Moving on up? Ethnic minority women and work. Ethnic Minority Women and Local Labour Markets. Lisa Buckner, Sue Yeandle and Sue Botcherby

Transcription

1 Moving on up? Ethnic minority women and work Ethnic Minority Women and Local Labour Markets Lisa Buckner, Sue Yeandle and Sue Botcherby

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3 Ethnic Minority Women and Local Labour Markets Lisa Buckner and Sue Yeandle CIRCLE Centre for International Research on Care, Labour and Equalities University of Leeds Sue Botcherby Equal Opportunities Commission

4 Equal Opportunities Commission 2007 First published Winter 2007 ISBN: The views expressed in this report are those of the authors and do not necessarily represent the views of the Commission or other participating organisations. The Commission is publishing the report as a contribution to discussion and debate. Please contact the Research and Resources team for further information about other EOC research reports, or visit our website: Research and Resources Equal Opportunities Commission Arndale House Arndale Centre Manchester M4 3EQ research@eoc.org.uk Telephone: Website: You can download a copy of this report as a PDF from our website, or call our Helpline to order a copy: Website: info@eoc.org.uk Helpline: (calls charged at local rates) Interpreting service available for callers to the Helpline Typetalk service available:

5 About the investigation In October 2005, the Equal Opportunities Commission launched 'Moving on up? Ethnic minority women at work', a GB wide investigation into the participation, pay and progression of ethnic minority women in the labour market. The overall aim of the investigation is to understand more about the diverse experiences and aspirations of ethnic minority women in relation to work, including barriers to progress, so that effective action can be taken to improve their labour market prospects. The focus is on women, as there is insufficient labour market evidence available that seeks to understand how gender, race and faith intersect in the labour market. The investigation focuses particularly, though not exclusively, on, and women. and women are included because they have the lowest rates of employment of any other ethnic group, and women because they are under-represented in senior level jobs, despite being more likely than white women to work full-time. A focus on these three groups has meant that resources can be channelled more effectively for depth research and analysis, and in order to avoid over generalisations about ethnic minority women. The EOC has commissioned new research and analysis to support the investigation, including the voices of women at every stage. Moving on up? is a statutory investigation under the Sex Discrimination Act The legislation gives the EOC the power to undertake general formal investigations into deep-seated issues of gender inequality or discrimination, and to make recommendations to those in a position to make changes, including Government. This report is one of a series of research reports commissioned for the Moving on up investigation, which is supported by the European Social Fund. We will publish all the research on our website at Please bme@eoc.org.uk or phone our helpline if you require a printed copy of the interim report. For more information on the investigation visit our website

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7 CONTENTS FIGURES AND TABLES ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS EXECUTIVE SUMMARY ii iii iv 1. INTRODUCTION Background Methodology Evidence from the GELLM research programme The National Picture: economic activity and unemployment 6 2. ECONOMIC INACTIVITY AND UNEMPLOYMENT IN LOCAL LABOUR MARKETS 2.1 Mapping the situation of ethnic minority women Districts where ethnic minority women are 5+ per cent of 19 the population 2.3 The major cities of England and two London boroughs Labour force participation in places with the same overall rates The Neighbourhood Renewal areas CONCLUSION 28 References 32 Appendix 1: Data tables on Local Authority districts in England 33 and Wales Appendix 2: Data tables on the 86 Neighbourhood Renewal areas 50 i

8 TABLES AND FIGURES TABLES 1. Numbers of women of working age, selected ethnic minority groups: 6 England and Wales 2. Women s economic activity rates, selected ethnic groups: 20 England s major cities and two London authorities 3. Women s unemployment rates, selected ethnic groups: England s 21 major cities and two London authorities 4. Women s highest/lowest rates of economic activity in selected ethnic 26 groups in Neighbourhood Renewal districts 5. Women s highest/lowest rates of unemployment in selected 26 ethnic groups in Neighbourhood Renewal districts FIGURES 1. Economic activity rates of women aged 16-59, selected ethnic groups: 7 England and Wales 2. Unemployment among economically active women aged 16-59, by 8 selected ethnic groups: England and Wales 3. Variation in the economic activity rates of women aged , by local authority district: England and Wales 4. Variation in the economic activity rates of women aged , by local authority district: England and Wales 5. Variation in the economic activity rates of women 16 aged 16-59, by local authority district: England and Wales 6. Variation in the economic activity rates of women aged , by local authority district: England and Wales 7. Variation in the economic activity rates of women aged , by local authority district: England and Wales ii

9 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS All Crown Copyright material is reproduced with the permission of the Controller of HMSO. iii

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11 EXECUTIVE SUMMARY EXECUTIVE SUMMARY This paper examines the situation of selected groups of ethnic minority women in the labour market, using data for local authority districts in England and Wales to explore differences in the labour market experience and participation of ethnic minority women and to consider the reasons why it is sometimes so different from that of women. The paper uses data from the 2001 Census to explore the economic activity and unemployment rates of women of working age in four selected ethnic minority groups: women; women; women; and women. Data for all 376 local authority districts in England and Wales were examined, permitting comparison both between and within local authority districts. The paper has been prepared by researchers at the University of Leeds, building on their previous work on ethnic minority women s experiences in selected local labour markets, and the EOC as part of its investigation into the participation, pay and progression of ethnic minority women in the Great Britain (GB) labour market. To provide the context for the new statistical analysis, key findings from a recent study of ethnic minority women in five English local authorities (Yeandle et al 2006), and recent national data from the EOC s ongoing investigation into ethnic minority women and the labour market are presented. These highlight the relative disadvantage experienced by the selected groups of ethnic minority women; all the selected groups experience higher rates of unemployment, and (except for Black Caribbean women), lower rates of economic activity, than women. Geography is particularly important in our analysis because ethnic minority populations are clustered in particular districts. Furthermore, women more than men rely on local labour markets for employment; as a result ethnic minority women have variable access to and success in their local labour markets. Although relying on national level analysis can lead to inappropriate conclusions which reinforce stereotypes, there is limited awareness of these local patterns and variations. The paper presents detailed statistical evidence with the aim of addressing three questions: Are ethnic minority women disadvantaged in the labour market mainly because they are clustered in localities where labour market opportunities are generally poor? iv

12 ETHNIC MINORITY WOMEN AND LOCAL LABOUR MARKETS Do different groups of ethnic minority women have consistently high/low levels of economic activity and unemployment, irrespective of where they live, related to cultural preferences or arising from discrimination? Is it sensible to set national targets for labour force participation, either for all women or for women from different ethnic minority groups? KEY FINDINGS Local authority data on economic activity and unemployment rates The report maps the economic activity rates of women in the selected groups in local authority districts in England and Wales, revealing large variations. Economic activity rates reached 94 per cent (the highest found, among women, in one district) but also fell as low as 16 per cent (for women in one district). Unemployment rates also varied markedly. The highest unemployment rates were found among and women, reaching well over 20 per cent in some areas, although the national rate for all women was only 4 per cent. The variation in economic activity and unemployment rates across districts is much greater for ethnic minority women than for women. For women, the gap between the highest and lowest economic activity rates found at district level is 29 percentage points. The gap for women is very much higher, at 50 percentage points, and the variation for other groups of women is also large: 40 percentage points for women, 38 percentage points for women and 34 percentage points for women. The gap between the lowest and highest unemployment rates found at district level for women is 6 percentage points. The gap for women is four times higher, at 23 percentage points, with much larger gaps for women (21 percentage points), women (17 percentage points) and Black Caribbean women (11 percentage points) as well. Districts where ethnic minorities are at least 5 per cent of the population Large differences between local authority districts in the economic activity and unemployment rates of different groups of ethnic minority women are also found when analysis is confined to those districts where resident ethnic minority populations form at least 5 per cent of the population. In this part of the analysis, wide variations in the economic activity and unemployment rates of women from ethnic minority groups were also found, although the differences are not quite so large. This confirms that the variation cannot simply be attributed to anomalous features of very small populations. Examples cited in the report include v

13 EXECUTIVE SUMMARY data on economic activity rates for women (47 per cent in Slough compared with 22 per cent in Birmingham), and unemployment rates for this group (32 per cent in Kirklees, compared with 14 per cent in Manchester). Major cities Data for England s major cities were also analysed, since these are places where high proportions of people from ethnic minority communities live and where a relatively wide variety of labour market opportunities are available. The analysis shows that women from different ethnic minority groups experience the opportunities in England s major cities in different ways. Again, some wide variations in economic activity and uenmployment rates were found. This analysis showed that there is no major conurbation where all of the selected groups of women fare better (or worse) than the national average. Some cities simultaneously had very positive labour market outcomes for some groups of women, alongside negative outcomes for others. In London, for example, and women are economically active at the national average level, while and women s economic activity rates are above average. In another example, the unemployment rates of and women in Manchester are at the national average level, whereas unemployment rates for women are lower and for women higher in this northern city. Pairing localities to make comparisons with all/ women Pairs of districts where economic activity and/or unemployment rates for all women, or for all women, are the same or very similar, were also examined. This test was chosen as, in a situation of equal access for all women, one would also expect ethnic minority women to have similar experiences in these districts. The analysis showed large variations affecting women from all of the ethnic minority groups. It was found that in Tameside (North West) and Croydon (South East), where economic activity rates for all women are very similar (72 per cent and 70 per cent respectively), for women these rates are very different: extremely low in Tameside, at 20 per cent, but very much higher in Croydon, at 51 per cent. Similarly, while the two London boroughs of Tower Hamlets and Camden both have a 5 per cent unemployment rate for women, for women the unemployment rates are 20 per cent and 13 per cent respectively. We conclude from this analysis that strengths or weaknesses in the structure of local labour market opportunities cannot fully explain the variations in disadvantage experienced by ethnic minority women. vi

14 ETHNIC MINORITY WOMEN AND LOCAL LABOUR MARKETS Districts that are the most deprived in England,, and women of working age are much more likely than women to live in the most deprived districts of England, referred to as the Neighbourhood Renewal (NR) areas, with, and women about twice as likely as women to live in these most deprived districts. The analysis here suggests a complex relationship between the residential clustering of communities of working age women from different ethnic groups in deprived districts, and their access to labour market opportunities. On average, economic activity rates are slightly lower in these districts, and unemployment rates are slightly higher, compared with the national average for all groups; however detailed examination showed that some of the NR districts had better labour market outcomes, and others considerably worse outcomes, for particular groups of ethnic minority women. Thus clustering in localities where labour market opportunities are generally poor does not adequately explain the disadvantage experienced by ethnic minority women in the labour market. In these data, no locality stands out as the best to live/work, as measured by a combination of high economic activity rates and low unemployment rates. However on this measure some districts are the worst to live/work for certain groups of women: Liverpool (for women); Blackburn (for women); Birmingham (for women); and Hackney (for women). Conclusions Even where outcomes for all women are similar and close to the national average, outcomes for ethnic minority women can be highly variable; in some places, some groups of ethnic minority women are seriously disadvantaged in their access to employment. While some of this variation may be related to the age distribution, qualification levels, migration histories, and households of the women themselves, the analysis concludes that local labour markets are simply working better in some districts than in others for ethnic minority women. The paper concludes that: (i) Although ethnic minority women are disadvantaged partly because they are clustered in places where labour market opportunities are poor, this is not an adequate explanation, since the structure of local labour market opportunities benefits some groups of women while simultaneously leading to labour market disadvantage for others living in the same place. vii

15 EXECUTIVE SUMMARY (ii) Different groups of ethnic minority women do not have levels of economic activity and unemployment which are consistently high/low, irrespective of where they live. At the local level, cultural factors and discriminatory practices may be relevant but it cannot be assumed that these exist or operate in the same way everywhere. (iii) Marked locality variations make it very hard for some localities to reach national targets. It might be more appropriate to focus on addressing poor labour market indicators for particular ethnic minority groups, including a gender analysis, and supporting those doing badly in comparison with other local groups. District level analysis of the clustering of populations indicates that significant proportions of the overall populations of economically active ethnic minority women could be supported by targeting certain districts. If they are to serve their local populations of ethnic minority women well, agencies need good information. In addition to data on economic activity and unemployment, and on the structure of local job opportunities, information is needed, for women in relevant ethnic minority groups, about: levels of qualification; facility in the English language; age; and household composition. viii

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17 INTRODUCTION 1. INTRODUCTION 1.1 Background This paper explores the situation of selected groups of ethnic minority women in the labour market in England and Wales, building on previous work which produced Gender Profiles of 12 local labour markets in England (Buckner et al ) and a study of ethnic minority women in 5 English local authority districts (Yeandle et al 2006a). This showed important differences in the labour market behaviour, experiences and situation of ethnic minority women according to their own definition of their ethnic heritage and where they live 1. After summarising some of the GELLM programme s key findings about ethnic minority women and the labour market, this paper presents an analysis of data relating to the whole of England and Wales, using 2001 Census data for all 376 local authority districts. It raises some important questions about why the labour market experience and participation of ethnic minority women is sometimes so different from that of 2 women, and contributes to the EOC s General Formal Investigation into ethnic minority women and the labour market, Moving on Up 3. By participating in the GELLM research programme , and by conducting its own investigation into the labour market participation and progression of ethnic minority women in Britain, the EOC has made it a priority to analyse statistical data at a level that goes beyond the standard national 'average'. These investigations have already shown that for ethnic minority women, more than for women, labour market patterns differ by age, generation, ethnic group, level of qualification, presence of children, and geography. The patterns and variations revealed are nevertheless still not well known, remain poorly understood, and deserve further attention. Indeed it is evident that relying on national level analysis, and using standard statistical averages, can lead policy makers and others to extrapolate inappropriately from the 'broad' national picture which emerges, drawing conclusions about ethnic minority women which reinforce stereotypes, or which offer only simplistic explanations of the labour market situation of whole groups of women. 1 The Gender and Employment in Local Labour Markets research programme ( ) was funded by a core grant from the European Social Fund to Prof. Sue Yeandle, then at Sheffield Hallam University. The award was conditional upon partner contributions provided by 12 English local authorities, the Equal Opportunities Commission and the Trades Union Congress ( 2 Throughout this paper, we use ethnicity categories employed in the 2001 Census of Population. 3 In October 2005 the Equal Opportunities Commission launched a new investigation into the participation, pay and progression of ethnic minority women in the GB labour market, 'Moving on up? Ethnic minority women at work ( 1

18 ETHNIC MINORITY WOMEN AND LOCAL LABOUR MARKETS In the paper, we look in detail at geographical differences in the labour force participation of ethnic minority women. We believe that analysis which takes account of geography is particularly important because: Ethnic minority communities tend to be clustered in certain districts, and are considerably less dispersed than the population. Women, rather more than men, rely upon their local labour markets for employment; in some cases this narrows their effective labour market to a few square miles from their homes. Access to and success in the local labour market is inextricably linked to several key government objectives: reducing poverty; increasing community cohesion; and diminishing social exclusion. 1.2 Methodology The paper presents a new analysis of 2001 Census data, focusing on two key indicators of labour force participation: economic activity rates (the percentage of all women of working age in the selected category who are either in employment or actively seeking work) and the unemployment rate (the percentage of economically active women who described themselves as actively looking for paid work and available to start a job within 2 weeks). After briefly outlining some of the evidence from Yeandle et al s recent research, the paper presents some national data about ethnic minority women s labour market situation. Section 2 of the paper then explores various analyses of the labour market situation of ethnic minority women in England and Wales, using the following methodology. First, we mapped the geographical distribution of economic activity among selected groups of ethnic minority women in England and Wales, and identified the highest, lowest and average economic activity and unemployment rates for women of different ethnicity by local authority district. This highlighted important geographical variations, confirming our earlier judgment that because national level data about women in the labour market (and especially ethnic minority women) smooths out significant data variations, it is a poor guide to the issues facing local employers, policymakers and planners in addressing the need to achieve gender equality in the labour market. To explore these findings in further depth, the study then examined patterns of economic activity and unemployment for ethnic minority women in districts where women from ethnic minority groups formed at least 5 per cent of the working age female population. This is presented in Section 2.2. Our approach was designed to eliminate results associated with very small populations which could be atypical or unusual in some respect which was likely to affect labour force participation. 2

19 INTRODUCTION Next, we investigated the data for some of the major conurbations - London, six other major cities, and two London boroughs - choosing these because they have large resident populations of ethnic minority women of working age. This approach was designed to explore labour force participation data for women living in large and complex local labour markets which include significant numbers of jobs in different sectors and offer employment opportunities (theoretically open to all) in a wide range of occupations (Section 2.3). We also conducted a comparison of pairs of local authority districts where the economic activity and unemployment rates were the same or very similar for all women/ women, to see if ethnic minority women in our selected groups also had similar labour market experiences in these districts (Section 2.4). Finally we explored the situation of the 86 Neighbourhood Renewal areas in England, where a very high proportion of the UK s ethnic minority population lives (presented in Section 2.5). These districts, identified by central government as the most deprived in the country (using the Indices of Deprivation ), have been the focus of considerable public investment and policy innovation in recent years. Addressing inequalities associated with ethnicity has been a key target for relevant agencies in developing interventions in these localities, but gender issues have been relatively neglected, potentially missing key opportunities to improve the labour market fortunes of large numbers of ethnic minority women (Oxfam 2005; Escott et al 2006). 1.3 Evidence from the GELLM research programme In 2001, just over 2.1 million women of working age in England were from ethnic minority groups (Yeandle et al 2006a). The White Other group 5 and the group were numerically the largest of these. The 5 localities studied in the GELLM research 6 had populations of ethnic minority women which were very different, both in their size relative to the total population, in their particular ethnic composition, and in their age structure. In these localities, about 70 per cent of Black African women, and around 50 per cent of,, and women had been born outside the UK, with some variations from place to place. We showed that and Black African women were much more likely to be unemployed if they were born outside the UK. We also found that: 4 For further details of how the NR areas selected, see 5 The White Other group includes Romany Gypsies, Turkish Cypriots, people of Eastern European origin and people from other European countries, South Africa, USA, Canada, Australia and New Zealand. 6 The five localities were: Camden, Leicester, Newcastle, Somerset and Southwark. 3

20 ETHNIC MINORITY WOMEN AND LOCAL LABOUR MARKETS and women aged were much more likely to be permanently sick or disabled in Leicester than in our other study localities. Among young women, the percentages of women looking after their home and family full-time were much higher for and women than for other groups. However in most groups, rates were well above the national average for almost all the groups studied. Full-time employment rates among women aged varied between the localities. In almost all cases, they were higher in our two London boroughs (Camden and Southwark), most notably among women. Part-time employment rates among women aged also varied by both locality and ethnicity. In the two London boroughs, these were low by national standards for most groups of women, but this was not the case for or Black African women (numerically a very large group) resident in Southwark. Even in the same locality, female unemployment rates among the economically active population were much higher for some ethnic groups than for others - in the most extreme case, 6 times higher. This problem was very marked among young women aged Having demanding unpaid caring responsibilities (which involve looking after a frail, sick or disabled adult or a disabled child) was a more common experience for women in some ethnic groups than in others. The figures for women were particularly striking for women of working age in Leicester and in the two London boroughs. When we considered only women in paid employment, we still found that women were much more likely to have unpaid care responsibilities of this type, especially in Leicester. We also found evidence strongly suggesting that local labour markets were operating in ways which disadvantaged some groups of ethnic minority women. For example, data on the 24,000 women of working age living in Leicester showed that: 34 per cent of women were working in the manufacturing sector, compared with 12 per cent of women. Within manufacturing, women were more strongly concentrated in lower level jobs than women or than men. 4

21 INTRODUCTION Only 4 per cent of women, compared with 18 per cent of women (and 12 per cent of men), held better paid jobs in the sector, as managers, professionals, or technicians. Furthermore, examination of the occupational and industrial distribution of women in employment and of some other factors (not explored in this paper), showed that: There is significant clustering of some groups of ethnic minority women in certain categories of employment, at a level significantly above the average for all women. Among women in employment, for example: 28 per cent of women in Leicester worked in plant, process and machine operative jobs; 40 per cent of women in Camden worked in sales and customer service jobs; 42 per cent of Black African women in Birmingham worked in health and social work occupations; 33 per cent of women in Newcastle, and 49 per cent of Chinese women in Sandwell, worked in the wholesale, retail, restaurants and hotels sector; 31 per cent of women in Southwark worked in administrative and secretarial jobs (Buckner et al ) In the social care sector, in all the districts studied (as in England as a whole), Black women were disproportionately concentrated in jobs as care workers/care assistants, whereas Asian women were under-represented in this segment of the labour market (Yeandle et al 2006b). While unemployment rates were variable between districts for all women, variations in the unemployment rate were in some places very much greater for and women (Grant and Buckner 2006:8). There were very high concentrations of ethnic minority women in some of the most disadvantaged districts studied (Escott and Buckner 2006:12). In England as a whole, even among very young women (aged 16-24), the proportion who were looking after home and family full-time, which stood at 7 per cent for young women, rose to 19 per cent for and 22 per cent for young women (Yeandle et al 2006a:13) 5

22 ETHNIC MINORITY WOMEN AND LOCAL LABOUR MARKETS A little over half of all and women and girls in England were born outside the UK. This compares with around 45 per cent of and Black Caribbean women and girls, with about two-thirds of Black African women and girls, and with over 80 per cent of White Other female residents (Yeandle et al 2006a:11). Female ethnic minority populations in England are relatively young. This is particularly true of the group (Yeandle et al 2006a:10). The proportions of ethnic minority women aged who were graduates rose rapidly between 1991 and 2001 for all the major ethnic minority groups. For example, in 2001, 20 per cent of women of this age living in England were graduates, compared with just 4 per cent in 1991 (Yeandle et al 2006a:17). 1.4 The national picture: economic activity and unemployment The numbers of women from selected ethnic groups who are of working age and economically active, in employment or unemployed are included in Table 1. Table 1 Numbers of women of working age, selected ethnic minority groups: England and Wales Numbers White British 6 Black Caribbean Women of working age 13,521, , ,611 80, ,342 Women who are economically active 9,621, ,087 63,665 21, ,761 Women who are in employment 8,836, ,191 46,525 14, ,549 Women who are unemployed 362,910 13,710 9,404 3,522 11,625 Source: 2001 Census Standard Tables, Crown Copyright 2003 As is relatively well known, in England and Wales the economic activity rate for Black Caribbean women (73 per cent) is very similar to that of women (72 per cent) 7, while women (30 per cent) and women (27 per cent) are very much less likely than White women to be economically active. women have much higher average economic activity rates than or 7 have patterns of working hours which are very different from those of women, however: the national data show that women are much more likely than Black Caribbean women to work part-time.

23 INTRODUCTION women, although their rates are still well below those recorded for and women (Figure 1). Figure 1 Economic activity rates of women aged in selected ethnic groups: England and Wales Percentages Black Caribbean Ethnic groups Source: 2001 Census Standard Tables, Crown Copyright 2003, 2001 Census Commissioned Tables, Crown Copyright It is also relatively well known that women are more than twice as likely as women to be unemployed. As shown in Figure 2, however, the situation is in fact considerably worse for and women, who are about four times more likely to be in this position. Although women have the lowest average unemployment rate of the ethnic minority groups studied here, theirs is nevertheless a much higher unemployment rate than is found among women. Although White women experience gendered inequality in the labour market in a wide range of ways (EOC, 2006a; EOC, 2007), at the national level their employment patterns are (by comparison with most other women, whether in England and Wales or in many other part of Western Europe) characterised by relatively high levels of economic activity and relatively low levels of unemployment. By contrast, and women, overall, have rather low rates of economic activity in England and Wales, and rather high levels of unemployment. The pattern for Black 7

24 ETHNIC MINORITY WOMEN AND LOCAL LABOUR MARKETS Caribbean women, again taken as a single group, is different, showing high levels of economic activity, but also relatively high rates of unemployment. Figure 2 Unemployment rates of women aged in selected ethnic groups: England and Wales Percentages Black Caribbean Ethnic groups Source: 2001 Census Standard Tables, Crown Copyright 2003, 2001 Census Commissioned Tables, Crown Copyright At the level of national analysis, ethnic minority women are thus positioned rather differently in the labour market than White women. The factors which explain this difference, including the impact of the decisions and choices which ethnic minority women feel are available to them in relation to the labour market, require further research, and are still not fully understood. Nevertheless the national figures alone suggest that, for whatever reasons, these groups of ethnic minority women meet with considerably less success than women in securing employment (Botcherby, 2006). In this paper, we examine detailed local labour market data to open up some of the questions we need to ask about the labour market inequalities revealed. As we will see, the national data tells only part of the story, and hides some very marked variations in levels of economic inactivity and of unemployment. In the next section, we present some of this local level data, highlighting a number of striking differences. Our approach is designed to inform debate about how salient a variety of possible explanations might be for the differences found. For example: 8

25 INTRODUCTION Are ethnic minority women disadvantaged in the labour market mainly because of where they live i.e. mainly because they are clustered in localities where labour market opportunities are generally poor? Do different groups of ethnic minority women have levels of economic activity and unemployment which are consistently high/low, irrespective of where they live, perhaps suggesting strong cultural preferences about participation in the labour market, or indicating widespread/universal experience of discrimination or of labour market integration? Is it sensible to set national targets for labour force participation, either for all women or for women from different ethnic minority groups, when locality variations can be so large? Section 2 of the paper examines relevant local labour market data from a variety of angles: mapping the situation of women in our four selected ethnic minority groups; examining districts where these groups have a notable numerical presence; considering the situation in some of the major cities; comparing the circumstances of ethnic minority women in pairs of districts where the patterns of women are very similar; and examining women s labour market situation in deprived districts by looking at the 86 Neighbourhood Renewal areas. In the concluding section of the paper we highlight our key findings, before going on to consider the policy implications of our analysis, to identify some of the further research needed to underpin effective policy in this area, and to note some of the information needs of local agencies seeking to achieve fair access to labour market opportunities for ethnic minority women. 9

26 ETHNIC MINORITY WOMEN AND LOCAL LABOUR MARKETS 2. ECONOMIC ACTIVITY AND UNEMPLOYMENT IN LOCAL LABOUR MARKETS 2.1 Mapping the situation of ethnic minority women In Figures 3-7 we map the economic activity rates of women from four ethnic minority groups, as well as for women, in the local authority districts in England and Wales. Each map compares the situation of all working age women in the stated ethnic group, by district. Visual comparison of the different maps immediately shows that differential labour market opportunity in each district cannot adequately explain why, for a particular group, economic activity rates are much higher in some places than in others, as the patterns of darkest shading are not found in the same places. In Figure 3 we see (as expected) that the entire map is shaded (indicating that White British women of working age are present in significant numbers throughout England and Wales). The darker/lighter shading in the map reveals the economic activity rates of this group of women, showing variation by local authority district between the highest (87.1 per cent) and the lowest (58.3 per cent) recorded for this group. Figures 4-7 use the same approach to map the economic activity rates of our four selected ethnic minority groups, again relating only to women of working age. In these figures areas not shaded at all indicate, for the selected ethnic minority group, that the working age population is fewer than 100 women 8 ; in these unshaded areas we have not shown economic activity rates. The shaded areas in these figures reveal the geographical dispersal of women in the relevant groups in notable numbers (populations of 100 or more). Dark shading represents a relatively high economic activity rate at the district level, and light shading a relatively low economic activity rate. The upper and lower rates vary by ethnic group (as indicated in the key to each figure), as follows: Highest rate Lowest rate women (Fig. 3) women (Fig. 4) women (Fig. 5) women (Fig. 6) women (Fig. 7) Note that the districts shown as unshaded in these maps are those where the number of women of working age for that particular ethnic group was below 100. This level was chosen to minimise the effect of Small Cell Adjustment on the data, a Census procedure whereby all small cells in a table are rounded to either 0 or 3 as part of disclosure control. 10

27 ECONOMIC ACTIVITY AND UNEMPLOYMENT IN LOCAL LABOUR MARKETS More detailed analysis of the data used to compile each map reveals some particularly striking contrasts, as outlined below. women Figure 3 shows the much greater dispersal of women throughout England and Wales, with high economic activity rates found in large areas of the country, notably in parts of Central and Southern England and in the North. Lower level economic activity rates for this group are however also quite dispersed, including some districts in Wales, in the extreme South West, in the North East and in Eastern England. The very highest economic activity rates for this group of women are recorded in Blaby (East Midlands) (81 per cent) and the Scilly Isles (87 per cent); the lowest rates are found in Merthyr Tydfil (Wales) (58 per cent) and in Liverpool (North West) (59 per cent). Unemployment rates for white British women are lowest in the Isles of Scilly (1.7 per cent), Surrey Heath (South East England) (1.8 per cent), South Cambridgeshire (Eastern England), Mid Sussex (South East England) and St Albans (South East England) (all 1.9 per cent), and reach their highest levels in Kingston upon Hull (Northern England) (7.7 per cent) and Knowsley (North West England) (7.6 per cent). women Figure 4 shows the labour market position of women at the national and local scales, and the geographic dispersion of this group of women. The areas highlighted in the 3 darkest shades are those local authority districts where women are more economically active than the national average for this group, which stands at 30 per cent. The detailed figures (presented in Appendix 1) reveal that women s economic activity rates are lowest in Telford and Wrekin (22 per cent) (West Midlands), and highest in Richmond upon Thames (60 per cent) (Greater London). Thus there is a remarkable 38 percentage point difference between the economic activity rates of women living in Telford and Wrekin and those of women living in Richmond upon Thames. We find similar variations when we explore the data on unemployment. The national (average) figure for the percentage of women who were unemployed is 15 per cent. The highest unemployment rates for this group of women are found in Sandwell (West Midlands) (25 per cent), while the lowest rates are found in 11

28 ETHNIC MINORITY WOMEN AND LOCAL LABOUR MARKETS Cambridge (Eastern England) (4 per cent). women in Sandwell were thus 6 times more likely to be unemployed than those in Cambridge 9. women Figure 5 shows the economic activity rates of women, again at the national and local labour market levels, and giving a snapshot of the geographic dispersion of women of working age. The areas highlighted in the 3 darkest shades are those where women are more economically active in local labour markets than the national average figure, which is high, at 73 per cent. Detailed data shows that in Liverpool (North West England), however, only 55 per cent of women are economically active. By contrast, in Huntingdonshire (Eastern England) the economic activity rate of women (93 per cent) is extremely high. There is again a very large difference of 38 percentage points between the economic activity rates of women in Liverpool and in Huntingdonshire. Analysis of unemployment among this group shows that, at the national level, quite a high percentage, 8 per cent of women are unemployed. Very much higher unemployment rates are recorded for women in Westminster (13 per cent), while unemployment rates are very much lower in St Alban's and in Welwyn Hatfield (both in South East England), at 2 per cent in both cases. Black Caribbean women in Westminster are thus 6 times more likely to be unemployed than those living in St Alban's. women The economic activity rates and geographical dispersal of women are shown in Figure 6. Again, the darkest shading shows the areas where women have higher economic activity rates than the national average for this group of women, which is extremely low at just 27 per cent. The district with the lowest economic activity rate for this group of women is Blackburn with Darwen in the North West, where only 16 per cent of women are economically active. At the other end of the scale, the highest economic activity rate is found in Croydon (Greater London), where a remarkable 51 per cent of women are economically active. The national average figure for unemployment among women is very high, at 17 per cent. This figure rises to 29 per cent in Swindon (South East England) and Wirral (North West England). By contrast the unemployment rate for 9 There are some instances where the unemployment rate is 0. These tend to be in local authorities with population just above the threshold level of 100. This may be due to the effects of the Small Cell Adjustment methodology used by the Census office, or could be a feature of that particular group. 12

29 ECONOMIC ACTIVITY AND UNEMPLOYMENT IN LOCAL LABOUR MARKETS women is comparatively very low in St. Alban's and in Richmond upon Thames, both in the South East (6 per cent in both cases). A woman living in Swindon is thus five times more likely to be unemployed than one living in St Albans or Richmond on Thames. women Figure 7 shows the economic activity rates of women by local authority district, again indicating the geographic dispersion of this group. The three most darkly shaded areas are those where women are more economically active in local labour markets than the national average, which stands at 63 per cent for this group of women. Very much lower economic activity rates are found for women in Blackburn with Darwen (31 per cent) and in Kirklees (37 per cent), both in the North of England. By contrast, extremely high economic activity rates are found for women in Daventry (West Midlands) (80 per cent). As we saw earlier, the national average figures indicate that 6 per cent of all women are unemployed. Much higher unemployment rates are found for this group of women in Kingston upon Hull in the North of England (19 per cent), while extremely low rates were found elsewhere in the North East (North Tyneside), in Chelmsford (South East) and in Harborough (in the East Midlands) (2 per cent in all three cases). This section has shown that for two key indicators (unemployment rates and economic activity rates) there are some very marked variations between districts for ethnic minority women. The variation in economic activity and unemployment rates across districts is much greater for ethnic minority women than for women. For women, the gap between the highest and lowest economic activity rates found at district level is 29 percentage points. The gap for women is very much higher, at 50 percentage points, and the variation for other groups of women is also large: 40 percentage points for women, 38 percentage points for women and 34 percentage points for women. The gap between the lowest and highest unemployment rates found at district level for women is 6 percentage points. The gap for women is four times higher, at 23 percentage points, with large gaps for women (21 percentage points), women (17 percentage points) and women (11 percentage points) as well. 13

30 ETHNIC MINORITY WOMEN AND LOCAL LABOUR MARKETS Figure 3 Variation in the economic activity rates of women aged 16-59, by local authority district: England and Wales 10 Economic activity rates - women 76.2 to 87.1 (74) 74.3 to 76.2 (73) 72.6 to 74.3 (77) 69.7 to 72.6 (76) 58.3 to 69.7 (77) 10 All maps presented use 2001 Census Standard Tables, 2001 Census Commissioned Tables, Crown Copyright Census, Super Output Area Boundaries, Crown Copyright This work is based on data provided through EDINA UKBORDERS with the support of the ESRC and JISC and uses boundary material which is Copyright of the Crown 14

31 ECONOMIC ACTIVITY AND UNEMPLOYMENT IN LOCAL LABOUR MARKETS Figure 4 Variation in the economic activity rates of women aged 16-59, by local authority district: England and Wales Economic activity rates: women 44 to 60.1 (29) 37.5 to 44 (31) 29 to 37.5 (31) 21.7 to 29 (32) all others (254) 15

32 ETHNIC MINORITY WOMEN AND LOCAL LABOUR MARKETS Figure 5 Variation in the economic activity rates of women aged 16-59, by local authority district: England and Wales Economic activity rates: women 78 to 94 (30) 75 to 78 (31) 71 to 75 (32) 54.5 to 71 (29) all others (255) 16

33 ECONOMIC ACTIVITY AND UNEMPLOYMENT IN LOCAL LABOUR MARKETS Figure 6 Variation in the economic activity rates of women aged 16-59, by local authority district: England and Wales Economic activity rates: women 34 to 50.6 (20) 26 to 34 (20) 23.2 to 26 (18) 16.4 to 23.2 (19) all others (300) 17

34 ETHNIC MINORITY WOMEN AND LOCAL LABOUR MARKETS Figure 7 Variation in the economic activity rates of women aged 16-59, by local authority district: England and Wales Economic activity rates - women 72.7 to 80.4 (42) 69.3 to 72.7 (45) 65.5 to 69.3 (43) 59 to 65.5 (44) 30.7 to 59 (45) all others (158) 18

35 ECONOMIC ACTIVITY AND UNEMPLOYMENT IN LOCAL LABOUR MARKETS 2.2. Districts where ethnic minorities are 5+ per cent of the population In the next part of the report we explore the data for those local authorities where at least 5 per cent of the population were in any one of the ethnic minority groups 11. This analysis enables us to explore whether the large differences between local authority districts in the economic activity rates of different groups of ethnic minority women still occur when we confine our analysis to those districts where ethnic minority populations are resident in relatively high proportions. Our results show that, even when we exclude data for local authority districts with only rather small ethnic minority populations, we still find wide variations in the economic activity and unemployment rates of women from ethnic minority groups. Below we cite some of these examples, indicating the scale and extent of the variation found. While only 23 per cent of women living in Birmingham and in Walsall (both in the West Midlands) are economically active, the rate is much higher, at 40 per cent, in Slough (in the South East), a difference of 17 percentage points. women in Birmingham and Walsall also have high unemployment rates, at 22 per cent in both districts, compared with a much lower figure of 10 per cent in Slough, a difference of 12 percentage points. Only 22 per cent of women are economically active in each of the four large local authority districts of Birmingham and Walsall, and Bradford and Oldham (both northern England). This compares with a much higher economic activity rate for this group in Slough (South East) (47 per cent), a difference of 25 percentage points. Large differences are also seen in two different northern localities: in Kirklees (northern England) 32 per cent of women are unemployed, compared with just 14 per cent in Manchester, a difference of 18 percentage points. In Manchester, only 43 per cent of women are economically active, compared with 73 per cent in Slough, a difference of 30 percentage points. Only 4 per cent of women in Leeds are unemployed, compared with 8 per cent in Walsall, a difference of 4 percentage points. In Oldham, 82 per cent of women are economically active, compared with 66 per cent in nearby Manchester, a difference of 16 percentage 11 This measure was chosen so that the Census SARs 11 could be used to explore differences between different local authorities with respect to qualifications and other variables which are not readily available as standard census output, as well as to avoid the extreme results which can arise when small, atypical, populations are examined. 19

36 ETHNIC MINORITY WOMEN AND LOCAL LABOUR MARKETS points. And while just 4 per cent of women are unemployed in Slough, in Birmingham the figure is 10 per cent, a difference of 6 percentage points. These examples demonstrate that the large variations seen between localities in the labour force participation patterns of these different groups of ethnic minority women are also found in localities where these are relatively large groups in the resident population. This confirms that they cannot simply be attributed to potentially anomalous differences related to very small population sizes, and that it is not appropriate to present these differences as reflecting a simple north-south divide. 2.3 The major cities of England and two London boroughs To test our analysis still further, we also examined the data on economic activity and unemployment rates for different groups of women living in several of England s major cities, in London as a whole, and in two London boroughs which have particularly large ethnic minority populations 12. This is presented in Tables 1 and 2, which show ethnic minority women's economic activity and unemployment rates. The + and signs used in the table indicate variation from the national average in each case, with ++ and -- indicating large variations. Table 2 Women s economic activity rates in selected ethnic groups: England's major cities and two London authorities % Black Caribbean White British London Manchester Birmingham Bradford Leeds Sheffield Leicester Newham Tower Hamlets ENGLAND Source: 2001 Census Standard Tables, Crown Copyright 2003, 2001 Census Commissioned Tables, Crown Copyright Note: +/- represents 5-10 per cent variation from the England average; ++/-- represents per cent variation. 12 None of the Welsh unitary authorities had any ethnic minority groups that made up 5% of the population as a whole. 20