THE PROFOUND CONTRIBUTIONS OF LATIN AMERICAN IMMIGRANTS IN THE UNITED STATES. (Executive Summary)
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1 REFERENCE DOCUMENT DDR/9 September 2010 ORIGINAL: SPANISH Workshop on Strengthening National Capacities in International Migration Management Looking Towards the Future: New Trends, Issues and Approaches Santiago, Chile, September 7-9, 2010 THE PROFOUND CONTRIBUTIONS OF LATIN AMERICAN IMMIGRANTS IN THE UNITED STATES (Executive Summary) This summary is based on the document The Profound Contributions of Latin American Immigrants in the United States (DDR/4) by Alejandro Canales, who is a consultant from the Latin American and Caribbean Demographic Centre (CELADE) Population Division of ECLAC. This document is part of the United Nations Development Account project Strengthening national capacities to deal with international migration: maximizing development benefits and minimizing negative impacts. The views expressed in this document have not undergone an editorial review, are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect those of the United Nations.
2 2 TABLE OF CONTENTS Page I. THE DEMOGRAPHIC CONTRIBUTIONS OF LATIN AMERICAN IMMIGRANTS TO THE UNITED STATES... 3 A. The demographic context of present day immigration... 3 B. Latin American immigration to the United States... 4 II. THE ECONOMIC CONTRIBUTIONS OF LATIN AMERICAN IMMIGRANTS TO THE UNITED STATES... 7 A. How Latin American immigration contributes to the U.S. workforce... 7 B. How Latin American immigration contributes to the U.S. economy FINAL CONCLUSIONS REFERENCES... 15
3 3 I. THE DEMOGRAPHIC CONTRIBUTIONS OF LATIN AMERICAN IMMIGRANTS TO THE UNITED STATES Latin America is currently in the final phase of its demographic transition. Shortly, the nation s population will begin the aging process. This particular point in demographic transition is marked by the drastic reduction of the demographic dependency index or the number of people in the active age groups versus inactive age groups. The regions that receive Latin American immigration are, on the other hand, in a much more advanced stage of their demographic transition. This is particularly true in the case of Europe and the United States. In both, an ageing population and a deficit in economically active and reproductive people have created demographic instability. A large portion of the demographic bonus that Latin America currently enjoys has migrated to the developed world. In the case of the United States, Latin American migrants have made up for the demographic deficit caused by an ageing population. A. The demographic context of present day immigration Since the end of the 20th century the population of the United States, and that of the rest of the developed world, has been ageing. The shifting of the country s age structure towards older-age groups has upset the demographic equilibrium and transformed international exchanges at both the economic and social level (Lee, 1995). The ageing process occurring in the United States is clearly reflected in demographic data, especially those indicators related to the country s majority ethnic group. The relative participation of the above-65 age group among non-hispanic whites increased by more than 3 percentage points between 1980 and 2010 and is expected to grow by another 5 percentage points over the next 10 years. The average age of the majority ethnic groups was also up, from 31.7 years to 41.1 between 1980 and 2010 and it is expected to continue increasing to 42.1 within the next decade. In other words, today more than 50% of the non-hispanic white population is older than 41, but as recently as 1980 more than 50% were younger than 32. The ageing index, which measures how quickly a certain group is ageing, is an even more telling indication of this process. While in 1980 there were only 59.8 elderly people (age 60 and above) per 100 children (age 15 and below) by 2010 this ratio had increased by more than 50%. Currently there are nearly 92 elderly people for every 100 children and within the next decade the elderly population is expected to overtake the population aged 15 and below. Further proof of this change in age structure can be seen in the changing shape of the age pyramids for non-hispanic whites. In 1980 even though the infant population had already dropped significantly, the bulk of non-hispanic whites were still concentrated in the younger age groups, with almost 56% of non-hispanic whites below the age of 35. By 2010, however, this relationship had been reversed (see Figure 1). Presently almost 57% of the U.S. non-hispanic white population is older than 35 and the and age groups are the largest.
4 4 Figure 1 UNITED STATES: AGE AND GENDER STRUCTURE OF THE NON-LATINO WHITE POPULATION, 1980 AND 2010 (millions of people) Source: author s estimates from US Census Bureau, Demographic Trends in the 20th Century, Census 2000 Special Reports Series (CNSR) 4, Washington DC, November B. Latin American immigration to the United States For the past half century Latin American immigration to the U.S. has been growing at an unprecedented level. Before 1960 there were less than a million Latin American immigrants living in the country, representing only 0.5% of the total population. By 2009, however, the number of Latin American immigrants residing in the country had reached 19 million, or 6.3% of the U.S. population. Propelled by this growth, Latin America now sends more immigrants to the United States than any other region in the world. In fact, as of 2009 Latin Americans made up more than 48% of the immigrant population in the country and records from the last 20 years show that 60% of all new immigrants to the U.S come from Latin America. The native born population of Hispanic origin (principally the offspring of Latin American immigrants and often referred to as second and third generation immigrants) is also on the rise. Starting at only 7 million in 1980, the native-born population of Hispanic origin grew to slightly over 25 million by Together, Latin Americans whether native U.S. citizens of Hispanic origin or immigrants make up the most quickly growing ethnic and migratory group in the U.S. and as of today, Hispanics are the largest ethnic minority group in the country, replacing the historic minority of non-hispanic blacks. 1. Age complementarity The vast majority of immigrants fall in the active-age group, with 69% between the ages of 15 and 49. Only 5.3% are younger than 15, and only 8% are older than 65, which means that more than two thirds of all immigrants fall in the not only active but also reproductive age groups.
5 5 The native born population of Hispanic origin, on the other hand, has very few active age members. In 2009 almost half the native-born Hispanic population was under the age of 15. However, like immigrants, this group has an extremely small elderly population, with only 4% of all native-born Hispanics over the age of 65. The age structure of Latin Americans (both native and immigrant) almost perfectly complements that of the native population (see Figure 2). Figure 2 UNITED STATES: AGE STRUCTURE OF THE NATIVE POPULATION AND LATINO POPULATION, 2009 Non-Latino native population Latino population (natives and foreignborn) 4,000,000 3,000,000 2,000,000 1,000, ,000,000 2,000,000 Source: author s calculations from Current Population Survey, March Supplement, Considering how large a percentage of the U.S. population is now made up by Latin Americans, it follows that the ethnic composition of the United States will continue to change over the coming decades. This is particularly true if the differences between the reproductive rates of the Hispanic population and those of other ethnic and migratory groups are considered. The natural growth of the Hispanic population in the U.S. is being driven up not only by the immigration but also by the fact that Latin American females have a much higher level of fertility than women of other ethnic groups. The global fertility rate of Hispanic females is consistently above the national average, particularly that of Anglo-American females. The result, of course, is higher birth rates and natural growth rates among Hispanics. 2. Contributions to demographic growth Until the 1980s, demographic growth in the United States was sustained principally by the reproduction of the Anglo-American population. However, the 1990s saw the beginning of a process that would only intensify in the coming decades. For the first time ever the main contributor to U.S. demographic growth was the country s
6 6 second largest minority group: Hispanics. Hispanics accounted for 34% of the country s total population growth, slightly more than the Anglo-American population. During the first decade of the 21st century this trend deepened. The growth of the Anglo- American population plummeted, dropping from 33% of all demographic growth in the nineties to only 14% in the first years of the new century. At the same time, the population of Latin American origins, whether immigrant or native provided 46% of the demographic growth in the U.S. between 2000 and The number of Latin American immigrants grew by almost 650,000 people a year and the native born population of Hispanic origin by 789,000 persons a year. Never before has a demographic minority contributed on such a high level to population growth in the country. While the Anglo-American population grew at an average rate of 0.2% a year, Latin American immigrants and the native-born population of Hispanic origin grew at a yearly average of 4% and 3.9% respectively (see Figure 3). In other words, the population of Latin American origin immigrants and their descendents grew 20 times as fast as the Anglo-American population. Figure 3 UNITED STATES: ANNUAL GROWTH RATE BY MAJOR ETHNIC AND MIGRANT GROUPS, 2000 TO % 3.9% 2.8% 1.0% National 1.1% 0.2% Latino immigrants Latino natives Other immigrants Afro American Anglo American Source: author s estimates from Current Population Survey, March Supplement, 2000 and Of course, such growth in the Latin American population has drastically changed what the country s most important ethnic and migratory groups look like. Latin Americans are both the fastest growing ethnic minority and the group that has experienced the most overall growth (up from 9.6 million in 1970 to 44.1 million in 2009). The combined fast growth of Hispanic population and relatively minor growth in Anglo-American population has drastically altered the ethnic and migrant balance in the U.S. over the last four decades. In 2009 the ethnic composition of the U.S. population looked quite different than only a few short decades earlier. Anglo-Americans dropped to 64% of the total population, with ethnic minorities representing the remaining 36%. Among minority groups, Latin Americans have replaced African Americans as the largest ethnic minority. Currently, 1 of every 7 people living in the U.S is of Latin American descent.
7 7 As the native Anglo-American population continues to age, the deficit of young and working age people will only worsen. But since the wave of Latin American immigrants arriving in the U.S. year after year is as many as the number of active-age Anglo-Americans are few, this doesn t seem like such a problem after all. Looking at the matter from this perspective, Latin American immigrants are not too many nor too few but rather just enough to fill the demographic empty spaces left by an ageing U.S. population. In other words, the two populations perfectly complement one another. II. THE ECONOMIC CONTRIBUTIONS OF LATIN AMERICAN IMMIGRANTS TO THE UNITED STATES The existing literature has named the system of transferring labor and labor forces from countries of origin to countries of destiny labor migration (Sassen, 1998; Stalker, 2000). The academic work on the matter has touched on a variety of areas, in particular the situations of extreme vulnerability that many immigrants find themselves in and the acute lack of job stability that frequently forces immigrants into accepting unskilled positions that are poorly paid and offer no benefits (Zlolniski, 2006; Canales, 2007; Sassen and Smith, 1992). However, the study of labor migration has failed to investigate two important ways in which Latin American immigrants contribute to the U.S. In this study the author discusses how immigrant participation in the U.S. work force is helping alleviate problems related to the ageing of the native work force and the economic contributions the Latin American workers provide. A. How Latin American immigration contributes to the U.S. work force In 1980 there were 2.2. million Latin American immigrants working in the U.S. or some 2.1% of the total workforce. Since then, however, this number has steadily increased; reaching 12.6 million or 8.1% of the U.S. workforce in 2009 (see Figure 4). Figure 4 UNITED STATES: LATIN AMERICAN IMMIGRANTS IN THE WORKFORCE, 1980 TO 2010 (millions and as a percentage of the total workforce) 7.8% 8.1% 4.9% 5.8% % % Sources: 1980: US Bureau of Labor Statistics, Labor Force Change, , and CELADE Demographic Observatory; 1990: Population Census, 5% sample; 1995 to 2009: Current Population Survey, March Supplement.
8 8 This means that the participation of Latin American immigrants in the U.S. workforce has been growing by a rate of approximately 6% for almost 20 years. Recent numbers indicate that this pace has slowed since the economic upheaval in the U.S. has worked to discourage immigration to the country. Besides directly contributing to the U.S. work force, Latin Americans have also contributed via their descendents, the so-called second and third generation immigrants. In 2009 there were 8.1 million native-born Hispanics in the U.S. work force, or some 5.3% of the total workforce. Together with Latin American immigrants these two groups made up 13.3% of the entire workforce compared to the 67% that the non-hispanic white population represents. The transfer of workforces from origin to destination is also very important from a Latin American perspective, especially in those countries that have high levels of out-migration. Nearly 5% of the total Latin American workforce has migrated to the U.S., with some countries significantly more affected than others. Four different situations have been identified in Latin America: El Salvador and Mexico, where 25% and 16% of the workforce of each country has been lost to migration, respectively. Honduras, Guatemala, Cuba and the Dominican Republic where between 10% and 12% of the total workforce has migrated. Haiti and Nicaragua where between 6% and 7% of their labor force has been transferred to the U.S. In Panama and Ecuador this transfer is similar to the regional average, topping off at around 4.4%. With the exception of Ecuador, the working population of South America has not migrated in a significant way. On average, less than 1% of South America s workforce has migrated. Despite making up a rather large percentage of the population, Latin Americans working in the U.S. are highly concentrated in certain economic sectors, with important difference between sexes. Men work mostly in construction (28%), the service sector and manufacturing (17% and 15% respectively) (see Figure 5). The construction, agriculture and administrative service sectors are all highly dependent on male immigrant workers. In all three cases Latin American male immigrants make up nearly 20% of the workforce. A very similar pattern is apparent among women, where 16% of the agricultural sector workforce is made up of Latin American migrant women as is 13% of the administrative service sector. Latin American immigrant females also make up 11% of the manufacturing and personal service sector workforce. For both males and females, Latin American immigrants consistently provide more unskilled than skilled labor.
9 9 Figure 5 UNITED STATES: LATIN AMERICAN IMMIGRANTS BY MAJOR ECONOMIC SECTORS AND SEX, 2009 Personal services Social services 16.7% 5.1% 25% 25% Male Female Administrative services 9.7% 8% Proffesional services 4.6% 8% Trade 10.7% 13% Agriculture 4.4% A 2% Transportation and Communication 6.1% 4% Manufacturing 14.7% 14% Construction 28.1% 1% Source: author s estimates from Current Population Survey, March Supplement, Women are even more concentrated in certain sectors. Almost 50% of all female Latin American immigrants work in just two sectors: social services and personal services. Latin American immigrants also tend to be highly concentrated among certain occupations. 28% of males are construction workers and 20% are manual laborers (see Figure 6). Among females, 24% are either caregivers (providing care for the elderly, the sick or young children) or domestic laborers and another 24% work in sales and administration (secretaries, salespersons, etc.). Figure 6 UNITED STATES: LATIN AMERICAN IMMIGRANTS BY OCCUPATION GROUPS AND SEX, 2009 Executives and managers Professionals 5% 5% 6% 10% Male Female Employees and sales 10% 24% Food preparation and serving 9% 11% Domestic and personal cares 2% 24% Cleaning and maintenance 10% 5% Construction 28% 1% Manual work 20% 10% Non-qualified work 11% 9% Source: author s estimates from Current Population Survey, March Supplement, The concentration of Latin American men and women in certain occupations is in part a reflection of the traditional gender division of the work force in the U.S. but that doesn t render insignificant the contributions of Latin Americans in specific economic sectors based on their origins (see Figure 7).
10 Social services Professional services Transportation and communication Trade Manufacturing Personal services Administration services Agriculture Construction Professional services Social services Transportation and communication Construction Trade Manufacturing Personal services Administration services Agriculture 10 Figure 7 UNITED STATES: LATIN AMERICAN IMMIGRANTS AS A SHARE OF THE WORKFORCE BY ECONOMIC SECTORS AND SEX, 2009 Female Male 20% 20% 20% 16% 13% Average 10% 3% 4% 7% 7% 9% 14% Average 6% 3% 4% 5% 5% 6% 11% 11% Source: author s estimates from Current Population Survey, March Supplement, The construction, agriculture and administrative service sectors are all highly dependent on male immigrant workers. In all three cases Latin American male immigrants make up nearly 20% of the workforce. A very similar pattern is apparent among women, where 16% of the agricultural sector workforce is made up of Latin American migrant women as is 13% of the administrative service sector. Latin American immigrant females also make up 11% of the manufacturing and personal service sector workforce. For both males and females, Latin American immigrants consistently provide more unskilled than skilled labor. This reinforces the opinion of several authors who argue that not only does selectivity push Latin American immigrants towards work in these sectors, but also that occupation segregation also forces them to stay there. Not only is fact that the U.S. is highly dependent on the immigrant workforce, but also that that immigrants will, in general, continue to work in less skilled, poorly paid, and unstable jobs. This, however, does not mean that Latin American immigrant workers contribute any less to the U.S. workforce and economy. Rather, the input of these workers is especially important in areas such as care giving, food preparation, cleaning, maintenance, personal services, domestic labor and other similar areas that directly affect the social reproduction of U.S. citizens. Not only
11 Latino immigrants Latino natives Non-Latino immigrants Others Non-Latino Non-Latino Afro White Non-Latino Latino immigrants Latino natives Non-latino immigrants Others Non-Latino Non-Latino Afro Whites Non-Latino 11 does the current flow of immigrants contribute to the demographic reproduction of the host society, it also plays an important role in its social reproduction. The sustained growth in Latin American labor migration, particularly that of younger age groups, is also changing the ethnic composition and increasing the number of migrants in the economically active age groups. Between 2000 and 2008 the economically active population in the U.S. grew by 13.1 million. Among the different ethnic groups that make up this population, Hispanics were the fastest growing; both in absolute and relative terms (see Figure 8). 6.4 million of the 13.1 million additions to the economic active population were Latin American immigrants, and the children or descendents of Latin Americans were another 2.1 million. In other words, Hispanics were responsible for almost 50% of the growth of the U.S. workforce. Figure 8 UNITED STATES: GROWTH OF THE WORKFORCE BY SEX AND MAJOR ETHNIC AND MIGRANT GROUPS, (millions of people) 3.05 Male Female Source: author s estimates from Current Population Survey, March Supplement, 2000 and While the non-hispanic white work force grew very slowly at an average rate of only 0.2% a year, the general Hispanic workforce grew at a rate of 4.6% over the same period, or 23 times as fast as non-hispanic whites. Among Hispanics, Latin American immigrants showed the highest rate of growth at 5.3%, above the native-born population of Hispanic origin which grew by 3.9% a year on average between 2000 and While the quickly growing Latin American immigrant workforce tends to be highly masculine, the opposite is true for the non-hispanic immigrants, who are predominantly females. From 2000 to 2008 the sex ratio of the Hispanic immigrant workforce grew significantly (see Figure 10), passing from 162 males per every 100 females to 186 males per every 100 females. The same trend is occurring among the native-born population of Hispanic origin, although on a much smaller scale. The sex ratio of non-hispanic immigrants on the other hand, fell from 126 men per
12 12 every 100 women in 2000 to 114 men per every 100 women in In all other cases (particularly white and non-hispanic black) masculinity remains relatively stable. These changes are part of wider processes that began several decades ago and will continue through the coming years. Figure 10 UNITED STATES: SEX RATIO OF THE WORKFORCE BY MAJOR ETHNIC AND MIGRANT GROUPS, (number of males per 100 females) Latino immigrants Latino natives Non-Latino immigrants Non-Latino Afro White Non- Latino Others Non- Latino Total USA Source: author s estimates from Current Population Survey, March Supplement, 2000 and How Latin American immigration contributes to the U.S. economy If GDP value is the product of worker volume and the value of the average productivity of each worker and the exact volume of the immigrant and native workforce is known, then how much immigrant workers contribute to the host economy can be measured by calculating the immigrant workers Average Productivity of Labor (APL) and how this differs from natives APL. Since Latin American immigrants working in the U.S. are concentrated in less productive sectors and tend to work in unskilled and less productive jobs (Giorguli and Gaspar, 2008) it is a safe assumption that the average productivity of Latino immigrants is below the national average. Given a level of disaggregation among the industrial branches, within a single branch the average productive is likely very similar for each person working in that specific branch. There is detailed enough information available on the Gross Domestic Product (GDP) of different sectors and the different migrant groups that work in these sectors to be able to apply this assumption and calculate exactly how much Latin American immigrants contribute to the national GDP. Algebraically, the model is based on the following equations: (1) GDPLAM=SUM(GDPLAMi) Where GDPLAM is the total GDP generated by Latin American immigrants in the United States and GDPLAMi is the GDP generated by Latin American immigrants in sector i. (2) GDPLAMi=APL*LLAMi
13 13 (3) Li APLi=GDPi/Li Where ALP is the average productivity of labor in sector i ; LLAM is the migrant workforce (Latin Americans) occupied in sector i ; GDPi is the GDP of sector i and Li is the total work force in that sector. With these equations the GDP generated by the Mexican migrant work force in the U.S. can be calculated as followed: (4) GDPLAM = APL1 * LLAM1 + APL2 * LLAM2 + + APLn * LLAMn Where n is the number of sectors where the GDP and the workforce can be broken down. A disaggregation of 34 sectors was used, with 2 subsectors in agriculture, 15 in manufacturing and 10 in services. In the case of the trade sector the classic division between wholesale and retail was made, which is the same disaggregation that the U.S. Bureau of Economic Analysis uses for this sector s GDP. Likewise, information from the transportation, communications and public service (water, gas, electricity or Utilities) sectors was considered separately. Finally, mining was considered separately from the other sectors since it is a highly productive sector but the participation of Latin American immigrants in this sector is minimal and including it alongside agriculture or manufacturing as a primary activity would have distorted the results of either. This is the same method that has been used for , first using the classification of sectors and economic activities that the Bureau of Economic Analysis (BEA) provides for GDP and second, using the level of desegregation of the Latin American immigrant workforce that the Current Population Survey (CPS) provides. Table 1 displays an estimate of the contributions of Latin American immigrants to the U.S. GDP from 2005 to 2007, as well as the contributions of natives and other immigrant groups. Table 1 UNITED STATES: ESTIMATES OF THE GDP AND AVERAGE PRODUCT PER WORKER BY ETHNIC AND MIGRATORY ORIGIN OF THE WORKFORCE, Gross Domestic Product Workforce Average product per worker (US$) US$ Millions Percent Volume Percent All United States 13,519, % 151,300, % 89,354 Latino immigrants 913, % 12,123, % 75,340 Latino natives 625, % 7,060, % 88,549 Non-Latino immigrants 1,073, % 12,058, % 89,017 Non-Latino whites 9,229, % 101,364, % 91,051 Non-Latino Afro-Americans 1,346, % 15,135, % 88,984 Other non-latino natives 331, % 3,558, % 93,100 Source: author s estimates from BEA data, Gross Domestic Product by Industry Accounts, 2005 to 2007; and Current Population Survey, March Supplement, 2005 to According to this model, in the three-year period from 2005to 2007 Latin American immigrants generated a GDP of 913 billion dollars a year, which represents nearly 6.8% of the U.S. GDP over this period. During this same time Latin Americans accounted for 8% of the U.S. workforce.
14 14 With these results and the volume of Latin American immigrant workers, the average productivity of labor per worker is 75,300 dollars a year, which is almost 16% below the national average and 18% below the average of non-hispanic whites. The lower average productivity of Hispanic immigrants is, however, due mostly to the fact that they tend to work in jobs and industrial areas that are less productive. It is worth noting here that not only do Hispanic immigrants have the lowest average productivity in the nation, but that it is significantly below the national average. FINAL CONCLUSIONS The relationship between migration and development holds an important place in the agendas of governments, international agencies and supranational institutions, yet remittances continue to dominate the discussion on the matter. Although the role of migrants as agents of social, technological and productive change is sometimes mentioned, in the end the economic impact that remittances have in countries of origin is inevitably the center of attention when discussing the ways in which migration promotes development. Although this form of analysis, deemed as methodological nationalism has been prevalent in the social sciences for many years, it overvalues the role of nation-states in the international migration dynamics. A more useful concept is that of globalization, which conceptualizes society as made up of a system of networks, local-global interconnecting relations and trans-local and transnational processes, actors and social forces. This global-based analysis is highly appropriate for the study of migration and development. From the perspective of globalization, it is possible to identify the different levels and processes through which migration plays an important part in social reproduction. In particular, immigrants provide major contributions demographically (demographic reproduction), economically (economic reproduction or migration, labor and remittances) and socially (social and cultural transfers). Looking at it from this perspective, not only are Latin American immigrants helping resolve the population deficit among active-age groups caused by the ageing of the country s native population, they are also indirectly continuing this contribution via their descendents, compensating for the reduced birth rates seen among other ethnic groups in the country. The combined effect of these two factors is not small and can be seen in the changing minority groups. In 1970 the population of Hispanic or Latino origin was less than 5% of the countries population and has now tripled to 14.6%. Fertility levels and growth rate of reproductive age groups is higher among Hispanics than any other ethnic group. These two factors mutually reinforce each other to equal a higher number of births and descendents. The participation of Latin American immigrants, for its part, is highly concentrated among certain economic sectors. A large portion of males, for example, work in construction (28%) and as much as 50% of all women work in social and personal services, particularly as domestic workers and personal caregivers. Data also shows that Latin American immigrants contribute the most to the less dynamic sectors of the U.S. economy, generally working in un-skilled occupations, but that this doesn t mean that their contribution to the U.S. economy and work force is insignificant. In fact, their
15 15 contribution is very important to certain productive activities as well as in occupations that are necessary to the social reproduction of the U.S. population. As a country the U.S. can either assure the process of demographic reproduction by adopting a policy of openness and tolerance towards immigration, accepting the transformation of the ethno-cultural composition of its population that it brings with it or try to halt immigration with tighter controls and face the economic and social risks typical of countries without demographic stability. Indeed, the problem is a demographic matter, which has important economic, social and political ramifications. A reduction of the active-age population will seriously affect the development of the country s productive and economic forces. In other words, if immigration and the ethnic transformation of the U.S. population that it entails do not continue, the economy and demographic stability of the United States will be seriously compromised. REFERENCES Canales, Alejandro I. (2007), Inclusion and Segregation: The Incorporation of Latin American Immigrants into the U.S. Labor Market in Latin American Perspectives, 34 (1): Giorguli Saucedo, Silvia E. and Selene Gaspar Olvera (2008), Inserción ocupacional, ingreso y prestaciones de los migrantes mexicanos en Estados Unidos, México, Consejo Nacional de Población (CONAPO). Lee, Ronald (1995), Una perspectiva transcultural de las transferencias intergeneracionales, in Pensamiento Iberoamericano, 28, special edition in joint with Notas de Población, 62, pp Sassen, Saskia (1998), Globalization and its Discontents, New York, The New Press. Sassen, Saskia and Robert Smith (1992), Post-industrial growth and economic reorganization: their impact on immigrant employment, in J. Bustamante, C. Reynolds and R. Hinojosa (eds.), US-Mexico Relations: Labor Market Interdependence, Stanford University Press, Standford, California. Stalker, Peter (2000), Workers Without Frontiers. The Impact of Globalization on International Migration, Boulder, Colorado, Lynne Rienner Publisher, International Labor Organization (ILO). Zlolniski, Christian (2006), Janitors, Street Vendors, and Activists: The Lives of Mexican immigrants in Silicon Valley, Berkeley, University of California Press.
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