaux ( ), and some scholars have concluded that Bruno himself was a Cistercian monk, but the evidence of this manuscript suggests a full study based on all the manuscripts is called for. Although this suggestion is admittedly speculative, it seems possible that that there were two versions of the text, one circulating by the end of the eleventh century in Benedictine monasteries in Southern Germany, and a second (with the prologue?) circulating in Cistercian houses (Wilmart, 1972; Falmagne, 1997; Martello, 2012a, pp ). There are twenty-one large, very attractive, and finely-executed late-ottonian white vine initials, some in red alone, and others in red and yellow, before major sections of the text; three of these initials have dragon-like beasts extending from the initials (ff. 50v, 63v, and 43v). The style of the initials is very close to that 132 f. 43v, initial, Bruno [Ps. Paterius B], Expositio veteris ac novi testamenti (reduced) 133

70 of initials found in other manuscripts from St. Blaise at the end of the eleventh century or early twelfth century; see for example, Commentaries by Jerome and others, Lavantaal, Austria, Stift. St. Paul, MS 18/1 (Houben, 1979, pp ; Das tausendjährige St. Blasien, 1983, cat. 126) (fig. 6.1), and MS 60/1 (Houben, 1979, pp ; Das tausendjährige St. Blasien, cat. 128) (fig. 6.2), known as the Bernauer Missal (mistakenly) from the early twelfth century, and Vienna, Österreichische Nationalbibliothek, Cod. 9, f. 94v, a copy of Pliny (Hermann, 1926, pp , figure 24) (fig. 6.3). The initials in another manuscript from this region, Berlin, MS lat. Fol. 197, probably copied in Southwestern Germany, c. 1130, later at Maria Laach, are also similar (Fingernagel, 1991, cat. 66, plates 186-9). This formal decoration is supplemented by fourteen exceptionally charming drawings of animals and birds used as brackets around text that overruns the column ruling. The lions found on ff. 112, 186v, and 265v, must be copies of aquamanile (vessels in the shape of an animal used for washing hands both during Mass, and during meals) (fig. 6.4). Three marginal sketches in plummet (the medieval predecessor to the pencil) are also of special interest, and are certainly very uncommon, including an animated pointing figure on the verso of first parchment flyleaf, a man s face (f. 21v), and an animal (a lion s head and torso?) on f. 160v. The manuscript also presents interesting, although puzzling, evidence of the workshop practices of a monastic scriptorium (probably, as we have seen, at St. Blaise). It was common for scribes to number their quires as they copied them, so the manuscript could be assembled in the correct order when it was bound. Here, however, there are three series of quire signatures: quires 1-10 (ending f. 76v; note quire 10 has four leaves); quires (ending f. 138v, note quire 18 has six leaves), and quires Quires one, eleven, and nineteen were all counted as quire one. It does not seem likely that these three sets of quire signatures represent the work of three successive scribes, since the second scribe finished quire ten, and then copied quire eleven, numbering it as quire one, and it is difficult to imagine exactly what these three series of signatures mean. The number of hands in the volume does suggest that it was the product of a busy scriptorium. The opening folios were clearly copied by two scribes, who traded off frequently: scribe one copied ff. 1-52v, line 19, ff. 55v, line 5-65v, line 17, and ff. 67v-75, line 8; with the second scribe copying ff. 52v, line 20-55v, line 4, ff. 65v, line 18-f. 67, bottom line, and then beginning again at f. 75, line 9. The second scribe copied large portions of the remainder of the volume with the help of several other scribes. f. 21v, (detail of a man s face), Bruno [Ps. Paterius B], Expositio veteris ac novi testamenti 135

71 136 ff. 139v-140, initial, Bruno [Ps. Paterius B], Expositio veteris ac novi testamenti (reduced) 137

72 St. Blaise Abbey PHYSICAL DESCRIPTION: v (paper) + ii (parchment leaves from a twelfth-century manuscript) folios + v (paper) on parchment (very good quality, although with occasional uneven edges and original holes, e.g. ff. 213, 215, some formerly sewn, e.g., ff. 222, 238, some still sewn, ff. 110 and 167), modern foliation in pencil top outer corner recto, complete (collation i-ix 8 x 4 [through f. 76v] xi-xvii 8 xviii 6 [through f. 138v] xix-xxxiv 8 xxxv 6 [-6, probably cancelled blank]), signed on the last leaf of each quire center lower margin with a Roman numeral in three series, quires 1-10, quires 11-18, and quires 19-35, so that quires 1, 11, and 19 were all counted as quire one (many signatures trimmed), ruled in hard point with the top two or three and the bottom two or three horizontal rules full across, double full-length vertical bounding lines, prickings in three outer margins (justification 235 x mm.), written in brown ink in a neat caroline minuscule in thirty-eight to forty-one long lines by several scribes (discussed above), red rubrics, numerous large red initials, TWENTY-ONE LARGE INITIALS in red and yellow or red alone in interlace foliate scroll design, some with added bird or dragon decoration, FOURTEEN ORIGINAL DRAWINGS OF BIRDS AND ANIMALS, THREE PLUMMET DRAWINGS of a man, a man s face, and an animal (a lion?) in the margins, marginal annotations in contemporary and later minuscule, two additional smaller leaves, measuring 275 x 195 mm., bound before the main text, ruled very lightly in lead (justification 215 x 150 mm.), copied in an upright twelfth-century minuscule, using e-cedilla, straight d and r, straight s internally (round s finally) in two columns of forty lines, two- to one-line red initials, a sermon added at the end in contemporary hand, in good condition, lower blank margin of four leaves excised or repaired. Bound in modern brown morocco, re-sewn, spine lettered in gold, Saint Paterius Liber Testimoniorum/ MS 12 th Cent, housed in modern red cloth and leather slip case, lettered Saint Paterius, Liber Testimonirum, Manuscript on Vellum, circa Dimensions 320 x 215 mm. TEXT: ff. i-ii, [A bifolium from a smaller-format twelfth-century manuscript, begins imperfectly], incipit, Fugiunt uniuersa corporis nocua [five lines of the Sequence for the Dedication of a Church from MS 121 of Notker s Liber hymnorum; Wagner, 1901]; De S. Maria Magdalena, incipit, Laus tibi Christe qui es creator [Sequence for St. Mary Magdalene by Gottschalk of Limburg (d. 1098)]; In Septuagesima, incipit, Cantemus cuncti melodum nunc [Schaller und Könsgen, 1977, no. 1894; Cantus Database id , from Southern Germany or Austria]; incipit, De sancto vincencio, incipit, Precelsa sedis colitur [Sequence for St. Vincent; Fassler, 1993, pp. 355, 370]; De sancto Nicolao, incipit, Laude christe debita ; Item alia, incipit, Con gaudentes exultemus [Schaller and Könsgen, 1977, nos and 2597]; De sancto Thomas, incipit, Mundi pompam uicit almus Christi [Sequence for Thomas Becket; Werner, 1891, p. 510, publishing the text from a manuscript from Zurich]; Alleluia. Vir iste curauit gentem suam et liberauit illam a pernicie [unidentified], Sanctus. Creator rerum pater ingenite Tibi presens concio dulci laudum cantico hoc decantat iubilo. Osana in excelsis [unidentified]; ff , [Bruno (Ps. Paterius B)], Expositio veteris ac novi testamenti], ff. 1-2, [Prologue, dedicated to Pope Gregory], Incipit prologvs paterii, incipit, Cum beatissimi atque apostolici gregorii pontificis nostri inueniri merear uinculis peccatorum, Explicit prologus; f. 2rv, [Table of chapters, Book one, Genesis], incipit, De creato cęlo quod postmodum uocauit firmamentum lxxvi. Beniamin lupus rapax, Expliciunt capitula; ff. 2v- 269, Incipiunt liber de creato cęlo quod postmodum uocauit firmamentum. Iob liber xxvii. Capitulo xli., incipit, Uirtutes angelice que in divino amore fixe perstiterunt lapsis superbientibus angelis 138 f. 265v, lion, Bruno [Ps. Paterius B], Expositio veteris ac novi testamenti (reduced) 139

73 [f. 263, John] In sacro eloquio sicut et quasi aliqando conspicit merore turbatus hiraescit ; ends mid f. 269, remainder blank [Stegmüller, , ; this manuscript with Genesis (f. 2v); Exodus (f. 21v); Leviticus (f. 38); Numbers (f. 43v); Deuteronomy (f. 50); Judges (f. 56v); Kings (f. 59); Psalms (f. 77); Ecclesiastes (f. 119); Song of Songs (f. 122v); Wisdom (f. 131); Ecclesiasticus (f. 132v); Isaiah (f. 139); Jeremiah (f. 155v); Ezekiel (f. 166v); Daniel (f. 176v); Hosea (f. 179v); Amos (f. 182v); Micah (f. 183v); Habakkuk (f. 184); Zephaniah (f. 185); Haggai (f. 185v); Zechariah (f. 185v); Malachi (f. 188v); Apocalypse (f. 188v); Acts (f. 194v); Romans (f. 200v); Corinthians (f. 205v); Galatians (f. 219v); Ephesians (f. 220v); Philippians (f. 221v); Thessalonians (f. 223); Colossians (f. 224v); Timothy (f. 225v); Hebrews (f. 228); Matthew (f. 230); Mark (f. 248v); Luke (f. 251v); John (f. 263), with each section of the commentary beginning with a table of chapters]; ff. 269v-271v, [Sermon added in a contemporary hand] Sermo fidelis sit Michahelis laus peto cęlis, incipit, Circa simpliciores fratres mei simpliora. Gracia utilitatis conformare uerba conamur pierumque enim contigit ; f. 271, Item alius unde supra, incipit, Primo omnium die scriptura diuina est sapientia. Istorum verborum tenor fratres mei magnam habet in se intelligentie regens in deffectiua secula seculorum Amen [Apparently directed to a monastic audience, the substantial passages written over erasure, and the additions in margins, suggest that this may be some sort of draft or author s copy]. SCRIPT: Copied by several scribes in upright, well-spaced caroline minuscule with no signs of horizontal compression; scribes usually use straight s, although round s is found occasionally, straight d and r, and e-cedilla, et is abbreviated with an ampersand; pp written separately; the script of the first scribe is distinctive, with a discernible slant, and finishing strokes on the descenders; this scribe uses a vs ligature at the ends of words. ILLUSTRATION: The major decoration consists of a series of large, very attractive and finelyexecuted late-ottonian white vine initials, some drawn in red alone and others in red and yellow. Initials in red are found on ff. 50v, 56v, 59, 63v, 69, and 73; those on ff. 50v and 63v having a dragonlike beast extending from the initial into the margin. Initials in yellow and red are found on ff. 1, 2v, 22v, 39, 43v (with a dragon-like beast), 78, 106, 119v, 122v, 132v, 140, 189, 194v, 201, and 206. This formal decoration is supplemented by exceptionally charming drawings of animals and birds used as brackets around text that overruns the column ruling. One of these is in text ink (f. 230), and the others are in color (ff. 96v, 103v, 112, 136, 160, 186v, 199v, 223, 228, 230, 237, 240, 265v). The lions are very similar to contemporary aquamanile (fig. 6.4). ORIGIN AND OWNERSHIP: 1. Written at the end of the eleventh or early in the twelfth century, c in Southern Germany, most likely at the monastery of St. Blaise in the Black Forest, given the evidence of the script, decoration, and later provenance. 2. Belonged to the Benedictine monastery of Ochsenhausen, certainly by the late fourteenth century, but very likely early in its history; ex libris on f. 1 (repeated on f. i and f. 271v): In Ochsenhusen perthinet liber iste post mortem Johannis rectoris in lopham amen ; there are also two different library stamps on f. 1, both from Ochsenhausen, and a smaller unlabelled stamp on f. i, also from Ochsenhausen (Mück, 1993, p. 96). Lopham is, presumably, Laupheim, south of Ulm, about 30 kilometres from Ochsenhausen. The manuscript was seen and described at Ochsenhausen by Martin Gerbert in 1765 (Iter Alemmanicum, accedit Italicum et Gallicum, 1765, p. 215; see also Houben, 1979, p. 153). 3. Ochsenhausen was suppressed in 1803 and the abbey and its library were given to Prince Franz Georg Karl, Graf von Metternich ( ), father of Chancellor Metternich, in lieu of lands occupied in the Napoleonic invasion. In 1825 the Metternich family sold the abbey but retained the library. This manuscript was 20.C.4 in their family castle library at Königswart (Kynžvart, in the Czech Republic), now a national museum, the Zámecka knihovna (castle library), but was no longer there in 1965 when the collection was catalogued and it was reported as lost (Čáda, 1965, p. 15 and p. 56, no. 34 desiderata ). 4. Belonged to Dr. Edward Henry Bell of Gwynedd Valley, Pennsylvania (modern note in pencil on front paper flyleaf, f. iv). 5. Belonged to the Countess Estelle Doheny ( ); purchased from Rosenbach in 1946, and described in Bond and Faye, 1962, p. 12, no. 40, as Edward Laurence Doheny Memorial Library, St. John s Seminary, Camarillo, California, MS 5603; ex libris inside front cover; Doheny sale, Christie s, Estelle Doheny Collection: part II, Medieval and Renaissance Manuscripts, 12/02/1987, lot Belonged to Martin Schøyen (b. 1940), Oslo and London, his MS 41 (ex libris inside front cover). 7. Idda Collection, Switzerland. PUBLISHED REFERENCES: Seen and described at Ochsenhausen by MARTIN GERBERT, Iter Alemannicum, accedit Italicum et Gallicum, St. Blasien, 1765, p FRANTIŠEK CÁDA, Czechoslovak Republik. Zámek. Knihovna. Rukopisy Knihovny Státního zámku v Kynžvartě. Prague, 1965, p. 15 and p. 56, no. 34 desiderata. HUBERT HOUBEN, St. Blasianer Handschriften des 11. und 12. Jahrhunderts: Unter besonderer Berücksichtigung der Ochsenhauser Klosterbibliothek, Munich, 1979, listing this manuscript as verloren, pp. 149, 150, and 153, and note 318, stating that it was still at Kynžvart in the middle of the nineteenth century when it was catalogued by H. Schiel. W. H. BOND AND C. U. FAYE, Supplement to the Census of Medieval and Renaissance Manuscripts in the United States and Canada, New York, 1962, p. 12, no. 40 (Edward Laurence Doheny Memorial Library, St. John s Seminary, Camarillo California, MS 5603). K. DIEMER, ed., Laupheim: Rückschau auf 1200 Jahre Laupheimer Geschichte, Weissenhorn, 1979, p. 92. RICHARD ROUSE, Medieval Manuscripts and Early Printed Books, in A Bibliophile s Los Angeles. Essays for the International Association of Bibliophiles on the Occasion of its XIV th Congress, ed. John Bidwell, Los Angeles, 1985, pp at p. 49. SIGRID KRÄMER, Handschriftenerbe des deutschen Mittelalters, Mittlelalterliche Bibliothekskataloge Deutschlands und der Schweiz, Ergänzungsband 1, Munich, , p. 635, as Camarillo, St. John s Seminary, Edward L. Doheny Memorial Library FABRIZIO MARTELLO, Paterius, in P. Chiesa and L. Castaldi, eds. La trasmissione dei testi latini del medioevo. Mediaeval Latin Texts and their Transmission, Florence, 2012, p. 438 (as Kynžvart, Zámeck Knihovna 20. C.4). LITERATURE Das tausendjährige St. Blasien. 200 jähriges Domjubiläum, vol. 1, Katalog zur Ausstellung im Kolleg St. Blasien vom 2. Juli bis 2. Oktober 1983; vol. 2, Aufsätze, Karlsruhe, DELCOGLIANO, M., ed. Gregory the Great on the Song of Songs, Collegeville, Minnesota, ÉTAIX, R. Le Liber testimoniorum de Paterius, Revue des sciences religieuses 32 (1958), pp FALMAGNE, TH. Les cisterciens et les nouvelles forms d organisation des florilèges aux 12 e et 13 e siècles, Archivum latinitatis medii aevi 55 (1997), pp FASSLER, MARGOT ELSBETH. Gothic Song: Victorine Sequences and Augustinian Reform in Twelfth- Century Paris, Cambridge and New York, FINGERNAGEL, ANDREAS. Die illuminierten lateinischen Handschriften deutscher Provenienz der Staatsbibliothek Preussischer Kulturbesitz, Berlin, Jahrhundert, Wiesbaden, HEROLD, M., ed. Ochsenhausen. Von der Benediktinerabtei zur oberschwäbischen Landstadt, Weißenhorn HERMANN, JULIUS. Die deutschen romanischen Handschriften, Beschreibendes Verzeichnis der illuminierten Handschriften in Österreich. II. Band: Die illuminierten Handschriften und Inkunabeln der Nationalbibliothek in Wien, II. Teil: Die deutschen romanischen Handschriften, Leipzig, HOLTER, KURT. Die Bibliothek. Handschriften und Inkunabeln, in Die Kunstdenkmäler des Benediktinerstiftes St. Paul im Lavanttal, Österreichische Kunsttopographie 37, Wien 1969, pp HOUBEN, HUBERT. St. Blasianer Handschriften des 11. und 12. Jahrhunderts: Unter besonderer Berücksichtigung der Ochsenhauser Klosterbibliothek, Munich, MÜCK, HANS-DIETER. Handschriften der ehemaligen Bibliothek der Benedictiner-Reichsabtei Ochsenhausen vom 9. Bis 14. Jahrhundert, in Libri sapientiae, libri vitae : von nützlichen und erbaulichen Schriften : Schätze der ehemaligen Bibliothek der Benediktiner-Reichsabtei Ochsenhausen : Handschriften, Inkunabeln, Frühdrucke, Bücher vom 9 bis 18. Jahrhundert : eine Ausstellung der Stadt Ochsenhausen in Verbindung mit dem Nationalmuseum in Prag, Abteilung für Schlossbibliotheken und dem Denkmalamt für Westböhmen in Pilsen, Ochsenhausen. 1993, pp

74 LIGHT, LAURA. The Bible in the Twelfth Century: An Exhibition of Manuscripts at the Houghton Library, Cambridge, Mass., MARTELLO, FABRIZIO. All ombra di Gregorio Magno: il notaio Paterio e il Liber testimoniorum, Rome, MARTELLO, FABRIZIO. Paterius, in P. Chiesa and L. Castaldi, eds. La trasmissione dei testi latini del medioevo. Mediaeval Latin Texts and their Transmission, Florence, 2012, pp OTT, H. Die Klostergrundherrschaft St. Blasien im Mittelalter. Beiträge zur Besitzgeschichte, Arbeiten zum Historischen Atlas von Südwestdeutschland 4, Stuttgart, OTT, H. Ochsenhausen, Die Benediktinerklöster in Baden-Württemberg, ed. Franz Quarthal, Germania Benedictina 5, Augsburg, 1975, pp SCHALLER, DIETER UND EDWALD KÖNSGEN. Initia carminum latinorum saeculo undecimo antiquiorum, Göttingen WAGNER, PETER. Introduction to the Gregorian Melodies: A Handbook of Plainsong. Origin and Development of the Forms of the Liturgical Chant up to the End of the Middle Ages, 2 nd ed., trans. by Agnes Orme and E. G. P. Wyatt, London, WASSELYNCK, R. Les compilations des Moralia in Job du VII e au XII e siècle, Recherches de théologie ancienne et médiévale 29 (1962), pp WERNER, J. Hymnologische Beiträge, Romanische Forschungen: Organ für romanische Sprachen, Volks-und Literaturen 4 (1891), p WILMART, ANDRÉ. Le Recueil grégorien de Paterius et les fragments Wisigothiques de Paris, Revue bénédictine 39 (1972), pp ONLINE RESOURCES Klöster im Baden-Württemberg: Georg Pfeiffer and Karl-Heinz Braun, Saint Blasien ; Konstantin Maier, Saint George Ochsenhausen Christine Glaßner, Inventar der Handschriften des Benediktinerstiftes St. Paul im Lavanttal bis ca. 1600, Vienna, Cantus Database Fig. 6.1 Sankt Paul im Lavanttal, MS 18/1, Jerome, Commentary on Matthew, f f. 112, (detail), Bruno [Ps. Paterius B] Expositio veteris ac novi testamenti 143

75 Fig. 6.3 Vienna, Österreichische Nationalbibliothek, Cod. 9, Pliny, f. 94v Fig. 6.4 New York, The Metropolitan Museum of Art, The Cloisters Collection, 1994 ( ), Aquamanile in the Form of a Lion Fig. 6.2 Sankt Paul im Lavanttal, Missal, MS 60/1, ff. 56v

76 7 JEROME, Expositio super Psalmos triginta from his Tractatus lix in psalmos; Carmen in laudem Hieronymi, attributed to PETRARCH In Latin, decorated manuscript on parchment Italy (Northern?), c Romanesque, heavy, grainy parchment (which was so much admired by William Morris), superb script, scarcely any word division, headings in uncials from the previous millennium, some words in Greek, perhaps copied from an early Christian exemplar; graceful, large, clean, sound, handsome, noble, opens well, marvellous painted initial; intellectual, thoughtful, Jerome writing on the Psalms, the text which obsessed him more than any other, used by monks who knew the Psalms by heart; a core text of medieval civilization; probably eventually localizable in Romanesque Italy; passed through a world which knew Petrarch, disgorged under Napoleon, sold in England; the quintessential manuscript of Quaker taste, owned by Lord Peckover, the least appreciated and probably greatest Quaker connoisseur. There is no Church Father with a more direct and pervasive influence on the medieval Bible than Sophronius Eusebius Hieronymus (c ). He was the author of an enormous body of work, including numerous letters, historical and hagiographical works, and biblical commentaries. His skill as a linguist earned him the title, vir trilinguis, since he knew Hebrew, Greek, and Latin. In 382 Pope Damasus I (c ) commissioned him to write a new translation of the Gospels from the Greek. This translation, together with his subsequent translation of most of the Old Testament books from Hebrew, ultimately completed decades later in 405/406, was his greatest achievement, and forms the core of the biblical translation, now known as the Vulgate, read throughout the Middle Ages and into modern times. Jerome translated the Psalms three times an indication of the special importance of this biblical book. His first two translations were from the Greek; f. 1, initial, Jerome, Expositio super Psalmos triginta 147

77 the second, known as the Gallican Psalter, was widely disseminated and became the standard text during the Middle Ages, used in the liturgy, for study, and in the schools. In contrast with his translations of the other Old Testament Books, his final translation of the Psalms from the Hebrew, the Psalterium iuxta Hebraeos, never circulated widely during the Middle Ages. Jerome was revered as the author of the Vulgate, and his biblical commentaries were also widely read. He was the author of two commentaries on the Psalms. The first, known as his Commentarioli, or Little Commentary, probably written c. 389/391 (Dekkers, 1961, no. 582; Stegmüller, , no. 3326; Morin, ed., 1959), offers only very brief comments on the Psalms. His second commentary, the Tractatus lix in psalmos, is included in the manuscript described here. It consists of a series of much longer homilies on the text of fifty-nine Psalms (Dekkers, 1961, no. 592; Stegmüller, , no. 3325; Morin, ed., 1958, pp ). Most modern scholars agree that Jerome based this work on the homilies on the Psalms by the great Greek biblical scholar, Origen (c c. 254) (no. 10), although his work was more than a simple translation, since he introduced comments of his own (Peri, 1980; Rondeau, 1982). A third commentary, the Breviarium in psalmos, circulated as Jerome s in the Middle Ages, but it is not an authentic work, but rather a later compilation including text from the Commentarioli and the Tractatus, with additions by other authors (Dekkers, 1961, no. 629; Stegmuller, , no. 3333). Jerome s commentary discusses fifty-nine of the 150 Psalms. Our manuscript includes commentaries on thirty of the Psalms from the complete commentary (Psalms 1, 5, 7, 14, 66, 67, 75-7, 81-2, 84, 89, 93, 103, 107, 109, 119, 127-8, 131, 133, 135, 137, 139, 140-2, 148-9; omitting 9, 74, 78, 80, 83, 86, 90, 91, 95-98, , , 108, 110, 111, 114, 115, 132, 136, 143, ). To the best of our knowledge, it is the only version of this commentary that includes these particular Psalms. At the very least, we can see that it was the result of an active process of selection. Someone had to decide which Psalms to include, and which to omit. Why this compiler may have chosen these particular Psalms and whether he introduced other changes, or shortened the individual commentaries, is a question that remains for further research to address. But we can say confidently that the text in this manuscript was the result of an active interaction with Jerome s commentary that adapted it to the needs and interests of a twelfth-century audience. Its unknown author or compiler was producing a new text, in a process that parallels the much more ambitious project by the monk Bruno when he corrected and completed Paterius s Liber testimoniorum (no. 6). This is a harmonious manuscript of gravity and elegance, copied in a beautiful, formal bookhand, with very round-shaped letters, and with each section of the 148 f. 6, Jerome, Expositio super Psalmos triginta 149

78 text introduced by rubrics in excellent uncial script (an ancient script used to copy books as early as the fourth century). In many respects, this twelfth-century manuscript harkens back to manuscripts from earlier centuries; there are even passages where the scribe runs the words together. Ancient manuscripts were copied with no word division at all, but in most twelfth-century century manuscripts scribes carefully separated each word as we do today (Saenger, 1997). It begins with a suitably handsome and very large red and black initial, presenting an interesting variation on the geometric-style initials that often accompanied this type of script in twelfth-century Italian manuscripts. This is a very clean copy, with almost no notes added by later readers. It has few aids for the reader beyond rubrics and red initials at the beginning of each new Psalm commentary, but this manuscript would have been well-suited for public reading or for private study in a monastic context. It was still in use in the fourteenth century when two short texts were added at the end. The first is a poem in praise of Saint Jerome, attributed here to the Italian poet and scholar, Francesco Petrarch ( ). Another reader used the final flyleaf to copy a hymn in honor of Saint Helen (at this time unidentified in other sources). PHYSICAL DESCRIPTION: i (modern parchment) i (modern parchment) folios on parchment (prepared in the manner of southern Europe, good quality, evenly prepared, but rather thick, with the hairsides of some leaves heavily speckled and quite dark), modern foliation in pencil top outer corner recto, complete (collation i-xiii 8 xiv 4 ), horizontal catchwords lower margin (some trimmed), no leaf or quire signatures, ruled in hard point with single or double vertical bounding lines and sometimes with the top two and bottom two horizontal lines full across, prickings outer margins (justification 192 x mm.), copied by several scribes on the top ruled line in a very round twelfth-century minuscule on ff with twenty-nine long lines, and on ff with twenty-five long lines, instructions to the rubricator at the very bottom of several folios (e.g. ff. 21v and 105), red rubrics in a careful uncial display script, numerous two- to six-line red initials, some with decorative void spaces within the initial or with arabesque decoration, ONE VERY LARGE INITIAL, f. 1, twenty-nine lines, in variegated red with red and black geometric panels within the body of the initial, infilled with foliate spirals ending in black ink flowers, followed by four lines of ornamental capitals, the top margin may have been slightly trimmed, minor stains, but in excellent condition with wide and clean margins. Bound in modern brown morocco over bevelled wooden boards with gilt turn-ins, rounded spine with five raised bands, title in gilt S. JERONYMI/ EXPOSITIO/ SUPER/ PSALMOS XXX., gilt edges, boards slightly bowed, some wear to the edges of the spine, but in excellent condition, modern cardboard partial slip case. Dimensions 261 x 170 mm. TEXT: ff v, [Jerome, Tractatus LIX in Psalmos] ff. 1-6, In dei nomine incipit expositio sancti ieronimi presbiteri super psalmos XXX. In primis de psalmo primo, incipit, Psalterivm ita est quasi magna domus quę vnam quidem habit vt uia mala pereat et benedicamus dominum. Cui est Gloria, Explicit de psalmo I; ff. 6-11, Incipit de Psalmo V, incipit, Quintus psalmus hoc titulo prenotatur non laboraui. Cui sit Gloria in secula seculorum, Amen, Explicit de psalmo V; ff , Incipit de Psalmo VII, incipit, Singulis rebus inponuntur enim dominus exaltatus est, Explicit de psalmo VII; ff v, Incipit de psalmo XIIII, incipit, Oportune quartus decimus lectus Illi repromisit nobis redditur uerem, Amen, Explicit de psalmo XIIII; ff. 18v-21v, Incipit de Psalmo LXVI, incipit, Deus miseratur nobis et benedicat suum super nos et miseratur nostri, Explicit de psalmo LXVI; ff. 21v-26, Incipit de psalmo LXVII, incipit, Exurgat deus quam in ceteris[?] creaturis, Amen, f. 18v, Jerome, Expositio super Psalmos triginta 151

79 Explicit de psalmo LXVII; ff , Incipit de psalmo LXXV, incipit, Ante quam inluminaret crux mundum habitat et nobis cum commedete. Cui est honor, Explicit de psalmo LXXV; ff , Incipit de psalmo LXXVI, incipit, Uoce mea ad dominum clamaui in terram repromissionis cui sit Gloria in secula seculorum. amen, Explicit de psalmo LXXVI; ff v, Incipit de psalmo LXXVII, incipit, Precepit scripta divina quando ; ff. 39v-44v, Incipit octuagesima I, incipit, Deus stetit in sinagoga ; ff. 44v-47v, Incipit de psalmo LXXXII, incipit, Deus qui similis tibi ; ff. 47v-53, Incipit octuagesima IIII, incipit, In finem filiorum chorem ; ff , Incipit octuagesima nono, incipit, Oratio moysi hominis dei ; ff , Incipit nonagesima III, incipit, Semper de titulo disputamus ; ff v, Incipit de psalmo CIII, incipit, Iste psalmus continent ipsam creaturam ; ff. 64v-69, Incipit de psalmo CVII, incipit, Canticum psalmi dauid. Canticum semper refertur. Paratum cor meum ; ff v, Incipit de psalmo CVIIII, incipit, Dixit domino meo sedea dextris meis ; ff. 73v-81, Incipit de psalmo CXVIIII, incipit, Veniamus ad psalmum ; ff , Incipit de psalmo CXXVII, incipit, Beati omnes qui timent dominum. Qui timent dominum ; ff v, Incipit CXXVIII, incipit, Sepe expugnauerunt me. Sepe expugnaverunt me iuuenute mea ; ff , Incipit de psalmo CXXXI, incipit, Memento domine. Multi putant ex eo ; ff , Incipit de psalmo CXXXIII, incipit, Ecce nunc benedicte domino. Extremus psalmus ; ff , Incipit de psalmo CXXXV, incipit, Confitemini domino quoniam bonus. Tam se heretici dicunt ; ff , Incipit de psalmo CXXXVII, incipit, Confitebor tibi domini in toto corde meo Quali sunt uulnera ; f. 95rv, Incipit CXXXVIIII, incipit, Eripe me domine. Non tantum potest ; ff. 95v-99, Incipit de psalmo CXL, incipit, Domine clamavi ad te. Moyses stabat cum populo ; ff , Incipit de psalmo CXLI, incipit, Intellectus david cum esse in spelunca oratio. Proscribitur ; ff v, Incipit de psalmo CXLII, incipit, Domine exaudi orationem meam. Humiliam uerba ; ff v, Incipit de psalmo CXLVIIII, incipit, Centesimo quadragesimus nonus psalmos lectus est qui habet istum gladium. Et benedicamus eum in secula seculorum, Amen. Explicit Expositio Sancti Hieromimi Patri De Psalmos Triginta Deo Gratias Amen [Stegmüller, , no. 3325; Dekkers, 1961, no. 592; ed. Morin, 1958, pp , here with thirty of the fifty-nine Psalms]; f. 107v, [fourteenth-century addition] Incipiunt versus de sancto Jeronimo editi per dominum Franciscum P. archidiaconum parmensem laureatum poetam eximium, incipit, Rore parens perfuse sacro cęlestibus auris... Spiritui trinusque poli regnator et unus [Carmen in laudem Hieronymi, attributed to Petrarch; Walther, 1959, no ; Bertalot, , no. 5836; listed as Ps. Petrarch in Dutschke,1986; published in Valentinelli, 1874; see also Vattaso, 1908, pp ]; f. 108 [added hymn], Ymnus in sancta Helena, incipit, Helena benignissima extit beatissima imperatoris genitrix constantini mistici et per Helene merita pergamus ad caelestia, amen [unidentified]; f. 108v, blank. SCRIPT: Copied in a very round version of caroline minuscule with wedge-shaped ascenders; the careful uncials used as a display script are a notable feature. Manuscripts copied in this distinctive script are found from the late eleventh through the twelfth century in Northern and Central Italy; an early example is Paris, BnF, MS lat. 2151, late eleventh/early twelfth century, from Northern Italy. The uncial display script and the very rounded minuscule used for the main text in Paris, BnF, MS lat. 1845, Jerome, Commentary on Matthew, copied in Pistoia in the second half of the twelfth century are similar to the scripts used in the manuscript described here (fig. 7.1). This manuscript is ruled in hard point; there is occasional use of e-cedilla; scribes often use ampersand, but tironian-7 also appears and both round and straight d, and round and straight s are found; round letters are copied separately and do not touch with the exception of pp. ILLUSTRATION: The manuscript begins with a very large and elegant red and black initial on f. 1. The general construction of this initial with heavy fillets forming a frame for geometric infilling, is not dissimilar to the geometric-style initials so popular in Central and Northern Italy in the twelfth century and is often paired with the rounded script found in this manuscript (see nos. 14 and 16). However, the red and black palette and the foliate spirals ending in little black flowers set this initial apart. The form of the smaller red initials within the text is found in other Italian manuscripts of the same general time period (for example, Paris, BnF, MS lat. 794, Pistoia, third quarter of the twelfth century (fig. 7.2). ORIGIN AND OWNERSHIP: 1. Written in Northern Italy c as suggested by the evidence of the script, decoration, and codicological features. 2. Baron Alexander Peckover of Wisbech ( ), his amorial bookplate, inside front cover with LC 3/1, and by descent to his daughter, Elisabeth Peckover Penrose, and to her son, Professor Lionel Penrose (his small bookplate, front flyleaf, f. i); his sale, Sotheby s, December 10, 1962, lot 157, to Dawson s of Pall Mall. 3. Apparently Thomas E. Marston ( ); recorded in the Bergendal Catalogue as part of Marston s deposit at the Beinecke Rare Book and Manuscript Library, Yale; their sale, Sotheby s, July 8, 1970, lot 110; later sold to Lawrence Witten. 4. Belonged to Joseph Pope of Toronto ( ), investor, banker and 152 f. 26, Jerome, Expositio super Psalmos triginta 153

80 prominent collector of medieval manuscripts; bought from Witten in June 1981; Bergendal MS 11 (on this collection, see Pope, 1997 and 1999, and Stoneman, 1997). 5. Pope sale, London, Sotheby s, July 5, 2011, lot Idda Collection, Switzerland. PUBLISHED REFERENCES: JOSEPH POPE, One Hundred and Twenty-Five Manuscripts. Bergendal Collection Catalogue, Toronto,1999, no. 11. WILLIAM P. STONEMAN, A Summary Guide to Medieval and Later Manuscripts in the Bergendal Collection, Toronto in A Distinct Voice: Medieval Studies in Honor of Leonard Boyle, O.P., ed. Jacqueline Brown and William P. Stoneman, Notre Dame, 1997, pp LITERATURE BERTALOT, LUDWIG. Initia humanistica latina: Initienverzeichnis lateinischer Prosa und Poesie aus der Zeit des 14. bis 16. Jahrhunderts, Tübingen, BLAISING, CRAIG A. AND CARMEN S. HARDIN, eds. Psalms 1-50, Ancient Christian Commentary on Scripture. Old Testament 7, Downers Grove, Illinois, CHEVALIER, ULYSSE. Repertorium hymnologicum. Catalogue de chants, hymnes, proses, séquences, tropes en usage dans l église latine depuis les origines jusqu à nos jours, Louvain, , Brussels, DEKKERS, ELIGIUS. Clavis patrum latinorum: qua in novum Corpus christianorum edendum optimas quasque scriptorum recensiones a Tertulliano ad Bedam, Steenbrugge, DUTSCHKE, DENNIS. Census of Petrarch Manuscripts in the United States, Padua, EWALD, M. L. The Homilies of Saint Jerome: 1-59, Homilies on the Psalms, Fathers of the Church 48, Washington, MORIN, G., ed. Hieronymus. Commentarioli in psalmos, Corpus christianorum, series latina 72, Turnhout, MORIN, G., ed. Hieronymus. Tractatus sive homiliae in Psalmos, Corpus Christianorum, series latina 78, Turnhout, PERI, VITTORIO. Omelie origeniane sui Salmi: contributo all identificazione del testo latino, Vatican City, POPE, JOSEPH. The Library that Father Boyle Built, in A Distinct Voice: Medieval Studies in Honor of Leonard Boyle, O.P., ed. Jacqueline Brown and William P. Stoneman, Notre Dame, 1997, pp RONDEAU, MARIE-JOSÈPHE Les commentaires patristiques du Psautier (III e -V e siècles), Rome,1982- SAENGER, PAUL HENRY. Space between Words: the Origins of Silent Reading, Stanford, California, VALENTINELLI, GIUSEPPE. Petrarca e Venezia, Venice, VATTASSO, MARCO. I codici petrarcheschi dela Biblioteca Vaticana, Studi e Testi 20, Rome, WALTHER, H. Initia carminum ac versuum Medii Aevi posterioris Latinorum, Göttingen, ONLINE RESOURCES Cantus Database f. 107v, added poem in praise of Jerome, Jerome, Expositio super Psalmos triginta 155

81 Fig. 7.1 Paris, BnF, MS lat. 1845, Jerome, Commentary on Matthew, f. 3 Fig. 7.2 Paris, BnF, MS lat. 794, Office Lectionary, f

82 8 GREGORY THE GREAT, Moralia in Job (books 1-18) In Latin, decorated manuscript on parchment Northern Italy (Morimondo Abbey), c Huge, the biggest in the collection, too big to hold, a lectern book, a public text, a monumental book, for reading aloud at meals or in the church; vast parchment pages, original condition, wide margins preserving the prickings, utterly monastic, Cistercian, punctus flexus punctuation, big and lovely initials in their characteristic single colors from Cîteaux, red or blue, never both; the most famous and most influential text on the moral layer of Scriptural meaning, relating the patience of Job to medieval monastic life; this copy extensively read and studied by the Cistercian monks (a whole thesis could be written and one day will be on the contemporary nota marks in this copy and where they occur); a known and important monastic provenance, a signed and dated medieval binding; a survival through the Giovio family into public sale in 1977, when most were bought by the Bodleian, except where outbid by Kraus. Gregory the Great served as Pope from He was the author of numerous works that reflect the range of his interests and duties and his special gift for tailoring his message to make it suitable for different audiences, ranging from the Regula pastoralis, on the duties of prelates, to the Dialogues, a collection of the lives and miracles of holy figures including St. Benedict. He also wrote a vast body of letters and important exegetical works; his biblical commentaries, many in the form of homilies, include works on Ezekiel, the Gospels, and the Songs of Songs. His most important work, however, was without a doubt the text included in this manuscript, his great commentary on the book of Job, the Moralia in Job. It is a very long work, divided into thirty-five books and including over half a million words (according to Professor James O Donnell). f. 1, (detail), initial, Gregory, Moralia in Job 159

83 It would be hard to exaggerate the influence of Gregory s exegetical writings, and in particular, the Moralia, on the thought of the Middle Ages. Gregory s ambitious work includes comments on many passages from other books of the Bible in addition to Job, and the Moralia was the source for most of the excerpts included in the Liber testimonium by Gregory s close associate and notary, Paterius. Works such as Bruno s continuation and correction of Paterius demonstrate the continued interest in Gregory s exegetical writings in the late eleventh and twelfth centuries (no. 6). The Moralia itself was a text found in almost every monastic library. Gregory the Great was born in Rome to a wealthy family. In 574 he turned aside from his wealth and success, and retired to the monastery he founded in Rome. In 579 he was forced from his monastic retirement, and sent to Constantinople as the pope s ambassador to the Byzantine court. The Moralia originated as a series of talks given at the request of the monks who accompanied him to Constantinople during the years Gregory himself was appointed pope in 590, and he continued working on the Moralia, which he completed in 595. The tension in Gregory s own life between his spiritual calling and his temporal responsibilities resonates powerfully within this work. Through careful literal, allegorical and moral readings of the Book of Job, Gregory constructs a philosophically and biblically grounded commentary that uncovers the text s inner meanings, and at the same time serves as a guide both to living a good life as a Christian in this world, and to cultivating an inner life that will lead to the next world. One of his gifts was his capacity to draw on his personal experiences in ways that enriched his interpretation of the Bible; plagued by ill-health, in his preface to the Moralia he says that his own sufferings helped him to understand the sufferings of Job. The Cistercian abbey of Saint Mary of Morimondo, in Lombardy, near Milan, was founded in 1134, a daughter of the French Cistercian monastery of Morimond. The foundation was a success, and was prosperous enough to begin building a new church in 1182, and to support an active scriptorium. Evidence of their growing library is found in the book list copied on the verso of the last leaf of an Office Lectionary, now Harvard University, Houghton Library, fms Typ 223, datable by liturgical evidence before 1174/5 (fig. 8.1). The list was copied in stages, with the first writer noting down the titles of about forty volumes; two subsequent writers completed the list that includes a total of sixty titles (edited by Jean Leclercq in 1961; re-published by Mirella Ferrari in 1999, pp , with indications of the present locations of the manuscripts). The second text on the list, following a Bible in four volumes is Moralia iob in duobus voluminibus (Moralia on Job in two volumes). In the present manuscript on f. 242 at the bottom of the 160 f. 7, Gregory, Moralia in Job (reduced) 161

84 page, there is a twelfth-century ownership note from Morimondo, certainly contemporary with the volume: Liber sancte marie de Morimondo (The book of Saint Mary of Morimondo). There is no doubt that this manuscript, which includes books one to eighteen of Gregory the Great s commentary on the book of Job, is the first volume of this two-volume copy of the Moralia (ed. Leclercq, 1961; discussed in Light, 1988, pp , with plate; Ferrari, 1999, p. 44, no. 6). Interestingly enough, there is another twelfth-century manuscript of the Moralia almost certainly from Morimondo, also at Harvard, in the Houghton Library, fms Typ 702 (fig. 8.2). Although the Houghton volume has traditionally been identified as the second volume of the Moralia in Morimondo s book list, there were difficulties with this theory even before the evidence of the present manuscript was considered, and we can now be sure that it is incorrect (Light, 1988, pp ; Ferrari, 1999, p. 44, no. 6). The Moralia was a very long work, and therefore usually copied in many volumes. Gregory s prefaces indicate that he intended it to be copied in six volumes, with divisions at books 6, 11, 17, 23 and 28, but medieval scribes often copied it in two, three or four volumes (and in the thirteenth century, even in a single volume; Ker, 1972). fms Typ 702 includes books If it was the second volume of a two-volume copy, this would have been a very odd and unequal division of the text, and indeed we can assume that it was probably the third volume of a three-volume set. Scribes copying the text in two volumes generally began the second volume with book 17, 18, or 19, as was the case in our manuscript. Two quite different styles of script can be seen in manuscripts copied at Morimondo in the twelfth century. Some are copied in rounded twelfth-century hands that are very Italian in their overall appearance (as for example, Houghton Library, fms Typ 702) (fig. 8.2). The manuscript described here is copied in the rather spiky script that Mirella Ferrari has called a French-influenced Northern Italian script ; the script of the Lectionary at Harvard, fms Typ 223, is another example of Morimondo s French-influenced script (fig. 8.3). Each book of our Moralia begins with a large monochrome initial. Their simplicity is in keeping with Cistercian austerity, but they are so large that the overall impact is quite grand. Initials identical in style are found in the copy of Gilbert de la Porrée s Commentary on the Psalms, also at Harvard, fms Typ 29 (fig. 8.4). This is a very large impressive copy of Gregory s text, and one that survives in almost pristine condition apart from some wear to the opening and closing folios. There is a contemporary correction copied in a box in the margin on f. 58 (similar boxed corrections are found in other Morimondo manuscripts), occasional nota marks, and a few later notes on the flyleaves (detailed below), 162 f. 225, folio number in red, bottom of page, Gregory, Moralia in Job (reduced) 163

85 164 ff. 241v-242, Morimondo ex libris, Gregory, Moralia in Job (reduced) 165

86 but very few signs that it was used for study. One of its most interesting features is that it includes folio numbers, written in small red Roman numerals at the bottom of the page; they are clearly early, and if they were not included while the book was being copied, they were added not long after. This is very unusual. As a general rule, the pages or folios (that is one physical leaf, or two pages) in medieval manuscripts were not numbered, and folio numbers in a manuscript as early as this one are especially rare. So it is important to ask, why were all the leaves in this manuscript carefully numbered? We do not know the answer, but we would suggest that it may be an indication that this large-format copy was used for public reading, possibly in the refectory during meals, or during the Divine Office at Matins. Most known examples of twelfth- and thirteenthcentury manuscripts with folio numbers are liturgical books where the folio numbers were used for cross references within the manuscript. Although there was no need for cross references in a biblical commentary like the Moralia, it seems possible that a liturgical context may explain why this book was foliated so early. in red, but also in blue and green, slightly cockled, first sixteen leaves with scattered wormholes, a few lines of text rubbed on ff. 1 and 3, flyleaves damaged and darkened, else in excellent condition. Bound in early, probably thirteenth-century, very heavy, thick wooden boards cut flush with the book-block, boards are now uncovered, sewn on six bands that enter the thickness of the boards, restored leather spine with six raised bands, housed in a green cloth and leather fitted box, lettered on the spine in gilt: Gregorius Magnus/ Moralia in Job/ Books I-XVIII/ Italy, Morimondo, c Dimensions 430 x 280 mm. TEXT: ff , [Gregory the Great, Moralia in Job, books 1-18], Incipit prologus sancti gregorii pape ad leandrum episcoporum in moralibus, incipit, Reuerentissimo et sanctissimo fratris leandro ; f. 3, Incipit prefatio, incipit, Inter mvltes sepe queritur ; f. 7, Incipit liber primus incipit, incipit Uir erat in terra hus nomine iob quasi per decurrentia flumina sumimus in ipso suo fonte biberimus, Explicit liber octauus decimus [Dekkers, 1961, no. 1708; Stegmüller, , no. 2634; Adriaen, ed., , books one-eighteen in vol. 143 and 143A]. SCRIPT: The script is a good example of the distinctive, decorative and rather spikey proto-gothic bookhand found in other Morimondo books c ; Mirella Ferrari has called this style of script nord-italiana francesizzante (French-influenced Northern Italian), and it is certainly distinct from typically rounded Italian scripts also found in manuscripts copied at Morimondo in the twelfth century (Ferrari, 1993, pp ). The punctuation is Cistercian, and includes the punctus flexus. Similar scripts are found in Harvard, Houghton Library, fms Typ 223, the Office Lectionary with the book list (fig. 8.1), in Cambridge, Fitzwilliam Museum, MS 113, Jerome, Commentary on Matthew, and in Milan, Bibl. Braidense, Gerli MS 12 (Ferrari, 1999, pl. 15). ILLUSTRATION: The opening prologue and preface and each book of the Moralia begin with large, six- to twenty-one-line initials (ff. 1, 3, 7, 15, 30, 41, 61v, 73v, 85v, 96, 114v, 135, 147, 159, 168v, 177, 190, 203, 215v and 225). The initials are all in one color; most are red, but blue and green are also used. Very similar initials are found in Houghton Library, fms Typ 29, Gilbert de la Porrée, Commentary on the Psalms, third quarter of the twelfth century (Light, 1988, no. 35, with plate). Morimondo, Abbey PHYSICAL DESCRIPTION: ii (parchment leaves from another manuscript) ii (parchment leaves) folios on parchment (good quality, even and quite thin, occasional original holes), medieval foliation bottom lower margin in red Roman numerals placed either on the verso or recto of the numbered opening, 1 (on the recto), 2-20 (on the verso), (on the recto), 242 (on the verso), incorrect later foliation in ink on the first 30 leaves, complete (collation i 8 [-1, apparently cancelled] ii 8 iii 8 [3 and 6, single] iv-xxvii 8 xxviii 8+1 [structure uncertain] xxix 8 xxx 10 ), signed in the middle lower margin in Roman numerals at the end of each quire (first nine signatures are flourished with ivy leaves), catchwords, bottom inside margin, in quires nine and twelve, ruled in lead with the top three and bottom three horizontal rules usually full across and with single full-length vertical bounding lines on both sides of each column, and on some leaves with three vertical rules between the columns, prickings three outer margins (justification x mm.), written on the top ruled line in a fine proto-gothic bookhand by several scribes in two columns of forty-one lines (change of hand at f. 72), medieval foliation and running titles in red (added early), majuscules within text touched with pale yellow, TWENTY VERY LARGE INITIALS in the Cistercian style, mostly BINDING: Bound in early, probably thirteenth-century, very heavy, thick wooden boards cut flush with the book-block; the boards are now bare with marks visible from central bosses and ornaments on the three outer edges, and from catches and clasps, all now missing apart from the partial remains of leather straps on the lower board. A note added to the front flyleaf dated 1252 records the redemption of a pledge by brother James of Lomacio and brother James of Benixio to the prior of Morimondo: M CC Lii die veneris iii ante kalendas Julii fratres Jacobus de benixio et Jacobus de Lomacio dederunt mutuo superhono libras v sol[idas] vi <turonenses?> domino collumbo priori de morimondo causa exigendi quoddam librum quod dicitur expositio <iohannis? possibly meant to be expunged> augustini super iohannem quod erat in pignore. Copied alongside this note, probably in a different but contemporary hand, is a note recording payment of thirty shillings for the binding of this book (in Latin, istius ), presumably this very copy of Gregory, suggesting that it was rebound in 1252 or shortly after, Item pro liguras et aptamine[?] istius libri sol. xxx <?>. Serving as flyleaves in this volume are four leaves from a contemporary and very similar manuscript, two in the front, and two at the end, agreeing with our manuscript in the dimensions of the written space and the number of lines: (justification 322 x 190 mm.), two columns, forty-one lines, ruled in lead with triple rules between the columns. The text of these leaves is from the Moralia. Folio ii verso of the bifolium at the front, with the signature III, has text from Gregory s commentary on Job 29:6, Lavabam pedes meas butyro," discussed in Book XIX. It has been suggested that these leaves are in fact from the second volume of this copy of the Moralia, perhaps so damaged that it was broken up in 1252 when our volume was rebound, and used as binding material. ORIGIN AND OWNERSHIP: 1. Written in Northern Italy in the third quarter of the twelfth century as suggested by the evidence of the script and decoration, and confirmed by the contemporary ex libris on f. 242: Liber sancte marie de Morimondo (contemporary hand), with

87 the later addition In inventario XI the latter numeral being written over as i5xii (?). Morimondo was founded in 1134, a daughter of the French Cistercian monastery of Morimond, and was suppressed in 1799 and associated with the Ospedale Maggiore of Milan. This manuscript is recorded in the twelfth-century library catalogue from Morimondo, fms Typ 223, f. 227v, line Additions are evidence of its use through the seventeenth century; a note on f. 242 states that Brother Cirillus Selvaggioni (or Savalggiani) finished reading it on December 2, Two other manuscripts from Morimondo include similar inscriptions by this monk, Milan, Biblioteca Braidense, Gerli Ms 12 (Jerome, Commentary on the Minor Prophets; precise date illegible), and the Commentary on the Apocalypse by Haimo of Auxerre, Cambridge, Massachusetts, Harvard University, Houghton Library, fms Typ 1178, which includes a note dated 1665 (Ferrari, 1999, p. 41 and note 32; Ferrari, 1993, p. 259 and note 31). The flyleaves in the Braidense manuscript may be from the same manuscript that supplied the flyleaves in our volume (Ferrari, 1999, p.42). 3. Belonged to Francesco Giovio ( ) of Como (Ferrari, 1993, pp. 288 and 303), and therefore it was likely among the manuscripts donated by Carlo Revelli (bishop of Como from ) to the seminary library of Como before Part of this donation was almost immediately given to Francesco Giovio in return for some printed books. Giulio Porro recorded that he saw 250 manuscripts in Giovio s library in Milan in Sold by Francesco Giovio s descendants, Christie s, June 1, 1977, lot 160, to Kraus. 5. H. P. Kraus, New York; his handwritten pencil collation on back pastedown, dated March Belonged to Martin Schøyen; his MS Idda Collection, Switzerland. PUBLISHED REFERENCES: Cambridge, Mass., Harvard University, Houghton Library, fms Typ 223, f. 227v, line 8 [ed. in J. Martini, Catalogue 22, A Catalogue of Manuscripts, Early Printed and Other Rare Books, Lugano, 1931, no. 12, pp and in Jean Leclercq, Textes manuscrits cisterciens des bibliothèques des États-Unis, Traditio 17 (1961), pp , p. 177]. MIRELLA FERRARI, Dopo Bernardo: biblioteche e scriptoria cisterciensi dell Italia settentrionale nel XII secolo, in Pietro Zerbi, ed., San Bernardo e l Italia, Milan, 1993, pp. 269 and 303 as Christie s, June 1, 1977, lot MIRELLA FERRARI, Sui Salmi e sui Profeti : dal primo catalogo di Morimondo alla Biblioteca Braidense, in Studi di Storia dell arte in onore di Maria Luisa Gatti Perer, ed. Marco Rossi and Alessandro Rovetta, Milan, 1999, p. 44, no. 6, as Christie s, June 1, 1977, lot Martin Schøyen collection, Online Catalogue (Online Resources). EXHIBITED: Oslo, Katedralskole 850 âr March LITERATURE ADRIAEN, MARCUS, ed. Morali in Job, Corpus christianorum, series latina 143, 143A, 143B, Turnhout, BANDERA, S. Gli inizi dello scriptorium di Morimondo, in Un Abbazia Lombarda: Morimondo la sua storia e il suo messagio; convegno celebrativo nel VII centenario del termine dei lavori della chiesa abbaziale, , Morimondo, 1998, pp BRONWEN, NEIL AND MATTHEW DAL SANTO, eds. A Companion to Gregory the Great, Leiden and Boston, FERRARI, MIRELLA. Biblioteche e scrittori Benedettini nella storia culturale della diocesi Ambrosiana: Appunti ed episodi, Ricerche storiche sulla chiesa Ambrosiana 9, [=Archivio Ambrosiano 40] (1980), pp FERRARI, MIRELLA. Dopo Bernardo: biblioteche e scriptoria cisterciensi dell Italia settentrionale nel XII secolo, in Pietro Zerbi, ed., San Bernardo e l Italia, Milan, 1993, pp FERRARI, MIRELLA. Lo scriptorium di Morimondo, in Un Abbazia Lombarda: Morimondo la sua storia e il suo messagio; convegno celebrativo nel VII centenario del termine dei lavori della chiesa abbaziale, , Morimondo, 1998, pp Binding, Gregory, Moralia in Job (reduced) 169

88 FERRARI, MIRELLA. Sui Salmi e sui Profeti : dal primo catalogo di Morimondo alla Biblioteca Braidense, in Studi di Storia dell arte in onore di Maria Luisa Gatti Perer, ed. Marco Rossi and Alessandro Rovetta, Milan, 1999, pp GRIBOMONT, J. Le texte biblique de Grégoire, in Grégoire le Grand, Colloque de Chantilly, 1982, Paris, 1986, pp KER, NEIL. The English Manuscripts of the Moralia of Gregory the Great, in Kunsthistorische Forschungen. Otto Pächt zu seinem 70. Geburtstag, ed. Artur Rosenauer and Gerold Weber, Salzburg, 1972, pp LECLERCQ, JEAN. Textes et manuscrits cisterciens des bibliothèques des Etats-Unis, Traditio 17 (1961), pp LECLERCQ, JEAN. Manuscrits cisterciens dans les biblothèques d Italie, Analecta sacri ordinis cisterciens 7 (1951), pp LIGHT, LAURA. The Bible in the Twelfth Century: An Exhibition of Manuscripts at the Houghton Library, Cambridge, Massachusetts, SALMON, P. Le texte de Job utilisé par Saint Grégoire dans les Moralia, Miscellanea Biblica et orientalia R. P. Athanasio Miller O.S.B. oblate, Studia Anselmiana 27-28, Rome, 1951, pp ONLINE RESOURCES Fondazione Abbatia Sancte Marie de Morimundo, Scriptorium, (with a list of seventy-five manuscripts once belonging to the Abbey, now in public collections in Italy, France, England and the United States, not including this manuscript) Fig. 8.1 Cambridge, Harvard University, Houghton Library, fms Typ 223, Office Lectionary, f. 227v Martin Schøyen Collection English translation of the Moralia Fig. 8.2 Cambridge, Harvard University, Houghton Library, fms Typ 702, Gregory, Moralia, f

89 Fig. 8.3 Cambridge, Harvard University, Houghton Library, fms Typ 223, Office Lectionary, f. 7v Fig. 8.4 Cambridge, Harvard University, Houghton Library, fms Typ 29, Gilbert de la Porrée, Commentary on the Psalms, f

90 9 AUGUSTINE, Enarrationes in Psalmos (Psalms ) In Latin, illuminated manuscript on parchment Austria (Lambach Abbey), c Enormous, big pages, big script, heavy, weighty monastic manuscript of a major patristic text, well over 500 pages; a book from a scriptorium, an enterprise of astonishing human effort and learning, care, determination, focus and spiritual grace; part of a famous set of manuscripts from Lambach Abbey, made and decorated there by one of the few outstanding Romanesque artists known by name and with an attributable œuvre, delicate drawing style, colored inks like Anglo-Saxon drawing, monumental on a tiny scale, graphic, delicate, luminous, deeply human; massive binding of thick wood, fundamentally contemporary, including characteristic twelfth-century tabs at the top and bottom of the spine, late medieval pastedowns, holes from a medieval chain hasp; superb condition, edges uncut, multiple layers of contemporary corrections. The commentary on the Psalms by St. Augustine ( ), stands alongside Gregory the Great s Moralia in Job (no. 8), as one of the most widely copied and influential patristic commentaries. Hundreds of manuscripts of this work survive, the earliest from the sixth century (Paris, BnF, MS lat. 9533). The first volume of the modern critical edition was based on forty manuscripts dating before 1100 (Weidmann, 2011). A more general survey in an earlier edition listed 370 manuscripts, but even that was a partial list, and more have been identified in the census of surviving Augustine manuscripts by the Ősterreichische Akademie der Wissenschaften. All this attests to the popularity of this commentary during the Middle Ages, when it must have been found in almost every monastic library, and it has remained an influential text to the present day. It is said that Martin Luther was reading Augustine s commentaries on Psalms 31 and 32 when he came to understand justification by faith (Blaising and Hardin, 2008, p. xxv). 175

91 This commentary, Augustine s longest work, originated as sermons on the Psalms preached over the course of decades, probably between 389 and 422. As is the case for many of his writings, much of its contents reflect his actual oral discourse as it was recorded by his secretaries. Because of this, Augustine s sermons, including some of the sermons in the Enarrationes in Psalmos, preserve readings from the Bible as it was read liturgically in the late fourth and early fifth centuries (Margoni-Kögler, 2010). The title now used, the Enarrationes in Psalmos (Explanations or Wanderings on the Psalms), does not date back to the author, or even to the medieval tradition, but rather to the edition of the text published in 1526 by Erasmus. It is not difficult to understand why this text, which comments line by line on all of the Psalms, was read so widely during the Middle Ages. Augustine was not concerned with discussing difficult passages or textual problems, or even the literal sense of the Psalms, but instead explores their spiritual meaning. As he expressed it, he was removing the roof of the outer meaning of the Psalm to reveal Christ hidden within (Commentary on Psalm 37). Augustine was born in 354 in Thagaste in North Africa; his mother, Monica was a Christian; his father, Patricius, converted only on his deathbed. Of modest means, Augustine nonetheless was well-educated and studied at Carthage. After various spiritual and moral struggles, known to us because of his Confessions, Augustine was baptized by St. Ambrose in Milan in 387; he became Bishop of Hippo in 395, a position he held until his death in 430. His importance in the history of Western thought can hardly be exaggerated. In the words of a recent scholar, Augustine from the Middle Ages to the present has remained the most prominent and most widely studied author in Western Christianity, second only to biblical writers such as Paul (Drobner, 2000). This manuscript of Augustine s commentary on the Psalms was copied at the Benedictine abbey of Saints Mary and Kilian at Lambach. Lambach was founded in 1056 by Bishop Adalbero of Würzburg (d. 1090) in Upper Austria on the northern bank of the Traun river, to the northeast of Salzburg. Like St. Blaise and Ochsenhausen (no. 6), Lambach was linked to the movement for monastic reform. Its first Abbot, Eckbert, was from Gorze, and the Benedictine foundation at Lambach independent of lay control replaced the earlier community of secular clerics founded by Adalbero s father. The Church was dedicated in 1089 to the Assumption of Mary and to St. Kilian, patron of Würzburg. Lambach s scriptorium was an important one, especially in the twelfth century under Abbots Bernhard (c ) and Pabo ( ). 176 f. 2v, initial, Augustine, Enarrationes in Psalmos (reduced) 177

92 This manuscript was the second volume of a multi-volume copy of Augustine s text, described as the greatest achievement of the Lambach scriptorium (Holter, 1989, p. 205). In the early thirteenth-century list of liturgical, theological, and patristic texts at Lambach (Lambach, Stiftsbibliothek, Cml XIX; printed in Holter, 1956, p. 273), it was described as a six-volume copy: Augustini super psalterium in VI voluminibus. When the set was rebound in the fifteenth century it was reorganized as a five-volume work, and the later Lambach catalogue describes it as complete in five volumes. The other known volumes are Leutkirch, Fürstlich Waldburgsches Gesamtarchiv, MS 5 (volume one, Psalms 1-50, formerly Lambach, Cml XVII), Frankfurt am Main, Stadt- und Universitätsbibliothek, MS Lat qu. 64 (volume four, originally volumes four and five?, Psalms ), and New Haven, Yale University, Beinecke Library MS 699 (final volume, Psalms ; Holter, 1989, pp and pp a, and Babcock and Davis, 1990) (fig. 9.1). Interestingly, these volumes do not form a uniform set. The first volume, and the manuscript described here, are similar, as are volumes four and the final volume, now in Frankfurt and at the Beinecke (these two are notably smaller in overall dimensions than the first two volumes). Further study of these manuscripts as a group, together with another copy of this text made at Lambach for the neighboring monastery at Kremsmünster would be of great interest (Babcock and Davis, 1990). The beautiful initials in this manuscript can be ascribed to the most famous artist from twelfth-century Lambach, Gottschalk; his name is known from the inscription in the Williram Codex (Berlin, Staatsbibliothek., MS Theol.lat.qu. 140, Commentary on the Song of Songs by Williram of Ebersberg and Hugh of Saint Victor, Vitae partum; see Fingernagel, 1991, pp , no. 26). Gottschalk was multi-talented, and seems to have performed many roles at Lambach including librarian, cantor, schoolmaster, scribe and artist, as well as writing poetry and music (Davis, 2000). The delightful orange and purple penwork initials in this manuscript are very fine examples of his work, with his characteristic stem bands with rows of circles ring-like buds or berries, halos outlined with circles, and red dots on cheeks (Babcock and Davis, 1990, p.138; Davis, 2000, p. 25). The figures of Solomon on f. 124v, and Ecclesia on f. 57, each serving as a letter I, are exceptionally fine. Details of the initial showing Charlemagne and Alcuin on f. 61 of another manuscript with initials by Gottschalk, Princeton, New Jersey, Princeton University Library, MS 51, Protho of Prüfening, Liber de miraculis beatae virginis Maria (Skemer, 2013, pp , with plate), are quite similar to the figure of Solomon in our manuscript (fig. 9.2). The figure of Ecclesia can be compared with the daughter of Babylon in another of his works (Baltimore, Walters Art Gallery, MS W.27, Honorius Augustodiensis, Commentary on Song of Songs, f. 43v) (fig. 9.3). His work is known in twenty-five 178 f. 57, standing figure of Ecclesia, Augustine, Enarrationes in Psalmos (reduced) 179

93 other manuscripts, including some produced for other monasteries. He was also a scribe, and his hand has been identified in seven manuscript and two fragments; the first hand in this manuscript seems quite similar to Gottschalk s, and may be the scribe known as A3 (Davis, 2000, pp ). Lambach, Abbey PHYSICAL DESCRIPTION: 279 folios on parchment (good quality, but with a few original holes, many of which were once carefully repaired as indicated by the tiny sewing holes that remain, e.g. f. 22), modern foliation in pencil top outer corner recto, lacking two leaves at the beginning (collation i 8 [-1 and 2] ii-xix 8 xx 4 [-4, cancelled] xxi-xxv 8 xxvi 6 ), quires are signed in Roman numerals on the last leaf of the quire, many are trimmed, but there are two series: current quires 1-20, must have been quires 2-21: quire five is signed vi on f. 38v; quire six signed vii on f. 46v, quire ten signed xi on f. 48v; the second series begins with quire 21, so quires 21-36, would have been quires 1-16, although the second quire, now quire 22, was signed iii (apparently in error, since there is no break in the text), quire 25, f. 193v, signed vi, quire 31, f. 241v, signed xii, no catchwords, ruled in hard point with the top two and bottom two horizontal rules full across, double full-length vertical bounding lines, prickings three outer margins, (justification x mm.), copied above the top line in thirty-five long lines in an upright twelfth-century minuscule by two scribes, orange-red rubrics, large initials from f. 162 of orange-red, FORTY-SIX LARGE FOLIATE INITIALS (eighteen inhabited with animals, three with figures) in orange-red and purple penwork, including TWO STANDING FIGURES in the same technique, plummet preparatory drawing sometimes visible, strip cut from outer margin of final folio, opening folio darkened with spotting to outer margin, overall in excellent condition. Bound in contemporary TAWED SKIN OVER THICK BEECH BOARDS, sewn on three double thongs, with perimeter-sewn tabs at head and foot of spine, remains of two pins in edge of lower cover and grooves from clasp straps at edge of upper cover, two brass catches at edge of upper cover and clasp straps on lower, medieval vellum title and shelfmark labels on upper cover, with the shelfmark B.41 in red ink, a paper label at top of spine, later paper pastedowns from two bifolia from a fifteenth-century Austrian manuscript giving abbreviated incipits for Masses in the Sanctorale, one clasp replaced, upper board wormed and weak, lower board slightly wormed and with mark from chain hasp, corners rubbed, upper joint split at foot with fifteenth-century repair of inserted vellum, housed in a brown cloth and leather fitted case, labelled Augustine (St.)/ Expositio/ Super Psalmos/ Vellum Manuscript. Dimensions 337 x 226 mm. TEXT: ff v, [Augustine, Enarrationes in Psalmos ], incipit, // Misit continuo saul exhiberit sacerdotem et omnes eius. ; [Psalm 100, beginning f. 275] Sed cauete quia uenturum est iudicium [now begins imperfectly in the commentary on Psalm 51, and continuing through the commentary on Psalm 100; Dekkers, 1961, 283; Stegmüller, , no. 1463; ed. E. Dekkers and 180 f. 124v, standing figure of Solomon, Augustine, Enarrationes in Psalmos (reduced) 181

94 J. Fraipont, Corpus christianorum, series latina 38, 39, 40, 1956 and 1990 (revised edition); modern critical edition, CSEL 93.1, 93.1B, 94.1, 95.1, 95.5, 2001, 2004, 2005, 2011, many editors (listed below)]. SCRIPT: Copied in a conservative twelfth-century minuscule; the letters are rather tall and rectangular, with d, r and s, both tironian-7 and ampersand for et, pp written separately, and with some distinctive ligatures and abbreviations including nt written with a majuscule N, and orum abbreviated with a majuscule OR. The script in this manuscript is very similar to that of Gottschalk himself, but can probably be ascribed to a different hand (discussed above). ILLUSTRATION: The manuscript is illustrated by forty-six large foliate initials by the most famous artist from twelfth-century Lambach, Gottschalk. The delightful orange and purple penwork initials in this manuscript are very fine examples of his work (Babcock and Davis, 1990, p.138; Davis, 2000, p. 25, attributing this manuscript as Cml XVIII to Gottschalk). The initials are drawn in orange and purple pen, infilled with scrolling vines, four- to seventeenlines, some with the addition of human figures or animals, most often birds, as noted: ff. 1v, 2v (bird or beast), 7v, 10, 11v, 14 (bird or beast), 15 (a kneeling figure), 22, 23v, 28v (a bird), 30 (Christ seated), 33v (a bird and olive branch), 34v, 39v, 42v (two birds), 44, 47 (Bishop with staff), 47v (two birds), 49v (two initials), 57 (standing figure of Ecclesia), 57v (dragon and bird), 58v, 63v (two initials, one with dog or fox and a bird), 68v (creature), 74v, 75, 81v, 86v (bird and dragon), 87 (small bird), 98v, 99, 99v (creature), 104v, 109v, 113, 120, 124v (standing figure of Solomon), 130, 136v, 137v (bird), 143, 143v straight (bird or beast), 147v (bird), 154 (bird). BINDING: Bound in an early binding, probably contemporary with the manuscript, of heavy wooden boards covered with tawed skin; the boards are cut flush with the book block, the spine is smooth, and the binding still includes semi-circular tabs at the top and bottom of the spine, used to lift the manuscript from a chest, all characteristics of twelfth-century bindings. The upper cover includes a paper label with the title: Expositio beati Augustini super secunda quinquagesima psalmis, in a fifteenth-century hand, and a smaller label below it with the shelfmark, B 41 in red; both characteristic of Lambach books (for example, Oxford, Bodleian Library, MS Lyell 55; de la Mare, 1971, pl. XXXa, and New Haven, Yale University, Beinecke Library, MS 669, now lacking the smaller label with the red shelfmark). ORIGIN AND OWNERSHIP: 1. Written at the Benedictine abbey of Saints Mary and Kilian at Lambach c as indicated by the evidence of the script, decoration and binding. This is the second volume of the six-volume set of Augustine s commentary on the Psalms, rebound in five volumes in the fifteenth century, and listed in the early thirteenth-century inventory of Lambach s books, Opera Augustini super psalterium in VI voluminibus (Holter, 1956, p. 273). It was included in the handwritten catalogue by Felix Resch in the second half of the eighteenth century, and was still at Lambach in 1924 when it was seen by Hans Gerstinger who described it in his unpublished notes now in the ÖNB in Vienna (MS ser.n.9713), where it was Cml XVIII (Davis, 2000, p. 138). 2. Sotheby s, November 11, 1929, lot 389: although Lambach is still a functioning Benedictine abbey, manuscripts from its library have been sold on various occasions from the 1920s, and the present manuscript, with three other volumes from Lambach, was sold in It was not identified as from Lambach. 3. Katalog von Graupe, Berlin 1935, no W. H. Schab, Rare Books and Illuminated Manuscripts recently brought over from Europe, 1940, no. 56 (as reported in the Schoenberg Database). 5. Sotheby s, June 3, 1946, lot Belonged to William Foyle ( ); his sale, London, Christie s, July 11, 2000, lot Idda Collection, Switzerland. PUBLISHED REFERENCES: [FELIX RESCH, d. 1789], Handschriften-Katalog des Stiftes Lambach, unpublished manuscript, Lambach, Stiftsbibliothek, p. 13. KURT HOLTER, Zwei Lambacher Bibliotheksverzeichnisse des 13. Jahrhunderts, Mitteilungen des Instituts für Österreichische Geschichtsforschung, LXIV (1956), p KURT HOLTER, Die Handschriften und Inkunabeln, in Die Kunstdenkmäler des Gerichtsbezirkes Lambach. Mit Beiträgen von Kurt Holter und Walter Luger, f. 154, (detail), initial, Augustine, Enarrationes in Psalmos 183

95 Erwin Hainisch, ed., Österreichische Kunsttopographie 34, Vienna, 1959, pp , at pp. 216, 218, 235 and 236. KURT HOLTER, Das mittelalterliche Buchwesen des Benediktinerstiftes Lambach, in 900 Jahre Klosterkirche Lambach: Oberösterreichische Landesausstellung 1989, ed. Helga Litschel, Linz, 1989, pp , ALOIS HAIDINGER, Beobachtungen zum Festkalender des Stiftes Kremsmünster, in Studien und Mitteilungen zur Geschichte des Benediktiner-Ordens und seiner Zweige 109, 1998, pp , at p. 38. LISA FAGIN DAVIS, The Gottschalk Antiphonary: Music and Liturgy in Twelfth-Century Lambach, Cambridge Studies in Palaeography and Codicology 8, Cambridge, 2000, pp. 25, 32, and 138 (as Lambach, Cml XVIII). LITERATURE ANZENGRUBER, ROLAND. Bibliotheksgeschichte Lambach, in Germania Benedictina 3,2: Die benediktinischen Mönchs- und Nonnenklöster in Österreich und Südtirol, ed. Ulrich Faust, St. Ottilien, 2001, pp AUGUSTINE. Enarrationes in Psalmos, ed. G. Folliet, F. Gori, H. Müller, and C. Weidmann, Corpus scriptorum ecclesiasticorum latinorum 92, 93/1A and 1B, 94/1, 95/1-5, Vienna, , 2011, BABCOCK, ROBERT GARY. Reconstructing a Medieval Library: Fragments from Lambach, New Haven, BABCOCK, ROBERT G. AND LISA FAGIN DAVIS. Two Romanesque Manuscripts from Lambach, Codices Manuscripti 15 (1990), pp BLAISING, CRAIG A. AND CARMEN HARDIN. Psalms 1-50, Ancient Christian Commentary on Scripture, Old Testament 7, Downers Grove, Illinois, DAVIS, LISA FAGIN. The Gottschalk Antiphonary: Music and Liturgy in Twelfth-Century Lambach, Cambridge studies in Palaeography and Codicology 8, Cambridge, DAVIS, LISA FAGIN. Two Leaves of the Gottschalk Antiphonary, Harvard Library Bulletin 5.3 (1994), pp DE LA MARE, A. C. Catalogue of the Collection of Medieval Manuscripts Bequeathed to the Bodleian Library, Oxford by James P. R. Lyell, Oxford, Die Handschriftliche Überlieferung der Werke des heiligen Augustinus, Ősterreichische Akademie der Wissenschaften Philosophisch-Historische Klasse, Sitzungsberichte, band 263, 267, 276, 281, 289, 292, 350, 601, 645, 685, 688, 791, 809, Vienna, DROBNER, HUBERTUS R. Studying Augustine: an Overview of Recent Work, in Augustine and his Critics; Essays in Honor of Gerald Bonner, eds. Robert Dodaro and George Lawless, London and New York, 2000, pp FINGERNAGEL, ANDREAS. Die Illuminierten Lateinischen Handschriften Deutscher Provenienz Der Staatsbibliothek Preussischer Kulturbesitz, Berlin, Jahrhundert, Wiesbaden, HOLCOMB, M. AND L. BESSETTE. Pen and Parchment: Drawing in the Middle Ages, New York, HOLTER, KURT. Beiträge zur Geschichte der Stiftsbibliothek Lambach, Jahrbuch des Musealvereines Wels 15, (1969), pp HOLTER, KURT. Buchkunst, Handschriften, Bibliotheken: Beiträge zur mitteleuropäischen Buchkultur vom Frühmittelalter bis zur Renaissance, ed. Georg Heilingsetzer und Winfried Stelzer, Linz, Binding, Augustine, Enarrationes in Psalmos (reduced) 185

96 MARGONI-KÖGLER, MICHAEL. Die Perikopen im Gottesdienst bei Augustinus. Ein Beitrag zur Erforschung der liturgischen Schriftlesung in der frühen Kirche, Vienna, SKEMER, DON C. Medieval and Renaissance Manuscripts in the Princeton University Library, incorporating contributions by Adelaide Bennett, Jean F. Preston, William P. Stoneman, and the Index of Christian Art, Princeton, New Jersey, SWARZENSKI, H. Two Romanesque Illuminated Manuscripts in the Princeton University Library, Princeton University Library Chronicle IX (1948), pp WILMART, A. La tradition des grands ouvrages de S. Augustin. IV. Les Enarrations, Miscellanea Agostiniana II, Rome, 1931, pp ONLINE RESOURCES manuscripta.at: Mittelalterliche Handschriften in Österreich (bibliography for this manuscript) Latin text of Augustine, Enarrationes in Psalmos English translation, Augustine, Enarrationes in Psalmos Life and Works of Saint Augustine Fig. 9.1 New Haven, Yale University, Beinecke Library MS 699, Augustine, Enarrationes in psalmos, f. 1 Fig. 9.2 Princeton, New Jersey, Princeton University Library, MS 51, Protho of Prüfening, Liber de miraculis beatae virginis Mariae, f. 61 Fig. 9.3 Baltimore, Walters Art Gallery, MS W.27, Honorius Augustodiensis, Commentary on Song of Songs, f. 43v, detail, the daughter of Babylon

97 10 ORIGEN, Homiliae in Genesim; Homiliae in Exodum, Latin translation by RUFINUS In Latin, decorated manuscript on parchment Austria (Lambach Abbey?), c Dark ink, dense writing, deep red ornament, brooding, heavy, opening with the Creation of the world, in the void; one of the earliest known Christian texts; thick home-made monastic parchment, as filled with original holes as bubbling lava; old, primitive, ancient, pre-literate organic initials, plant stems and faces, a book from the forests, a mysterious full-page drawing with animal heads and interlace, like the tribal metalwork of the Avars; from Lambach Abbey, one of the few medieval monasteries of Europe which still preserves manuscripts, still able to be studied there in the cloisters, where this volume doubtless remained for 750 years; signs of use, tumbling columns of the diple, marking quotations (a Greek device, probably inherited through Origen), many corrections and nota marks; in its medieval binding, with ancient title and red shelfmark. Origen of Alexandria (c. 185-c. 254) takes us back to the very early days of the Church. He was the son of a martyr, Leonides, and he himself was imprisoned and tortured during the Decian persecution near the end of his life. During his lifetime he was renowned as a teacher, both in his native Alexandria and in Caesarea in Palestine. Although the exact extent of his writings is no longer known, sources suggest that he was the author of an enormous body of work (various authors credit him with anywhere between 2,000 to 6,000 titles). In his letter to Paula, St. Jerome marveled at his productivity: Who could ever read all he wrote? Relatively little of this vast output survives, especially in the original Greek, in part because some of the ideas found in his writings were controversial, and were condemned as heretical in the late fourth and early fifth centuries, and again in the sixth century at the Fifth Ecumenical Council in 553. More survives in Latin translations by Jerome (no. 7) and Rufinus of Aquileia, the translator of f. 126v, (detail), Origen, Homiliae in Exodum 189

98 190 ff. 1v-2, Origen, Homiliae in Genesim 191

99 the texts in this manuscript. Origen s concern for the text of the Bible is demonstrated by the Hexapla, his edition of the Old Testament that compared seven different versions of the Hebrew and Greek texts circulating in his day, and he was the author of numerous exegetical works, including commentaries, homilies, and short notes. He is known as the first Christian theologian, and also as the first Christian thinker to develop a systematic approach to the study of the Bible. His influence on Christian thought in general was enormous, and his place in the history of biblical studies without parallel. Although aware that some of his ideas were unorthodox, medieval thinkers embraced his work as a whole and in particular his writings on the Bible. Beryl Smalley summarized his importance by declaring, To write a history of Origenist influence on the West, would be tantamount to writing a history of Western exegesis (Smalley, 1978, p. 14). Origen s Homilies on the Old Testament are a direct window into the daily life of the church at Caesarea in the first half of the third century. The church met every morning except Sunday for non-eucharistic services, which included lengthy readings from the Old Testament followed by a homily; these services were attended by catechumens and full members of the Church. Origen s homilies were probably delivered at these morning services over the course of three years, the period specified at that time for catechetical instruction. This is a classic monastic copy of his Homilies on Genesis and Exodus, in the Latin translation by Rufinus (c ) probably dating to Rufinus of Aquileia (or Tyrannius Rufinus), although perhaps overshadowed in the modern world by his contemporary, St. Jerome, was an important figure in the fourthcentury church. Born in Italy, he became a monk in Aquileia (where he first met Jerome). He later studied in Alexandria, and eventually founded a monastery in Bethlehem and devoted himself to translating the works of the Greek Fathers. His numerous translations were his most important legacy, and included Eusebius Church History, and many works by Origen including his Commentary on Romans, numerous homilies, and the Periarchon. The number of surviving manuscripts testifies to the popularity of the two texts found in this manuscript. The modern critical edition of Origen s Homilies on Genesis lists seventy-four manuscripts, including two dating from the sixth or seventh century, five from the ninth, two from the tenth, eight from the eleventh, and fifty-seven from the twelfth century (Habermehl, 2012). The numerous manuscripts from the twelfth century reflect the resurgence of interest in Origen s works, and in particular, his writings on the Bible, at that time. St. Bernard of Clairvaux ( ), the great Cistercian author, drew on Origen s works frequently, and by the twelfth century most monastic libraries 192 Binding, Origen, Homiliae in Genesim; Homiliae in Exodum

100 ff. 35v-36, initial and diple, Origen, Homiliae in Genesim

101 seem to have owned at least one work by Origen. Many houses doubtless owned multiple works by him, as did the Cistercian abbeys of Cîteaux, Pontigny, and Signy, and the great center of Benedictine reform at Cluny (Leclercq, 1961, pp ). Like the manuscript of Augustine s Enarrationes in Psalmos, decorated by Gottshalk (no. 9), this manuscript was owned by the celebrated Benedictine abbey of Saints Mary and Kilian at Lambach, founded in the eleventh century in Upper Austria, about forty miles north-east of Salzburg. Its presence there is certain by the fifteenth century, the date of the present binding, that includes the characteristic late medieval pressmark from Lambach, here B.29. in red on a label on the front cover, and marks on the spine that correspond with spine labels found in this position in other books from the Lambach library, including the Lambach Augustine just discussed (no. 9; see also de la Mare, 1971, pl. XXXa and pl. XXXVIII). It was among the books in the Lambach library described by Felix Resch in the eighteenth century when it was assigned the shelfmark, Cml LX (see also Holter, 1959, p. 241). Given this history, it seems almost certain that it was copied at Lambach. The only reason to question this is the fact that the scribes of our manuscript use flexus-punctuation (also known as the punctus circumflexus). In the twelfth-century in particular, this special mark used to indicate a middle, or weak pause, was widely but probably not exclusively used in Cistercian manuscripts. Its presence here is, therefore, unusual; perhaps it indicates that this manuscript was copied from a Cistercian exemplar. The Abbey of Wilhering, near Linz, Austria, founded around 1146, was close to Lambach, and could have been a possible source. The suggestion that our manuscript was copied at Wilhering, however, does not seem convincing at this time (for example, a comparison between the initials in one manuscript from Wilhering, Vienna, Österreichische Nationalbibliothek, MS 863, and the initials in this copy of Origen is not compelling) (fig. 10.1). The full-page drawing on f. 126v of this manuscript is one of its most intriguing f. 87v, two initials, Origen, Homiliae in Exodum 197

102 features. Stylistic details, in particular the rounded ends of the foliage and the stem bands, are similar to those found in Gottschalk s initials (no. 8). It is quite lovely, but its purpose in this manuscript is mysterious. One possibility is that it was meant to be used as a model for other manuscripts; the marginal ornament on ff. 86v and 120v, that may be trial sketches, or copies of other decoration, might support this theory. Fitzwilliam Museum, Cambridge, MS , a model book of initials from Tuscany, Italy, c. 1175, has been called the earliest known medieval model book (fig. 10.2). This drawing is certainly earlier. At the top, in a twelfth-century hand is a verse from the Eclogue by Theodulus: Virgo decora nimis David de semine regis (A lovely girl descended from King David s line). The poem, a debate between pagan classical myth and Christian biblical truth, was very popular as a school text during the Middle Ages; nothing is known of the author, but it probably dates from the ninth or early tenth century. The verse copied here is a description of Truth (Riggs, Online Resources). Lambach, Abbey PHYSICAL DESCRIPTION: 126 folios on parchment (good quality, evenly finished, but rather thick and slightly velvety, occasional use of cut-offs indicated by irregularities in the bottom corners and edges, e.g. ff. 55, 57, 58, some original holes, ff. 70, 106 and sewing, f. 102), modern foliation in ink top outer corner recto, last blank cancelled, first blank is now the pastedown, complete (collation i 8 [1, pastedown, 3 and 6, ff. 2 and 5, are single] ii 8 [3 and 6, ff. 10 and 13, are single] iii 8 iv 8 [3 and 6, ff. 26 and 29 are single] v-xv 8 xvi 8 [-8 cancelled blank]), signatures in Roman numerals in lower center of last pages (now mostly erased but still visible), ruled very lightly in lead or brown crayon, single full-length vertical bounding lines, some prickings remain upper and outer margins (justification x mm.), written by two scribes in dark brown ink in a bold square twelfth-century minuscule using the punctus flexus in twenty-eight long lines, some flourished descenders in lower margins, headings in red, sometimes in capital letters, diple in outer margins, capitals touched in red, many explicits and incipits touched in yellow, a few capitals touched in yellow or decorated with fringes of red dots, some nota marks in red, nine three- to two-line red initials, two including whimsical faces (ff. 31 and 110v) and some heightened in yellow, FIFTEEN LARGE DECORATED INITIALS, eight- to two-line, drawn in black outline and infilled with vines on yellow and red grounds, one including a dragon (f. 80v), marginal ornament, perhaps trial sketches, 198 f. 110v, Origen, Homiliae in Exodum 199

103 added in the lower margins of f. 86v, in pen, and f. 120v, painted in red and yellow, FULL-PAGE DRAWING on the last page (described below), some stains and signs of use, lower margin of f. 99 cut away, a few early marginal notes slightly cropped, generally in remarkably sound condition. Bound in a FIFTEENTH-CENTURY BINDING of substantial wooden boards extending slightly beyond the bookblock, sewn on three thongs pegged into the boards, covered with white tawed leather with original sewn joints, original tab of the type also found on earlier bindings at the top of the spine, tab cut away from the bottom, old (restored) clasps and catches, fastening back to front, medieval title-label and shelfmark on upper cover, the title in two lines on paper 35 x 91 mm., now very rubbed, the shelfmark B.29. in red on a vellum label 21 x 51 mm., paper title label (possibly sixteenth-century) at top of spine, traces of another label having been removed nearer bottom of spine, binding slightly rubbed and wormed but sound, substantial modern black cloth and red leather protective box labelled, Origen: Homilies on Genesis and Exodus. Upper Austria, Wilhering Abbey? c Dimensions 260 x 165 mm. TEXT: Inside front cover and f. 1, notes on biblical topics added in the thirteenth-century; ff [Origen, Homilia in Genesim, chapter list], incipit, De initio creaturarum dei, De archa noe,, De benedictionibus patriarchum ; [text], f. 1v, Incipit liber omeliarum origenis ad amanti in Genesim, incipit, In principio fecit deus cȩlum et terram. Quid est ominum principium Filios patris sui quasi in morali loco posuimus, Explicit liber omeliarum origenis ad amanti in genesim [Stegmüller, , no. 6170]; ff , [Origen, Homilia in exodum, chapter list], Incipiunt Capitula libri exodi, incipit, Nomina filiorum Israelis qui ingress sunt in egiptum,, De his qui offeruntur ad tabernaculum, Expliciunt Capitvla; f. 87v, [text], Incipit liber exodi, incipit, Videtur mihi unus quisque sermo ipse nobis reuelare dignetur per dominum nostrum iesum christum cui est honor et Gloria in sęcula seculorum, Amen [Stegmüller, no. 6174]; ff. 125v-126, notes on biblical topics added in the thirteenth century; f. 126v, full page drawing, with a quotation from Theodolus, Eclogue. SCRIPT: The script and codicological features are evidence of a date in third quarter of the twelfth century; the scribes use both round and straight d and s, ampersand (even internally), and tironian- 7, e-cedilla used often, round letters do not touch (even pp written separately); the pages are ruled in lead. Its Austrian origin is attested by the form of the tironian-7 with the wavy top stroke, the rectangular shape of the letter forms, the use of red dots to highlight majuscule letters, and the style of the decoration. Red dots used in this way are found in other manuscripts from Lambach (for example, Davis, 2000, p. 279, of Yale University, Beinecke Library, MS 481:51.10r). Although the manuscript was clearly at Lambach in the later Middle Ages, and is bound in a characteristic binding from that Benedictine Abbey, the use of the flexus-punctuation is unusual (discussed above). ILLUSTRATION: The fifteen large eight- to two-line decorated white vine initials infilled in bright yellow and red are notably lively (ff. 1v, 21, 27, 35v, 38, 42, 47v, 52, 59, 67v, 70v, 75v, 80v, 88 [two initials]). The sense of humor of the artist is also revealed in the small faces added to the red initials on ff. 31 and 111. The marginal ornaments on ff. 86v, in pen, and 120v, painted in red and yellow, seem to be trial sketches by the artist. The full-page drawing on the last page is an elaborate design of a double-headed dragon with a body of interlaced vinestems winding around and through a rectangle and with a sketch of a further dragon in the left-hand margin. A full-page twelfth-century drawing is rare; the function of it here is mysterious, but perhaps it was meant to serve as a model. The curling foliage and the style of the stem bands are similar to those found in the Psalm commentary by Augustine described here, also from Lambach, decorated by Gottschalk (no. 9). MEDIEVAL BINDING: Evidence of the binding confirms that this manuscript belonged to the Benedictine Abbey of Lambach by the fifteenth century, since it includes a Lambach pressmark in red on a label on the front cover, B.29. The binding is a handsome example of a monastic binding from this house (see Holter, 1959, p. 283, note 7), and is constructed from substantial wooden boards extending only slightly beyond the bookblock covered with white tawed leather with the original semi-circular tab at the top of the spine (the tab at the bottom of the volume has been cut away). 200 f. 120, binding fragment from an earlier manuscript, Origen, Homiliae in Exodum 201

104 Tabs were used to remove books stored in a book chest. to the Bodleian Library, Oxford by James P. R. Lyell, Oxford The first and last quires of the manuscript were reinforced with parchment from a much earlier manuscript, possibly ninth-century; see for example, f. 120 (narrow strip with two lines of text). DESSL, REINHOLD. Zisterzienserstift Wilhering, Zisterzienser in Österreich, Salzburg, 2004, pp ORIGIN AND OWNERSHIP: 1. Evidence of the script and decorations suggests a date in the third quarter of the twelfth century, c We know that it was at Lambach Abbey in the fifteenth century, based on the evidence of the binding (discussed above). It was included in Felix Resch s unpublished catalogue of the library in the second half of the eighteenth century, and assigned the shelfmark LX. It does not appear to have been listed in the early thirteenth-century catalogue from Lambach. Holter, in his edition of the catalogue, lists this book twice; on p. 274, he suggest that this might be identifiable as no. 115, Remigius super Genesim, an identification that seems unlikely, since Origen is clearly noted as the author in the rubric on f. 1v, and on p. 275, as no. 144, among thirty-six early manuscript from Lambach not listed in one of the two early thirteenth-century book lists from the abbey (Holter, 1954). Lambach Abbey still exists as a monastery, and many of the Lambach manuscripts are still in their library, but others were sold in the 1920s and 1930s. 2. Sold at Sotheby s, December 19, 1932, lot 73; and March 23, 1936, lot 109, with other manuscripts from Lambach (as reported from Schoenberg Database). 3. Sold at Sotheby s, June 23, 1987, lot 75, from a private collection in Zurich. 4. Belonged to Martin Schøyen (b. 1940), Oslo and London, whose collection is described as the largest private manuscript collection formed in the twentieth century; purchased from Sotheby s in 1987; Schøyen Collection, MS 21, his small bookplate, inside back cover; deaccessioned May Idda Collection, Switzerland. PUBLISHED REFERENCES: [FELIX RESCH, d. 1789], Handschriften-Katalog des Stiftes Lambach, unpublished manuscript, Lambach, Stiftsbibliothek, p. 35. KURT HOLTER, Zum gotischen Bucheinband in Österreich. Die Buchbinderwerkstatt des Stiftes Lambach/OÖ, Gutenberg-Jahrbuch (1954), pp , this manuscript, p. 283, note 7, Cml LX [reprinted in: Holter, 1996, vol. 2, pp ]. KURT HOLTER, Zwei Lambacher Bibliotheksverzeichnisse des 13. Jahrhunderts, Mitteilungen des Instituts für Österreichische Geschichtsforschung, LXIV (1956), pp. 274 and 275. KURT HOLTER, Die Handschriften und Inkunabeln, in Die Kunstdenkmäler des Gerichtsbezirkes Lambach. Mit Beiträgen von Kurt Holter und Walter Luger, ed. Erwin Hainisch, Österreichische Kunsttopographie 34, Vienna, 1959, pp , at p Online catalogue of Martin Schøyen collection (Online Resources). Listed in the Databank of Illuminated Austrian Manuscripts, as Schøyen MS 21 (Online Resources). L. F. DAVIS, The Gottschalk Antiphonary, 2000, p.138, recording MS LX as no longer at Lambach but untraced by her. ORIGEN. Origenes Werke, Sechster Band Homilien zum Hexateuch in Rufins Übersetzung, teil 1. Die Homilien zu Genesis (Homiliae in Genesin), ed. Peter Habermehl, second edition, Berlin, and Boston, 2012, listing this manuscript p. xxvi. HABERMEHL, PETER, ed. Origenes Werke, Sechster Band Homilien zum Hexateuch in Rufins Übersetzung, teil 1. Die Homilien zu Genesis (Homiliae in Genesin), second edition, Berlin, and Boston, HEINE, RONALD E., tr. Origen. Homilies on Genesis and Exodus, The Fathers of the Church: A New Translation, Patristic Series 71, Washington, D. C., HERMANN, H. J. Die deutschen romanischen Handschriften, Beschreibendes Verzeichnis der illuminierten Handschriften in Österreich VIII/2, Leipzig, 1926, p HOLTER, KURT. Beiträge zur Geschichte der Stiftsbibliothek Lambach, Jahrbuch des Musealvereines Wels 15 (1969), pp HOLTER, KURT. Buchkunst, Handschriften, Bibliotheken : Beiträge zur mitteleuropäischen Buchkultur vom Frühmittelalter bis zur Renaissance, ed. Georg Heilingsetzer and Winfried Stelzer, Linz, LECLERCQ, JEAN. The Love of Learning and the Desire for God. A Study of Monastic Culture, tr. Catharine Misrahi, New York, ONLINE RESOURCES Martin Schøyen collection Illuminated Austrian Manuscripts, this manuscript listed as Schoyen MS 21 (formerly Lambach, Cml LX) 21 manuscripta.at: Mittelalterliche Handschriften in Österreich, Lambach, Cml LX George Rigg, The Eclogue of Theodolus, a translation EXHIBITED: Oslo Katedralskole 850 år, Jubileumsutstilling March LITERATURE ANZENGRUBER, ROLAND. Bibliotheksgeschichte Lambach, in Germania Benedictina 3,2: Die benediktinischen Mönchs- und Nonnenklöster in Österreich und Südtirol, ed. Ulrich Faust, St. Ottilien, 2001, pp BABCOCK, ROBERT GARY. Reconstructing a Medieval Library: Fragments from Lambach, New Haven, BABCOCK, ROBERT G. AND LISA FAGIN DAVIS. Two Romanesque Manuscripts from Lambach, Codices Manuscripti 15 (1990), pp DAVIS, LISA FAGIN. Cambridge, The Gottschalk Antiphonary: Music and Liturgy in Twelfth-Century Lambach, DAVIS, LISA FAGIN. Two Leaves of the Gottschalk Antiphonary, Harvard Library Bulletin 5.3 (1994), pp DE LA MARE, ALBINIA CATHERINE. Catalogue of the Collection of Medieval Manuscripts Bequeathed

105 Fig Vienna, Österreichische Nationalbibliothek, MS 863, Honorius Augustodiensis, f. 133v Fig Cambridge, Fitzwilliam Museum, MS , Model Book of Initials, f

106 11 HAIMO OF AUXERRE, Commentarium in Cantica canticorum In Latin, illuminated manuscript on parchment Northern Germany, Thuringia (Erfurt), c A little book, the smallest here, medieval binding, like a portable casket, metal bosses, clear mark of a chain hasp, chunky, solid, weighty, unrestored, original condition; Romanesque gold initials, pale Baltic blue, red headings, colourful script; watch the Carolingians struggling with the Song of Songs, bending an ancient love song into a paradigm of Christ and the western Church; rare endleaves, leading to the Carthusians of Erfurt; cast up by the Napoleonic wars, in North America by the late nineteenth century, perforated by a public library in Massachusetts, in vain, as transitory as its chain hasp. The lovely, secular, and frankly erotic poem, the Song of Songs, or Cantica canticorum, presented special challenges to medieval commentators. As a modern historian, E. Ann Matter, has noted, on the surface, it tells no sacred history, makes no theological or moral points, and does not mention God (Matter, 1990, p. 49). Nonetheless its popularity during the Middle Ages is undeniable, and nearly one hundred different commentaries on this book of the Bible were written between the sixth and the fifteenth centuries; it has been called the most frequently interpreted book of medieval Christianity (Matter, 1990). Medieval commentaries interpreted the book allegorically in a number of different ways; for example, the poem was seen as an exploration of the heavenly marriage between Christ and the Church, or between Christ and the human soul, or as an exploration of the nature of Divine love between Christ and the Virgin Mary. This is a very small copy of the commentary on the Song of Songs by the ninthcentury author, Haimo of Auxerre (d. c ), copied in a careful script, and f. 1v, (detail with illuminated initial), Haimo of Auxerre, Commentarium in Cantica canticorum 207

107 decorated with three illuminated foliate initials. It was not uncommon during the Middle Ages for works to circulate anonymously, or with pseudonymous attributions to different authors. This was certainly the case for this commentary, which circulated under a long and varied list of names in addition to Haimo, including Cassiodorus (d. c. 585), Remigius of Auxerre (d. 908), and Thomas Aquinas (d. 1274). The attribution to Haimo of Halberstadt is more recent, and probably dates to the Johannes Trithemius ( ), who conflated Haimo of Auxerre with his contemporary, Haimo of Halberstadt (for a review of the various attributions, and the current attribution to Haimo of Auxerre, see Matter, 1999, and Guglielmetti, 2006). It was printed twice in Migne s Patrologia Latina: in volume 117 where it is attributed to Haimo of Halberstadt; and in volume 70, attributed to Cassiodorus (see also Stegmüller, , nos. 3079, 1895, 1922, 3065 and 7218; Dekkers, 1961, no. 910). Haimo of Auxerre was a Benedictine monk from the Abbey of Saint Germain of Auxerre, an important center of learning, and especially of biblical exegesis. He was also the author of commentaries on the Apocalypse, the Minor Prophets, and possibly the Pauline Epistles, and numerous sermons. Of the many medieval commentaries on the Song of Songs, his commentary was the most popular and widely disseminated. A recent survey identified 130 extant manuscripts (Guglielmetti, 2006, lists only two copies in the United States including this one). It was ideally suited to the classroom, and its popularity can be explained by its straightforward and didactic approach, which presents the text as an allegory of Christ and the Church. It was simple enough to appeal to the monastic world of the ninth century, and to both monastic and secular audiences later in the Middle Ages. His skillful use of many earlier authors doubtless added to its appeal. Later medieval commentaries on the Song of Songs in contrast stressed a more complex, spiritual interpretation of the biblical text, focusing on the love of Christ and the human soul. All biblical commentaries include citations from the Bible, often quite long, intermixed with passages that explain their meaning. Most medieval manuscripts of patristic and medieval commentaries are copied as one continuous text, with the texts of the Bible and the commentary copied in the same script and color, perhaps with the use of diple in the margins to indicate the presence of quotations (diple, the ancestor of the modern quotations marks, usually resemble inverted commas in medieval manuscripts; they were used extensively by the scribes of the Homilies by Origen discussed here; no. 10). Scribes copying Haimo s Commentary on the Song of Songs, however, often took special care to distinguish between the biblical text and the commentary. In this manuscript the biblical text is copied in red (and in one passage in blue). This 208 f. 6, Haimo of Auxerre,Commentarium in Cantica canticorum 209

108 210 ff. 9v-10, Haimo of Auxerre,Commentarium in Cantica canticorum 211

109 212 ff. 20v-21, biblical lemmata in red and blue, Haimo of Auxerre,Commentarium in Cantica canticorum 213

110 is true in another, contemporary copy, Paris, BnF, MS lat. 2176, f. 93v (fig. 11.1), and even in the eleventh-century copy from Cluny, Paris, BnF, MS lat , f. 1 (fig. 11.2). The thirteenth-century copy of this text, formerly Les Enluminures, TM 344, adopted the innovative approach of copying the biblical text in the margins inscribed within circles (fig. 11.3). Scholars have discussed the layout of the manuscripts of the Glossa Ordinaria in detail (nos ). Examining the layout of biblical commentaries such as this one by Haimo, would be an interesting topic for further research. The size of this copy is notable it is a very small volume, copied in long lines, suggesting that it was originally designed for personal study and devotion. However, there is the mark of a chain hasp at the top of the back cover indicating it was in a chained reference library in the later Middle Ages, despite its very small size. It includes almost no notes from readers, although a later medieval hand has written the number of the modern biblical chapters discussed in the text in lead point in the upper margins as running titles. The first page of the manuscript, left blank by the original scribe, was used at an early point, still in the twelfth century, to copy a text that describes a series of charitable acts, including donating candles and money to the church, and food to the poor, on a series of feast days to ensure God s help, and allay anxiety. It survives in a medieval binding that includes flyleaves made from a thirteenthcentury manuscript of a chronicle specific to Saint Peter s in Erfurt. It therefore seems almost certain that it was copied there. The Abbey of Saints Peter and Paul in Erfurt, often called Petersberg, was an ancient abbey, perhaps founded in the eighth century, and suppressed in It was established as a Benedictine monastery in 1060 and subsequently accepted the Hirsau Reforms, widely influential in German Benedictine houses in the late eleventh century. Saint Peter s was home to one of the great medieval libraries. Its 1783 catalogue lists Haymonis: Tractatus super Cantica canticorum as item three under the manuscripts in octavo (Theele, 1920, p. 72, marked as untraced); the size, unusually small for a Romanesque theological text, makes it very probable indeed that this is our manuscript. Erfurt, Abbey of Saints Peter and Paul PHYSICAL DESCRIPTION: i (paper flyleaf from a fifteenth-century manuscript) + 76 folios on parchment (good quality, slightly velvety), partial early modern foliation in ink, top outer corner recto, completed in modern pencil, complete (collation i-ix 8 x 4 ), no catchwords or signatures, ruled lightly in lead, full-length vertical bounding lines, prickings three outer margins (justification 120 x mm.), written on the top line in a proto-gothic bookhand in black ink in twenty long lines, rubrics in powder blue, biblical lemmata in red, one three-line blue initial on f. 6, three four- to seven-line gold initials on ff. 1v and 9v, outlined in red and with red highlights, first leaf lacking outer corners, modern repairs, ff. 2 and 34 with punched ownership inscription in upper margin, final leaf with a few wormholes and paste around edges, slight discoloration and spotting to some leaves, but overall in wonderful condition. Bound in a MEDIEVAL BINDING of white leather over wooden boards, blind-tooled with double-fillet borders and diagonals, bosses at corners and center of both boards (lacking one boss on the upper cover), lower cover with holes and rust marks from a chain hasp, pastedowns and flyleaves from other manuscripts (described below), lacking clasps and catches, spine repaired, restored in 2008, housed in a modern cloth and leather fitted box, labelled Haymo of Auxerre/ Germany c in gilt. Dimensions 175 x 125 mm. TEXT: f. 1, [upper margin, in red added in a thirteenth-century hand], Haymo super cantica canticorum; f. 1, [added texts], incipit, Longitudo sancti Nicolai quando natus fuit ; Si ueneris in anxietatem quam dei adiutorio superare velis. In dominica die fac [trin.?] cantare de sancta trinitate cum tribus candelis tribulationem uideris adiurio ex ea liberis [corrected to: liberaberis] [list of candles and other charitable offerings to ensure God s help and overcome anxiety]; ff. 1v-76 [Haimo of Auxerre, Commentarium in Cantica canticorum; prologues], f. 1v, incipit, Salemon [sic] filius david regis israel iuxa [sic] numerum vocabulorum suorum tria volumina edidet Quia meliora sunt ubera tua uino ; f. 6, incipit, Sicut inceteris libris gramatice artis tria. In hoc libro requiruntur et hausteritas legis significatur ; f. 9v, [text], Incipit Tractatus Haimonis svper cantica canticorum, incipit, Osculetur me osculo oris sui [Cant. 1:1], Salomon inspiratus diuino spiritu composuit hunc libellum de nupciis christi Hinc apostolus de se suisque similibus dicit, Nostra conuersacio in celis est [Philippians 3:20], et alibi, Christi bonus odor sumus deo in omni loco [II Corinthians 2:15], Explicit tractatus heimonis [sic] super cantica canticorum [Stegmüller, , nos. 3079, 1895, 1922, 3065, 7218; Dekkers, 1961, no. 910]. SCRIPT AND LAYOUT: Written in an upright proto-gothic bookhand from the end of the twelfth century, holds the line poorly, minims are all finished, round d predominates, both round r and round s are used, considerable horizontal compression, although adjacent round letters except for pp are still written separately. Passages from the Song of Songs alternate with Haimo s commentary; the scribe chose to clearly distinguish between the two of them by copying the biblical text in red or blue. The changing layout seen in manuscripts of this commentary copied at different times would be an interesting topic to explore (discussed briefly above)

111 216 Front pastedown and flyleaf, Haimo of Auxerre, Commentarium in Cantica canticorum 217

112 ILLUSTRATION: All three gold initials are executed in an interesting technique, since the gold seems to have been outlined in red, and then decorated with red details on top of the gold: f. 1v, seven-line gold initial, outlined in red, infilled with two gold disks with red details, on a rectangular blue ground; f. 9v, seven-line gold initial with infilled spirals of vines in gold and silver, outlined in red, and all on a square blue ground; with another three-line gold initial on this folio, outlined in red, with red highlights, and with blue infilling. The blue used is a distinctive shade of powder blue. MATTER, E. ANN. The Voice of My Beloved. The Song of Songs in Western Medieval Christianity, Philadelphia, Pennsylvania, RIEDLINGER, HELMUT. Die Makellosigkeit der Kirche in den Lateinischen Hoheliedkommentaren des Mittelalters. Beiträge zur Geschichte der Philosopie und Theologie des Mittelalters. Texte und Untersuchungen 38, 3, Münster, West., BINDING: Bound in a medieval binding, probably late thirteenth- or early-fourteenth century, of white leather over wooden boards, blind-tooled with double-fillet borders and diagonals, and with bosses at corners and centre of both boards, and with the mark from a chain hasp on the lower board. The pastedowns from a thirteenth-century manuscript of a chronicle specific to the Abbey of Saints Peter and Paul of Erfurt are strong evidence that this binding was made there. An early study of their books suggested that few pre-1400 bindings survive from this house, and that those produced in-house were not chained (Theele, 1920, p. 40), a conclusion that the evidence of this manuscript brings into question. WIRTGEN, BERNHARD. Die Handschriften des Klosters St. Peter und Paul zu Erfurt bis zum Ende des 13.Jahrhunderts, Leipzig, ONLINE RESOURCES Works by Haimo of Auxerre Pastedowns: two leaves from a thirteenth-century manuscript of about the size of this manuscript, both include margins on all sides, and are not cropped; the text is copied in long lines: front, incipit, //et barbaras naciones. Quoddam mirabile et in solitum a seculis non auditum in mense iulio circa festum sancte margarete que in sole in mo[dum] ; back: //[re]gem licet absentem Anno domini m cc lxxiiii imperator constantinopolitanus nomine Balwinus in ipso eodem prandio [pre]fato reueren[do]// [Chronica S. Petri Erfordensis moderna, emgh, SS rer. Germ. 42, Monumenta Erphesfurtensia, a. 1270, p. 261; and a. 1274, p. 263]. Single flyleaves in the front and back are from a larger format paper manuscript, copied in two columns, bound so the text is now perpendicular in orientation, and has been cropped at the top (back flyleaf was once glued down as a pastedown over the thirteenth-century leaf, and has been lifted). Copied in a cursive gothic bookhand from the fifteenth century; the text is the Psalms, and these leaves may have been from a Breviary or Psalter. ORIGIN AND OWNERSHIP: 1. Very likely written at the Abbey of Saints Peter and Paul in Erfurt near the end of the twelfth century, c , as indicated by the evidence of the script, decoration, and binding; and almost certainly listed in the 1783 catalogue of Erfurt (Theele, 1920, p. 72). 2. Belonged to Geheimrat Friedrich Gottlob Julius von Bülow (d. 1836), from the noble family who lived in and around Mecklenburg: fol. 76 d. 11 April Bibl. Bülow, Beyernaumberg, G. H. Sch[f?] written on the pastedown inside front cover. This manuscript was no. 275 on p. 26 in the third volume of the three-volume catalogue of the library compiled by Georg Heinrich Schäffer, Sangerhausen The library was auctioned after von Bülow s death, Eisleben, Belonged to Mrs. William Rice: her gift to the City Library of Springfield, Massachusetts in 1900 is recorded on a pasted-in label and is stamped on the lower margin of the first leaf. The Library marked its ownership with perforations in the upper margin of the second and the 34th leaf (De Ricci, , vol. I, p. 1066). 4. Christie s, June 7, 2006, lot Idda Collection, Switzerland. PUBLISHED REFERENCES: JOSEPH THEELE, Die Handschriften des Benediktinerklosters S. Petri zu Erfurt. Ein bibliotheksgeschichtlicher rekonstruktionsversuch, Leipzig, 1920, p. 72. SEYMOUR DE RICCI, Census of Medieval and Renaissance Manuscripts in the United States and Canada, with the assistance of W. J. Wilson, New York, , vol. I, p ROSSANA E. GUGLIELMETTI, La tradizione manoscritta dei commenti latini al cantico dei cantici (Origini-XII secolo). Repertorio dei codici contenenti testi inediti o editi solo nell Patrologia latina, Florence, 2006, p. 314 (as Springfield, Massachusetts, City Library Association, MS 1). LITERATURE KRÄMER, SIGRID. Handschriftenerbe des deutschen Mittelalters, Mittelalterliche Bibliothekskataloge, Deutschlands und der Schweiz, Ergänzungsband 1, Munich,

113 Fig Paris, BnF, MS lat. 2176, Haimo of Auxerre, Commentarium in Cantica canticorum, f. 93v 220 Binding, Haimo of Auxerre, Commentarium in Cantica canticorum 221

114 Fig Formerly Les Enluminures, TM 344, Haimo of Auxerre, Commentarium in Cantica canticorum, ff. 8v-9 Fig Paris, BnF, MS lat , Haimo of Auxerre, Commentarium in Cantica canticorum, f

115 12 HUGH OF SAINT VICTOR, Dialogus de creatione mundi (Dialogus super Genesim); and Homiliae in Ecclesiasten In Latin, decorated manuscript on vellum Eastern France (Lorraine?), c Little and rectangular; an early manuscript of a new text, important author, urban, dialogues, a conversation in the earliest classrooms of Paris, on sin and the creation, perennial topics of student debate; bright initials, dragons; from the shelves of one of the great princely libraries of central Europe, scattered in Monastic learning was centered on the interpretation of the Bible, read together with the commentaries by the Church Fathers and the authors from the early Middle Ages that followed in their footsteps. Learning was not undertaken for its own sake, or for the sake of a future career, but was rather one step along the path to personal salvation. Reading monastic commentaries, there is no sense of urgency, but rather a feeling of calm and measured study; lectio divina (divine reading) was a form of prayer (Leclercq, 1961). With only one exception, the manuscripts we have discussed so far were likely copied by monks, for use within a monastery (nos. 1-4, 6-11), and even the Buxheim Psalter, which was originally copied for a lay person, was owned by the great Carthusian monastery of Buxheim in the fifteenth century (no. 5). With this small, yet very attractive manuscript, we leave the monastery, and enter into the world of the twelfth-century schools. The author of the two texts in this manuscript, Hugh of Saint Victor (c ) was a canon regular at the Abbey of Saint Victor in Paris. Regular canons were not monks, but were cloistered religious who lived together under a rule and took solemn vows. Their vision of the religious life was an active one, including pastoral care, preaching and teaching. In the twelfth century this way of life was especially attractive to learned clerics. The Abbey of Saint Victor was founded by William of Champeaux c William was archdeacon of Notre Dame, and f. 14v, (detail with initial), Hugh of Saint Victor, Homiliae in Ecclesiasten 225

116 a famous teacher. The Abbey he founded became one of the most important centers of learning in twelfth-century Paris, home to a succession of brilliant theologians, the most important for biblical studies being Hugh, Richard (d. 1173), and Andrew (d. 1175). Little is known about Hugh s life apart from his works that touched on an incredibly wide range of subjects: geometry, grammar, geography, history and, theology, including his great summa, De Sacramentis Christianae fidei (On the Sacraments of Christian Faith), in addition to works on the Bible. Hugh s influence reached far beyond the walls of Saint Victor; it is estimated that his writings survive in around 3,000 manuscripts. During his lifetime, the abbey s school attracted students from across Europe. The biblical commentaries of the great triumvirate of teachers from the University of Paris later in the twelfth century (known as the biblical moral school ), Peter Comestor (d. c. 1169), Hugh the Chanter (d. 1197), and Stephen Langton (d. 1228), were rooted in Hugh s exegetical approach. In the Didascalicon, he laid out a careful plan of studies for students embarking on the study of the Scriptures. Beginning with the study of the liberal arts and sciences, including history and geography, students were to first master the literal sense of the text, and then proceed to study the allegorical meaning, drawing on their knowledge of doctrine, and culminating with the tropological, or moral sense, which led them to transcend human learning and to contemplate the true meaning of the text. Hugh s approach to learning and scriptural study can be summarized in his famous words, Learn everything; you will see afterwards that nothing is superfluous (Hugh of Saint Victor, Didascalicon, vi.iii). Throughout his writings on the Bible, Hugh stressed the importance of first mastering the literal sense of the text, and his own biblical commentaries aimed to help students achieve this. In addition to the two works in this manuscript, his exegetical writings include works on the Pentateuch (the first five books of the Bibles, Genesis through Deuteronomy), Lamentations, Joel, Abdias, possibly Nahum, and some of the Psalms. This manuscript includes one of his earliest writings, the Dialogus de creatione mundi, and his last work, a commentary on Ecclesiastes, the Homiliae in Ecclesiasten. The Dialogus de creatione mundi (Dialogue on the Creation of the World), is also known by other titles, including the Dialogus super Genesim (Dialogue on Genesis), as in this manuscript, and the Dialogus de sacramentis legis naturalis et scriptae (Dialogue on the Sacraments of Natural and Written Law) (Poirel, 1998, p. 41). It likely dates early in Hugh s career before 1125, and survives in around fifty manuscripts (Van den Eynde, 1960; Goy, 1976; Giraud, ed., 2015). As the title indicates, the work is in dialogue form and opposes the questions and answers 226 f. 1, opening initial, Hugh of Saint Victor, Dialogus de creatione mundi 227

117 of the student (discipulus) and the master (magister), structured to provide an elementary introduction to Christian doctrine. It begins by addressing issues pertaining to creation, original sin, the fall of man and redemption through the Incarnation. Redemption is described using the metaphor of a trial and a battle, in which God provides the chance for man to save himself. The work then goes on to discuss the sacraments (for an overview of the work, see Poirel, 1998, pp ). This text is not a biblical commentary in the usual sense, but instead is more closely related to collections of theological sententiae, a new genre created by the masters of the twelfth-century cathedral schools. The Dialogus de creatione mundi was written to introduce students to the study of Sacred Scripture, and both Hugh s choice to present the text as dialogues, and his presentation of his ideas without references to earlier authorities (auctoritates), are departures from tradition and mark it as new. As C. Giraud has observed, it is a highly original work, midway between the cloister and the urban school (Giraud, 2010, pp ). The version of the text in this manuscript is found in at least two other codices, Charleville-Mézières, BM, MS 222 and Luxembourg, BN, MS 143 (Giraud, ed., forthcoming 2015; this manuscript listed as Amsterdam, BPH, MS 19). Hugh s Homilies on the Book of Ecclesiastes was likely composed c , and survives in approximately sixty manuscripts (Van den Eynde, 1960; Goy, 1976, pp ; discussed in Poirel, 1998, and Sicard, 1991); it is one of his last works, and was unfinished. It originated, as the title suggests, in oral conferences for the canons at Saint Victor. The preface includes a very clear explanation of Hugh s views on the interpretation of the Bible, and the importance of the literal sense of the text: All Scripture, if expounded according to its own proper meaning [the literal], will gain in clarity and present itself to the reader s intelligence more easily. Many exegetes, who do not understand this virtue of Scripture, cloud over its seemly beauty by irrelevant comments (quoted in translation, Smalley, 1978, p. 100). Hugh goes on to explain that particularly in the case of Ecclesiastes, there is little need to search for tropological and allegorical meanings in the text, since the author aimed at moving the human heart to scorn worldly things by obvious true reasons and plain persuasion. Hugh s approach to this text is one that modern readers find easy to understand. In the sixteenth century, Gerson said of the work : Il m est tombé sous la main il y a peu, le travail de Hugues sur l Ecclesiaste, laissé inachevé. Mon Dieu! Comme il a su, en peu de mots, exposer toute la matière de la contemplation! (I recently came upon Hugh s work on Ecclesisates, left unfinished. Dear Lord! How well he managed, in so few words, to deliver all matter of contemplation!) (quoted by Sicard, 1991, p. 214). 228 f. 7, Hugh of Saint Victor, Dialogus de creatione mundi 229

118 The two texts in this manuscript each begin with a large initial with scrolling white-vines and leaves, ending in a dragon, infilled and on brightly colored grounds of red, blue and ochre. These colors are repeated in the opening words of the text on f. 15, and in the smaller initials sprinkled throughout the volume. Exactly where it was copied is still an open questions, but certain stylistic comparisons suggest Eastern France is likely, although elsewhere in France, perhaps Normandy, or even further east in the Rhineland, have also been suggested. Some similarity in the style of the initials and in the color palette can be found in manuscripts from Eastern France, including the twelfth-century Life of Saint Martin, Epinal, Bibliothèque Multimédia Intercommunale, MS 145, f. 30 ([Exhibition]. Ecriture et Enluminures, 1984, colored plate pl. IV, and cat. 120) (fig. 12.1), a Breviary for the use of the Abbey of Saint Vanne from the second quarter of the twelfth century, Verdun, Bibliothèque-Discothèque de la Codecom, MS. 108, f. 9v (fig. 12.2), and a Homiliary, also related to Lorraine (Epinal, BMI, MS 20) (fig. 12.3). The smaller penwork initials are quite similar to initials in Paris, BnF, MS fr , Saint Bernard, Sermons, probably later in date, but thought to be from the region of Metz (fig. 12.4). This is a very early copy of the Homilies on Ecclesiastes, perhaps dating only ten or twenty years after it was written. There is not yet a modern critical edition of this important text, but the evidence of this manuscript will be important to any future study of its transmission. It would be of interest to know how this fits with other copies of Hugh s texts made during his lifetime and soon after his death. This is a usable book, but not yet a book designed for easy searching; it is a book to be read. There are no numbered chapters, no rubrics, and no running titles. In the first text, the scribe took care to distinguish the speech of the student and master, and each begins with one-line colored initials, alternately red and green. The commentary on Ecclesiastes is divided into sections, each beginning with a colored initial. Was this made for a canon, a master at a cathedral school, or perhaps for an established cleric who wanted a very nice copy of texts from his student days? It looks like a personal book, but also an expensive one. An alphabet was added by a later user in the lower margin of f f. 9v, Hugh of Saint Victor, Dialogus de creatione mundi 231

119 Abbey of Saint Victor in Paris, engraving by Matthäus Merian ( ), seventeenth century PHYSICAL DESCRIPTION: i (paper flyleaf, marbled on the recto) + i (parchment) i (parchment) + i (paper, marbled) folios on parchment (stiff, but well-prepared and good quality), foliated in pencil top outer corner recto, last two leaves of text cut down almost to stubs, else complete (collation i 8 [-1, probably cancelled with no loss of text, perhaps a flyleaf] ii-x 8 xi 8 [missing most of 7 and 8]), contemporary quire signatures in Roman numerals center lower margin, no catchwords, ruled in brown crayon with the top two and bottom two horizontal rules full across, single full-length vertical bounding lines, prickings three outer margins on some folios, but a few marginal notes trimmed (justification 173 x mm.), written on the top ruled line in a protogothic bookhand in light brown ink in thirty-three long lines, red rubrics, 1-line alternately green and red initials, four- to two-line (on f. 9v, with extensions up to eight-lines) variegated initials in blue, red, green or ochre with penwork and infill of ornate scrolling sprays, two large eleven- to thirteenline initials on ff. 1 and 15 (see below), blank top and bottom of f. 1 trimmed away, most of ff missing, some stains, else good condition. Bound in eighteenth-century brown calf over pasteboards, back sewn on five thongs, edges in red, HUGO DE S. VICTO gold-tooled on spine, marbled endleaves, spine restored, binding a bit scuffed but overall in sound condition, red morocco covered case labelled Hugo von St. Victor/ Exegetische HS./ 12 Jahr. Dimensions 220 x 148 mm. TEXT: ff. 1-14v, [Hugh of Saint Victor, Dialogus de creatione mundi], Incipit dialogus magistri hugonis de sancto victore super Genesim, incipit, Quid factum est prius quam mundus fieret. Mag[ister] Solus deus M[agister] hoc dei iudicio michi relinquendum videtur, Explicit dialogus magistri hugonis. [printed in Migne, Patrologia latina, vol. 176, col ; Stegmüller, , no. 3790; Giraud, ed., 2015]; ff. 14v-87, [Hugh of Saint Victor, Homeliae in Ecclesiasten], Incipit eiusdem expositio super ecclesiastem, incipit, QUE DE LIBRO / SALOMONIS / QUI ECCLE/SIASTES / DICITUR NU/PER CORAM / VOBIS / DISSERVI / BREVITER / NUNC perstringens quia quedam ibi digna memoria iudebantur stilo signavi hec ipsa aliis post se pro futura sint ignorant, Explicit expositio magistri hugonis super ecclesiastem [most of f. 86 missing, leaving only a tab, [...] inveniat /// cens melior est /// afflictione animi [...] tum caro eius quantum in utili vacatione... ; printed in Migne, Patrologia latina, vol. 175, col ; Stegmüller, no. 3812]. SCRIPT: A date c , likely in the early part of this period, is suggested by the script, which is a very neat, upright proto-gothic bookhand: et is abbreviated with an ampersand, there is frequent use of e-cedilla, round letters except for pp are written separately, and straight s and d predominate. ILLUSTRATION: The two texts in this manuscript each begin with a large eleven- to thirteen-line white-vine rinceaux initial (f. 1, 40 mm. high; f. 15, 60 mm.) with floral blocks at their midpoints, their descenders terminating in winged dragons with foliate tongues, all on yellow, green and red grounds, the second with ten lines of ornate display colored capitals. Other divisions within the text being with four- to two-line (on f. 9v, with extensions up to eight-lines) variegated initials in blue, red, green or ochre with penwork and infill of ornate scrolling sprays. 232 f. 24v, Hugh of Saint Victor, Homiliae in Ecclesiasten 233

120 ORIGIN AND OWNERSHIP: 1. Evidence of script and the style of the initials suggests this was copied in France, possibly Eastern France (Lorraine?), c , likely early in this period. 2. Belonged to Princes Dietrichstein at Schloss Nikolsberg, Moravia, formed principally from the acquisition in 1669 of the library of Ferdinand Hoffman von Grünpühel und Strechau ( ), marshal of Austria, by descent to Alexander, Prince Dietrichstein; his sale at Lucerne, Gilhofer and Ranschsburg, November 21-22, 1933, lot 284 (Bibliothek Furst Dietrichstein Schloss Nikolsburg, Wertwolle Manuskripte mit Miniaturen des 9-15 Jhdts, Lucerne, H. Gilhofer & H. Ranschbur, November 21, 1933). Not listed in the Dietrichstein catalogue of 1868 (Archiv für osterreichische Geschichte, XXXIX), which did not list the theological texts. 3. Belonged to Walther Adam ( ) of Goslar (the typescript catalogue of the collection, Kulturhistorische Sammlung der Familie Adam, Bücher, Handschriften, Urkunden, 5-20 Jh., not available for consultation). 4. Dr. Helmut Tenner, Heidelberg, 6 May 1980, lot 1 (Sammlung Adam Teil I. Handschriften, Auktion 126). 5. Belonged to Joost Ritman (b. 1941), Dutch businessman and book collector, founder of The Ritman Library, Bibliotheca Philosophica Hermetica, Amsterdam; their shelfmark BPH, MS 19, bought from Laurence Witten in 1986, deaccessioned in Idda Collection, Switzerland. PUBLISHED DESCRIPTIONS: J. GUMBERT, ed., Illustrated Inventory of Medieval Manuscripts in the Netherlands 3, Leiden, 1987, no E. VAN DER VLIST, ed., Illuminated Manuscripts in Dutch collections: Preliminary Precursor 1, The Hague, 1991, p. 12. Medieval Manuscripts in Dutch Collections (Online Resources), as Amsterdam, BPH, MS 19. EXHIBITED: Association Internationale de Bibliophilie, Congress 1997, the Netherlands; this exhibition and the manuscripts exhibited are discussed in Scriptorium 52 (1998), p LITERATURE BUTTIMER, CHARLES HENRY, ed. Hugonis de Sancto Victore Didascalicon de studio legendi, Studies in Medieval and Renaissance Latin 10, Washington D. C., [Exhibition Catalogue]. Ecriture et Enluminures en Lorraine au Moyen Âge. La plume et le parchemin, organisée par la Société Thierry Alix du 29 mai au 29 juillet 1984 en la chapelle des Cordeliers Musée historique lorrain, Nancy, Nancy, FITZGERALD, BRIAN. Time, History, and Mutability in Hugh of St. Victor s Homilies on Ecclesiastes and De vanitate mundi, Viator 43 (2012), pp GIRAUD, C., ed. Hugo de Sancto Victore. De vanitate rerum mundanarum; Dialogus de creatione mundi, Corpus Christianorum, Continuatio mediaevalis 269, forthcoming, GIRAUD, CÉDRIC. L école de Saint-Victor dans la première moitié du XIIe siècle, entre école monastique et école cathédrale, in L école de Saint-Victor de Paris: influence et rayonnement du Moyen Âge à l époque moderne: colloque international du C.N.R.S. pour le neuvième centenaire de la fondation ( ) tenu au Collège des Bernardins à Paris les septembre 2008 et organisé par Patrick Gautier Dalché... [et al.], ed. Dominique Poirel, Turnhout, 2019, pp GOY, RUDOLF. Die Überlieferung der Werke Hugos von St. Viktor: Ein Beitrag zur Kommunikationsgeschichte des Mittelalters, Monographien zur Geschichte des Mittelalters 14, Stuttgart, LECLERCQ, JEAN. The Love of Learning and the Desire for God: A Study of Monastic Culture, tr. Catharine Misrahi, New York, TAYLOR, JEROME, tr. The Didascalicon of Hugh of St. Victor. A Medieval Guide to the Arts, Records of civilisation. Sources and Studies 64, New York, POIREL, D. Hugues de Saint-Victor, Initiations au Moyen Âge, Paris, f. 43, Hugh of Saint Victor, Homiliae in Ecclesiasten 235

121 236 ff. 63v-64, Hugh of Saint Victor, Homiliae in Ecclesiasten 237

122 SICARD, P. Hugues de Saint-Victor et son école, Turnhout, SMALLEY, BERYL. The Study of the Bible in the Middle Ages, Notre Dame, Indiana, VAN DEN EYNDE, D. Essai sur la sucession et la date des écrits de Hugues de Saint-Victor, Spicilegium Pontificii Athenaei Antoniani, 13, Rome, WEISWEILER, H. Hugos von St-Viktor Dialogus de sacramentis legis naturalis et scriptae als Fruhscholastischens Quellenwerk, in Miscellanea Giovanni Mercati, II, Vatican, 1946, pp ONLINE RESOURCES Medieval Manuscripts in Dutch Collections Hugo von Sankt Viktor Institut für Quellenkunde des Mittelalters Fig Epinal, Bibliothèque Multimédia Intercommunale, MS 145, Life of Saint Martin, f. 30 Fig Verdun, Bibliothèque-Discothèque de la Codecom de Verdun, MS 108, Breviary, f. 9v

123 Fig Paris, BnF, MS fr , Saint Bernard, Sermons, f. 1 Fig Epinal, Bibliothèque Multimédia Intercommunale, MS 20, Homiliary, f

124 13 Vulgate Bible, Job with the Glossa Ordinaria In Latin, decorated manuscript on parchment Northern Italy, c Light, tall, thin, narrow, with a trickle of Scriptural text down the centre of the page; an escape from the cathedral schools of France, brought rapidly into Italy; early, half-formed, a light manuscript, which would have fitted into the sleeve of a monastic habit or a scholar s leather bag, for private reading, in the cloister, at the roadside; the great biblical text of comfort and constancy in time of trouble; the first page crowded with ornament, ill-fitting its allotted space; good script, microscopically minute in the margins with no loss of legibility; some headings ( DE HERETICIS on folio 8v, a new and alarming subject in the twelfth century), red initials, corrections, additions, perhaps finally prepared for use as an exemplar, distinctive nota marks in a hand certainly findable in other manuscripts; a good monastic Cistercian provenance. The text known as the Ordinary Gloss on the Bible (or the Glossa Ordinaria), was one of the twelfth century s greatest intellectual achievements, and one that had a lasting influence on the history of biblical exegesis, creating a text that was used as the standard school text to the end of the Middle Ages and even later. It consists of the biblical text, copied in a distinctive, larger script, accompanied by selected quotations from patristic and medieval commentaries, copied in a smaller script on the same page. Texts by numerous authors are reflected in the commentary, including patristic authors such as Jerome, Augustine, Gregory the Great, Isidore, and Bede, and, less commonly, Origen, John Chrysostom, and Ambrose, as well as later authors including Rabanus Maurus (d. 856), John Scotus Eriugena (d. 877), Berengar of Tours (d. 1088), and Lanfranc of Bec (d. 1089). The Bible and its Gloss gave readers often teachers and students of the Bible access to the complete biblical text and commentaries 243

125 in one convenient location. It marks the end of monastic learning and the dawn of information retrieval. The Ordinary Gloss was not a text compiled, or even thought of, by a single author, but was rather the result of a long process over the course of the twelfth century that gradually grew to include the complete Bible. Its origins can be traced to the Cathedral School of Laon c with the teaching of the master Anselm of Laon (d. 1117), and his pupils and successors, in particular his brother Ralph (d. 1134), Gilbert of Auxerre, nicknamed "the Universal," who left Laon in 1128 when he became Bishop of London, and Gilbert of Porrée, active until This is a copy of the Book of Job with the Glossa Ordinaria. The textual history of the Gloss on Job seems to begin at Laon; five manuscripts almost certainly copied at Laon before 1140 have been identified: Avranches, BM, MS 16; Laon, BM, MS 5; Oxford, Bodleian Library, MS Rawlinson G 17 (fig. 13.1); Oxford, Trinity College, MS 20; and Paris, BnF, MS lat (Stirnemann, 1994; Smith, 2009). Attributing the Gloss on Job to one particular master is impossible, but certainly it was one of the early books glossed, and mostly likely was the work of either Anselm himself, or one of his close collaborators. Its main source is Gregory the Great s Moralia on Job (no. 8), the most widely read commentary on Job during the Middle Ages (Smith, 2009, p. 47, describing it as an example of a biblical book with glosses from a single source). Preliminary study of the glosses in this manuscript, however, discovered some glosses from a second source, the commentary on Job once attributed to Jerome, printed in the Patrologia latina vol. 23 (Stegmüller, , no. 3421; see for example col. 1471D, for the opening interlinear gloss, and col. 1478A-C, for the final gloss). There is still no critical edition of the entire Gloss, although steps in that direction are being made. It would be an extremely useful undertaking. The relative simplicity of tracing its sources by using online word searches now makes one aspect of this research easier than ever before, but it remains a formidable task owing to the number of surviving manuscripts and the fluidity of the text. In the meantime, the first printed edition of the Glossa Ordinaria edited by Adolf Rusch, Strasbourg, , is the principal published text. The present manuscript has notable differences. The lack of any opening prologues may be an early sign. Overall there are fewer glosses here than in the edition (especially at the beginning of the Job), and many are arranged differently. For example, the lengthy first interlinear gloss in this manuscript is found as a marginal gloss in the incunable edition. Glossed biblical books dating as early as this manuscript are of considerable potential textual interest since their text may in fact vary significantly from the text we call the Ordinary Gloss (Beryl Smalley in 1961 dubbed some of these variant manuscripts les gloses périmées ). f. 1, added initials, Glossed Job

126 ff. 6v-7, fully glossed opening, Glossed Job

127 ff. 24v-25, layout, Glossed Job

128 Script, layout and ruling point to an early date for this manuscript, c , making it as early as the group identified from Laon. The biblical text was copied in a rather narrow central column on broadly spaced lines ruled in hard point with double vertical bounding lines on each side. The glosses were added in a second step between the lines and in columns on either side of the text; although on many folios the ruling is very difficult to see, they appear to have been copied on closely spaced lines also ruled in hard point (with about three lines of gloss to each line of biblical text). Significantly, the ruling for the glosses was added as needed, although occasionally on folios where there are extensive glosses, the scribe appears to have ruled an entire column for the gloss. This type of simple layout, where the biblical text and the glosses were copied independently, is found in early glossed Bibles. It may be compared with the more sophisticated layout seen in the thirteenth-century copy of the Apocalypse and Catholic Epistles with the Gloss, formerly Les Enluminures, TM 141 (fig. 13.2). The complex alternate-line format where text and gloss were copied together in one step on one set of ruled lines was used in most glossed Bibles copied in Northern France, and in particular in Paris, after c (de Hamel, 1984). The manuscript belonged to the abbey of Chiaravalle della Colomba, the celebrated Cistercian monastery in Alseno (Piacenza), Emilia Romagna, founded in 1136 by Bishop Arduino of Piacenza, who appealed to St. Bernard himself, then at the Council of Pisa (1135), to send a colony of monks to found a new monastery. The abbey s name is said to originate from the dove ( colomba in Latin) that showed the monks where to build their church. Mirella Ferrari in her study of the surviving twelfth-century manuscripts from Cistercian monasteries in Northern Italy lists sixteen manuscripts from Chiaravalle della Columba, but she did not know of this manuscript (Ferrari, 1993, pp and 297-8; Ferrari, 1980, pp , listed twelve). This manuscript may be compared with the commentary on Isaiah by Hervaeus de Bourgdieu, Oxford, Bodleian Library, MS Lat. th.b.9, also from Chiaravalle (figs. 13.3, 13.4), but imported from France. This is a harmonious manuscript, with both the biblical text and the accompanying glosses probably copied by a single scribe. The script of the biblical text is an upright caroline minuscule; a date early in the twelfth century is suggested by the lack of compression, both vertically and horizontally (even pp is written separately), the predominate use of straight s, d and r, and e-cedilla; the biblical text has very few abbreviations, although both the ampersand and the tironian-7 are used for et (and), and the Italian abbreviation for qui ( q with a horizontal stroke through the descender) is found (e.g. f. 11, line 4). The glosses are written in a very small precise script that is slightly more angular, with more frequent abbreviations, but is still upright and uncompressed. Word separation is good but not absolute. Other early features to note are the lack of running titles and chapter divisions in the original hand (although each sentence begins with a red initial in the biblical text, which is unusual). Each gloss begins with an angular paraph, and includes the biblical lemmata. The manuscript includes evidence that it was used. Particularly interesting are the long lines that restructure the gloss. For example, on f. 13, the gloss ends in the outer column followed by a long blank space; a line was added to connect it to the next gloss, lower on the page. Modern chapters were added in a later hand (the chapters we use today came into widespread use c. 1230). There are also numerous nota marks in a neat, calligraphically pleasing form, and lines alongside glosses that probably were added for the same purpose. Chiaravalle della Colomba Abbey PHYSICAL DESCRIPTION: i (paper) i (paper) folios on parchment, modern foliation in pencil top outer corner recto, complete (collation i-x 8 xi 12 [-11 and 12, cancelled with no loss of text]), quires signed center lower margin with small capital letters on the verso of the last leaf of each quire A-K (last quire unsigned), and numbered with red Roman numerals beginning with ii at the end of the first quire and concluding with xii for the last quire, no leaf signatures or catchwords, ruled in hard point for a central column of biblical text (quite narrow) with double full-length vertical bounding lines, and columns for the gloss on either side, apparently ruled as needed, prickings for the biblical text in the outer margin (justification biblical text 179 x mm.; text and gloss x mm.), biblical text written in a caroline minuscule in a narrow central column of twenty-one lines, with interlinear and marginal glosses copied in a smaller but precise script on up to sixty-seven lines, when necessary extending across the upper and lower margins, sentences within the biblical text begin with one-line red initials, gloss capitals touched in red on f. 1 only, incipit, explicit and titles in rustic display capitals, f. 1, seventeen-line blank space, now with the opening words of the biblical text ( Uir erat in terra hus nomini Iob ) supplied in large display capitals, alternately red and black, with black and red contrasting pen decoration, added probably in the last decades of the twelfth century, staining and rodent damage to the edges of ff , occasional spotting and cockling but generally in very good condition. Bound in old brown sheepskin over pasteboard, spine with four raised bands, rebacked with parts of the spine laid down, corners repaired, previous description notes the remains of label (now missing) applied with sealing wax to upper cover, a few letters in ink visible on the spine, red cloth and leather fitted box labelled Book of Job/ Glossed/ Manuscript/ France 12 th century. Dimensions 260 x 150 mm

129 TEXT: ff. 1-90v, [Biblical text], incipit, Vir erat in terra hus nomine Iob. Et erat vir ille simplex et mortuus est senex et plus dierum, Explicit Liber Iob; ff. 1-90v, [first gloss, inner margin], incipit, Prius persona apta describitur ; [second gloss, inner margin], incipit, Allegorice. Iob dolens id est christus qui dolores ; [top margin], incipit, Timens deum. Salomon qui timet deum ; [top margin, second gloss], incipit, Hus. Quae est terra gentilium ad laudem ; [outer margin], incipit, Per iob christi, id est caput et corpus designator ; [first interlinear gloss], incipit, Necesse est ut et simplicitatem columbę astucia serpentis instruat et astuciam simplicitas temperet unde spiritus in columba et igne apparuit quia pleni illo sic mansuetudini simplicitatis servient ut contra mala zelo rectitudinis accendantur ;... [f. 90v, final interlinear gloss], incipit, Sed quia inter perfectos sunt cum fratribus ; [f. 90rv, final marginal gloss], incipit, Et uocauit nomen unius diem [Job 42:14]. Omnis qui misericordia redemptoris eligitur Ipse ergo ex perfectorum numero speciose memorantur. Ipse etiam ex imperfectorum numero. Sorores ergo cum fratribus ad hereditatem veniunt quia infirmi ad cęlestia. Plena dierum moritur quia per hęc transeuntia tempora id quid non transit operator, E[X]P[L]I[C]T L[I]B[E]R [B]E[A]T[I]S[S]I[M]I [I]O[B] [Explicit liber beatissimi Job, with every second letter omitted, perhaps with the intention of writing them in red]. SCRIPT AND LAYOUT: The biblical text is copied in an upright caroline minuscule, with features suggesting a date in the second quarter of the twelfth century; the gloss is written in a very small precise script, slightly more angular, with more frequent abbreviations, but it is also upright and uncompressed (discussed in detail above). An early date is also suggested by the layout and ruling of the manuscript. The biblical text was copied in a rather narrow central column on broadly spaced lines ruled in hard point with double vertical bounding lines on each side. The glosses were added between the lines and in columns on either side of the text, copied on closely spaced lines also ruled in hard point (with about three lines of gloss to each line of biblical text). The ruling for the glosses appears to have been as needed in a second step after the biblical text was copied. This simple format can be compared with the much more complex layout found in later examples, including Les Enluminures, TM 141, a thirteenthcentury copy of the Apocalypse and the Catholic Epistles (fig. 13.2). ORIGIN AND OWNERSHIP: 1. Copied in Italy in the second quarter of the twelfth century, c An ownership note on the final verso written in an early hand, possibly contemporary, reads Liber sancte Marie de Columba ; the Abbey of Chiaravalle della Colomba, the Cistercian abbey in Alseno (Piacenza), Emilia Romagna was founded from Burgundy in This manuscript dates from the period of its foundation. It has signs of conscientious use in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries, including the addition of modern chapter divisions in the margins. Chiaravalle was suppressed in the Napoleonic era: in 1805 its assets were nationalized and its library was dispersed; in 1810, the monks were forced to leave. Many of its manuscripts passed to Francesco Giovio ( ), like the books from Morimondo (no. 8) and were at least partly dispersed through Hoepli in Milan in An earlier description mentioned a stamped armorial ex libris on the front flyleaf (arms gules, two bars argent, charged with three chalices or 1 & 2, with inscriptions Moderata Durant, and Ex libris de Mojolis ); this is no longer present in the volume. 4. Christie s, June 25, 1997, lot Richard Adams, Private Collection, Washington D.C. (who also owned no. 2): his small oval blue and gold paper ex libris, RLA on the front flyleaf. 6. Idda Collection, Switzerland. PUBLISHED REFERENCES AND EXHIBITIONS: unpublished. LITERATURE CORVI P. AND SPINELLI G. S. Maria di Chiaravalle della Colomba, in Monasteri Benedettini in Emilia Romagna, Milan, 1980, pp DE HAMEL, CHRISTOPHER. Glossed Books of the Bible and the Origins of the Paris Booktrade, Woodbridge, Suffolk and Dover, New Hampshire, f. 27, Glossed Job

130 FERRARI, MIRELLA. Biblioteche e scrittoi Benedettini nella storia culturale della diocesi Ambrosiana: Appunti ed episodi, Ricerche storiche sulla chiesa Ambrosiana 9 [=Archivio Ambrosiano 40] (1980), pp FERRARI, MIRELLA. Dopo Bernardo: biblioteche e scriptoria cisterciensi dell Italia settentrionale nel XII secolo, in San Bernardo e l Italia, ed. Pietro Zerbi, Milan, 1993, pp FROEHLICH, KARLFRIED AND MARGARET T. GIBSON, eds. Biblia Latina cum Glossa Ordinaria : Facsimile Reprint of the Editio Princeps Adolph Rusch of Strassburg 1480/81, Turnhout, SMALLEY, BERYL. Les Commentaires Bibliques de l Epoque Romane: Glose Ordinaire et Gloses Périmées, in Studies in Medieval Thought and Learning from Abelard to Wyclif, London, 1981, pp [reprinted from Cahiers de Civilisation Médiévale, IV e Année (1961), pp ]. SMITH, LESLEY. The Glossa Ordinaria: The Making of a Medieval Bible, Leiden and Boston, STIRNEMANN, PATRICIA. Gilbert de la Porrée et les livres glosés à Laon, à Chartres et à Paris, in Monde médiéval et société chartraine : actes du colloque international organisé par la ville et le diocèse de Chartres à l occasion du 8 e centenaire de la Cathédrale de Chartres, ed. Jean-Robert Armogathe, Paris, 1997, pp STIRNEMANN, PATIRCIA. Où ont été fabriqués les livres de la glose ordinaire dans la première moitié du XIIe siècle?, in Le XII e siècle: mutations et renouveau en France dans la première moitié du XII e siècle, ed. Françoise Gasparri, Paris, 1994, pp ONLINE RESOURCES Official website of Chiaravalle della Colomba f. 90v, Abbey of Chiaravalle della Colomba ex libris, Glossed Job 255

131 Fig Oxford, Bodleian Library, MS Rawlinson G 17, Glossed f.2 Fig Oxford, Bodleian Library, MS Lat. th.b.9, Hervaeus de Bourgdieu, Commentary on Isaiah, f. 1 Fig Formerly Les Enluminures TM 141, Glossed Apocalypse, ff Fig Oxford, Bodleian Library, MS Lat. th.b.9, Hervaeus de Bourgdieu, Commentary on Isaiah, f

132 14 Vulgate Bible, Epistles of St. Paul with the Glossa Ordinaria In Latin, Illuminated manuscript on parchment Northern Italy (Milan?), c A glossed text glossed; a relatively rare text from the set of the Glossa Ordinaria, because this particular component was superseded in the series by the Magna Glossatura of Peter Lombard; here in the original, sometimes still citing the names of the authors from which it was quarried in the cathedral school of Laon; letters from the early Roman empire, earlier than the Gospels, the foundation text of Christian theology; itself massively used, corrected, changed, marked up for liturgical use, and crammed at the ends with the outpourings of the monastery which used it, probably in Milan, all a springboard for further work; unusual, handsome, ultimately identifiable polychrome initials, birds as strange as enamelled metalwork, floral ornament, tumbling swags of white vines; red morocco binding, a manuscript which passed through the early twentieth-century rediscovery of Italy, a note by Sydney Cockerell. The textual history of the Glossa Ordinaria on the Pauline Epistles is complex. The earliest version dates back to the teaching of Anselm of Laon, a master at the cathedral school, later chancellor, dean, and finally archdeacon of the cathedral, who died in The school at Laon in the late eleventh and early twelfth centuries was famous throughout Europe as a center for theology, and Anselm s reputation was particularly stellar. Guibert of Nogent (d. 1124), in the dedication to his commentary on Genesis compares Anselm and his brother Ralph to two bright eyes brighter than the stars, and praises Anselm as the master of the entire Latin world. The Gloss on the Pauline Epistles probably reflects his oral teaching, written down by his students in the decades after his death (for a contrary view, see Andrée, 2011, pp ). Like the Psalms, there were two other versions of the Gloss on the Pauline Epistles composed in the twelfth f. 114, (detail with initial), Pauline Epistles with the Gloss 259

133 century (no. 4). Gilbert de la Porrée, who studied at Laon with Anselm and Ralph, produced his commentary on the Pauline Epistles by c (his Psalter commentary has been studied by Gross-Diaz, 1996). Peter Lombard s commentary was begun c. 1135, but was not completed until 1155 or even , when he became bishop of Paris. This textual history is directly reflected in the numbers of surviving manuscripts, since the two later commentaries were much more widely read and copied than the original version dating back to Anselm s teachings. If we consider all the books of the Bible, the Glossa Ordinaria was enormously popular, and may survive in more than 2,000 manuscripts; there are 400 manuscripts of the Gloss on various biblical books in the Bibliothèque nationale de France in Paris, and perhaps another 600 in the French municipal libraries (Zier, 2004). Manuscripts of the Pauline Epistles with the Ordinary Gloss (that is the text dating back to Anselm of Laon), however, were not among the most commonly copied glossed books. There are only fifteen to twenty copies in the BnF (compared, for example, with forty-nine copies of the Gloss on John and forty-seven of the Gloss on Luke). Thirteen copies of glossed Pauline Epistles survive from the Sorbonne, but none include the Ordinary Gloss (Zier, 2004, p. 163, and note 165). These numbers are evidence of the popularity of the revisions of this text by Gilbert de la Porrée and Peter Lombard which eclipsed the earlier version found in this manuscript. Glossed manuscripts of the Pauline Epistles dating from the middle of the twelfth century, including the manuscript described here, are important witnesses to this text. This manuscript was copied by two scribes. The first organized his text in a very conservative fashion. The biblical text was copied first in a large script in one central column, leaving room between the lines and in all four margins for glosses; the glosses were added as necessary, in a smaller script, and ruled separately. Both the biblical text and the glosses were ruled in hard point (see de Hamel, 1984, for the history of the format of glossed Bibles). This same general layout is used by the second scribe on many pages, but, significantly, there are pages where he varies the size of the biblical text depending on the amount of gloss he had to copy the text and gloss are no longer copied independently of one another, but are being treated as one text, a significant change in attitude. He has also used lead point to rule the space for the glosses, a codicological feature found first in manuscripts dating around the middle of the twelfth century. Some marginal glosses begin with lemmata (the opening words of the biblical passage being commented on), but many do not. Although the editio princeps, which was printed in Strasbourg in by Rusch (facsimile edition, Froehlich and Gibson, 1992; and online) is useful as a working 260 f. 102, glosses in many hands, Pauline Epistles with the Gloss 261

134 edition of the Ordinary Gloss for many of the books of the Bible, it is less useful for the Pauline Epistles, since the printed text includes numerous interpolations from the later versions of the Gloss on these books by Gilbert de la Porée and Peter Lombard. Generally, manuscripts of the Pauline Epistles with the Ordinary Gloss have many fewer prologues and other texts before Romans and include fewer marginal and interlinear glosses than Rusch s edition (Zier, 2004, p. 169). Characterizing the glossed text in this manuscript is especially difficult because it includes numerous layers; the glosses were added by many people, over an extended period of time. At some point, long passages in the gloss were erased, and updated glosses were added (e.g. ff. 12v, 43v-44, 74v, to name just a few; there are many, many erasures). On f. 67v, five lines of the biblical text were erased and re-written. Although originally designed with a central column of biblical text and two marginal columns, the very far outside margins were used by later readers to add another layer of notes, usually brief, for example, f. 18, Romans 8:9, an early hand notes spiritus dei spiritus christi. Idem est (The spirit of God and the Spirit of Christ are the same), and the hand in the far outer margin notes, Nota spiritum christi quid est contra grecos (Note, the spirit of Christ, which is against the [opinion of the] Greeks). Most of the glosses were copied with no identification of their authors, but on f. 152 there is a gloss ascribed to Lanfranc (d. 1089). Manuscripts of glossed Bibles often include no identifications of the source of the glosses, and it is particularly unusual to find attributions to recent authors. Perhaps for this reason, this attribution to Lanfranc seems to have been carefully copied by scribes, and is found in other manuscripts of the commentary (Smith, 2009, p. 59; cf. p. 53; Gibson, 1977). The text corresponds in a general way with the text known as the Ordinary Gloss. Compared with the electronic edition of Rusch s edition of Galatians, there is a basic similarity; this manuscripts lacks both the arguments (as text and gloss) found in the Rusch edition, but many of the glosses found here can be identified in the printed edition. The beginning of the commentary on Romans, in contrast, lacks most of the numerous prefatory texts found in the Rusch edition. Comparisons with contemporary manuscripts are probably more pertinent. 2 Corinthians here begins with the same first two glosses found in another copy of the Pauline Epistle with the Ordinary Gloss, San Marino, California, Huntington Library, HM 56 (fig. 14.3). Identifying which glosses were altered in this manuscript (either changed and copied over erasures, or simply added) and their sources would be an ideal case study of the evolution of the Gloss and its use in Italy. The question of the biblical text that circulated with the Glossa Ordinaria is an important topic that has attracted little scholarly attention. From some point f. 119v, Pauline Epistles with the Gloss 263

135 ff.129v-130, Pauline Epistles with the Gloss

136 early in the second half of the twelfth century, Paris masters began to use the glossed text as the basis of their lectures; we can say they were glossing the Gloss. It is therefore not surprising that the text of the Paris Bible, a biblical recension without glosses found in hundreds of Bibles copied in Paris (and sometimes elsewhere in Europe) in the thirteenth century, especially after c. 1230, can be shown to be related to the text circulating in twelfth-century glossed Bibles (Haastrup, 1963, 1965; Light, 1984, pp ). But we still know almost nothing about the topic. In particular, we do not know to what extent the biblical text in glossed Bibles varied from copy to copy, both over time, and in copies made in different parts of Europe. The very quickest look at the text in this Bible demonstrates how interesting this research could be. There are two textual variants here characteristic of the group Samuel Berger and Henri Quentin called the Italian group (Berger, 1893, p. 143, found in Paris, BnF, MS lat. 104; see also Quentin, 1922, ); on f. 30v, Romans 13:9, reads non concupisces rem proximi tui ; and on f. 92, lines 6-7, Galatians 5:7, we find the reading Nemini consenseritis, although in this case the original text lacked this interpolation, and it was added by a contemporary hand. Even this very small sampling raises the possibility that the biblical text in this manuscript is not the text that circulated in Northern France, where the Gloss on the Pauline epistles was created, but is rather the biblical text common in Northern Italy where this manuscript was copied. This is not a unique example, since these readings are found in another glossed copy of the Pauline Epistles from Northern Italy, San Marino, Huntington Library, HM 56 (Dutschke, 1989, p. 118). The most remarkable addition to this copy of the Pauline Epistles are the indications of liturgical readings that were added in the margins early in the thirteenth century. Carefully noted in red, these notes identify the liturgical occasion when a particular passage from the Epistle was read. On f. 3, for example, Romans 1:1 is marked Epistola in sabbato sancto, indicating that this passage was read on Holy Saturday. These notes continue right through the volume, with indications of feasts from the Temporale and Sanctorale. Although further research is needed, the presence of several Milanese feasts suggests a link with Milan: the feasts of Sisinnius, Martyrius, and Alexander, martyrs whose relics are in Milan are listed twice, on f. 13v, and f. 75, the translation of St. Victor Maurus is noted on f. 61v, and the Deposition of St. Ambrose is included on f Note that in many cases not only the beginning of the liturgical lection is marked, but also the end of the reading (e.g. ff. 100, 116 and others), arguing for actual liturgical use. This is not to say that this book was necessarily used during Mass as a Lectionary, although it might have been. Perhaps the early users of this book used it to read the pericope for a given feast, together with the commentary on the passage, thus enriching their devotional life (see also no. 4). The book was also well-adapted for study, and includes running titles in red through f. 104v, f. 144v, Pauline Epistles with the Gloss 267

137 and older chapter divisions marked in Roman numerals in Romans and 1 Corinthians; later hands added indications of the modern chapters in some of the books. In the thirteenth century this manuscript was evidently owned by Franciscan friars, who left several ownership inscriptions on the opening and closing leaves. As is the case with many Franciscan manuscripts, one has the feeling that the manuscript was passed from hand to hand, studied intensely, and annotated. The preliminary leaves and the two final leaves were originally left blank, and are now filled with notes in many different hands, and even drawings: a drawing of a wild-looking man with a beard on f. 164v, and sketches of elaborately decorated initials A on f On f. 163 one reader added the courteous note, Pax vobis a deo patre qui legeris in isto libro (Peace from God the Father to you who reads this book). Some of the extensive additions and changes to the glosses may also be the work of these Franciscans. This was a book owned and vigorously used, first in the twelfth century, perhaps within a community context at a cathedral school or monastery, and then in the thirteenth century by a Franciscan community. It will repay study as an artifact that reveals active study of the Bible by these two different communities. The marginal indications of liturgical readings are an extremely unusual feature. PHYSICAL DESCRIPTION: 164 folios on parchment (prepared in the manner of southern Europe, generally good quality, but with occasional original holes and sewing, for example, ff. 70 and 101), first two leaves originally blank and last two were once flyleaves, complete (collation i 8 [1, 2 and 7, 8, singletons] ii-xix 8 xx 10 xi 2 ), quires signed in Roman numerals on the last leaf in the lower margin, a few trimmed, no leaf signatures or catch words, narrow central column for the biblical text ruled in blind bounded on both sides by double full-length vertical bounding lines, with columns for the gloss in the inner and outer margins bounded by single full-length vertical bounding lines, marginal glosses often appear to be copied without rulings from ff v, from f. 105 to the end ruling for the glosses in lead, prickings on some folios in the outer margin for the biblical text (justification biblical text x mm; text and gloss x mm.), written in dark brown ink in a regular rounded twelfth-century bookhand in a central column with twenty to twenty-two lines by two scribes, with the second scribe beginning on f. 105, marginal glosses on either side and between the lines of the biblical text in a smaller script in numerous hands, many added later, some headings in red, a few prologues entirely in red, first words of books usually stroked in red, one-line red initials at the beginning of sentences in some books or stroked in red, red running titles through f. 104v, older chapters numbered in small red Roman numerals in Romans and 1 Corinthians, some books with added numbers of modern chapters in the upper margin, liturgical readings noted in red in margins (added early), many signs of careful and scholarly use, several layers and early campaigns of added glosses and corrections (including erasures and glosses to the gloss), many additions to endleaves, FOURTEEN LARGE PAINTED INITIALS including, birds and dragons in colors on colored grounds (described in detail below), lower half of initials, ff. 38 and 137v rubbed, some wear, minor stains, top outer corner f. 51 cut (no loss of text), stitched repairs to ff and 101, slight marginal worming first eight folios, opening and closing leaves darkened, somewhat cockled, but sound and f. 57v, gloss in two columns, added, Pauline Epistles with the Gloss 269

138 with wide margins. Bound in late eighteenth- or early nineteenth-century dark red morocco, simple gold fillet borders, spine with five raised bands lettered Divi Pavli/ Epistole/ Manus./Memb., red, white and green head and tail bands, in good condition apart from slight worming along the spine, and some wear to spine and outer edges, red leather and cloth slip case, labelled St. Paul/ Epistles/ Milan. XIIIth Cent. Dimensions 275 x 180 mm. TEXT: ff. 1rv, blank with added notes, including on f. 1v a number of brief notes on theological topics in several hands (including justice, faith, the Eucharist, and excommunication); [f. 2, blank (erased inscription); f. 2v, blank]; ff , Pauline Epistle with the Ordinary Gloss [cf. Stegmüller, , nos ]: f. 3, [prologue to Romans], incipit, Romani sunt partes italiae. Hii preuenti sunt [Stegmüller 676]; ff. 3-38, Romans; [first marginal gloss, added], incipit, Dicens. Non est bonum id est sumere ; [second marginal gloss], incipit, Pro altercatione scribit apostolus ; [third marginal gloss], incipit, Paulus hebraice. Quietus grece. Modicus latine. Prius saulus a saule ; [first interlinear gloss], incipit, Comendat personam suam a nomine conditus Paulus ; Romans, incipit, Paulus seruus ihesu christi uocatus apostolus. Segregatus in euangelium dei ; f. 38, [prologue to 1 Corinthians], incipit, Corinthii sunt achaici et hii similiter [Stegmüller 685], with Stegmüller 686 in the margin, incipit, Corinthii sunt acahici. Hii ab ipso apostolo conuersi sunt ; f v, 1 Corinthians; f. 71v, [prologue to 2 Corinthians], incipit, Post acceptam paenientiam [Stegmüller 699, usually begins Post actam ]; f v, 2 Corinthians; first marginal gloss, incipit, Quibusdam corinthiorum per prima epistola correctis causa reliquorum scribit secundam repellens pseudo apostolos. Ostendendo deception predicationis eorum ; [second marginal gloss], incipit, Benedictus. Primum perfectis loquitur ; ff. 93v-104v, [no prologue], Galatians; ff. 104v-114, [no prologue], Ephesians; f. 114, [prologue to Philippians in red], incipit, Philippenses sunt macedones. Hii accepto uerbo [Stegmüller 728], with Stegmüller 729 in the margin, incipit, Philippenses sunt macedones hii Paulo per epaphroditum ; ff v, Philippians; f. 119v, [prologue to Colossians in red], incipit, Colosenses et hii sunt laudicenses [Stegmüller 736], with Stegmüller 740 in the margin, incipit, Colosenses sunt asiani quod non est ipse apostolus predicauit ; ff. 119v-125, Colossians; f. 125, [prologue to 1 Thessalonians copied in the margin], incipit, Thessalonicenses sunt macedones qui facile ab apostolo conuersi [Stegmüller 747]; ff v, 1 Thessalonians; ff. 129v-132, [no prologue], 2 Thessalonians; f. 132, [prologue to 1 Timothy in the margin], incipit, Timotheo relicto in asia epistolo. Scribit Paulus [Stegmüller 763]; ff v, 1 Timothy; f. 137v, [prologue to 2 Timothy in the margin], incipit, Paulus iam a mundo transiturus item scribit a roma [Stegmüller 773]; ff. 137v-141, 2 Timothy; f. 141, [prologue to Titus in the margin], incipit, Titum commonefacit [Stegmüller 780]; ff v, Titus; f. 143v [prologue to Philemon in margin], incipit, Phylemoni familiars [Stegmüller 783]; ff. 143v-144v, Philemon; ff. 144v-162, [no prologue], Hebrews, explicit, Salutant uos omnes de italia fratres. Gratia cum omnibus uobis, Amen ; ff. 162v-164v, blank with added texts: f. 162v (later owners s notes, see provenance below); f. 163, mostly blank, but with notes on the genealogy of Christ, incipit, Anna nupsit ioachim ; and other brief notes including, Nota. Qui Laudat beneficium medicine dicit morbos prodesse et ultima ; ff. 163v-164v, densely covered with notes in many hands, including on f. 164 three sketches of the initial A with pen decoration, and on f. 164v, two figures, including a wild-looking man, and numerous brief excerpts, many labelled as from Augustine, and one from Ambrose. SCRIPT AND LAYOUT: The script of the first scribe is a very rounded script (note the round o and the wedge-shaped ascenders) with a number of early features suggesting a date around the middle of the twelfth century; the script is fairly broadly spaced horizontally so that round letters do not touch, and even pp was written separately, both ae and e-cedilla are used, two forms of d are used, but upright d is common, round s appears occasionally but only finally; this scribe avoids abbreviating et. The second scribe, beginning on f. 105, uses a similar, but much less formal script; et is abbreviated with a tironian-7, there is considerable compression horizontally, but again, round letters, including pp are written separately, e-cedilla is used. The ruling patterns in this manuscript and the layout of the text and gloss vary; throughout, the biblical text was copied in a narrow central column on widely spaced lines, and the glosses were added columns on either side of the biblical text and between the lines. The ruling for the biblical text was done in hard point throughout, and was done as a first step (the prickings in the outer margins when they remain align only with the biblical text). Many of the columns of the marginal glosses through f. 104v appear to be unruled, but occasionally, as on ff. 77v-78, a second set of rules were added for the glosses, also in hard point, extending across the column of biblical text (so the biblical text was copied on every other line) but this still appears to have been done in two stages. From f. 105 on a new scribe copied the biblical text, and rulings for the marginal glosses are often added in lead point. The second scribe varied the width of the column of biblical text depending on the amount of glosses (e.g. f. 134 with a narrow column of biblical text and a very long gloss; and f. 137, with several brief glosses, and the biblical text in a broader column), and on two folios let the glosses interrupt the biblical text (ff. 150v and 152, copying the glosses within the column for the Bible), signs that he was copying from an exemplar with text and gloss. There are a few examples of L-shaped glosses (e.g. ff. 147, 153v). ILLUSTRATION: Each letter of St. Paul begins with a large painted initial, equivalent to six- to twelve-lines of the biblical text; the body of the initials are formed from narrow yellow fillets infilled with interlace patterns in orange, green, pink, or pale yellow, at times ending in animal heads, on colored grounds that follow the shape of the initials; many initials are infilled with white vines: f. 3; f. 38; f. 72, ending in animal heads; f. 93v, a green dragon-head at the top; f. 104v; f. 114; f. 119v, green interlace edged in yellow and a dragon, infilled with a floral motif; f. 125; f. 129v, a snake (or fish) forming part of the initial; f. 132, distinctive initial constructed from a pair of long-legged pink and green birds, infilled and on a pale yellow ground, f. 137v; f. 141; f. 143v, and f. 144v. These interlace initials, infilled with white vines, are a variation of the geometric initials characteristic of many manuscripts copied in Central and Northern Italy from the second quarter through the third quarter of the twelfth century (Garrison, ; Berg, 1968); similar initials are found, for example, in the glossed Pauline Epistle, Paris, BnF, MS lat. 312 (Tuscany, second quarter to middle of the twelfth century; Avril and Załuska, 1980, no. 84 and pl. xxxv) (fig. 14.1), and in BnF, MS lat. 654, another glossed Pauline (probably Northern Italy, mid-twelfth century; Avril and Załuska, 1980, no. 120, plates xlvii and xlviii) (fig. 14.2). The initials on f. 110 of Paris BnF, MS lat , from Central Italy, middle to third quarter of the twelfth century (Avril and Załuska, 1980, no. 120, and plate G), and on f. 1 of San Marino, Huntington Library, HM 56, copied in Northern Italy in the middle of the twelfth century, both copies of the Pauline Epistles with the Gloss, are very similar to the initial constructed from a snake/or dragon on f. 119v of our manuscript (fig. 14.3). ORIGIN AND OWNERSHIP: 1. Copied in Northern Italy, likely in Milan, c Owned by a Franciscan convent in the thirteenth century; there are three partially erased thirteenth-century ownership inscriptions. The first, found on f. 1, is still partially legible, Iste liber est fratrum minorum de <?>. The two other entries are now thoroughly erased, and possibly treated by a reagent, but were read by Sydney Cockerell (see his pencil note on final flyleaf, "Scribbles examined, June , SCC"); his tentative transcriptions were, f. 2, Iste liber est fr[atrum]... empsi ego math. de?campo, [written in his hand in pencil below an erased inscription] and on f. 162v, Iste liber est fratrum minorum [? Pataviae] commorantium ; whether Cockerell was correct about Padua is now impossible to judge, but the convent at Padua in 1449 owned nine copies of the Pauline Epistles with a gloss, none obviously identifiable as this manuscript (Humphreys, 1966, nos ). The preliminary leaves and the two final leaves were originally left blank, and are now filled with notes in many different hands, probably by brothers at this Franciscan convent. 3. Two later notes on f. 162v may indicate that the book was back in private hands by the late Middle Ages: the first dated 1427, Mccccxxvii. Epistolle sancti pauli con dcc<erasure> Ex d. A. computatis omnibus, and below this, in a different hand, a monogram (?) and possibly a notary s mark. 4. Two Hebrew notes on f. 2; the first is evidence that this book was used as a pledge in the fifteenth century; a Jewish moneylender wrote the name of the lender, Yoani Horizon Prikula, and the date, December 2, 1456 (we thank Dr. Eyal Poleg and Dr. Malachi Beit-Arie for their assistance); a second note, probably later, may include a place name. 5. Sir Joseph Radcliffe ( ), second baronet, of Rudding Park, Yorkshire (formerly with his bookplate; present in 1966), and by descent; Rudding Park was sold in 1962 and its library was dispersed. 6. Bought by Sir John Galvin of Vancouver and Dublin from H. P. Kraus, Manuscripts and Books, cat. 115 (1966), no. 14; his sale, Sotheby s, 7 July 2009, lot Idda Collection, Switzerland

139 ff.162v-163, added notes, Pauline Epistles with the Gloss

140 PUBLISHED REFERENCE: H. P. KRAUS, Manuscripts and Books, cat. 115 (1966), no. 14. LITERATURE ANDRÉE, ALEXANDER. Anselm of Laon Unveiled: The Glosae super Iohannem and the Origins of the Glossa ordinaria on the Bible, Mediaeval Studies 73 (2011), pp AVRIL, FRANÇOIS AND YOLANTA ZAŁUSKA. Manuscrits enluminés d origine italienne, Bibliothèque Nationale. Département des manuscrits, Centre de recherché sur les manuscrits enluminés, Paris, BERGER, SAMUEL. Histoire de la Vulgate pendant les premiers siècles du moyen âge, Paris, BERG, KNUT. Studies in Tuscan Twelfth Century Illumination, Oslo, Bergen and Tromsö, DE HAMEL, CHRISTOPHER. Glossed Books of the Bible and the Origins of the Paris Booktrade, Woodbridge, Suffolk and Dover, New Hampshire, DUTSCHKE, C. W. Guide to Medieval and Renaissance Manuscripts in the Huntington Library, San Marino, California, FROEHLICH, KARLFRIED AND MARGARET T. GIBSON, eds. Biblia Latina cum Glossa Ordinaria: Facsimile Reprint of the Editio Princeps Adolph Rusch of Strassburg 1480/81, Turnhout, GARRISON, E. B. Studies in the History of Medieval Italian Painting, vols. I-IV, Florence, GIBSON, M. T. Lanfranc s Commentary on the Pauline Epistles, Journal of Theological Studies, n.s. 22 (1971), pp GROSS-DIAZ, THERESA. The Psalms Commentary of Gilbert of Poitiers: From lectio divina to the Lecture Room, New York, HAASTRUP, NIELS. Zur frühen Pariser Bibel auf Grund Skandinavischer Handschriften, Classica et mediaevalia. Revue danoise de philologie et d histoire 24 (1963), pp HAASTRUP, NIEL. Zur frühen Pariser Bibel auf Grund Skandinavischer Handschriften, Classica et mediaevalia. Revue danoise de philologie et d histoire 26 (1965), pp HUMPHREYS, K. W. The Library of the Franciscans of the Convent of St Antony, Padua, at the beginning of the Fifteenth Century, Amsterdam, LIGHT, LAURA. Versions et révisions du texte biblique in Le Moyen Âge et la Bible, eds. Pierre Riché and Guy Lobrichon, Bible de tous les temps 4, Paris, 1984, pp QUENTIN, HENRI. Mémoire sur l établissement du texte de la Vulgate, Rome, ZIER, DANIEL. The Development of the Glossa Ordinaria to the Bible in the 13 th Century: The Evidence of the Bibliothèque Nationale, Paris, in La Bibbia del XIII secolo: storia del testo, storia dell esegesi, ed. G. Cremascoli and F. Santi, Florence, 2004, pp Fig Paris, BnF, MS lat. 312, Glossed Pauline Epistles, f. 41v

141 Fig Paris, BnF, MS lat. 654, Glossed Pauline Epistles, f. 45v Fig San Marino, Huntington Library, HM 56, Glossed Pauline Epistles, f

142 15 Vulgate Bible, Gospel of Mark with the Glossa Ordinaria; [Anonymous], Notes on Confession In Latin, illuminated manuscript on parchment Northern Italy (Tuscany?), c Personal, private, portable, like a Tuscan Giant Bible on a miniature scale, with a great full-length I resembling an In principio opening; one of the last texts of the Glossa Ordinaria canon, drawing extensively from Bede in Anglo-Saxon Northumbria; small, a single Gospel text for individual use, quite possibly made for a person, not a community; perhaps for a priest, or a canon, or a secular cleric, when literacy first stepped beyond the walls of a monastery; Italian, Romanesque, as old as the great cathedrals; crisp initial resembling mosaic pavements, yellow as bright as gold, deep blue, ceramic red; owned by the abate Luigi Celotti, a Venetian (for whom Saint Mark has special significance), in Britain by 1825, to Phillipps, Rosenbach, Doheny, Ritman, great names in the pantheon of bibliophily. This is a beautiful example of an illuminated glossed Mark from Italy. The opening prologue begins with a charming initial M constructed from two intertwined birds, but our attention is immediately drawn to the initial found at the beginning of the Gospel that begins with an I ( Initium Evangelii Jesu Christi Filii Dei [The beginning of the Gospel of Jesus Christ, Son of God]). This fullpage initial is a vivid yellow, outlined in bright red, inset with panel of red and blue strapwork designs, with a round medallion in the center of the initial; at the top it is finished with interlace, and at the bottom with a graceful swirl of vines in more delicate shades or red, blue and green. This style was popular through much of the twelfth century in Tuscany and farther north in Italy; for example, a Homiliary probably copied in Florence, now London, British Library, Harley MS 7183, has a similar I -initial on f. 1 (Berg, 1968, no. 106) (fig. 15.1); the second volume of this manuscript on f. 224v, has an initial constructed from a bird, similar in idea, although not in style, to the initial in our manuscript on f. 1 (fig. 15.2). f. 1, (detail of initial with birds),gospel of Mark with the Gloss 279

143 It is especially appropriate in this context, since it is a direct descendant of the geometric-style initials found in Italian Giant Bibles of the eleventh century (Garrison, ; Berg, 1968; Yawn, 2011). This manuscript has been a treasured object in the libraries of the most important manuscript collectors of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. We know it belonged to the abbate Luigi Celotti (c c. 1846), a Venetian cleric turned art-dealer, who purchased illuminated Choir books and liturgical manuscripts from the Napoleonic troops after their looting of the Sistine Chapel in 1798, and then began a career acquiring medieval manuscripts and Old Master drawings in Italy for the London auction rooms. Later it was acquired by Sir Thomas Phillipps ( ), a self-described vello-maniac, who assembled what may have been the largest private library of all times with over 50,000 books and 100,000 manuscripts (Munby, ; Basbanes, 1995). It then travelled to California, where it was part of the collection of the Countess Estelle Doheny ( ), one of the earliest women book collectors in the United States, and then back to Europe, where it became part of the Bibliotheca Philosophica Hermetica of J. R. Ritman (b. 1941), the Dutch businessman and distinguished collector of art and books. The Gospel of Mark is the shortest of the four Gospels, and stands slightly apart from the Gospels in the early commentary tradition. Saint Augustine, although carefully affirming Mark s place in the Canon, in his work on the harmony of the Gospels says that this Gospel includes little that is not found in the other three, concluding that Mark was the attendant and epitomizer of Matthew ( Mark follows him closely, and looks like his attendant and epitomizer. For in his narrative he gives nothing in concert with John apart from the others: by himself separately, he has little to record; in conjunction with Luke, as distinguished from the rest, he has still less; but in concord with Matthew, he has a very large number of passages. Much, too, he narrates in words almost numerically and identically the same as those used by Matthew, where the agreement is either with that evangelist alone, or with him in connection with the rest ; Augustine, Harmony of the Gospels, book one, chapter two). Rabanus Maurus (d. 856), the great Carolingian author whose commentaries were mined extensively by compilers of the Gloss on many books of the bible, commented on almost the entire Bible, but did not comment on Mark (or Luke for that matter). According to Peter Comestor (d. c. 1178), who did comment on Mark neither Anselm of Laon (d. 1117) nor his brother Ralph (d. 1133) lectured on Mark, although he states that they did lecture on Matthew and John. Since he does not mention Luke by name, scholars assume that Anselm and Ralph probably also glossed Luke. Although there has been no scholarly study of the text of the Gloss on Mark, the early manuscript circulation suggests that Peter Comestor was probably correct. Patricia Stirnemann identified only one manuscript of the text that may date before c and it is probably not from Laon (Rouen, BM, MS A 327) but numerous copies from Paris dating c This evidence suggests that Mark with the Glossa Ordinaria was newly available c. 1140, and filled a real need for a commentary on a Gospel that had been traditionally somewhat neglected (Smith, 2009, pp ). Its text draws on commentaries by Bede and Ps. Jerome (the references to Gregory, Augustine, Origen, and Hilary it contains are most likely cited from Bede and not directly from these authors). Compared with the Strasbourg edition by Rusch, we note that some of the glosses found at the beginning of Mark s Gospel are here instead copied as marginal glosses to the prologue to Mark; this prologue lacks all interlinear glosses. Overall, however, the content here seems to correspond with what we call the Ordinary Gloss (allowing for the usual variations in the text, and the fact that our analysis is based only on selected readings, and is far from complete). In this manuscript, the biblical text is copied in a narrow center column on widely spaced ruled lines; the glosses were added between the lines, or in the inner or outer margins. Usually there are about three lines of gloss per line of biblical text. The width of the central column of biblical text varies a little, but in an arbitrary fashion and not to make room for lengthier glosses. There are pages where the margins are largely blank because there is very little gloss to be copied, and others which are crowded. The ruling for the biblical text and the ruling for the glosses were done independently, and indeed on many folios the horizontal lines needed for the glosses were added only as needed and the entire column was not ruled. As we have discussed (nos. 13 and 14), this simple type of layout is most often found in glossed manuscripts dating before c. 1160, at least in northern France (de Hamel, 1984). No one as yet has studied the format of Italian glossed Bibles (it would be a rewarding topic for research), and it is possible that the conservative simple format was used longer there than in France (Smith, 2009, p. 154; Harvard, Houghton Library, MS Typ 260, is an example of an Italian glossed Psalter from the second half of the twelfth century copied using a similar layout; Light, 1988, cat. 31). Two features of this manuscript are worth noting. Some of the glosses here begin with initials or abbreviations indicating their source (e.g., B for Bede, and Jer. for Jerome). This is in general not common in manuscripts of the Gloss for most of the books of the Bible, but it is a characteristic found in copies of Mark with the Gloss (Smith, 2009, p. 58). Occasional glosses here begin on one page

144 f. 4, (detail with initial), Gospel of Mark with the Gloss

145 and are continued on the next, with tie marks at the end of the first page and the beginning of the second page to indicate the continuation. Tie marks are not used to link glosses to the biblical text, and glosses do not begin with lemmata. The manuscript contains interesting signs of its use. The chapter numbers were added in the top outer corner of the recto of each opening as running titles. An early thirteenth-century hand corrected the text throughout and added signesde-renvoi, chapter numbering and marginal titles, showing a particular fascination with the miracles of healing illness and disabilities, with titles such as De leproso (f. 10), De paralitico (f. 11) and Surdo et muto (f. 43v). The biblical text was copied without chapter divisions, but the chapters commonly used after c (and still used today) were added in the outer margins in black or red and blue roman numerals (with the beginning of the chapter marked within the text with a red paraph). Like the glossed Pauline Epistles just discussed (no. 14), this might have been owned by mendicant friars, presumably Dominicans or Franciscans (erased inscription, f. 1). The text on confession added at the end points to this context. The offset of the chain visible on f. 1 tells us that in the later Middle Ages this was used for reference in a chained library. TEXT: ff. 1-3v, incipit, Marcus dei evangelista... [prologue to Mark, Stegmüller 607]; f. 1 [first marginal gloss], incipit, Jer. Quatuor evangelia unum sunt. Et unum quattuor. Itaque et marci liber dicitur... [in Rusch, found at Mark 1.1]; [f. 1; second marginal gloss], incipit, Jer. Euangelium bona enuntiatio [in Rusch found at Mark 1.1 and attributed to Isidore] ; ff v, [Mark], incipit, Initium euangelii iesu Christi confirmante sequentibus signis ; [first gloss], incipit, Matheus dicitur filii david... et sermonem confirmante sequentibus signis. [last gloss], incipit, Nota quod marcus euangelium suum per totum orbem seminauerunt ; f. 100v, [two columns added below the end of the Gospel; text on confession], incipit, Fili non desperare quia dominus dicit conuertimini ad me et ego conuertam ad vos. Et alibi quecumque Noli etiam desperare propter multitudinem peccatorum propter novitiatem peccatorum propter frequentiam Hoc omnia pertinent ad officium sacerdotis ubi fiat et querat diligenter; Incipiat itaque peccator confiteri Quia sic non pundit[?] facere itaque non [possibly ending imperfectly, although the final quire does not appear to be missing leaves, and the final leaf is darkened, suggesting it has served as the last leaf for a long time; not identified in the In principio Database or in Migne, Patrologia latina]. SCRIPT AND LAYOUT: The script is an extremely rounded calligraphic twelfth-century minuscule (note the wedge-shaped ascenders), uncial d is used extensively, but round s seems to be used only at the end of words, and straight r is used (even after o ); there is considerable horizontal compression, so numerous letters are copied so close together that they touch, but no real letter unions (even pp was copied separately, f. 15, line 7 in the biblical text). Et is abbreviated with the tironian-7 and not an ampersand, and there appears to be no use of e-cedilla. Both the biblical text and the glosses are copied above the top ruled line. The biblical text is copied in a narrow center column on widely spaced ruled lines; the glosses were added between the lines, or in the inner or outer margins. The ruling for the biblical text and the ruling for the glosses was done independently. PHYSICAL DESCRIPTION: i (modern parchment) i (modern parchment) folios on parchment (prepared in the manner of Southern Europe, some original imperfections including cutoffs, e.g., ff. 2, 54, but thin and white), modern foliation in pencil top outer corner recto, complete (collation i-xii 8 xiii 4 ), no catchwords or signatures, ruled in hard point with a central column for the biblical text flanked by double full-length vertical bounding lines with additional single vertical bounding lines in the inner and outer margins for the gloss, marginal gloss ruled independently of the biblical text with about three lines of gloss per line of biblical text (columns for the gloss often incompletely ruled with horizontal rules added as needed), prickings for the biblical text in the outer margins and in the upper and lower margins (justification biblical text 134 x mm.; text and gloss x mm.), written in brown ink in a twelfth-century minuscule with the biblical text copied on thirteen broadly spaced lines beginning on the top ruled line, with the interlinear and marginal glosses in a similar but smaller script, paraphs and capitals touched with red, modern chapter numbers in red and black and the number of the modern chapter added in the upper outer margin in brown numerals, both added later, one red arabesque penwork initial on f. 6, equivalent to slightly more than two lines of the biblical text, f. 1, five-line initial depicting two stylized birds with a line of red display script, f. 4, eleven-line bright yellow, red and blue geometric interlace initial, some darkening and rust staining from a chain on f. 1 (slightly visible on ff. 1v-2), occasional medieval holes and outer edges rounded, else in excellent condition with wide clean margins. Bound in seventeenth-century dark brown leather over wooden boards, spine with four raised bands, two clasp and catch fasteners, fastening back to front, rebacked and repaired at the corners and edges, brown cloth and leather fitted box labelled Evangelium / STI Marci/ Saec. XII. Dimensions 220 x 150 mm. ILLUSTRATION: Two illuminated initials: f. 1, four-line initial, with the initial body made out of a pair of gracefully curving birds in shades of green with touches of blue, orange and yellow, infilled with deep red with white highlights, on a deep blue ground bordered in dark green and edged in red; f. 4, eleven-line bright yellow initial ending in interlace and infilled with a geometric pattern in blue and red, edged in red, with foliate extension at the bottom in red, blue and green. The interlace initial on f. 4 is typical of Tuscan and northern Italian illumination of the second half of the twelfth century; similar initials can be found in Paris, BnF, MS lat. 654, Glossed Pauline Epistles, Northern Italy, mid-twelfth century, with a very similar double-bird initial on f. 173v (Avril and Załuska, 1980, no.120, pl. xlvii) (fig. 15.3); Paris, BnF, MS lat , f. 3, glossed Pauline Epistles, Tuscany, mid-to third quarter twelfth century (Avril and Załuska, 1980, no. 76, pl. xxxii) (fig. 15.4); Paris, BnF, MS lat. 9378, f. 8, Homiliarium, Tuscany?, second half twelfth century (Avril and Załuska, 1980, no. 82, pl. xxxiv), and London, BL, Harley MS 7183, f. 140 and f. 224v, Homiliary, Central Italy (Florence?), second or third quarter, twelfth century (Berg, no 106) (figs. 15.1, 15.2); Florence, Laurentiana, S. Croce, Plut. 16.d.5, Florence, third quarter twelfth century (Berg, no. 95 and plate 214); and in Certosa di Calci, cod. 2, Pisa, third quarter twelfth century (Berg, no. 5, pl. 243). ORIGIN AND OWNERSHIP: 1. Evidence of the script and illumination suggests this was copied and illuminated in Tuscany, c Erased note in the lower margin of f. 1 is largely indecipherable, but may be from a mendicant convent; the second or third word appears to be fratrum. 3. Early (thirteenth- or fourteenth-century) ownership note, f. 100v, upper margin, Maestro[?] Souavia, (followed by Euuangelium Marcus, in another hand). 4. Belonged to the abbate Luigi Celotti (c c. 1846). 5. Sold at Sotheby s, London, March 14, 1825, lot 122 to Harding, as part of a group of manuscripts consigned by Celotti, including books from the monastic libraries of Santa Giustina in Padua and San Giorgio Maggiore at Venice, as well as purchases from private collections such as those of Giocomo Nani, Giovanni Salviati and Scipione Maffei (Munby, 1954, pp. 50-1). 6. Belonged to Sir Thomas Phillipps ( ) who purchased it in the 1825 Celotti

146 286 ff. 9v-10, Gospel of Mark with the Gloss 287

147 288 ff. 17v-18, Gospel of Mark with the Gloss 289

148 sale; his manuscript Phillipps Sale, London, Sotheby s, June 16, 1908, lot 279, to Nutt, for 10 guineas. 8. J. Rosenthal, cat. 83 (1926), no. 29 (reported in Schoenberg Database). 9. Belonged to the Countess Estelle Doheny ( ), one of the earliest women book collectors in the United States, who purchased it from Rosenbach in 1950; her MS 6810 (described in Bond and Faye, 1962, p. 14, no. 64, Edward Laurence Doheny Memorial Library, St. John s Seminary, Camarillo, California, MS X). 10. Christie s, Estelle Doheny Collection: part II, Medieval and Renaissance Manuscripts, December 2, 1987, lot Tenschert catalogue XXI, no. 4; sold to Ritman. 12. Belonged to Joost R. Ritman (b. 1941), the Dutch businessman and distinguished collector of art and books; Bibliotheca Philosophica Hermetica, MS 25 (inscription, inside back cover). 13. Ritman Sale, Sotheby s, June 17, 2003, lot Idda Collection, Switzerland. PUBLISHED REFERENCES: THOMAS PHILLIPPS, The Phillipps manuscripts: Catalogus librorum manuscriptorum in bibliotheca D. Thomae Phillipps, Bt., impressum typis Medio-Montanis, , reprint with an introduction by A. N. L. Munby, London, 1968, MS 926. Catalogue of Books and Manuscripts in the Estelle Doheny Collection, vol. III, Los Angeles, 1955, p. 5, with plate. A. N. L. MUNBY, The Formation of the Phillipps Library up to the Year 1840, Phillipps Studies III, Cambridge, 1954, pp W. H. BOND AND C. U. FAYE, Supplement to the Census of Medieval and Renaissance Manuscripts in the United States and Canada, New York, 1962, p. 14, no. 64. EBEHHARD KÖNIG AND HERIBERT TENSCHERT, Leuchtendes mittelalter. 89 libri manu scripti illuminati vom 10. Bis zum 16. Jahrhundert darunter: das Stundenbuch Albrechts von Brandenburg, Katalog XXI, Antiquariat Heribert Tenschert, 1989, pp. 26-7, no. 4, plate of f. 4. LITERATURE AUGUSTINE. Harmony of the Gospels, tr. S. D. F. Salmond, Nicene and Post-Nicene Fathers, First Series, 6, Buffalo, New York, AVRIL, F. AND Y. ZAŁUSKA. Manuscrits enluminés d origine italienne, 1, VI e -XII e, Paris, BASBANES, NICHOLAS. A Gentle Madness: Bibliophiles, Bibliomanes, and the Eternal Passion for Books, New York, 1995, chapter six, To Have and to Have No More. BERG, KNUT. Studies in Tuscan Twelfth Century Illumination, Oslo, Bergen and Tromsö, DE HAMEL, CHRISTOPHER. Glossed Books of the Bible and the Origins of the Paris Booktrade, Woodbridge, Suffolk and Dover, New Hampshire, FROEHLICH, KARLFRIED AND MARGARET T. GIBSON, eds. Biblia Latina cum Glossa Ordinaria : Facsimile Reprint of the Editio Princeps Adolph Rusch of Strassburg 1480/81, Turnhout, GARRISON, E. B. Studies in the History of Medieval Italian Painting, vols. I-IV, Florence, LIGHT, LAURA. The Bible in the Twelfth Century: an Exhibition of Manuscripts at the Houghton Library, Cambridge, Massachusetts, SMITH, LESLEY. The Glossa Ordinaria: The Making of a Medieval Bible, Leiden and Boston, STIRNEMANN, PATIRCIA. Où ont été fabriqués les livres de la glose ordinaire dans la première moitié du XIIe siècle?, in Le XII e siècle: mutations et renouveau en France dans la première moitié du XII e siècle, ed. Françoise Gasparri, Paris, 1994, pp YAWN, LILA. Italian Giant Bibles, in The Practice of the Bible in the Middle Ages, ed. Susan Boynton and Diane Reilly, New York, 2011, pp f. 100v, Gospel of Mark with the Gloss 291

149 ONLINE RESOURCES The Ritman Library (Bibliotheca Philosophica Hermetica) Online hypertext edition of gloss from first printed edition Fig London, British Library, Harley MS 7183, Homiliary, f. 140 Fig London, British Library, Harley MS 7183, Homiliary, f. 224v

150 Fig Paris, BnF, MS lat. 654, Glossed Pauline Epistles, on f. 173v Fig Paris, BnF MS lat , Glossed Pauline Epistles, f

151 16 Vulgate Bible, Apocalypse and Catholic Epistles with the Glossa Ordinaria In Latin, decorated manuscript on parchment Southern Europe (Spain?), c The last books of the Bible, glossed, small, light, hand-held, portable, a scholastic text from France travelling south; from that moment in the later twelfth century when the page layout of the gloss begins to interlock with the Bible text; if Spanish, then carrying a resonance in a country where texts of Beatus on the Apocalypse were still current; red and blue initials; sides from a late medieval blind-stamped binding, probably ultimately localisable; additions at end worth studying, including notes on the Stella Maris as a navigational sign, and other notes on astronomy; interesting, serious, usable and much used when new. As is the case for all the books of the Bible, or groups of books, the textual history of the two texts in this manuscript, the Apocalypse and the Catholic Epistles, need to be addressed separately. We do not know the name of the author of the Gloss on the Apocalypse, but, like the Gloss on Job (no. 13), it was one of the earliest books glossed, and if not by Anselm of Laon (d. 1117) himself, or his brother Ralph (d. 1134), it was by someone in their close circle. At least three copies dating before 1140 and possibly from Laon itself are known (Oxford, Trinity College, MS 20; Reims, BM, MS 135; and Vatican City, Biblioteca apostolica vaticana, MS Reg. lat. 21). The studies of the Gloss on the Apocalypse by Guy Lobrichon have revealed that its textual history is particularly interesting. At least two versions existed during the twelfth century. The glosses are based primarily on the commentaries by Bede and Haimo of Auxerre (no. 11), but the personal viewpoints of its compiler are nonetheless evident, in particular his concern for clerical reform. The author denounces economic vices such as simony, and promotes the independence of the clergy from secular control. This early form of the gloss was substantially f. 1, (detail), Apocalypse and Catholic Epistles with the Gloss 297

152 reworked around the middle of the twelfth century; many of the reformedminded texts were omitted in this version. Both versions continued to be copied, however, and it is only very late in the twelfth century, and perhaps even later, that we can identify the text that will be called the Ordinary Gloss (Lobrichon, 1984, pp. 106 and 109; and Lobrichon, 1986). It is, however, very difficult to determine which version of the text is present in this manuscript, based on the available published resources. The text in the Strasbourg edition begins with numerous prologues, omitted here, but the opening gloss on the text is identical in this edition and in our manuscript. The opening glosses, both interlinear and marginal, in Paris, BnF, MS lat. 588, a twelfth-century Italian manuscript, are also found in our manuscript. The beginning of the text in Valenciennes, BM, MS 75, an early copy from Saint- Amand, c , however, presents numerous differences. As we have had occasion to stress already, the texts both biblical and of the glosses in twelfthcentury glossed biblical books are always of potential interest. The gloss on the Catholic Epistles also almost certainly dates back to Anselm or his early followers. The manuscript evidence linking this with Laon is particularly strong, and there are four manuscripts dating before 1140 probably copied at Laon (Stirnemann, 1994). The main source for the glosses was Bede s commentary on the Catholic Epistles; Augustine and Jerome are often quoted, but through the intermediary of Bede s commentary rather than from these commentaries themselves. A florilegium from Cassiodorus was also used as a source; since this florilegium survives in a single copy in Laon, this is a strong argument in support of a Laon origin of this text (Merlette, , p. 47n; Smith, 2009, p. 53). A comparison with the online edition of the Strasbourg edition (available only for Jude so far), suggests the content of this book can be called the Glossa Ordinaria, but again with many differences. Evidence of the script and orthography, discussed in detail below, suggests that this manuscript may well have been copied in Spain at the end of the twelfth century. The study of the transmission of the Gloss from Laon and other Northern French Cathedral schools and then Paris to other parts of Europe is still in its infancy, and no one to our knowledge has begun to examine its circulation in Spain. The last book to enter the Canon, and traditionally, the final book of the New Testament, the Apocalypse (or Revelation), was an important and often controversial presence in medieval thought, as it is today. The special place of this biblical book in Spain is exemplified in the many beautiful illuminated manuscripts of Beatus of Liébana s commentary on the Apocalypse copied there in the tenth through the twelfth centuries. 298 f. 3, Apocalypse and Catholic Epistles with the Gloss 299

153 300 ff. 7v-8, Apocalypse and Catholic Epistles with the Gloss 301

154 302 ff. 79v-80, Apocalypse and Catholic Epistles with the Gloss 303

155 The layout used to copy the Apocalypse in this manuscript is an example of what is known as the alternate-line format, where the scribe ruled the entire page (here in brown crayon or lead), and then copied the biblical text on every other line and the gloss on every line; the proportion of text to gloss influenced the layout, so although many pages have a traditional narrow center column of biblical text (e.g. f. 3), other pages are almost entirely occupied by the Bible text, with small pockets of gloss (e.g. f. 4). The result is a more efficient use of the page. The use of this layout means the scribe was thinking of the biblical text and the accompanying glosses as a single text; he was almost certainly faithfully copying both the text and gloss from his exemplar, which enabled him plan his layout accordingly. The adoption of this layout therefore signals a point in the history of the Gloss when the text was at least relatively stable (de Hamel, 1984). The Catholic Epistles in contrast are much more conservative in their layout, and in consequence there are vast amounts of blank space on most pages; they were ruled in blind for the biblical text, flanked by double vertical full-length bounding lines, with rules for the gloss added as needed in lead or brown crayon (often very faint or indiscernible). Glosses in this manuscript begin with paraphs, and usually do not include lemmata (the opening word of the biblical text being commented on), or identifications of the source of the gloss. Glosses sometimes are continued on the next page, with tie marks indicating the continuation; for example, the long gloss in the outer column of f. 31 begins at the top of the page, and then concludes on f. 31v at the top of the outer margin (signaled by a tie mark); the gloss in the inner margin of f. 31 concludes in the inner margin of f. 31v. Following the Apocalypse, the scribe copied a capitula list, and two prologues with glosses. Summaries of biblical books known as capitula lists (also sometimes, brevis, breviarium, or tituli), accompanied the Bible since the early days of the Latin Scriptures (for example, no. 1); they provided a summary of the contents of the biblical book, and in origin may be related to the liturgical readings of the book during the Mass. Glossed books of the Bible, however, do not usually include capitula lists. Following this, the scribe copied two prologues to the Apocalypse with glosses. It is odd that this section follows the Apocalypse, since these are all texts that would normally be found at the beginning as prefatory texts; perhaps they were lacking in the original exemplar, and scribe consulted a second, more complete exemplar after he had copied the original text. The first gloss on the Apocalypse, Preparat auditores beniuolos et attentos sic et ibi Johannes vii. e. is a warning to scholars on the dangers of preconceptions. The practice of citing biblical chapters by their chapter number, followed by a letter of the alphabet (commonly a - g ) to give a rough idea of where in the chapter the passage was located was a common one in the thirteenth century from the 1230s on. This passage looks like an example of this practice, but when one turns to John chapter 7, there is nothing relevant and of course, upon reflection (and reading the Apocalypse), it is easy to see that this is actually an abbreviation of the biblical passage, Johannes septem ecclesiis (Apocalypse 1:4). PHYSICAL DESCRIPTION: i (modern parchment) i (modern parchment) folios on parchment (moderate quality, fairly frequent use of cut offs [e.g. ff. 3 and 4, 20, 28v-29], long narrow hole f. 6, once sewn, some leaves quite dark, others very white), lacking one leaf (collation i-v 8 vi 4 [structure uncertain, but complete] vii 8 [-1 before f. 45 with loss of text] viii-xvi 8 xvii 6 ), catchwords, some trimmed, lower middle margin quires one to four, and in the lower inner margin in some later quires (e.g., f. 52v), quire five signed with a Roman numeral center lower margin, layout varies with ff. 1-44v (Apocalypse), with text and gloss ruled very lightly in brown crayon, and ff (Catholic Epistles), with the biblical text ruled in hard point with full-length vertical bounding lines, and the gloss ruled as needed in brown crayon (justification biblical text, ff. 1-44v, 132 x 47 mm.; text and gloss 132 x mm.; ff , biblical text 122 x 36 mm; text and gloss x c. 122 mm.), copied by at least four scribes: ff. 1-44v; 45-99v; v; , in rounded proto-gothic scripts with fourteen lines of biblical text on ff. 1-44v, and thereafter with ten lines of biblical text, one- to two-line red or blue initials, larger red initials at the beginning of most of the Catholic Epistles with simple blue decoration, THREE LARGE INITIALS in red with blue penwork (detailed below), five-line space left for initial on f. 1 now completed with an added red initial with the opening words of the text in elongated ornamental capitals in red and blue, original imperfections in the parchment, first folios darkened with some spots, some stains including outer margin of ff (no impact on text), outer margin of f. 124 cut away, else good condition. Bound in modern brown leather over early wooden boards, spine with two raised bands lettered in gold, Apocalypsis/ et/ Epistolae/ Catholicae:/ MS., preserving portions of the covers of an earlier binding, Italian or Spanish, fifteenth- or sixteenth-century, laid down as the central panel on the front and back boards, blind-tooled with concentric compartments with repeated impressions of small tools including rope-work, a quatrefoil in a rectangle, a lamb and flag, and others, in excellent condition, slight damage to top of spine, modern cardboard half-slipcase. Dimensions 205 x 145 mm. TEXT: ff. 1-40v, [Apocalypse], incipit, Apocalipsi ihesu christi quam dedit illi deus palam gratia domini nostri ihesu Christi scit [sic] cum omnibus, Amen, Explicit liber apocalipsis Johannis apostolice Amen; [Gloss], f. 1, [first marginal gloss, inner margin], incipit, Preparat auditores beniuolos et attentos sic et ibi Ihoannes septem ecclesii ; [first marginal gloss, outer margin], Littera sic. Aesuta consumeret atende [sic] hanc uisionem ; [first interlinear gloss], incipit, Ut nichil debens ; ; ff v, [capitula list], incipit, De ecclesiis vii et saluatoris. De aduentu. De terrore quatinus [sic] pristina denuo ac[tinentur]. De destructione smirneorum ecclesie [De Bruyne, 1914, p. 392, series A; cf. the related series I in Wordsworth and White, ]; f. 44rv, [prologue to the Apocalypse, text], incipit, Apocalipsi iohannis tot habet sacramentum [Stegmuller 829]; f. 44, [gloss, outer margin], incipit, Et uidi alterum angelum ascendentem ab ortu soli etc. Alius angelus ihesum domini significat ; f. 44, [gloss, inner margin], incipit, Et yris erat etc. [Apoc. 4:3?]. Yris grece, latine arcus [both these glosses end mid f. 44v (two columns, gloss only); remainder blank]; ff , [James, beginning imperfectly], incipit, //indiget sapientia postulet a deo [James 1:5] ; [interlinear gloss], incipit, quam utilis tribulatio est ; [first complete marginal gloss], incipit, Sic credat et sic uiuat ut dignus sit ; f. 65, [last marginal gloss], incipit, Quidam codices habent saluabit animam suam a morte et uere qui errantem corrigit per hoc

156 ampliora gaudia uite celestis sibi conquirit [Missing one leaf before f. 45, so the text begins imperfectly at James 1:5]; ff v, [1 Peter], incipit, Petrus apostolus ihesu christi electis advenis ; [first gloss outer margin], Aduene latine grece proseliti sic appellabant ; ff. 85v-99v, [2 Peter], incipit, Simon petrus seruus et apostlus iheus christus ; ff. 99v-120v, [1 John], incipit, Quod fuit ab initio ; ff. 120v-122v, [2 John], incipit, Senior electe domine et natus eius ; ff. 122v-124v, [3 John], incipit, Senior gaio karissimo quem ego diligo in ueritate ; ff. 124v-128, [Jude], incipit, Iudas ihesu christi seruus frater autem iacobi et nunc et in omnia secula seculorum amen, Expliciunt vii epistole canonice; ff. 128v-129v, [early addition; two prologues often found at the beginning of the Gloss], incipit, Iacobus cognomento iustus filius marie sororis matris domini ; Quia in circumcisione ordinatus erat iacobus apostolus curavit uel etiam uisibiliter irruens percellat [sic] [Stegmüller 810]; margins of ff , and f. 129v, used for theological and pastoral notes in numerous hands in the thirteenth through the early fourteenth centuries. SCRIPT AND LAYOUT: The script is a rounded proto-gothic bookhand, abbreviating q in the southern fashion (with a horizontal line through the descender), pp written together, and other round letters touching, considerable horizontal compression, both straight and round d and s used, straight r seems to be most common, tironian-7 used for et, some use of e-cedilla. The evidence suggests this was copied in Spain; see the z in the first line of the gloss in the outer margin of f. 2, and in the text, f. 3, line 2; some of the abbreviations are characteristically Spanish, including hnt for habent, n with a superscript line for non, oms for omnes, the second scribe abbreviates qui with a q with a line through the descender and a hook (e.g., f. 49), and spellings, such as hostendit on f. 49v. The later gothic cursive hand found on ff v also uses the Spanish abbreviation, os for omnes. The Apocalypse is an example of the alternate-line format for the text and gloss, where the scribe ruled the entire page (here in brown crayon or lead), and then copied the biblical text on every other line, and the gloss on every line; the proportion of text to gloss influenced the layout, so although many pages have a traditional narrow center column of biblical text (e.g. f. 3), flanked by two columns of gloss, other pages are almost entirely occupied by the Bible text, with only small pockets of gloss (e.g. f. 4). The Catholic Epistles are more conservative in their layout, and most pages are copied with a central column for the biblical text with columns for glosses in the inner and outer margins, with rules for the gloss added as needed in lead or brown crayon (often very faint or indiscernible); exceptions to this layout on ff , where the scribe changed the size of the column allotted to the biblical text. ILLUSTRATION: Three large red and blue, or red and black, initials: f. 8, six-line red initial, with decorative open work within the initial, and simple blue infilling and decorative extensions in red and blue at Apocalypse 4:1; f. 44 [prologue to Apocalypse], four-line red initial with blue filigree infilling; f. 46, [James 1:12] three-line red initial infilled with red and black and followed by the opening words of the text in elongated capitals alternately red and blue. f. 1, blank for five-line initial at the beginning of the biblical text (now with a red initial supplied later), and with the opening words of the text copied in decoratively arranged elongated capitals in alternately red and blue. BINDING: The fifteenth-century blind-stamped binding on this volume was preserved when the book was rebound in modern times, and laid down on the front and back covers. It is blind-tooled in the humanist style common in fifteenth-century Italy, with concentric compartments stamped with repeated impressions of tools of rope-work design, a quatrefoil in a rectangle, a lamb and flag, and other designs. The lamb and flag stamp is unusual in this type of binding. A binding with a similar set of stamps, including the lamb and flag, although arranged in a slightly different pattern, is found on British Library, Burney MS 27, a twelfth-century glossed Mark (figs. 16.1, 16.2, 16.3). The binding (and the manuscript) have been assigned to Italy or Spain. ORIGIN AND OWNERSHIP: 1. Evidence of script, decoration, and binding suggest this was likely copied in Spain in the latter part of the twelfth century, c London, British Library, Burney MS 27, presents similarities in script, size and binding (see above, and figs. 16.2, 16.3). 2. Additions 306 f. 80v, Apocalypse and Catholic Epistles with the Gloss 307

157 at the end (and a few stray indications of modern chapters) demonstrate use at least well into the thirteenth century. 3. Belonged to Lionel Robinson ( ), private collection; his sale, Sotheby s, June 24, 1986, lot Belonged to Joseph Pope of Toronto ( ), investor, banker and prominent collector of medieval manuscripts, who acquired it at Sotheby s in 1986; Bergendal MS 80 (on this collection see Pope, 1997 and 1999, and Stoneman, 1997). 5. Idda Collection, Switzerland. PUBLISHED REFERENCES: JOSEPH POPE, One Hundred and Twenty-Five Manuscripts. Bergendal Collection Catalogue, Toronto 1999, MS 80. JOSEPH POPE, The Library that Father Boyle Built, in A Distinct Voice: Medieval Studies in Honor of Leonard Boyle, O.P., ed. Jacqueline Brown and William P. Stoneman, Notre Dame, 1997, pp WILLIAM P. STONEMAN, A Summary Guide to Medieval and Later Manuscripts in the Bergendal Collection, Toronto, in A Distinct Voice: Medieval Studies in Honor of Leonard Boyle, O.P., ed. Jacqueline Brown and William P. Stoneman, Notre Dame, 1997, pp LITERATURE DE BRUYNE, DONATIEN. Sommaires, Divisions et Rubriques de la Bible latine, Namur, DE HAMEL, CHRISTOPHER. Glossed Books of the Bible and the Origins of the Paris Booktrade, Woodbridge, Suffolk and Dover, New Hampshire, EMMERSON, R. K. AND MCGINN, B. The Apocalypse in the Middle Ages, Ithaca, New York, FROEHLICH, KARLFRIED AND MARGARET T. GIBSON, eds. Biblia Latina cum Glossa Ordinaria : Facsimile Reprint of the Editio Princeps Adolph Rusch of Strassburg 1480/81, Turnhout, LOBRICHON, GUY. Conserver, réformer, transformer le monde? Les manipulations de l Apocalypse au Moyen Âge central, in The Role of the Book in Medieval Culture, ed. Peter Ganz, Bibliologia 3-4, Turnhout, 1986, vol. 2, pp LOBRICHON, GUY. Une nouveauté: les gloses de la Bible, in Le Moyen Âge et la Bible, Bible de Tous les Temps 4, ed. Pierre Riché and Guy Lobrichon, Paris, 1984, pp LOBRICHON, GUY. L Ordre de ce temps et les désordres de la fin. Apocalypse et société, du IX e à la fin du XI e siècle, in The Use and Abuse of Eschatology in the Middle Ages, ed. W. Verbeke, D. Verhelst and A. Welkenhuyzen, Louvain, 1988, pp MERLETTE, BERNARD. Écoles et bibliothèques à Laon du déclin de l Antiquité au développement de l Université, in Actes du 95 e congrès des sociétés savantes (Reims, 1970), Paris, , vol. 1, pp SMITH, LESLEY. The Glossa Ordinaria: The Making of a Medieval Bible, Leiden and Boston, STIRNEMANN, PATIRCIA. Où ont été fabriqués les livres de la glose ordinaire dans la première moitié du XIIe siècle?, in Le XII e siècle: mutations et renouveau en France dans la première moitié du XIIe siècle, ed. Françoise Gasparri, Paris, 1994, pp WEALE, JAMES AND LAWRENCE TAYLOR. Early Stamped Bookbindings in the British Museum, London, 1922, no. 38. WORDSWORTH, IOHANNES AND HENRICUS WHITE, eds. Novum Testamentum latine: secundum editionem Sancti Hieronymi ad codicum manuscriptorum, Oxford, ONLINE RESOURCES British Library: Database of Bookbindings f. 70, Apocalypse and Catholic Epistles with the Gloss 309

158 Fig London, British Library, Burney MS 27, Glossed Gospel of Mark, binding, front cover 310 Binding, Apocalypse and Catholic Epistles with the Gloss 311

159 Fig London, British Library, Burney MS 27, Glossed Gospel of Mark, f. 4 Fig London, British Library, Burney MS 27, Glossed Gospel of Mark, f