Christian Bachelier THE SNCF UNDER GERMAN OCCUPATION

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1 Christian Bachelier THE SNCF UNDER GERMAN OCCUPATION Foreword This is a summary of the report, The SNCF Under German Occupation, , which was written within the framework of a research agreement between the SNCF [French National Railway Corporation] and the CNRS [National Center for Scientific Research], signed on November 13, 1992, upon the recommendation of the Association pour l'histoire des chemins de fer en France (AHICF) [French Railway Historical Society] and extended by an amendment on February 12, The works of Paul Durand, jurist and SNCF senior executive, which had culminated with a book, La SNCF dans la guerre, sa résistance à l'occupant [The SNCF During the War: Its Resistance to the Occupying Forces] (Paris, P.U.F., Collection "Esprit de la résistance", preface by Louis Armand, 1968) and the testimonies that he had collected in preparation for the work, which are deposited in the National Archives, dated back almost thirty years and there had been no more recent historical research. However, more files were made available to researchers over time and, in particular, three years earlier, in 1989, when the SNCF began to organize its files and assemble its historical archives. Finally, in July 1992, the commemoration of the rounding up of Jews in the Paris Vélodrome d Hiver in 1942 attracted the company s attention to the lack of knowledge, both its own and the public s, about the exact procedures followed in racial deportations and the role played by the railways in those procedures. It was a matter of taking an inventory of all the sources available on the history of the SNCF during the Occupation, especially to throw light on this latter aspect, and as a prerequisite to later historical work. This research was entrusted to the Institut d'histoire du temps présent (IHTP) [Institute of History of Present Time] of the Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique (CNRS) [National Center for Scientific Research] under the scientific guidance of Henry Rousso, director of research at the CNRS and director of the IHTP. It was led by Christian Bachelier, temporary researcher at the CNRS. After preliminary discussions, it seemed preferable to the researchers to go further and study the history of the company as a whole during the Second World War in order to understand the lesser-known aspects, which were the object of a specific investigation: the strategy of a public company that was under the supervision of Vichy and the constraints of the German occupying forces at the same time, its role in the deportations, l'épuration [purge] of the company when France was liberated, without forgetting other considerations such as the beginning of a history of railroaders during the war". Presented to the SNCF in September 1996, the results of the research were in the form of a report called a documentary report because, considering the first concern of the company with becoming more familiar with the sources available on that period of its history and to put them at the disposal of the public, the report focuses on the presentation of sources used. It comprises four volumes: two volumes of text, a total of 914 pages ( ) and two volumes of appendices that list and reproduce documents from the archives of the SNCF, from the National Archives and from German archives. The entire work can be consulted at: Documentation Center of the SNCF, 45, rue de Londres, Paris, by appointment at 33 (0) The bibliothèque de l'institut d'histoire du temps présent [Library of the Institute of History of Present Time], by appointment, 59-61, rue Pouchet Paris Cédex 17 o Phone: +33 (0) Anne-Marie Pathé o Fax: 33 (0)

2 o Since the report was completed, the SNCF has opened a Centre des archives historiques in Le Mans [Historical Archives Center in Le Mans]. On June 21 and 22, 2000, a conference organized by the AHICF presented the results of recent historical research, opened the scholarly debate this subject calls for, and gave rise to new work. The summary which follows is the result of work by Christian Bachelier and was presented to the SNCF in September The passages enclosed in quotation marks in the above text are excerpts from Henry Rousso s introduction to the report. Christian Bachelier, 1996 SNCF and AHICF, 1999, 2010 for the present version 2

3 Table of Contents of the present Summary I Early contacts with the occupying forces, June-September 1940 The framework imposed by the armistice agreement German transportation requirements take priority "Appropriations" of equipment II Franco-German organizational framework and players The Armistice Commission The Vichy government and its German negotiating partners The management of the SNCF German agencies in France III - Jean Berthelot: a railroad man in Vichy, September 1940-April Men and ideology The regime s man Application of ideology Technical cooperation or collaboration? 2- Operational issues Coal Equipment Personnel 3- Anti-communist repression at the SNCF IV- The year 1942 Organizational changes, changes in players Increasing German need for equipment and men A recurring problem The railroads and deportation V Germany s idea of a European railroad network, November August 1944 The SNCF sidelined Appropriations of personnel, S-Betrieb and STO The special case of the workshops Use of French equipment: new practices Toward new regulations? A controlled operation Compensation German transportation operations carried out by the SNCF A failure of the spirit of collaboration The railroader hostages The great turning point: September 1943 The railroader victims VI The development of the railroaders resistance, Armed struggle and sabotage The different forms of railroad resistance Repression VII The liberation of France and the railroads VIII Epilogue The épuration [purge] The construction of collective memory 3

4 Primum vivere fu l'imperativo interiore della gente [ Living comes first was the inner imperative of the people ] (1), concluded the historian Renzo De Felice, about the German occupation of Italy on the day after September 8, Perhaps that statement could also hold true for the occupation of France from June 1940 until August 1944, and for the railroad, the SNCF, and its personnel, from lower level railroaders to senior management. I Early contacts with the occupying forces, June-September 1940 From the first contacts with the occupying forces, there was a convergence of French and German interests in the railroad sector: "The desire of both the French government and the German occupation authorities seemed to be to speed up the recovery of the French economy, by any means possible, throughout the entire occupied zone", noted the Chief Executive Officer of the SNCF, on July 2, It was a concern of an objective nature: the reestablishment of the French economy, by definition, implied the reestablishment of its transportation network. As to the Reich, it needed French railroads to continue its operations across Spain, into North Africa, and in preparation for the invasion of England, two objectives that would be abandoned. Moreover, and therein lay the fundamental significance of the French railroad network, it was expected to transport merchandise useful to the German economy and serve as a transit route with its Italian ally. Thus, the French network would allow drawing on French production and ensure transit with the Iberian Peninsula and North Africa via the ports of the free zone: from 1940 to 1944, 45 million tons of minerals and fuel crossed the border of the Eastern region of the SNCF. Crucial to military and economic plans, the reestablishment of railroad traffic was first encouraged by the German authorities: they agreed to the immediate release of French railway employees in the occupied zone who were prisoners of war, as well as to measures favoring the resumption of coal supply coming from the Nord-Pas-de-Calais (permits; transport programs; high-sided open cars). Describing the situation, the CEO wrote: "The WVD [Wehrmachtverkehrsdirektion, the German Army Transportation Department] has a strong desire to help us quickly return to normal operations on our own; that is also my wish; what it requires is that we be able to work together loyally, trustingly, and without external intervention." The framework imposed by the armistice agreement Two thirds of the SNCF network was in the occupied zone and was subject to Article13 of the armistice agreement: "The French government shall see to it that, in the occupied territory, the necessary specialized personnel be made available as well as the quantity of railroad rolling stock corresponding to normal peacetime conditions." The Germans interpreted this text as meaning that the SNCF would retain ownership of its equipment but that "all French railroad operations, routes and inland waterways in the occupied territory are at the full and complete disposal of the German Head of Transportation". From the first contacts between the senior management of the SNCF and the WVD in Paris, it was well established that "the SNCF would continue to meet the expenses of and take responsibility for the transport network" and that the WVD "does not intend to interfere with the company s operations, so as not to hamper it in any way"(june 29, 1940). Thus, on June 30, 1940, the German armistice commission at Wiesbaden approved the principle of French operation of the railroads under German supervision. So, at this stage, a parallel between the French and German administrations was established, with one operating the French railway network as usual and the other supervising such operations. This division of responsibilities would be the principle governing the operation of the French railroad during almost the entire occupation and over the greater part of the network. 4

5 The German authorities also had the power to approve of the French officials with whom they were dealing. As an example, on November 30, 1940, General Kohl, head of the WVD in Paris, addressed a written order to Colonel Paquin, Head of the French Delegation for Transportation and Communications in Wiesbaden, to have Chief Engineer Toubeau, Head of the division handling the movement of merchandise crucial to the SNCF a strategic job removed (Ablösung), from his management position both in the occupied and unoccupied zones,because he "has decided not to collaborate loyally with German services and instead tries to hamper, through passive resistance, the execution of measures ordered by the management of military transports". Passed on to the Minister with powers of supervision over the SNCF [Minister of Transportation and Communications], this request led to the engineer being removed from his post. German transportation requirements take priority Stemming directly from those arrangements that left the direct operation of their railway network in the occupied zone to the French but under German control a system that stems directly from the operating principles of occupied France, finalized by the Reich and accepted by Vichy, within the framework of its State collaboration policy the priorities defined by the French authorities in regard to the transport network and introduced within the framework of an economy of shortages, had to be consistent with the priorities set by the German authorities, at the top of which, of course, were their transportation demands. (2). And, by definition, a priority cannot be carried out in a minimal way. A note from the SNCF on the relative priorities given to transportation operations of interest to the Germans and those of interest to the French, dated April 23, 1942, indicates in no uncertain terms that, "In a given station, no shipment classified in the eight priority categories can be accepted or assured so long as all the shipments having a higher priority have not been carried out (3)". According to the explanations given after the war by an inspector from the SNCF on the means brought into play to try to maintain French traffic at a certain level, especially passenger traffic, the French railroaders did not have recourse to a minimal execution of German traffic impossible at the same time in view of German control and French supervisory directives but tried instead to increase French traffic: "To accommodate passenger traffic to the extent possible, we have created a large number of merchandise-passenger trains, and until the end of 1942, organized additional trains which, in general, were always able to escape German control (4)". "Appropriations" of equipment The needs of the Reichsbahn for railroad equipment were significant and continued to increase, especially since the German stock of rolling stock was insufficient: the German railroads had suffered as a result of the preference given before the war to the construction of highways. So, French equipment was coveted. First, as German troops were advancing, the Reich expropriated equipment that it described as "spoils of war". But it concerned dissimilar pieces which were not always in good condition. Therefore, as of the beginning of August 1940, the occupying forces turned to more rational methods. An early order for delivery of equipment was given by the WVD in Paris to the SNCF, which concerned 1,000 locomotives and 35,000 cars. Facing those appropriation orders, two legal formulas were possible: either change the appropriation to rental so that the company would be remunerated at the best price for its services, or demand compensation for loss of use, so that the transaction would not have the appearance of doing business with the enemy France was still legally in a state of war with Germany. Jean Berthelot, then a representative of the Ministry of Transportation and Communications to the German armistice commission in Wiesbaden, on August 7, 1940, gave his consent so that the aforementioned equipment could be rented. But the Ministry and the SNCF expressed a series of reservations about the rental principle, among others the fact that Article 13 of the armistice agreement did not provide for the rental of equipment and that the contract must be approved by the French government. For his part, Jean Berthelot put forward some financial 5

6 arguments: rental implies remuneration for services and not compensation for loss of use; the French property rights to the equipment would thus be acknowledged by the German government. Besides, the principle of rental, which would mean more extensive negotiations with the Germans, could serve as a lever to lessen German demands and obtain other forms of compensation. The goal of State collaboration was: reestablishment of control over the exchange of rolling stock; repatriation of rolling stock still in Belgium, in Holland or even in Germany; improvement of operating conditions, etc. But, German demands were urgent, and the German Head of Transportation affirmed that "the entire stock of rolling stock was at his disposal to use as he saw fit". He based his claim on the instructions for the application of Article 13 of the armistice agreement, which, in reality, were a unilateral extension of the rights of the occupying power, "which had not received French support", as was emphasized on several occasions by the French Delegation to the German Armistice Commission. Nevertheless, the SNCF obeyed and began the deliveries without the questions of principle having been settled, given that Jean Berthelot disregarded the government s non-recognition of those instructions and actually allowed their application. Although certain German requests went beyond the legal framework of the armistice agreement, Jean Berthelot considered that the question lay within the more general framework of Franco-German political relations. This led to a paradoxical relationship between Chairman Pierre-Eugène Fournier and Berthelot, who had moved from being Deputy Chief Executive Officer of the SNCF to become Minister with supervisory powers. In this capacity, he considered that the purpose of the governmental discussions was not matters of principle but the volume and advisability of appropriations. Behind that paradox was the principle of national sovereignty defended by Vichy which, according to Berthelot, led to the search for a de facto solution, a modus vivendi. Is it necessary to make clear that that strategy quickly met with limits? Thus, Vichy readily resigned itself to the annexation of Alsace-Moselle, which meant, in railway terms, as expressed by the Chief Executive Officer on September 18, 1940: "The SNCF no longer has any activity on the lines in the departments of Haut-Rhin, Bas-Rhin and Moselle." II Franco-German organizational framework and players Running the French railroads during the German occupation brought together different types of players: French and German, of course, but also civilians and military people, engineers and politicians. The Armistice Commission The armistice of 1940 created French and German agencies, which were the only legal channels,under international law, for communication between the two governments. The German armistice commission included, in particular, a delegation for the economy, headed by Dr. Hemmen and a transportation division headed by Lieutenant-Colonel Theilacker. The French part consisted of the French Delegation to the German Armistice Commission. At the beginning of July 1940 its Delegation for Transportation and Communications headed by Colonel Paquin moved to Paris, to shorten the circuits for conveying orders a phenomenon that could be noted on other occasions. The mission of the Delegation for Communications was to represent the French government and convey German orders to the SNCF, through the Ministry with supervisory powers. But orders were sometimes passed directly to the SNCF because of urgency, although the Delegation was under orders to refer anything to the government that went beyond the execution, pure and simple, of the armistice agreement. 6

7 From May 1941 to November 1942, the French agencies stemming from the armistice were completed, in Paris, by the general delegation for Franco-German economic relations, headed by Jacques Barnaud, who had a decisive influence on the coherence of the economic collaboration policy and on the strategy of compensation. The Vichy government and its German negotiating partners Moreover, in Paris there was a general French governmental delegation for the occupied territories, a sort of Vichy embassy in Paris", which was just supposed to be a simple administrative level of the French government in the capital, but which played an autonomous political role because of its head, Fernand de Brinon, an open collaborationist. Its correspondent was the German military command in France, the Militärbefehlshaber in Frankreich (MBF), the economic division of which was headed by Dr. Michel from July 13, 1940 to August But because of the political game led by Fernand de Brinon and Pierre Laval, its principal interlocutor quickly became the German embassy in Paris, headed by Otto Abetz. The means which were at the disposal of the German occupation authorities, MBF and embassy, led them to adopt the principle of "have [it] done rather than do [it]". The foregoing paragraphs give a general idea of how that principle was applied. Beginning in September 1940, Jean Berthelot, who had become Secretary of State for Transportation and Communications, reinforced the powers of the Minister with supervisory powers over the SNCF, even to the detriment of the agencies created by the Vichy regime, such as the Department of Works and Transportation. The decision-making powers were thus concentrated in the hands of the Minister and his staff, as well as the senior official in charge of transportation through a reduction in the number of ministerial departments. The management of the SNCF Likewise, the management structure of the SNCF was changed in accordance with the terms of the law dated October 10, 1940: the Board of Directors had the number of Directors reduced from 33 to 12; the Management Committee was done away with; the Chairman s powers were reinforced. These changes, particularly those concerning the Board of Directors, aimed at reinforcing supervision by the Ministry. Nevertheless, the internal operations of the SNCF, in reality, remained unchanged, characterized by its own esprit de corps, because of the autonomy at the disposal of the engineers, an essential part of the company. In this respect, the Huisman-Montrémy report, after the war, noted that state supervision over the SNCF was exercised by engineers "who have the same training as those under their supervision, without having the means for action and the contact with reality that the latter have". The fact that for the first time a railroad man was at the head of the Ministry with supervisory powers over the SNCF did not necessarily facilitate the relationship between the Ministry and the national company. Besides the traditional personal conflicts, there were opposing viewpoints, which, for example, brought Chairman Fournier, jurist and finance expert, and the Minister/engineer Berthelot into conflict. Finally, because of the establishment of a demarcation line, the SNCF set up a technical delegation in Vichy for the purposes of monitoring traffic throughout the Southern zone. German agencies in France On the German side, the transportation networks were first under the military jurisdiction, of Colonel Göritz, and then very quickly went to General Kohl, Head of the WVD in Paris [German Army Transportation Department], reporting to the Head of German Transportation, General Rudolf Gercke, who reported to the High Command of the Wehrmacht [the Army]. But in fact, the principal interlocutor of the SNCF management was a civilian on temporary assignment to the Wehrmacht, a senior official of the Reichsbahn, Münzer, Chairman of the 7

8 railroad division (Eisenbahnabteilung) at the WVD in Paris. As a whole, the German railroaders responsible for surveillance of the French operation were experienced men. They were professional railroad men, among the oldest of those assigned to the Wehrmacht since the spring of 1941, because younger men had been transferred to management positions with the Eastern railroads. There were also engineers specialized in electric traction. Like all the officials of the Ministry of Transportation and Communications of the Reich, the Reichsverkehrsministerium (RVM), of which the Reichsbahn was one department, they were strongly nationalist and part of the Nazi party, a classic situation where authorities of the Reich were in collusion with engineers and members of the NSDAP. The WVD in Paris supervised the Eisenbahnbetriebsdirektionen (EBDs), which roughly corresponded to the SNCF regions. The SNCF therefore established technical delegations to each EBD, and gradually, ties were established with the German railroad authorities through the SNCF technical delegations to the EBDs, and in direct meetings between the central services of the SNCF and the WVD, which did not go through government bodies. To be noted in particular is the SNCF s creation of Department W, "responsible for centralizing and archiving all the correspondence exchanged with the German authorities, both by general management and central services" (note from the SNCF, August 1940), whose archives could not be found during this investigation (5). III - Jean Berthelot: a railroad man in Vichy, September 1940-April 1942 From September 1940 to April 1942, Jean Berthelot, Deputy Chief Executive Officer of the SNCF and former negotiator in Wiesbaden, held the post of Secretary of State for Transportation and Communications. He was close to Yves Bouthillier, the Minister of Finance, and gave him his logistical support in the palace coup of December 13, 1940, which saw the dismissal of Pierre Laval by Pétain. 1- Men and ideology The regime s man The rise of a railroad man to this governmental post was characteristic of that period of the Vichy, regime where politics was subservient to technology and engineers took precedence over parliamentarians. The technocratic state reigned; the cult of technology and manager was synthesized in the engineer. Thus, the economy should be run by experts, and shortages lent themselves to dirigist solutions. The milieu of railroad engineers was particularly receptive to these issues. This ideology of uncritical advocacy of economic planning, the Vichy version of Saint-Simonism, found expression in the plans of Jean Berthelot who downplayed administrative and financial obstacles (in particular, that was the case with the Plan d équipement national [national infrastructure plan], which caused Fournier to call him back to elementary financial orthodoxy) and in the Trans-Sahara, an imperial Vichy plan with insignificant economic advantages. Application of ideology However, the application of the ideology of the Vichy regime in the railroads resulted in very limited success of corporatist measures because of the railroad workers hostility and their strong trade union traditions. 8

9 Like other companies or administrations, the SNCF was subject to the aryanization measures that followed the Vichy anti-jewish laws, as well as the anti-masonic measures. The Board of Directors of the SNCF was aryanized after the removal of Jewish members from its component railroad companies and from top-positions in the Administration. During the summer of 1941, the SNCF management aryanized its personnel. In its position on the subject, the SNCF was no different from other public services. There was the railroad version of the exception granted to the "juifs intéressants", [ worthwile jews of French origin, distinguished or well established] in accordance with the terminology then used by Vichy. Solidarities were at work between engineers and graduates of the same elite schools, but in particular within the network of relations constituting the management of the SNCF. Starting on August 11, 1941, the central personnel department handed out a form intended for candidates for jobs with the SNCF, to certify that they were not Jews or that they could benefit from derogations (veteran s card, war cross, military medal, Legion of Honor for military deeds, war orphan). Consequently, it seems excessive to write that: "the SNCF never practiced a racist policy in spite of the requirements of the occupying forces "(6). The SNCF applied the laws of Vichy. Technical cooperation or collaboration? In the words of Jean Berthelot, "actual collaboration is the result of the armistice". In reality, in certain areas it developed against a background of much older relationships. In the railroad sector before the war, there was a considerable amount of international cooperation, the result of the very nature of transportation and communication activities. It took concrete form through the existence and exchanges of international agencies, where German technology enjoyed a lot of prestige, as was apparent in the Paris International Exhibition in This "aura" continued to produce effects during the war until the spring of 1942, and included occupied France, especially as the Reichsbahn and other German authorities organized exhibitions and conferences. Even after the invasion of the free zone, French technical missions were sent to Germany, especially to study 16 2/3 periods electric traction. Playing on the dreams of a technically-oriented Europe, German propaganda glorified the necessity of replacing the old liberal economy with an economy managed by the State. That is, to make chaos give way to a more methodical organization of wider economic regions" (7). Technical ideology, economic management and European planning were thus intermingled in one and the same configuration which would resonate in the hearts of certain technocrats of the regime. For example, Jean Berthelot, the German authorities having lifted the ostracism to which he and other Vichy ministers had been subjected after the armed takeover of December 13, 1940, returned to Paris. Only two days later, on May 7, 1941, he suggested to Dr. Hemmen that Germany "take charge of the multiplicity of international organizations that were in charge of railroad matters" before the war. His colleagues, Barnaud and Bouthillier, more clear-headed about the political dimension, stopped that risky proposal, which had been well received in Berlin. 2- Operational issues Coal In accordance with the armistice agreement, the railroad infrastructure destroyed by acts of war was rebuilt: German sappers set up temporary installations and the French set up permanent ones, a job essentially completed in Concerning the supply of coal for the SNCF, programs were established by the German authorities to transport coal and coke from the mining areas of Nord - Pas-de-Calais. Likewise, in the French distribution policy, the SNCF had priority: in 1941, 90% of traction fuels came from France compared with 60% in The most important and growing source for that supply was the mining area of the 9

10 Nord - Pas-de-Calais, where productivity increased greatly during the Occupation. The average monthly supply coming from France for the period from July 1941 to December 1943 was established at 563,000 tons with a variation of 40%; as to the average monthly consumption, it could be estimated at between 600,000 and 740,000 tons, with the remainder being assured, starting in 1942, by imports from Belgium, Moselle and also Germany. During the Occupation, the consumption of coal per kilometer increased, partly because of the lower quality of the fuel delivered and partly because old rolling stock was put back in service due to German appropriations. At the same time, the stock of rolling stock decreased (the number of cars was down 40% as compared with before the war) and it therfore had to be used more intensively (the average turnover of cars fell from 10 to 7 days). Equipment Nevertheless, the rolling stock was insufficient to meet the needs of the Reichsbahn, which grew during the spring of 1941 with preparation for the offensive against the USSR, which involved various appropriations of rolling stock from the SNCF. The French continued to operate the company; the German authorities continued to accept the principle of negotiations, in accordance with the system that they themselves had established. Those negotiations, which concerned locomotives and cars, lasted until January 1942, were difficult and often turned to the disadvantage of the SNCF. In addition to the Reich s appropriation of French rolling stock which was sent to Germany and kept there, in March 1941, there was a traction crisis and a shortage of cars, according to the French authorities. In April, the Chairman of the SNCF Pierre-Eugène Fournier proposed a new title for rental contracts: contract for settling the conditions under which the Reichsbahn will have the use of rolling stock belonging to the SNCF. At the beginning of May 1941, some cars were returned to France to reduce congestion of the marshalling yards with an eye toward the June offensive. The French government, while legally contesting those operations, authorized the SNCF to make the deliveries ordered by the German authorities: "From the standpoint of Franco- German relations, the Secretary of State for Transportation and communications has always hoped that the question could one day be settled by way of agreement." In January 1942, new steps were taken with a view to finalizing a contract. However, during the first half of 1941, the policy of negotiation with the occupying forces, advocated on all levels by Admiral Darlan, and the necessity on the part of the Reich not to leave itself too exposed, brought the German authorities to take into consideration certain questions that the French wanted to discuss. In March 1941, by decision of Dr. Hemmen, starting on June 25, 1940, the cost of German military transportation operations would temporarily be credited, in the form of advance payments against occupation expenses. In total, million RM (2.41 billion francs) were paid at the beginning of May 1941 for the period extending from June 1940 to February The German authorities continued to make regular lump sum payments, which however only corresponded to transportation expenses and did not include "the rental of rolling stock". The SNCF estimated that it sustained a monthly deficit of the order of 200 million francs, and the negotiations continued in Wiesbaden, without results. Personnel In addition to rolling stock, the Reichsbahn began to need people, in part because some of its personnel were on temporary assignment with the Wehrmacht and in part because of the boosting of railroad operations. In February 1941 for instance, the German authorities requested that 5,000 locomotive engineers and 6,000 workers with knowledge of the appropriated locomotives be sent to Germany. Jean Berthelot, concerned with labor management relations inside the SNCF, tried to rely on volunteers. Following the invasion of the USSR, with a new request having been made, the French Minister proposed that metal workers hired from outside the SNCF be trained in SNCF workshops before their departure for Germany. As to stokers, they would be taken from among the railroaders who were still prisoners of war. He also undertook to facilitate voluntary departures. In March and April 10

11 1942, Berthelot and Fournier considered that the secondments should not exceed 500 volunteers for Germany. 3- Anti-communist repression at the SNCF The German offensive in the East once again raised the question of the repression of communist railroaders. The repression of communist activity among railroaders could seem to be in contradiction with the desire to maintain good labor management relations within the corporation. But, Jean Berthelot considered that communist activities were not a part of union demands and that the communists "born enemies of law and order, whose aim was to introduce revolutionary disturbance", were a divisive element in the industry (8). Even though he assessed their potential influence at 100,000, or 20% of the total number of railroaders, he considered the communists to be isolated after the failure of the 1938 strike and, a fortiori, after the signing of the Germano-Soviet Pact. Before June 1941 and even before the miners strike in May 1941, the Secretary of State for Transportation and Communications was already worried about communist unrest and had approved the administrative sanctions proposed by the SNCF. The strike in May 1941 and the communist propaganda that was circulating, particularly among the railroaders in the North and in the Paris region, would lead to the reinforcement of the policy of repression. Even after the USSR joined the allied camp, repression of communists increased. However, tradtional thinking continued to prevail. Even as the communists shifted their strategy from agitation-propaganda to sabotage, the Ministry and the SNCF management were taking action against acts of illegal propaganda. Which explains the note addressed by the senior management of the SNCF, on July 10, 1941, to the managers of regional operations. Until August 4, 1941, the repression of communism among railroaders was carried out by the French authorities alone. The increase in sabotage during the month of July brought the intervention of the German military authorities who were concerned about the safety of their transportation operations. On August 4, the MBF [German military command in France] sent a warning to the French government. On August 26, 1941, a meeting was held at the WVD in Paris [German Army Transportation Department], which brought together the Chief Executive Officer of the SNCF Le Besnerais, Colonel Paquin, and Harrand, an engineer, in the French camp, and on the German side, Colonel von Tippelskirsch, Captain Weber, and Lieutenant Steinmeyer. Its purpose was the repression of communist activities in the railroad companies. After having shown that: "concerning sabotage, contrary to [the thefts committed in railroad companies], it does not appear that railroad workers are personally responsible", Le Besnerais gave a first assessment of the removal of communists from the railroads: "We have removed all the employees exercising a bad influence on their co-workers through three types of measure: First, the German authorities have arrested some sixty railroaders in the occupied zone. For their part, in the occupied zone, the French authorities have arrested 230 employees involved in communist activities outside the company and sent them to internment camps. Finally, 320 employees in the occupied zone who were not openly involved with propaganda, but were known to us, have been dismissed and reported to the police. In all, around 600 employees from the occupied zone have been removed. About fifteen days after these measures were taken, propaganda 11

12 clearly decreased inside the railroad premises, but it is not the same on the outside where all the cases that were reported to us were immediately passed on to the police who are the only ones who can take action there."(9) The minutes of that meeting noted in conclusion: "The Chief Executive Officer stated that he had already sent a list of the dismissed employees to the WVD. He will take all measures deemed necessary and ensure that they are widely publicized. He will give Colonel Paquin the information requested." The effectiveness of the SNCF on the subject was such that it had a perverse effect on other administrations, as its CEO seems to indicate in a report on communist activity: "However, the impression that one gets from these meetings is that the civilian authorities have only limited means of investigation at their disposal: some prefects only have the lists of suspects that we gave them in May and June 1940; the result is that they may be led to believe that communists are mainly to be found within the SNCF.''(10) In all, from September 1939 to November 1941, around 1,290 SNCF employees were suspended, interned or dismissed for political reasons and, of that total, 445 were interned or imprisoned by the French authorities and 70 by the German authorities (11). According to the lists of names of railroader victims during the Occupation, established by the SNCF central personnel department in 1946 (12), among those arrested during the period under consideration, 182 perished, at least 88 in concentration camps and 33 were executed (in addition, from December 1941 to April 1942, 51 were killed, of whom at least 19 in concentration camps and 15 executed). IV- The year 1942 Many historians consider that the year 1942 was "the turning point of the war". This was also the case for SNCF, both because of the influence of the change in the international context and because of elements particular to the railroads. In Germany a new economy of war was established under the aegis of Albert Speer. Franco-German relations took a new turn with the return of Pierre Laval and the appointment of Robert Gibrat as Minister of Transportation and Communications from April to November It was during this period that anti-jewish persecution increased and that the deportation process was set in motion. Organizational changes, changes in players The winter of was dominated by the railway crisis. The Soviet counteroffensive of December 1941 pushed the evolution from Blitzkrieg to total war. This produced a battle for transportation throughout the continent. In order to win this battle, the organizational structures of the German railroads were completely changed, at the same time as the changes in war production sought by Speer were put into action. Following the railroad crisis of the winter of , the activities of German railroaders were gradually freed from military control. In the East, on January 4, 1942, then in the West, on January 23, the Führer ordered the Head of the Wehrmachttransportwesen to assist the Ministry of Transportation and Communications of the Reich by putting at its disposal all the necessary equipment and supplies available in the Western occupied territories (13). On May 23, Speer obtained Ganzenmüller s nomination to the position of Secretary of State for Communications of the Reich, the true manager of the RVM (Ministry of Transportation and Communications of the Reich). Following Speer s intervention with Hitler on May 30, 1942 (14), the railroads in the 12

13 Western occupied territories were placed under the authority of the RVM (15), the railroaders of the WVD [German Army Transportation Department] became Hauptverkehrsdirektionen (HVD). Vice-chairman Münzer, manager, until then, of the Eisenbahnabteilung of the WVD in Paris, became manager of the HVD in Paris, when it was established. Reasons of effectiveness and rationality were what motivated that decision. For all that, the transfer of hierarchical authority did not change the internal operation of the ex-eisenbahnabteilung, elevated to the status of HVD. On the other hand, the direct contact of the civilian Ministry with its officials, without the intermediary of the military occupation authories, could have been perceived as an impending threat of the French railroad network being integrated into the Reichsbahn. The year 1942 was dominated, in Vichy, by Laval s return to power; Berthelot had to give up his place as Secretary of State for Transportation and Communications to Robert Gibrat, a graduate of the Polytechnic School with a reputation as a non-conformist of the thirties. He was a brilliant electrical engineer but had little experience of the railroad business. With Laval s diplomacy advocating conciliation with the occupying forces, the SNCF was isolated in its defence of its rolling stock and manpower in the Franco-German railroad negotiations. Increasing German need for equipment and men Supplying railroad personnel to the Reichsbahn saw a turning point in The invasion of the vast Eastern territories entailed the mobilization of a significant number of Reichsbahn employees in order to restore and secure the railroad networks but also to serve in the ranks of the Wehrmacht as military losses mounted. The Reichsbahn therefore needed manpower to compensate for those movements of personnel. Since February 1941, negotiations initiated by the Reichsbahn had been based on voluntary service. As the results of voluntary secondments were not very encouraging, pressure increased, leading to the idea of compulsory appropriation of personnel, in the context of the Laval-Sauckel negotiations which led to the implementation of the STO [French Compulsory Work Service, instituted on February, 16, 1943]. The Reichsbahn s need for rolling stock and engines was revived with Speer s emphasis on geographically spreading out war production units when the Reich plunged into total war. On February 4, 1942, the WVD in Paris [German Army Transportation Department] passed on an order from the Head of German army transportation that "it is the responsibility of the WVD in Paris to immediately place 290 new steam locomotives at the disposal of the Deutsche Reichsbahn" (16) and demanded full delivery for April 15, Berthelot and the SNCF management then led a battle to delay the loss of the French rolling stock. Once Berthelot had been replaced however, there was little agreement between the SNCF and its Ministry with supervisory powers which led to the negotiations with the German authorities being badly coordinated, fully revealing the inexperience and hesitations of Gibrat. In Berlin, on June 17, Paul Pleiger, Chairman of the German coal organization committee, wrote to Speer to make him aware that although production was increasing, there was an impending shortage, because the Reichsbahn was not able to move all the coal being mined. He estimated the shortfall at more than 60 million tons, of which 17 million were intended for industry (17). The Reichsbahn could only manage to do that with an additional 22,000 cars loaded per day. In May, Pleiger had already indicated that the coal problem was only a question of transportation (18). Appropriation of French equipment was one of the remedies for the shortfall. After the appropriation of rolling stock and engines to the benefit of the Reichsbahn, on April 30, 1943, Pleiger considered the situation to be satisfactory in regard to coal shipments (19). Rail transport was therefore an essential component of the war economy of the Reich and increasing the Reichsbahn s stock of rolling stock was vital. And so, Speer and Ganzenmüller set themselves to the task of reinforcing the effectiveness of railroads. 13

14 In mid-june 1942, Speer and Ganzenmüller went to Paris to get things moving again in the negotiations concerning the appropriation of 1,100 locomotives, 800 passenger cars, 37,500 freight cars (25,000 of which were high-sided open cars), 12,500 flat cars and 2,500 km of track. They met with Laval, who gave his consent to this request, that the SNCF would do its best not to fulfill (20). Several days later, the Chairman of the HVD in Paris, Münzer, put forward political and military arguments in his negotiations on the delivery of equipment, in this case, the difficulties encountered on the Eastern front since the onset of winter (21). This political dimension was used all the more willingly by Münzer as it was the line of argument favored by Laval who, several days later [June 22, 1942], declared: "I am hoping for the victory of Germany, because, without it, tomorrow Bolshevism will be everywhere." Laval s policy of accommodation thus favored the German demands. A recurring problem At the same time, the German railroad authorities proposed a solution that would avoid those long negotiations and give greater flexibility to the flow of rolling stock. The Hauptwagenamt [central rolling stock department of the Reichsbahn] in Berlin was contemplating a European community of railroad rolling stock. On June 24, Münzer launched a big charm offensive aimed at the SNCF at the time of his meeting with the CEO of the company. First of all, he wanted to show goodwill by announcing that the Reichsbahn intended to settle its debt with the SNCF, at least in part. But above all, at the meeting, it was Dr. Schultz from the Hauptwagenamt of Berlin who constituted the spearhead of the offensive, and who "explained at great length how he envisioned the realization of a community of railroad cars". For all of that, the current problem, in this case, the conditions of delivery of rolling stock, was not settled. The same day, and certainly in the same spirit of showing German goodwill, the HVD in Paris informed the SNCF that "the shipments of equipment intended for military installations governed by the two equipment programs are to be reduced by 20% beginning on June 25. The effect of this measure will be to reduce, initially by about 200, and starting on July 1, by about 400, the number of cars to be furnished daily." (22) In reality, on July 8, the DGT [Direction générale des transports, French department of transportation within the Ministry of Transportation and Communications] observed: "Nothing much has happenend so far." (23) On June 30, Münzer drafted a statement to be sent to Gibrat: "It [the HVD] is not at all satisfied with the processes that have been established for the continuation of the negotiations; the SNCF and the HVD engineers have been excluded on the grounds that they concerned matter of principle. During the two years that he has been in Paris, he has insisted on leaving the SNCF a great deal of freedom in technical and administrative areas, but he will begin to act very differently if the negotiations continue to drag on. In the past two weeks time has been spent solely on negotiations and on writing minutes. The current rate of delivery has not gone above 20% of the requests taken as a whole. The conclusion can only be that, if negotiations continue in this way, deliveries will not be completed within a year. It is absolutely necessary that the discussions now continue between engineers only." The Board of Directors of the SNCF summed up the year 1942 as follows: "In fact, the amount of traffic we have carried during the course of the year is one of the most substantial that French railroads have seen since 1920: 66 billion kilometric units, compared with only 49 billion in We are aware that these results have only been obtained to the detriment of the quality of service given to our customers. The overload registered by our passenger trains is higher than ever before. As to 14

15 merchandise, we have done away with most non-priority shipments, sometimes even certain scheduled shipments. Nevertheless, for as significant as they have been, shortages and shortcomings should not make us forget that essential routes have been maintained and that the transportation necessary for the vital needs of the economy has been assured." (24) The railroads and deportation The year 1942 was, above all, the year of deportations [of Jews to the Reich]. The first deportation train left the Paris region on March 27, It fell within the framework of retaliation measures announced by the MBF (German military command in France) and organized by the Sipo-SD. The railroads played an essential role in the deportation process. The historian Raul Hilberg considered that the railroad men were indispensable in that process (25). However, it should be noted that the number of special trains to extermination camps was small when compared with all railroad transportation: 3,000 convoys for the deportation of Jews were set in motion by the Reichsbahn between October 1941 and October 1944 in all the territories occupied or controlled by Germany. This was equal to 15% of the number of freight trains rolling on the Reichsbahn network in one day. For the railroads, deportation was technically taken into account in terms of schedules and equipment available. Thus, when the SNCF was confronted with the expulsion of the Baden Jews to the Southern zone in 1940, its senior management asked the Secretary of State for Transportation and Communications to intervene with the French Ministry of the Interior "so that transportation operations which might take place be carried out, in accordance with a program established in agreement with the German authorities and that this program be made known to us in advance". So, the SNCF, which hoped that "governmental agreements would have settled, in all details and in advance, the problems posed by the movement of populations", did not imagine those convoys which had just been imposed on it by surprise by the German authorities without the establishment of a schedule. Moreover, in this first experience, the SNCF considered that it was up to the government to take decisions about transportation operations. In the archives, there are elements concerning a schedule for the transport of political internees considered dangerous from the Southern zone to North Africa in 1941, of Jews from the free zone to the occupied zone in the summer of 1942, of dangerous political internees from the Southern zone to the Northern zone in 1943, and of Anglo-Saxon internees in The work of Serge Klarsfeld has established the role of the French political authorities (Laval) and of the interior department (Bousquet) in the decision and the organization of the deportations. Likewise, the transfer of Jews from the Southern zone to Drancy was based on a governmental decision. This prompted the convening of the administrations involved. Among them was the one who ordered the procedure, in this case, the French Ministry of the Interior, and those who carried out the orders. In the carrying out of the procedure, a chain was established linking the SNCF technical delegation in Vichy to the French Ministry of the Interior via the transportation department at the Ministry for Transportation and Communications. At a later stage this department at the Ministry was no longer involved, no doubt for practical reasons, such as the effectiveness, the speed, or the institution of a more efficient routine after the initial period. Setting up the deportations of Jews, beginning in 1942, was done in accordance with the following process: decision by Eichmann RSHA IV-B-4 [Reichssicherheitshauptamt (Reich Security Head Office) Amt (division) IV, corresponding to Geheime Staatspolizei / Gestapo, Referat (sub-division) IV B4], in accordance with a proposal from his representative in Paris, 15

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