Missionaries of Africa - History Series n 8 FOOTSTEPS ON THE SANDS OF TIME. A life of Bishop Jan van Sambeek. Hugo Hinfelaar, M.Afr.

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1 1 Missionaries of Africa - History Series n 8 FOOTSTEPS ON THE SANDS OF TIME A life of Bishop Jan van Sambeek Hugo Hinfelaar, M.Afr. ROME Society of Missionaries of Africa 2007

2 2 Preface When in May 2005 Fr Ivan Page, the archivist of the Society of Missionaries of Africa (White Fathers) in Rome, asked me whether I was willing to write a biography of Bishop Jan van Sambeek, I first reacted with hesitation, even reluctance. I had just completed a voluminous book on the history of the Catholic Church in Zambia, and had followed it up with a short history of the White Fathers in Zambia from 1964 onwards. What was the use of a biography of an unknown missionary bishop, one of the many who planted the Catholic Church during the heyday of colonial expansion? But then I remembered that during my doctoral studies in the 1980s my supervisor, the late Dr Richard Gray, professor at the School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London, had one day observed that a study on the brilliant Bishop van Sambeek would certainly be of great interest, both linguistically and historically. This remark had reminded me of my own missionary years in Zambia, (Northern Rhodesia) at the end of the 1950s and the beginning of the 1960 s. I had then noticed that in Abercorn (Mbala), the diocese to which I was appointed, the name of Bishop van Sambeek had remained part of the collective memory of the teachers, catechists, and the brothers. They all had a very high esteem for him as the Apostolic Administrator of the Lwangwa territory later to become the diocese of Abercorn. They all maintained that he needed very little sleep, founded mission posts and administered his territory during the day while during the night he wrote books for the primary schools, grammars and notes on the culture of the people. Why had this brilliant missionary ended up and been buried in another country, in the north of Tanganyika, I had asked myself at that time? What had happened to this son of Brabant, from where so many Missionaries of Africa had been recruited since the arrival of Fr Jamet at the end of the 19 th century? 1 I must confess to another, more apologetic, reason for writing this biography. These days the great missionary movement that reached out from Western Europe to the unevangelised countries in Africa seems to have come to an end. In the Netherlands religious beliefs and convictions are making room for a more secular worldview among many Christians, Catholics and Protestants alike. All traces of Het Rijkse Roomsche leven, the rich Roman life, as it was called, seem to have disappeared like sandcastles as the tide comes in. Will future generations rediscover and appreciate what had been achieved within a century by all those missionaries? Will they be able to analyse this period of Church history objectively and with the necessary nuances? Will they be able to recognize that they were children of their time and appreciate, even admire, their contributions to humankind despite all their warts and wrinkles? This biography hopes to contribute in a small way to a just and historically objective judgment on the work that has been done, on the seeds that have been broadcast, by those workers of the first hour. It will focus on one particular man, Bishop Jan van Sambeek, who even today stands out like a giant among the hundreds of Missionaries of Africa who worked in Africa from the end of the 19 th century onwards. It is for this precise reason that the book is dedicated to all my confreres, those who have gone before us marked with the sign of faith, those still in-the-field (or rather in-the-bush) and those in retirement. I hope that when reading it they will recognize themselves, and smile about the foibles and achievements of their order, the Society of Missionaries of Africa. 1 Jamet, L As it was in the beginning; recollection of the missionary labours of Fr Louis Jamet , edited by Ivan Page. Rome, Society of Missionaries of Africa, (History Series, no 5) pp

3 3 A list of sources and of all who contributed to the writing of this biography can be found in the Appendix. My heartfelt gratitude to all of them. Hugo F. Hinfelaar. M.Afr. February 2006

4 4 Introduction - A Pre-history What was the status, the ethos and the mind set of the Catholics, in particular of those who lived in Velthoven, a small village near Eindhoven, in the southern duchy of Brabant, the birth place of van Sambeek? With the independence of the Netherlands from Spanish hegemony in 1576 and the subsequent conquest of Brabant by the princes of Orange and their rebels, the practice of the Roman Catholic religion had been forbidden and all churches were taken over by the Dutch Reformed Church. This denomination did not become a state religion but was very privileged. Catholics were excluded from all public functions. Even Rome seemed to abandon the Catholic population when in 1592 the Netherlands was declared a mission territory. From then onwards the country remained under the authority of the Sacra Congregatio de Propaganda Fide, the curial department of the Vatican that dealt with the propagation of the faith in mission territories and in the newly discovered parts of the world. This situation lasted more than two centuries. For the Catholics in the south, below the great delta of the Rhine and Meuse estuaries, the so-called Golden Age of the Dutch was a time of poverty and humiliation. Some relief came when at the end of the 18 th century French troops conquered Brabant and declared freedom of religion. In 1801 Napoleon concluded a concordat with Pope Pius VII and returned to the Catholics the beautiful cathedral of St John in s Hertogenbosch, the capital of the duchy of Brabant. When in 1815 the Low Countries, Holland and Belgium, were united, the proportion of Catholics to Protestants was a favourable three to four. But disaster struck again when in 1830 Belgium separated itself from the Netherlands. The population of Brabant became sandwiched between this new, mainly Catholic state and Protestant Holland above the rivers It received little attention from the central government in The Hague. Exceptions were made by the more enlightened kings of the royal house of Orange. William II became such a great friend of Mgr Zwijsen, the bishop of s Hertogenbosch, that the Protestants called him a caesaro-papist. This dark period of neglect ended with the restoration of the hierarchy in 1853 and the gradual introduction of democracy. From then onwards the Catholic clergy fought to lift the Catholics out of their poverty and backwardness. The main locus of this struggle were the schools and other Catholic institutions. To achieve this, the Catholic Church was ready to form coalitions and alliances with the Protestants, the enlightened Liberals and, later, the Socialists, all through the 19 th and the beginning of the 20 th century. However, in retrospect, the Catholic ultramontane hierarchy made a mistake when in 1863 it decided not to take part in the provision of secondary education through the Higher Burgher Schools (H.B.S.) but preferred to start its own Grammar Schools (Gymnasia), in order to prepare young men for the priesthood or for other academic professions. By this policy a major part of national life, in particular in the more technical sphere, passed them by. 2 Moreover by trying to protect the poorly educated Catholic population from Protestant heretics and modern influences, the clergy erected walls around their faithful which not only gave the latter little chance to know and appreciate the world outside but also caused hostility towards those who did not belong to the fold. This had a ripple effect: to defend themselves against the onslaught of the Papists, the Protestants and other groups followed suit. Towards the end of the 19 th century the Netherlands were neatly divided in a set of zuilen, (columns), 2 Commisaris. A. Leerboek der Nederlandse Geschiedenis Part 2, Mamberg, Den Bosch. NL p. 90

5 5 in which the various sections lived separately together and left all major, religious, political and social decisions to their higher authorities. These structures would remain in place and prove to be durable for the major part of the 20 th century. In Brabant emancipation, freedom of religion and democracy came like a new spring after a long and cold winter of neglect. The Catholic leaders, most of them members of the clergy, took all opportunities that presented themselves to enhance the status of the faithful and so to restore their dignity. Gradually, via new opportunities for social mobility, a strong Catholic middle class emerged that not only buttressed the ultramontane ethos of the clergy but was ready, if not proud to give their sons and daughters to apostolic service in and outside the country. The great desire of these large families, of whom only one or two sons could take over the farm or the firm, was to have a child a priest, a religious brother or a sister in the service of the Roman Catholic Church. 3 The majority of the priests, religious brothers and sisters came from this middle class that had emerged since the beginning of the 19 th century. Consequently within the rather narrow confines of the Catholic population, there came to exist two classes: the clergy assisted by a small cluster of notables, men and women of the middle class, and the majority of the simple faithful who trusted their professional leaders and expected to be assisted by them in their daily religious, economic and social needs. One of the characteristics of this middle class was the knowledge of French, taught in the boarding schools for both boys and girls. If the parents wanted to communicate something to each other not deemed suitable for their children, they would often talk in French. The ethos, the prevailing moral standards and the religious world view filtered down from the middle class clergy to the faithful via sermons, episcopal letters, directives from Rome, catechism classes in the schools and regular pastoral visits combined with good doses of social sanction. This model of emancipation was certainly not unsuccessful It gradually changed het donkere Zuiden, the dark south, into a very progressive and enlightened part of the Netherlands. Its drawback was that social mobility was largely limited to and dictated by the clergy and religious via entry into the seminaries for young men and the convents for young women. The atmosphere in these institutions was mainly determined by the French spirituality of that age, permeated by a Jansenist approach to sexuality, and Dutch parsimony. There the Catholics were bonded together by a common belief that outside their Church salvation was not possible and that their faith had to be made known to all people outside it in order for them to be saved. There reigned an ardent desire to bring the pure Catholic faith of Christ to people outside, in particular to those who lived overseas and were in the process of being discovered. After the Golden Age of the Dutch Protestants in Holland who had conquered the world for mercantile gain, the Catholics felt it to be their duty to follow this up by a spiritual conquest of the world through the planting of the Church in the missions. 4 What they wished to plant was the specific model of a Roman Catholic Church that had developed in Western Europe since the Reformation. The Dutch missionary movement, was a spill-over from successful emancipation. It started as a small trickle during the second part of the 19 th century, grew to a steady stream of enthusiastic and capable men and women ready to put their talents at the service of the extension of the Catholic Church, seen as the only visible and clear sign of Christ s kingdom. 3 The ultramontane attitude of the Dutch Catholics was proved by the fact that the majority of the zouaves who were ready to defend the Papal states against the unification of Italy towards the end of the 19 th century were Dutch. 4 Encyclical Maximum Illud, by Pope Benedict XV, 1919.

6 Towards the middle of the 20 th century the numbers of Dutch missionaries abroad equalled those of the priests, sisters and brothers who worked inside the Netherlands. Though seen as dominant, paternalistic and at times unjust, the Catholics came to appreciate their Church leaders for what they had done for their emancipation. They wanted the benefits of solid education, hospitals and other Catholic structures to be carried over to poor people in other parts of the world in the same way as had been so successfully achieved in their own country. The great model of the Catholic Church, was a homogenous medieval kingdom under the benign despotism of the clergy and religious, assisted by an educated class of leaders. This vision may have been nostalgic, even mythic, but it was one held by men like Cardinal Lavigerie, the founder of the Missionaries of Africa. This was also the mental background and motivation of Jan van Sambeek and, with him, of thousands of other Dutch missionaries who were enthusiastically farewelled on the day of their departure for the missions. 6

7 7 Chapter 1. Youth and Study Jan van Sambeek was born in a small village in Brabant, called Velthoven, on April 23 rd He was the fourth child of what would become a large family of seven boys and three girls. His father was the owner of a shoe factory and belonged to the well-to-do middle class of the Catholic parish community. Both parents were very devoutly religious and worked hard to give their children a good education. The eldest son, called Janus, became a diocesan priest. Gerrit, the second son, entered the order of St Francis and died as a missionary in Brazil in A younger brother, Alfons, followed the example of his older brother Jan and joined the White Fathers. He died young in One of the daughters, Marie, entered the religious congregation of the Franciscan Sisters of Veghel. She was sent as a missionary to Indonesia, worked as principal of a number of girls schools and was eventually elected Superior General of her congregation. 5 A year before Jan was born, decisions taken during a Conference held in Berlin had precipitated what became known as the scramble for Africa. The continent was being carved up to become the colonial possessions of the Great Powers of Europe. Livingstone, and a number of Protestant missionaries, had travelled extensively through un-charted territory and had enthused Scotland with the idea of a Christian conquest of Africa summarized in the motto of the three C s: Civilization, Christianity and legal Commerce. The Catholic missionary movement came as a second wave. In Algiers Cardinal Charles Lavigerie was concerned about the number of Africans who had never heard the gospel. To meet this challenge, he needed an association of men and women, flexible and decentralized enough to move into the heart of Africa as quickly as possible. In July 1868 he founded the Society of Missionaries of Africa. Its members had to give the example by working with their hands as well as to apply themselves daily to study and research. His eye was soon on young Dutchmen who as zouaves had fought so gallantly for the defence of the Papal States during the reign of Pope Pius IX. As lay brothers they would be able to accompany and protect the priests on their dangerous way into central Africa and to take care of their material wellbeing was also the year during which the first batch of Dutch recruits started their novitiate in Maison-Carrée, the headquarters of the Missionaries of Africa, near Algiers. Brabant had woken up from its prolonged slumber of neglect. The introduction of secondary industries, many of them family concerns, caused a number of villages to flourish. Everywhere new churches were constructed to which the people contributed generously. They came to signify a triumphant Roman Catholic renaissance. In 1891 the engineer Gerard Philips bought some neglected workshops in the small market town of Eindhoven and began the production of electric light bulbs. His main reason for settling there was the availability of cheap and industrious labour. It consisted mainly of young women who were not only accustomed to work for long hours but with their nimble fingers fabricated the electric bulbs with considerable speed. 7 5 Information: from Joep van Sambeek, and a letter from Wim van Sambeek, 4 September See: sources. Copy of Genealogy of Van Sambeek X, 6. The full title of the Factory was: Leather and Shoe Steam Factory 6 In October 1889 Cardinal Lavigerie sent Fr Louis Jamet, Gaudibert, De Louw and brother Theodore Combrink to the Netherlands to found a postulancy for Brothers in Holland. It was built in Haaren and called Gerra House. Page, I, 2005 Recollections of the Missionary labours of Fr L. Jamet, Rome. p. 45. Jamet also noted that most of the families of our benefactors (in Holland) spoke French, p.50 7 Information :

8 8 Right from the first grades the young Jan van Sambeek proved to be an intelligent and keen student. The village headmaster suggested to his parents that they send him for the higher grades to a well-known boarding school, called Ruwenberg. This preparatory school, not far from s Hertogenbosch, educated the sons of well-to-do farmers, the leaders of the Boerenbond the farmers co-operatives, the owners of small factories and other businessmen who by then formed the rising middle class of Brabant. It was a fee-paying institution, something his parents could hardly afford. All his other brothers and sisters completed their primary education in the local village school. But because of his promising talents, they made an exception for him and allowed Jan to finish primary school in Ruwenberg. This parental decision might well have contributed to the fact that Jan Van Sambeek would always regard himself as special. The boarding school was run by the Brothers of Our Lady of Tilburg, a teaching order that also had schools in the Dutch colony of Surinam. Jan greatly enjoyed the three years he spent in this homely little school and it was there that his mentors fostered not only his vocation but also his love for study and research. 8 A small army of propagandists of the numerous missionary orders and congregations visited regularly the school in order to recruit boys for their seminaries. Jan showed no interest in going to the missions. He preferred to follow his elder brother as a prosperous parish priest of a flourishing parish. He had noticed that these secular priests always had a lovely orchard attached to their presbyteries. The local diocesan minor seminary, called Beekvliet, accepted him without hesitation. Jan moved smoothly from one class to another as one of the best students and became a prefect. At the end of six years of study in this grammar school (gymnasium) he was chosen to address in Latin the bishop of s Hertogenbosch, the higher clergy and invited parents, during the traditional ceremony of the academic awards. His father, dressed in a stiff coat and collar, hardly recognized his son, and did not understand a word of what his son was saying. But he had tears in his eyes and was very proud to be told by the Rector that his son had been the best of his class throughout all these years. 9 There was no doubt that a promising clerical career in the diocese of s Hertogenbosch lay ahead of Jan van Sambeek. It came like a bombshell when he told his mentors that he had changed his mind, that he did not wish to continue in the major seminary of the diocese in Haaren but thought instead of becoming a Missionary of Africa. For this he had written on his own initiative to the Father in charge and had been accepted to start philosophy in St Charles, in Esch, near Boxtel. His parents agreed wholeheartedly, used as they were to offering their children to whatever service they wanted to give to the Catholic Church, but the Rector of the minor seminary in Beekvliet let him go with reluctance and regret. Jan van Sambeek never looked back. In 1906, at the age of twenty, after two years of the study of philosophy, he left his family and the Netherlands for a year of spiritual training in North Africa at Maison-Carrée near Algiers, and four years of theology at Thibar in Tunisia. These five years of training were intentionally international. The Dutch recruits disappeared, as it were, in a sea of candidates from other nations. The majority of them were French but a great number of them came also from Belgium, French-speaking Canada, Germany, with a sprinkling from Great Britain, Luxembourg and Switzerland. The Society s aim was to give the future missionaries a global and Catholic outlook so that they could relate with people of various nations and tribes. Van Sambeek took to these studies like a duck to water and found 8 See Biographical Notes, in the Petit Echo, 1967, p Annalen der Afrikaansche Missiën (hereafter Annalen), 53, Dec. 1936, p.147.

9 9 enough time at his disposal to study the English language and the British system of indirect rule and colonization. He took his missionary oath in 1910 and was ordained a priest by the then Superior General of the Missionaries of Africa, Mgr Livinhac, on June 29 th He went home to celebrate his first solemn Mass for his parents and family, and to be received with great ceremony by the members of his home parish. He expected to be appointed to one of the missions in Africa but his superiors had discovered his academic talents and appointed him to teach Philosophy at St Charles, Esch. He was not entirely displeased as he could visit his elderly mother from time to time and had ample opportunities to pursue his studies, especially those in linguistics. As an intellectual he was ready to make his mark anywhere in Europe and settled down for a life of teaching and academic interests. World War I by-passed the neutral Netherlands relatively peacefully. In Africa the newly established mission posts needed personnel in order to carry forward the momentum of the previous century. So it came about that in 1919, after eight years of teaching and academic pursuits, van Sambeek was ready to become a bush missionary. He was appointed to the British territory of Northern Rhodesia. From then onwards his life was to be in Africa. Conclusion To understand some of the decisions and actions of Jan van Sambeek as missionary, one should remember that he made his secondary studies in the local seminary of the diocesan clergy of Brabant. Its ethos was fed by the conviction that a disciplined, even parsimonious life combined with high intellectual standards was the way to lift up the Catholic population to the same level as those of the Protestants in the north of the country, those who lived above the rivers. Politically this desire for the emancipation of all members of the Catholic community had expressed itself in the Schoolstrijd, in an on-going battle to obtain subsidies for the construction and the management of more and more Catholic schools. This battle was primarily fed by a desire to compete with other denominations and ideologies and only secondarily underpinned by theological dogma. The international training of men joining the Missionaries of Africa widened van Sambeek s vision. During his years in North Africa he learned from his fellow students that other opinions existed on various subjects and that each country followed its own methods of colonial administration. Later this would enable him to deal with its agents with considerable ease. During his years as professor of philosophy he studied and taught linguistics and ethnography. This prepared him for a professional approach to the languages and the customs of all the people he was going to meet during his long missionary career in Central and East Africa.

10 10 Chapter 2 : From a Bush missionary to an Educationalist Van Sambeek arrived in Chilubula mission, the headquarters of the Bangweolo vicariate in the north of Northern Rhodesia (Zambia), on November 30 th He was 33 years old and had academic experience. (insert map) It was the year Pope Benedict XV published his encyclical Maximum Illud in which he insisted on the need to plant the Church in mission lands and to train a local clergy as quickly as possible. This motivated missionaries all over the world and led to intense activity in Africa. 10 Northern Rhodesia was still feeling the effects of World War I. A number of French missionaries had been called home for military service; some of them never returned. Hundreds of young African men had been recruited as porters or conscripted as soldiers in the King s African Rifles in such a drastic manner that by 1917 the work of evangelisation had come to a standstill. The soldiers, being familiar with the bush, were engaged as scouts but they were also issued with modern Martini-Henry rifles. Towards the end of the war General von Lettow had marched into Northern Rhodesia from German Tanganyika without encountering any resistance. First he invaded Kayambi mission and plundered its food stocks and cattle. On November 10 th, a year before van Sambeek s arrival, it had been the turn of Chilubula, after the Boma in Kasama had been set on fire. On November 12 th 1918 he received the news of the final defeat of Germany near the Chambeshi River, between Kasama and Mpika. 11 The askari of both sides returned home to try to adjust to civilian life in the villages in the north. Family life was in disarray and famine had set in, as the women had been told to sell their millet to the central administration in order to satisfy the needs of the army. For the first time in their history the local population had witnessed a tribal war among the Europeans. To make things worse, epidemics came in the wake of the army: Spanish influenza, tuberculosis and chicken pox. The hut tax, initially imposed by the British South African Company, continued as before and remained high until 1924, when indirect rule began. Many of the demobilized young men had lost confidence in the moral standards of the white men and could no longer accept the traditional confines of village life. They found employment in the ever-expanding mines of Katanga in the Congo, in Wankie (Hwange) in Southern Rhodesia and in the Lupa gold fields in Tanganyika Territory. For better and for worse, the Great War had drawn Northern Rhodesia into the modern western world. The administration, that preferred to deal with the mythical noble savage of the village, feared that a great number of ex-soldiers had become detribalised and could pose a danger to themselves and to the colony. Something had to be done very quickly. 12 After years of fruitless mineral exploration the administration of Northern Rhodesia had become a profitless burden to the shareholders of the B.S.A. Company. They wanted to get rid of Northern Rhodesia and hand over the responsibility for ruling the country to the British Colonial Office. For the little band of missionaries working away in Bangweolo vicariate things improved slowly but steadily. Manpower and finance increased and the Missionaries of Africa were able to continue their apostolic work with renewed fervour. But its Bishop, Etienne Larue 10 Hastings, A. 1994, The Church in Africa Oxford University Press, p Hinfelaar. H.F. 2004, A History of the Catholic Church in Zambia, , Bookworld, Lusaka, Zambia, and Shorter, Aylward African recruits and missionary conscripts; the White Fathers and the Great War ( ). London, Missionaries of Africa, 2007, p The first sign of rebellion against white rule came from adherents of the Watchtower movement

11 11 realised that many of the French-speaking missionaries had not drawn any lesson from World War I. On the contrary, they had become deeply entrenched in their mission houses among the Bemba-speaking people and were inclined to regard the north as their own private mission domain. The founder Bishop Joseph Dupont, known as Moto Moto had gone in 1911 and his exploits vis-à-vis the agents of the BSA Company and the Bemba paramount chieftancy had become legendary. 13 The missionaries ideal was rural reconstruction. Many of them came from the rural areas of Europe and were guided by a romantic vision of their founder, Cardinal Lavigerie, who regarded every mission post as an undefiled medieval monastery to be kept far away from the inroads of modernity. They did not seem to realise that, in the minds of the young men, World War I had shattered this vision of simple village life, if it ever existed among the movious Bemba-speaking people of Northern Rhodesia. A considerable number of missionaries were very capable persons. A man like Donatien Davoust collected every Bemba word, expression or proverb he could find. He would eventually publish the Cibemba-English Dictionary, used by generations of missionaries. Others, like Eugène Welfelé made the Old and New Testaments more user-friendly by the selection and translation of such passages as would appeal to the people. They produced the Citabo ce Sali, a combined prayer, hymn and ritual- book that became part of the little luggage the recruited labourers took with them to the mines. However, one of the great drawbacks concerning relations with the administration was that the majority of the missionaries hardly knew a word of English. The catechists and the pupils of the minor seminary, started in Chilubula in 1911, complained about this. Some of them even threatened to join the Presbyterian Church of Scotland for that very reason. Bishop Larue implored the Mother House in Algiers, to send him young missionaries who had a reasonable command of English. Regular correspondence between the major superiors, noting his many talents, had been conducted during the weeks before van Sambeek s arrival. That was the reason why, after a few days of acclimatisation, he was appointed Procurator General and at the same time Rector of the minor seminary in Chilubula, the headquarters of the Bangweolo vicariate. He protested about this and pointed out to the bishop that he, like any young White Father, had the right to be properly introduced to missionary life in the bush. Bishop Larue could not but agree and asked both Fr Louis Etienne and Joseph Delaunay to take van Sambeek on long safaris through all the villages, to give him plenty of occasions to talk with the people and so learn the language. He has a first-class brain, a strong constitution and is an excellent administrator wrote Etienne in the diary of January For van Sambeek the return to Chilubula after his first tour became a sad occasion. In the mailbag he found a letter that told him that his beloved mother had died soon after his departure. He consoled his family by writing about his impressions of his first mafundisho, the two weeks of religious instructions given to the catechumens at the mission itself. He told them how intelligent the young people were, so eager to learn and absorb the lessons. There was a long preparation for baptism, followed by one week of catechism for the reception of 13 A great deal has been written about this founding hero. See: Pineau, H. Roi des Brigands,. Pères Blancs, Quebec, Diary, Chilubula January 1920, WFA.Z

12 12 the Eucharist and finally eight days for the administration of confirmation. The most desired object of the catechumens was the rosary he wrote. 15 During the Chapter of 1920 a change was made in the constitutions of the Society of Missionaries of Africa. The members of that Chapter decided to erect separate French, Belgian and German provinces. The erection of a German province would eventually lead to it acquiring a field of missionary activity of its own with its own national formation. As will be seen in the following chapters this would in time put the German confreres at a disadvantage, especially in a society that was originally meant to be international. 16 Meanwhile the happy van Sambeek cycled from one outstation to the other and soon spoke the Bemba language almost perfectly. His superiors noticed how fulfilled he was on safari. In 1922 he was allowed to leave the seminary to someone else and become a full time curate under the capable Fr Etienne, now in Rosa mission to the east of Kasama. However, being such an excellent administrator, he was still asked to continue as Procurator of the vicariate. How he managed to combine the two tasks in two locations remains a mystery. Those first twelve years, from 1919 to 1931, were the happiest of his life. 17 It was at Rosa that he became interested in education. Father François Tanguy had moved the Catechist Training Centre from Chilubula to Rosa and asked van Sambeek to teach the students rudimentary English. During the years that followed van Sambeek came to realise that a number of the candidate catechists could easily be upgraded to work as recognised teachers in the primary schools. Bishop Larue took note and appointed him in 1924 as the first Education Secretary of his vicariate. The hard-working van Sambeek accepted this appointment eagerly. He never tired of cycling through the vicariate and spent his time founding new schools both in the main mission posts and in the outstations. He needed only a few hours of sleep so, during the night, by the light of a small paraffin lamp, he set out to compose a set of text books for all the Lower Primary Schools from the simple Sub A and B sections to Standard In 1923 he learned that his younger brother Alfons, to whom Jan van Sambeek had taught philosophy in St Charles, had been ordained and was also appointed to Bangweolo vicariate. He walked with a group of porters to Abercorn (Mbala) to meet his brother on the shores of Lake Tanganyika. Alfons first appointment was to the seminary in Chilubula and later he went to the mission of Kapatu, west of Chilubula. Van Sambeek s contribution to the apostolate improved by the year. In 1924 Bishop Larue asked him to produce in Bemba a small book on marriage. He did this within a few months. It was subsequently printed in 1925 by the Salesian Fathers in the Congo. They found it so good and practical that they used it in their own mission territory. But when the publication was spread through all the White Fathers missions in the north, some of the older missionaries rejected it out of hand. It is no good they said how can a young man, a mulumendo, who has little pastoral experience, write about marital customs and instruct elderly people? He would do well by keeping to young boys in the schools Annalen, 36, March 1920, p In March 1920 Bishop Livinhac even wrote a letter to the Prefect of the Propanda Fide to allow German missionaries to go to the USA in order to convert the black population! A.G.M.Afr Biographical Notes, Petit Echo 1966, p For specimens of these schoolbooks: WFA, Zambia. 19 Information given to the author by Fr François Tanguy, Mulilansolo 1961.

13 13 It was not the last time that some of the missionaries displayed a touch of jealousy. They thought that van Sambeek was becoming too big for his boots. Until now most of the Dutch missionaries who worked in the Bangweolo vicariate had been simple brothers, like Marie Joseph (S. Vander Meer), Eusebius (August Mous), Walter (Walter Merkelbach) and Eliseus (Jan Bloemberg). The elderly White Fathers were a bit startled by the linguistic, administrative, pastoral and educational talents of this relatively young Dutchman. Bishop Larue kept a protective hand over him as he appreciated and needed the financial acumen and managerial capacities of van Sambeek, particular in the administration of the mission schools, with the minor seminary in Chilubula as the most important institution. 20 In 1926 his brother Alfons was transferred from Kapatu to Rosa, to stay with his elder brother Jan. There the two spent four happy years together until The peaceful and settled routine of missionary life among the Bemba people was to be disrupted by decisions in the wide world. After the Great War and the Treaty of Versailles the great powers of Europe and America came together and decided to create the League of Nations. It was supposed to ensure that there were no more wars. The League instructed the colonising nations of the world that they had a duty to look after the well-being of the native populations and to educate the young to modernity within the parameters of their own culture and traditions. By 1924 the BSA company rule had returned Northern Rhodesia to the more benign British Colonial Office, which took the recommendation of the League of Nations to heart. It appointed a Director of Native Education in Northern Rhodesia whose first assignment was to investigate what was being done by the Catholic and Protestant missionaries and by the administration in the field of basic education. He soon noticed that, despite its promises, the B.S.A. administrators had hardly invested any money in native education. It had established only one school in Northern Rhodesia. This was the Barotse National School in Mongu. The remainder of the schools were in the hands of the missionaries who managed them on a shoe-string. In 1925 the Governor and this newly appointed Director of Native Education arrived in Chilubula and Rosa. To their pleasant surprise they found the mission schools in Bangweolo vicariate being furnished by van Sambeek with up-to-date programmes and an excellent curriculum. They admitted that these were in some respects more advanced than what they envisaged. They invited Bishop Larue to attend an advisory board meeting to be held in far away Livingstone, near the mighty Musi-o-Tunya (Victoria) Falls. Bishop Larue asked van Sambeek to represent him, together with a confrere, Fr Henri Marsan. They made their 400- mile journey by bicycle to Broken Hill (Kabwe) where they boarded the train to the south and arrived in Livingstone just in time, on July 17 th. The attendance was predominantly Protestant but the atmosphere was congenial. Van Sambeek soon befriended a Mr Mackenzie Kennedy, an employee of the Colonial Office in London. He returned to Rosa mission with a renewed vision and enthusiasm and reported on the conference, not only to the bishop, but also to his family and home parish in Velthoven. 21 The Protestants have more money at their disposal he wrote they are far ahead of us, Catholics. We will have to work hard in order to catch up with them. I intend to visit all the mission posts during the school holidays in June and August. For this I had the audacity to take out a loan for a car, which I bought in Broken Hill. It is the only way to solve the questions of schools. That vehicle cost me 200 English pounds, that is 2400 Dutch guilders. 20 Annalen, 42, August 1925, p Annalen, 44, November 1927, p.104.

14 14 Please, help me in paying back that loan. The members of his enthusiastic home parish came together and started an action in Velthoven with the slogan: Voor een auto in Bangweolo. Van Sambeek did not write that when he acquired this second-hand car, an old Dodge, in Broken Hill (Kabwe) he did not know how to drive it and that he had not followed the advice of the Jesuits to employ a driver. After a few miles on the Great North Road he slipped off the dirt track and bumped his car against a small tree. He had to be towed back and decided to follow the Jesuits advice. Meanwhile a commission had been established in the U.S.A. by the Phelps-Stokes foundation, the members of which were mandated to make a thorough inquiry into the educational potential of the British colonies and to come up with concrete recommendations. Already in June 1924 they had attended, even dominated a General Missionary Conference in Kafue under the auspices of the Protestant Missionary Societies and promised to lobby in Great Britain for government aid to missionary education work. All this seemed of little concern to the bush missionaries in the north who were not inclined to have much contact with the English-speaking Protestants outside their domain. The school situation in Bangweolo was lamentable. 22 In particular Bishop Larue was opposed to the recommendations of the Phelps- Stokes Commission. Our schools have nothing to do with English schools, he wrote, This is the tyranny of the Protestants driven no doubt by the English administration. 23 But the Department of Native Education bluntly informed Bishop Larue that if he failed to start a Teachers Training College, the entire responsibility for training teachers would be given to the Protestants. This was all too much for the by now elderly Larue. He could not cope anymore financially and became depressed. When in 1927, Fr Voillard, the Superior General of the Missionaries of Africa arrived for a fraternal visit in Chilubula, he prevailed upon Larue to go home and have a good rest during an extended leave. 24 He recommended putting the administration of the Vicariate in the hands of Fr Jan van Sambeek. The elderly missionaries were taken aback by this snap decision but van Sambeek seemed to take it in his stride. After Bishop Larue had left for France the administrator worked day and night to beat the Protestants by upgrading all the elementary mission schools and the Normal School in Rosa in order to gain recognition by the Department of Native Education. His plan of action was to establish lower primary and middle schools (Standards A,B,1,2,3 and 4) in all the mission posts with feeder schools (Sub A and B) in as many outposts as possible. He asked the White Sisters to open schools for girls near their convents in Kayambi and Chilubula. This was an uphill battle as the sisters were not qualified and almost all the parents regarded modern education for girls with great suspicion. He appointed himself principal of the Teachers Training College in Rosa while at the same time writing a series of primers and handbooks. During the long nights, by the light of a Tilley lamp he composed syllabi as well as a curriculum for the use of the teachers. His energy and drive, his ability to beat deadlines took the administration by surprise. Very often van Sambeek had already drawn up precise programmes both in English and in the local language before the provincial education officers had started to give any directions. Van Sambeek travelled again to the south, to the General Missionary Council held in Kafue July Back in Rosa he wrote We have become members of this Council with the permission of the Major Superiors. The missionaries of the Universities Mission to Central Africa (UMCA) always take our side when it concerns the antagonism between the Catholics and the 22 Biographical Notes, p Rapport Annuel, Bangweolo Vicariate WFA,Z 24 Voillard crossed the Lwangwa valley from Lundazi and travelled to Malole via Chinsali.

15 15 Protestants. All doctrinal questions that could cause discord are neatly avoided. He accepted the ruling that no catechism lessons would be given to children who attended the government schools. 25 Together with Mr Hewitt of Mkushi and Mr Moffat of Chitambo they started a publication in Bemba. We must avoid any religious question. Our aim is to widen the horizon of the people on those points of view that are called civilisation he wrote from Rosa mission in a stencilled circular. 26 At the same time he made use of his linguistic talents by starting to compose an excellent Bemba grammar that was later published in Great Britain. 27 He received lavish praise from the government but the reaction of his confrères was mixed. In their opinion, the only good missionary was a broussard, a man who spent his time evangelising people in the bush and did not mix with and follow the demands of the British Administration. The irony of it all was that the recommendations of the Phelps-Stokes Commission were very much in line with the White Fathers medieval ideology of rural reconstruction. The members of this Commission recommended education as a preparation for village life, so as to avoid de-tribalisation of the youth in the towns. This was at a time when a string of towns was being established in the brand new Copperbelt of Northern Rhodesia. In the end it was the Pope himself who signalled the importance of Catholic schools in the colonial territories in Africa. In November 1926 Pope Pius XI selected the Rector of the Venerable English College in Rome, Mgr Arthur Hinsley, made him titular Bishop of Sebastopol and sent him as Apostolic Visitor to examine and report on the educational work of Catholic missionaries in the British colonies and protectorates in Africa. The Pope was concerned about the spread of Bolshevism among young African leaders. Following the successful completion of this mission, Hinsley became in 1930 the first Apostolic Delegate to British Africa. Hinsley did not praise the Missionaries of Africa but singled out the educational institution in Chikuni, run by the Jesuits, as an example to be followed! His policy was that of the Protestant missionaries. If there were to be a choice between the building of a church or a school, it would have to be a school. He asked the Missionaries of Africa to establish teacher training centres as quickly as possible. 28 In 1928 the African Education Ordinance came into effect requiring the teaching of a common programme. The curriculum was structured to provide trained craftsmen who would find employment in the villages or in the small compounds. The irony of it all was that at the same time labour officers trekked through the villages to recruit young men for employment in the fyalo (foreign lands) and, later, during the 1930s for the copper mines in the south. Van Sambeek continued unabated his drive for more schools. In 1928 the first Catholic schools were established in the Protestant domain of the Chinsali district. Among the missionaries everywhere he met with passive, if not active, resistance to secular schools. On November 1 st 1928 van Sambeek issued a circular letter in which he said that no distinction should be made between the schools and the apostolate. He quoted the White Fathers official 25 A.G.M.Afr , p. 4. Van Sambeek must have agreed to this ruling tongue-in-cheek as government schools hardly existed at that time. 26 A.G.M.Afr , p. 36 September Van Sambeek, J. A Bemba Grammar, London Longmans Green, For a comprehensive list of Van Sambeek s writings c.f. Appendix 2 28 A.G.M.Afr ,

16 16 handbook to support his assertion that the future of the Christian youth depended on secular and Christian education 29 In 1929 van Sambeek made another trip to Livingstone in his second hand car. From there he wrote to his benefactors in the Netherlands: A cold wind comes from the North to the South, first from London, then from Rome. It is a wind for more and more schools. No time any longer for caritas but only for schools. 30 At the beginning of 1930 he made a special effort to try to upgrade the academic standards of the catechists, but without much success. The catechists are not up to their tasks he wrote to Voillard. I subjected them to an examination and got very poor results. 31 In that same year he made a move that would cause him a great amount of trouble in the years ahead and would determine the remainder of his Curriculum Vitae. Without informing bishop Larue, on extended leave in France, he decided to transfer himself, Brother Elisée and all the pupils of the entire minor seminary from central Chilubula to Lubushi, a lovely estate, 100 km to the west. Did he want to be away from the prying eyes of the elderly missionaries in Chilubula? Soon afterwards he and Fr Etienne made a trip to the mushrooming towns of the Copperbelt to render some pastoral care to the hundreds of Catholic families who had left their peaceful villages in Bembaland for more lucrative employment in the mines. It became evident to van Sambeek that the migration to these mining compounds was going to be permanent and that only a few would return to their original villages after retirement. On their own initiative they had founded Christian communities, appointed prayer leaders who prepared the children for the reception of the sacraments and waited eagerly for a Jesuit priest from Kabwe to celebrate the Eucharist. 32 The Copperbelt needed missionaries, and needed them very soon. The Apostolic Delegate, Mgr Hinsley, had implored the Missionaries of Africa to send a few English-speaking missionaries to Ndola but they had been most reluctant, ensconced as most of them were in rural Bembaland. Then, one cold day in July, he received a telegram from Dar es Salaam with the good news that a team of Franciscan Conventual missionaries were on their way to Mpulungu, the inland harbour of Northern Rhodesia along Lake Tanganyika. They had come all the way from Italy with a view to helping the Missionaries of Africa in the apostolate. Van Sambeek s mind worked swiftly: Here was a team of God-sent missionaries who could take up work in the Copperbelt after having been initiated in the language and customs of the Bemba-speaking people. He knew that the Friars were not welcome in Bangweolo itself. When Mgr Larue, the Vicar Apostolic had first written to him from Rome about the possibility of a non White Father group coming to the Vicariate, van Sambeek had consulted his confreres and they had replied with a resounding NO 33. So, when the seven Italian Friars disembarked and recognised the distinctive garb of a White Father waiting at the dock cassock, rosary beads and a barbarous beard, they had to do with a blunt Jan van Sambeek who at first was not at all pleased to see them. Later, reason and a letter from Propaganda Fide prevailed. The practical Dutchman appointed the seven Franciscans to various mission stations for them to learn the language. A year later they moved on and became the founders of the diocese of Ndola. 29 Oger, L. When a scattered flock gathered. Mission Press, Ndola, Zambia Oger adds: Until the 1920s the policy was to spot promising young lads and orientate them to the seminary to eventually become priests. (See also Petit Echo, no 183 Sept. 1926, p 181. and Ipenburg, All good men, p Annalen, 45, June 1929, p VS to Superior General Voillard, , A.G.M.Afr Hinfelaar, H. 2004, History of the Catholic Church in Zambia. Lusaka, Bookworld., p O Shea 1986, Missionaries and Miners, Ndola, Mission Press,. p.17

17 17 Later, during a conference of the Board of Education held in Kasama in September 1930, the local provincial education officer proposed to give the Fathers and Sisters engaged in the work of education only a small remuneration of a few pounds sterling, that would cover a mere 20% of the total cost. Van Sambeek protested vehemently against this, what he called an unjust and dishonourable measure. According to him it was everything or nothing, a full allocation of grants-in-aid both for educators and the pupils or nothing. He was ready to refuse any further co-operation with the government and wrote in this vein to the Apostolic Delegate in Mombasa. If necessary, I will send a letter of protest to London he added angrily. 34 After more than ten years in the saddle without any rest, he was tired and was riding his high horse indeed. When Bishop Larue finally returned to his vicariate towards the end of 1930, he found his Vicariate improved beyond all imagination. 35 The schools especially were going well and received lavish praise from the colonial administration. But to his consternation van Sambeek had moved the junior seminary from Chilubula to Lubushi without his knowledge, let alone permission. It is always irritating for an old man beyond his prime to see a dashing and dynamic young man doing a better job in the field where up to now he had been an expert 36 At the same time van Sambeek came in for quite a bit of criticism from a number of elderly Missionaries of Africa. 37 According to them, it was better that he be removed from the direct administration of Bangweolo vicariate. 38 Later, Larue became slightly milder in his judgement. In his annual report for , he thanked van Sambeek for having administered hic vicariate during the two years of his absence and added With the so active Administrator the entire school system was firmly put on its feet. 39 But towards the end of 1930 van Sambeek was not yet out of the woods. His younger brother Alfons, with whom he had worked so closely in Rosa mission, fell gravely ill and had to be repatriated to the Netherlands where he died in At the beginning of that year van Sambeek scandalised his confreres when he agreed to a Protestant teacher conducting a refresher course at Rosa. I hope that his stay among us will do him good van Sambeek wrote in his diary. 40 The Father in charge of Rosa s teacher training centre asked van Sambeek to help him with the transfer of teachers. When the latter replied that he had no time, he was reprimanded by Bishop Larue, who in a letter to the Superior General Voillard accused van Sambeek of insubordination and dismissed him from his position as Secretary for Education. He had never been given the opportunity to explain his side of the question He wrote to the Superior General, Fr Voillard, and explained what had happened. Voillard had a very high esteem for van Sambeek and might well have sensed the hidden undercurrents that run through Bangweolo, a vicariate that had the reputation of being le vicariat des fous. He encouraged van Sambeek to go on leave and go for a thirty days retreat. After 12 years of hard work with little sleep and a great deal of opposition from his confreres, van Sambeek was ready for a good long rest. 34 VS to Voillard, A.G.M.Afr Biographical Notes, Petit Echo, 1967, p Ibid. 37 Some of the criticism was channelled via their lettres de règle to the Mother House in Algiers. Information to the author from Fr. Tanguy, Mulilansolo Some of them hoped to become the successor of Bishop Larue and regarded Van Sambeek as an upstart 38 Personal communication to the author by Fr Etienne January Rapports Annuels, , pp A.G.M.Afr. Bishop Larue, born in 1864 and Vicar Apostolic of the Bangweolo vicariate, resigned in 1934 and died soon afterwards in WFA.Zambia. Documents, Van Sambeek

18 18 It was then that a great adventure presented itself with the arrival of a 27-year-old lady, the Countess Claude de Kinnoull. She was the heiress of the Imperial Tobacco Company, the purveyor of the popular Players cigarettes. With Abbé Vincent de Moor, her uncle and godfather as navigator she had driven her car single-handed from Alexandria to Cape Town. 41 She called her Citroën car, painted blue in honour of Our Lady, La Croisière Bleue. On her way to Cape Town she had already stayed at Chilubula and admired the work of the missionaries. Bishop Larue was deeply impressed and wrote: She is such a good example to our people. She is humble, devout and always present at our prayer services. 42 She and the Abbé were on their way back to Algiers and called in at Chilubula a few days before van Sambeek s departure. There was plenty of extra room in the big car and the Countess agreed to give him and two other missionaries a lift. The original plan was to drive them to Mpulungu, then by ship to Kigoma in Tanganyika where the missionaries would take the train to Dar es Salaam. Van Sambeek enjoyed this first lap of the journey so much that he agreed to stay with the Countess and her uncle and accompany them all the way to Algiers. This decision caused a number of missionary eyebrows to be raised in Bangweolo and in the Mother House in Algiers. 43 Van Sambeek took all the criticism in his supernatural stride, and heartily enjoyed his long ride with the Countess and her uncle towards Algiers in North Africa. Little did he foresee that he would never be re-appointed to his first love, the vicariate of Bangweolo, where he had spent such happy years. 41 Abbé De Moor de Kinnoul, a professor of missiology at the Institut Catholique de Paris was in charge of special missions. 42 Rapports Annuels, , p 264. In the small book, La Croisière bleue, written by De Moor, (L Edition Universelle Brussels) p. 32, it was said that the heavy car caused the small pontoon in front of the mission, to sink. It was repaired and put back on the road by the brothers. Insert pictures of La Comtesse etc. 43 As will be seen, Madame Claude-Marguerite, Comtesse de Kinnoull, 48 rue de la Bienfaisance, Paris VIII would remain an ardent benefactress of Bishop van Sambeek until almost the end of his life.

19 19 Chapter 3. Tukuyu in Tanganyika and Administrator in Lwangwa, Van Sambeek, together with the countess and her godfather left finally on September 23 rd Most of van Sambeek's time was spent in repairing punctures and pushing the heavy car out of the sand or mud. They shivered in the tropical rain. Everywhere they met huge swarms of locusts that destroyed the harvests of the people. The Countess turned out to be an excellent driver while the Abbé was a first class cook. They had an hilarious time and finally hobbled into Algiers under the protection of Notre Dame d Afrique on January 21 st There, van Sambeek had an audience with the Superior General, Fr Paul Voillard, and explained his case. But a string of letters from the confreres in Bangweolo had arrived before him. It was clear that Bishop Larue and his councillors did not want van Sambeek back in the vicariate. Fr Voillard was fond of the intrepid and active Jan van Sambeek but wanted to avoid any further trouble. He suggested that he join the German White Father, Max Donders in Tukuyu, in the south of Tanganyika (Insert Map) As has been seen, the central administration of the Society in Algiers was engaged in demarcating an area for the German province. Tukuyu and its surroundings had been earmarked for this enterprise. After a rest and a retreat of thirty days, van Sambeek travelled by boat and train to Brussels where he met his brother Joseph and his wife from Veldhoven. He had never mentioned in his letters to his family and to the editor of the Dutch Annalen the trouble he had experienced in Bangweolo but his family guessed that there was something amiss. To assuage their concern he remained collecting money and soliciting personnel for the vicariate of Bangweolo. He left for Preston, in Lancashire to recruit Irish teaching Brothers, then went to Germany to see Fr Donders and paid a visit to the countess. The time of rest and spiritual renewal passed too quickly. On his way back to Africa in October 1932 he joined in celebrating Voillard s golden jubilee of priestly ordination and arrived in Dar es Salaam at the beginning of November. On November 11 th 1932 Propaganda erected the missio sui iuris of Tukuyu with Fr Max Donders in charge. 45 The administrator, Fr Max Donders was delighted and asked him to found a new mission at Irambo. He discovered that the only way to obtain a plot was on a prospector s licence. 46 He applied for it, dressed in a pair of shorts and a loose shirt. From there Donders sent him to Galula to learn the local languages. Van Sambeek did this with his usual erudite approach. Within a short space of time he had composed two grammars and a small dictionary of the Safwa and Nyakyusa languages. 47 On November 20 th 1932 van Sambeek wrote to the Generalate that he was the right hand of Fr Donders as General Bursar, and that he was the superior of Galula mission; later (22 nd March 1933) he wrote that he was busy learning the Nyakyusa language in view of founding a new mission at Makete. 48 The area around Tukuyu had been neglected. There were only three missions. Van Sambeek together with Donders founded in a short time Gua, Irambo, Chunya 44 De Moor, 1932, La Croisière Bleue. They travelled via Burundi, Rwanda, Kivu to Kissigui, then to Irumu, Beni, Bunya and reached Stanleyville on 31 October. From there to Bongor, Kano (16 december 31) Niamey (Niger) at Christmas Gao- Reggan 6 January to El Golea where they visited the tomb of the saintly Père de Foucauld. 14 January 1932 in Ghardaia. Total 9 months, km! See also Annalen July 1932 pp He died in 1938 and was succeeded by the German Ludwig Haag as Prefect Apostolic 46 Biographical Notes, 1967, Petit Echo, p The mission of Galula was in a poor state as it had been pillaged twice by the German troops of Von Lettow- Vorbeck in September Shorter, A. African recruits and missionary conscripts, 2007, p A.G.M.Afr and

20 20 and Ipinda. 49 The plan was to establish two more missions as quickly as possible. However his heart ached for a return to Bangweolo. He regarded his stay in the mission territory of Tukuyu as only temporary and dreamed of a rapid return to Chilubula. This was known to his Regional Superior, Fr Eugène Welfélé, who wanted to call him back and to make use of his talents and stamina. But some of the missionaries in Chilubula advised the former against it on the grounds that van Sambeek was too autocratic. 50 Rome knew better. On May 21 st 1933 the Sacra Congregatio de Propaganda Fide promulgated a brief by Pope Pius XI that created the missio sui iuris of Lwangwa and on October 21 st the Sacred Congregation appointed Fr Jan van Sambeek as the administrator of this mission. When he received and accepted his appointment, he was building the mission of Irambo with the German Brother Hugo (Leo Kissel), living together in a grass hut. 51 Rome also insisted that the missionaries move with the times. The Apostolic Delegate wanted the central vicariate of Bangweolo to be called Kasama, after the central provincial Boma. Bishop Larue refused. Kasama is simply the residence of the civil administration with barely 10 Europeans, merchants and recruiters, apart from the officials of the administration he replied. 52 Hinsley was not pleased, realised that the 70-year-old Larue was out of touch and advised him to look for a coadjutor and added. The Holy See regards good relations between an Ordinary and the civil administration as most desirable. The missionaries must have a good command of English and be conversant with the British administration. There must be a frank disposition to work in harmony with the Government and, as far as possible, co-operate in all efforts for true advancement. The Bishop should not be anti-english, should be truly Catholic, that is free from assertive nationalism of any sort. Van Sambeek was very happy to return to a Bemba-speaking area of Northern Rhodesia. The missio sui iuris of Lwangwa had been separated from the central vicariate of Bangweolo. It was situated to the east of the Chambeshi River and the Bangweulu swamps. Through the centre ran the old trade route that connected Portuguese Mozambique with the hinterland of Portuguese Angola. Traders and leaders of expeditions like Lacerda, and Gamitto were known to have passed there at the end of the 18th and the beginning of the 19th century, crossing the Chambeshi River near the Safwa rapids. 53 Later in the 1870s David Livingstone had more or less followed the same route when he lost not only his medicine box but also his little dog near Shiwa Ngandu. The Lwangwa mission territory had only two old mission stations, Kayambi in the north, founded in 1895 and Chilonga in the south, founded in Altogether there were about 30 small outstations. He proposed immediately the foundation of a third mission, somewhere in between. 54 He noticed that it was common opinion among the missionaries that this newly demarcated territory would be manned by German missionaries and financially supported by the German Province. Together with Fr Pueth, the superior of Malole mission he made a quick tour through Chinsali but by then the rains had come and Van Sambeek had to bide his time in Chilubula and prepare his final departure for the Lwangwa mission. 49 Fr Malishi, Lukas. 1969, The Catholic Mission in Uha under Bishop Van Sambeek. Cyclostyled document, A.G.M.Afr. Annexe P 170/1, p A.G.M.Afr , and VS to Generalate, A.G.M.Afr Correspondence Hinsley to Larue and v.v. July 1932, Diary Chilubula and A.G.M.Afr Lacerda. E The Lands of Cazembe, translated by Burton, R. 1873, Murray, London. And Gamitto, A King Kazembe 2 Vol. Translated by I Cunnison, Lisbon, 1960 and Livingstone, D. 1874, The last Journals 2 Vol. Edited by Horace Waller, 1970, Westport Greenwood Press, Connecticut. USA. 54 V.S. had already suggested this when still in Galula, Tukuyu, A.G.M.Afr

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