1 THE EFFECT OF CRIME VICTIMIZATION ON ATTITUDES TOWARDS CRIMINAL JUSTICE IN LATIN AMERICA Gabriel Demombynes Draft of May 2009 ABSTRACT This paper examines the effects victimization on criminal justice attitudes using data for most countries in Latin America. Using a representative survey for almost all of Latin America, we show that being victimized by crime reduces trust in the criminal justice system, increases the approval of people taking the law into their own hands, and reduces the probability that an individual believes authorities should always respect the law. Identification relies on the plausible assumption that crime victimization is random conditional on individual characteristics and neighborhood location, which are controlled for in the regression analysis. Most notable in the comparisons across countries is the particularly large negative effect of victimization in Mexico, El Salvador, and Guatemala on the belief that authorities should always respect the law. These results are worrisome because they imply that high levels of crime may feed vigilantism and support for brutal tactics that may themselves fuel greater levels of crime. JEL Classification: K42, D63 Key Words: Victimization, Criminal Justice, Latin America Abby Beatriz Cordova provided research assistance on a draft of the analysis presented in this paper. The views expressed in this paper are the author s alone, and in no way reflect those of the World Bank, its Executive Directors, or the countries they represent. Corresponding author:
2 1. INTRODUCTION A number of countries in Latin America and the Caribbean have experienced rising crime rates in recent years. Central America, in particular, has faced a rising wave of violent crime since the beginning of the decade, and the governments of the region have struggled to find ways to tackle the crime problem. One of the many possible effects of rising crime rates is a change in attitudes about the criminal justice system. As the incidence of crime rises, a growing fraction of the population will be people who have recently been victimized. The emotional shock of being victimized, combined with first-hand experience with the criminal justice system, may alter one s belief about the proper way for authorities and individual citizens to confront crime. If attitudes affect the way society deals with crime, a rising crime rate can drive public and private responses via the effect of crime on victims attitudes. Attitudes towards the criminal justice system have been recognized as a potentially important determinant of how well the criminal justice system functions. Previous work has argued that public support for the criminal justice system, and in particular for the police, is essential for the system to be effective (Tyler 1990), and previous work has shown that fear of crime increases among those who are victims (Wetzels, 1997). Research has not, however, demonstrated that crime victimization can change the attitudes of victims towards the criminal justice system.
3 In this paper, we consider the effect of crime victimization on three attitudes: trust in the criminal justice system, support for vigilantism, and support for the position that authorities should always respect the law when apprehending criminals. The first of these measures captures the overall view of the functioning of the state apparatus charged with controlling crime. The second concerns citizen response to crime, and the third concerns the response of public officials to crime. These attitudes are of concern because they are likely to be determinants of public and private behavior, particularly in countries with democratically elected governments. If citizens taking the law into their own hands is more widely supported, the costs of vigilante actions in terms of social and legal sanctions is likely to decrease, raising the expected prevalence of such actions. Likewise, an increased sentiment that the authorities should bend the law when apprehending criminals is likely to translate into more abusive practices by the police and criminal justice authorities. If declining trust in the criminal justice system, greater vigilantism, and increased police abuses produce a less effective criminal justice system, there is the potential for a country to find itself in a self-reinforcing spiral of crime and ineffective responses. The objective of this paper is not to demonstrate the full set of relationships outlined above but rather to present convincing evidence of one piece of the story: the effect of crime victimization on attitudes. The paper is organized as follows: Section 2 describes in detail the data used. Section 3 describes the analysis and the results, and Section 4 concludes.
4 2. DATA Comparison of crime data across time and countries is notoriously difficult due to problems of underreporting and varying crime definitions. Both problems are less severe for homicide, which is consequently preferred for international comparisons. Figure 1 shows homicide rates for Central America drawn from administrative data. The countries of the region exhibit a rising trend. In Guatemala homicide rates have almost doubled since 1999, after a sharp decrease following the signing of the peace agreement which ended the country s civil war. Homicides appear to have intensified in El Salvador and Honduras, although this may be in part a consequence of the improvement in methodology for collecting statistics. Homicide rates in Nicaragua, Panama, and Costa Rica, while substantially lower, have increased at an average pace of 5 to 10 percent per year. The principal data for this study is drawn from surveys conducted by Vanderbilt University s Latin American Public Opinion Project (LAPOP). Surveys were conducted in 10 countries in 2004, 20 countries in 2006, and 20 countries in (A survey was carried out in Guyana only in 2006 and in Argentina only in 2008.) For each survey, approximately 1500 adults were interviewed (3000 in Ecuador and Bolivia.) The questions used for the analysis in this paper were identical across years and countries. LAPOP surveys use two-stage randomized samples, and all surveys are designed to be representative at the national level of the adult population.
5 Crime victimization was measured using the question Have you been a victim of any type of crime in the past 12 months? Attitudes towards the criminal justice system were measured with three separate questions: 1) To what extent do you trust the criminal justice system? (on a scale from 1 to 7) 2) How much do your approve or disapprove of people taking the law into their own hands when the government does not punish criminals? (on a scale from 1 to 10, where 10 is the highest level of approval). 3) In order to apprehend criminals do you think that the authorities should always respect the law or that occasionally they can skate close to the limits of the law? For each of the three attitude variables, an individual-level index was created by rescaling responses to attitude questions on a scale from 0 to 100. This means that for the binary responses to the third question, responses that authorities should always respect the law were given the value 100 and the alternative response was given the value 0. Additionally, on order to control for socioeconomic status in the analysis, a wealth index was constructed using information in the LAPOP surveys on household ownership of the following assets: television, refrigerator, telephone, vehicle, washing machine, microwave oven, motorcycle, indoor plumbing, indoor bathroom, and computer. Weights for the index were constructed using the first component from a principal components analysis, following the approach described by Filmer and Pritchett (2001).
6 3. ANALYSIS First, we consider victimization rates by country and survey year in the LAPOP data. Victimization rates across all countries and years are in the range of percent, with the large bulk falling between 13 and 20 percent. Tables 2-4 present mean values by country and year of the trust in criminal justice indices. Both victimization rates and attitude measures show substantial variation across countries and time. Notable patterns include the apparent decline in beliefs that authorities should always respect the law. In 7 of the 8 countries surveyed in both 2004 and 2008, the percentage voicing support for this position declined. Figure 1 shows a scatter plot of changes in victimization rates and changes in beliefs on this question; the national level figures suggest a loose correlation between these changes. It is impossible, however, to determine the causal effect of victimization by merely examining the beliefs of victims vs. non-victims either at the national or individual level. It is possible that those who are most likely to be victimized are different from the average citizen along other characteristics that affect their attitudes. Most importantly, the people at high risk for being crime victims are those that live in areas with high crime prevalence. These people may well have different attitudes from those who live in lower crime areas, independent of whether they are actually victims or not. In order to move beyond correlations at the national level, the basic approach employed for the analysis is to regress measures of attitudes towards the criminal justice system on a binary
7 variable for crime victimization along with additional control variables. The analysis controls for wealth, demographic characteristics, and fixed effects at the neighborhood (sampling cluster) level. This econometric strategy effectively determines the effects of victimization on attitudes by comparing victims to similar non-victims who live in the same neighborhoods. This approach will produce valid estimates of the effect of victimization on attitudes if victimization is random conditional on observed characteristics and neighborhood. Results from the basic specification for all three variables are shown in Table 5. Columns 1, 3, and 5 show OLS specifications, while columns 2, 4, and 6 present specifications including cluster-level fixed effects. Columns 1 and 2 shows that trust in the criminal justice system is lower among nonwhites, those with more education, and those who are less wealthy. Trust in the criminal justice system declines with age but at a decreasing rate. Columns 3 and 4 show that approval of vigilantism people taking the law into their own hands is lower for women, nonwhites, those who are married, those with more education, and those who are wealthier. Support for vigilantism declines with age, also at a decreasing rate. Columns 5 and 6 show that support for the proposition that authorities should always uphold the rule of law is lower among men, whites, the married, and the wealthier. This belief declines with age, also at a decreasing rate.
8 For most variables, the magnitude of the point estimate is smaller in the specification including cluster effects, indicating that part of the correlation between attitudes and characteristics may be due to location-specific attitudes. Turning to the focus of the analysis, the results show significant effects of victimization on attitudes. The preferred fixed-effects estimate (columns 2, 4, and 6) imply that crime victimization reduces trust in the criminal justice system by 3.6 points, increases approval of people taking the law into their own hands by 4.1 points, and reduces the belief that authorities should always uphold the rule of law by 6.5 points. Recall that all three indices are scaled from 0 to 100. Because the third index is constructed from a simple binary question, the estimated effect can be taken as the change in the probability of an affirmative answer. In other words, the results in column 6 imply that being victimized makes one 6.5 percent less likely to believe that authorities should always uphold the rule of law. In Table 6, we present the same fixed effect results shown in Table 5 alongside an alternative specification which uses dummies for the individual components of the wealth index rather than the wealth index itself. Although very few of the coefficients on the individual assets are statistically significant, the estimates are extremely similar. Table 7 summarizes estimated effects from country-level regressions. These regressions use cluster-level dummies and the specification which includes the wealth index but not individual assets. Effects that are statistically significant at the 10 percent level are shown in bold. While the magnitude of effects varies by country, and some country-specific estimate are not statistically significant, the sign of estimates effects is the same as that of the region
9 as a whole in all except one case (the effect of victimization on attitudes towards vigilantism in Brazil, which is near zero and insignificant.) The estimated effects are remarkably robust and are not driven by only a small number of countries. The effects may differ across countries in part because the nature of crime may vary. The victimization variable is a rough measure which refers to any victimization in the previous 12 months, which could range from petty theft to violence assault, and more severe crimes are probably more likely to provoke changes in attitudes. Some weak suggestion of this is given by some of the variation across countries in estimated effects. In particular, the strongest effects of victimization on belief that authorities should not always uphold the law are in three countries which have experienced particularly violence waves of crime in recent years: Mexico, Guatemala, and El Salvador. 4. CONCLUSIONS Overall, the analysis shows that being victimized by crime reduces trust in the criminal justice system by 3.6 points, increases the approval of people taking the law into their own hands by 4.1 points, and reduces by 6.5 percent the probability that an individual believes authorities should always respect the law. Most notable in the comparisons across countries is the relatively large negative effect of victimization in Mexico, El Salvador, and Guatemala on the belief that authorities should always respect the law. The reported estimates imply that being victimized in those countries makes an individual approximately 10 percent less likely to say that authorities should always respect the law. These results are worrisome
10 because they imply that high levels of crime may feed vigilantism and support for brutal tactics that may themselves fuel greater levels of crime. Two limitations to this analysis merit consideration. First, it is unclear how enduring changes in attitudes as a result of victimization are likely to be. The estimates presented here are for the effect of victimization during the previous 12 months on current attitudes. However, it is possible that the effects of victimization on attitudes fades over time and is therefore less of a concern. On the other hand, if there is high serial correlation in the likelihood of victimization so that those victimized this year are particularly likely to have been victimized in past years (even after controlling for location and other variables) then the estimates presented in this paper may overestimate the effect of more recent victimization. Second, high crime rates may have an effect on attitudes of those who are not victims as well. In fact, it seems likely that the climate of fear generated by knowledge of high levels of crime may affect attitudes. In Honduras and El Salvador, two countries that have seen large declines in confidence in the criminal justice system, the changes observed are too large to be accounted for by the estimated changes in attitudes among victims. This suggests that the change in attitudes in response to rising crime occurs among non-victims as well. This effect is more difficult to analyze empirically given that an adequate control group is difficult to identify but is likely to be substantial. This remains a topic for future research.
11 5. REFERENCES Bilsky, W., & Wetzels, P. (1997). On the relationship between criminal victimization and fear of crime. Psychology, Crime & Law, 3(4), Dull, R. T., & Wint, A. V. N. (1997). Criminal Victimization and Its Effect on Fear of Crime and Justice Attitudes. J Interpers Violence, 12(5), doi: / Filmer, D., & Pritchett, L. H. (2001). Estimating wealth effects without expenditure data-or tears: an application to educational enrollments in states of India. Demography, Roberts, J. V., & Hough, J. M. (2005). Understanding Public Attitudes to Criminal Justice (p. 183). Tyler, T. R. (2004). Enhancing Police Legitimacy. The ANNALS of the American Academy of Political and Social Science, 593(1), doi: /
12 Table 1: Crime Victimization Rates by Country and Year Mean SE Mean SE Mean SE Mexico 17.3 (1.5) 20.2 (1.5) 16.1 (1.5) Guatemala 12.8 (1.1) 19.2 (1.3) 17.1 (1.9) El Salvador 17.1 (2.2) 15.6 (1.9) 19.0 (1.2) Honduras 13.7 (1.2) 19.2 (1.4) 13.7 (1.5) Nicaragua 15.2 (2.4) 16.0 (1.1) 16.5 (1.4) Costa Rica 15.9 (1.2) Panama 14.8 (1.0) 7.1 (0.8) 8.4 (1.0) Colombia 14.4 (1.3) 13.2 (1.1) 15.5 (1.2) Ecuador 18.3 (1.1) 20.0 (1.2) 22.6 (1.2) Bolivia 25.9 (1.3) 16.8 (1.2) 19.0 (1.1) Peru 26.2 (1.3) 25.4 (1.0) Paraguay 17.3 (1.3) 16.6 (1.3) Chile 23.1 (1.3) 22.2 (1.2) Uruguay 21.6 (1.5) 22.0 (1.6) Brazil 15.5 (1.4) 16.3 (1.3) Venezuela 25.1 (1.5) 21.4 (1.4) Argentina 27.5 (1.6) Dominican Republic 14.8 (1.0) Haiti 16.9 (1.1) 14.3 (1.0) Jamaica 10.1 (0.9) 8.4 (0.9) Guyana 11.0 (0.9) Source: Author s calculations using LAPOP data. Figures shown are the percentage of respondents who report having been the victim of any crime in the previous 12 months.
13 Table 2: Levels of Trust in Justice System by Country and Year Mean SE Mean SE Mean SE Mexico 49.4 (1.2) 49.2 (1.1) 49.7 (1.2) Guatemala 43.0 (0.7) 46.7 (0.8) 43.2 (1.4) El Salvador 55.3 (0.9) 48.6 (0.9) 46.1 (0.8) Honduras 51.2 (0.9) 46.3 (0.6) 43.2 (1.1) Nicaragua 47.7 (1.1) 44.6 (1.0) 43.1 (0.9) Costa Rica 51.4 (0.9) Panama 50.2 (0.8) 44.2 (1.1) 46.0 (1.1) Colombia 53.0 (0.7) 52.4 (0.9) 57.0 (0.8) Ecuador 37.1 (0.6) 32.2 (1.0) 36.0 (0.7) Bolivia 36.4 (0.8) 41.3 (0.7) 43.7 (0.6) Peru 35.1 (0.6) 36.2 (0.7) Paraguay 31.2 (0.9) 24.4 (0.8) Chile 49.8 (1.0) 52.8 (1.0) Uruguay 55.1 (1.2) 54.8 (0.8) Brazil 48.8 (1.2) 46.4 (1.2) Venezuela 42.5 (1.1) 39.8 (1.6) Argentina 38.2 (1.0) Dominican Republic 50.7 (0.9) Haiti 40.1 (1.1) 45.0 (1.0) Jamaica 47.6 (1.0) 49.2 (1.1) Guyana 53.2 (1.0) Source: Author s calculations using LAPOP data.
14 Table 3: Approval of People Taking the Law into Their Own Hands by Country and Year Mean SE Mean SE Mean SE Mexico 30.0 (1.6) 21.5 (1.2) 23.9 (1.3) Guatemala 31.0 (1.1) 36.2 (1.3) 22.9 (1.1) El Salvador 36.2 (1.2) 35.4 (1.0) 37.4 (1.1) Honduras 34.0 (1.0) 47.4 (1.3) 34.1 (1.2) Nicaragua 35.0 (1.6) 31.5 (0.8) 33.4 (1.3) Costa Rica 28.7 (1.5) Panama 25.3 (1.3) 35.0 (1.5) 27.9 (1.2) Colombia 22.5 (1.3) 25.0 (1.3) 24.0 (1.1) Ecuador 36.9 (1.2) 40.2 (1.6) 36.9 (1.2) Bolivia 27.4 (1.0) 32.3 (1.3) 31.1 (1.2) Peru 39.7 (1.5) 35.9 (1.6) Paraguay 22.7 (1.0) 21.5 (1.2) Chile 32.1 (1.6) 33.0 (1.4) Uruguay 18.4 (1.1) 26.0 (1.3) Brazil 19.1 (1.2) 17.0 (1.1) Venezuela 25.1 (1.7) 20.7 (1.7) Argentina 30.0 (1.9) Dominican Republic 31.9 (1.1) Haiti 29.0 (1.8) 24.6 (1.1) Jamaica 24.5 (1.2) 26.5 (1.3) Guyana 27.5 (1.3) Source: Author s calculations using LAPOP data.
15 Table 4: Respect for the Rule of Law by Country and Year Mean SE Mean SE Mean SE Mexico 67.8 (2.0) 58.1 (2.0) 69.3 (1.9) Guatemala 75.9 (1.4) 56.9 (1.8) 57.6 (1.9) El Salvador 65.3 (1.3) 56.0 (1.1) 55.4 (1.5) Honduras 63.2 (1.4) 44.4 (1.8) 47.8 (1.6) Nicaragua 71.1 (2.4) 52.1 (1.5) 46.7 (2.2) Costa Rica 56.6 (1.6) Panama 65.7 (1.8) 58.3 (1.7) 62.9 (1.6) Colombia 69.7 (1.8) 60.2 (1.5) 64.8 (1.7) Ecuador 59.6 (1.6) 50.2 (2.1) 55.2 (1.7) Bolivia 56.8 (1.7) 61.7 (1.6) Peru 53.2 (1.8) 56.3 (2.0) Paraguay 47.1 (1.8) 51.3 (2.1) Chile 49.5 (1.7) 51.4 (1.3) Uruguay 51.9 (1.9) 50.2 (1.7) Brazil 71.1 (2.0) Venezuela 68.6 (2.1) 68.0 (2.4) Argentina 62.7 (2.1) Dominican Republic 66.3 (1.4) Haiti 65.1 (2.2) 78.4 (2.1) Jamaica 69.8 (1.8) 86.5 (1.3) Guyana 62.1 (2.0) Source: Author s calculations using LAPOP data.
16 Table 5: Effect of Victimization on Attitudes Towards Criminal Justice: Main Results Dependent variable: (1) (2) (3) (4) (5) (6) Trust in Criminal Justice System Approval of People Taking the Law into Their Own Hands Belief That Authorities Should Always Uphold the Rule of Law Crime victim -4.84*** -3.63*** 4.97*** 4.11*** -7.21*** -6.48*** (0.28) (0.24) (0.44) (0.38) (0.61) (0.55) Female *** -1.65*** 1.36** 1.27** (0.20) (0.18) (0.29) (0.28) (0.43) (0.41) Nonwhite -2.64*** -0.86*** *** 3.50*** 0.86 (0.36) (0.25) (0.42) (0.39) (0.64) (0.57) Married *** -1.69*** -1.16* 0.34 (0.26) (0.21) (0.35) (0.32) (0.51) (0.48) Yrs education -0.35*** -0.07* -0.30*** -0.52*** (0.04) (0.03) (0.05) (0.04) (0.07) (0.06) Age -0.22*** -0.21*** -0.32*** -0.30*** 0.36*** 0.23*** (0.04) (0.03) (0.05) (0.05) (0.07) (0.07) Age squared 0.00*** 0.00*** 0.00** 0.00* -0.00* (0.00) (0.00) (0.00) (0.00) (0.00) (0.00) Wealth index 0.66*** *** -0.75*** -0.91** -0.86** (0.18) (0.14) (0.24) (0.22) (0.34) (0.32) Constant 54.19*** 49.81*** 42.80*** 46.83*** 45.56*** 50.77*** (0.87) (0.72) (1.22) (1.11) (1.80) (1.62) Number of cluster dummies N/A 3009 N/A 3009 N/A 3009 Observations R-squared Source: Author s calculations using LAPOP data. All regressions include dummy variables at the level of the sampling cluster. Dependent variables are indices with ranges from 0 to 100.
17 Table 6: Effect of Victimization on Attitudes Towards Criminal Justice: Alternative Specifications Dependent variable: (1) (2) (3) (4) (5) (6) Trust in Criminal Justice System Approval of People Taking the Law into Their Own Hands Belief That Authorities Should Always Uphold the Rule of Law Crime victim -3.63*** -3.65*** 4.11*** 4.10*** -6.48*** -6.52*** (0.24) (0.24) (0.38) (0.38) (0.55) (0.55) Female *** -1.57*** 1.27** 1.32** (0.18) (0.18) (0.28) (0.28) (0.41) (0.41) Nonwhite -0.86*** -0.85*** -1.41*** -1.38*** (0.25) (0.25) (0.39) (0.39) (0.57) (0.57) Married *** -1.72*** (0.21) (0.21) (0.32) (0.32) (0.48) (0.48) Yrs education -0.07* -0.07** -0.52*** -0.52*** (0.03) (0.03) (0.04) (0.04) (0.06) (0.06) Age -0.21*** -0.22*** -0.30*** -0.30*** 0.23*** 0.23** (0.03) (0.03) (0.05) (0.05) (0.07) (0.07) Age squared 0.00*** 0.00*** 0.00* 0.00* (0.00) (0.00) (0.00) (0.00) (0.00) (0.00) Wealth index *** -0.86** (0.14) (0.22) (0.32) Assets Television *** (0.39) (0.61) (0.89) Refrigerator -0.86** (0.29) (0.45) (0.66) Landline phone * 0.12 (0.24) (0.38) (0.55) Vehicle (0.25) (0.39) (0.57) Washing machine (0.28) (0.44) (0.65) Microwave (0.27) (0.42) (0.61) Motorcycle *** (0.31) (0.47) (0.69) Indoor plumbing (0.31) (0.48) (0.71) Indoor bathroom * (0.29) (0.45) (0.67) Computer * 0.37 (0.27) (0.42) (0.62) Constant 49.81*** 50.36*** 46.83*** 48.33*** 50.77*** 55.01*** (0.72) (0.78) (1.11) (1.21) (1.62) (1.78) Number of cluster dummies Observations R-squared Source: Author s calculations using LAPOP data. All regressions include dummy variables at the level of the sampling cluster. Dependent variables are indices with ranges from 0 to 100.
18 Table 7: Effects of Victimization, by Country Trust in Criminal Justice System Approval of People Taking the Law into Their Own Hands Belief That Authorities Should Always Uphold the Rule of Law Estimated Effect SE Estimated Effect SE Estimated Effect SE Argentina -4.9 (1.3) 7.1 (2.0) -6.6 (3.1) Brazil -3.5 (1.6) -0.8 (2.1) -2.0 (3.4) Chile -2.2 (1.0) 2.2 (1.5) -7.7 (2.3) Colombia -2.0 (1.2) 5.1 (1.8) -5.6 (2.7) Costa Rica -4.1 (1.9) 4.6 (2.9) -5.9 (4.1) Dominican Re -5.5 (2.0) 3.2 (2.9) -5.8 (3.5) Ecuador -2.2 (0.7) 2.9 (1.2) -7.7 (1.7) El Salvador -5.7 (1.2) 7.0 (2.0) -9.2 (2.7) Guatemala -3.6 (1.1) 5.9 (1.7) (2.6) Haiti -3.7 (1.0) 3.5 (1.7) -4.9 (2.3) Honduras -2.2 (1.0) 6.3 (1.7) -6.9 (2.5) Jamaica -3.9 (1.4) 4.0 (2.0) -2.6 (2.5) Mexico -6.9 (1.1) 3.6 (1.5) (2.4) Nicaragua -5.4 (1.2) 1.6 (1.9) -5.1 (2.6) Panama -1.9 (1.5) 1.6 (2.1) -0.3 (3.5) Paraguay -8.1 (1.9) 5.4 (2.9) -0.9 (4.7) Peru -2.4 (0.9) 2.1 (1.5) -7.2 (2.2) Uruguay -5.5 (1.1) 5.9 (1.5) -2.0 (2.4) Venezuela -6.7 (1.1) 3.9 (1.4) -3.1 (2.1) Source: Author s calculations using LAPOP data. All regressions include dummy variables at the level of the sampling cluster. Dependent variables are indices with rangs from 0 to 100.
19 Figure 2: Changes in Victimization Rates vs. Changes in Belief that Authorities Should Always Uphold the Law 5 Change in % of Who Believe Authorities Should Always Respect the Law Panama Mexico Colombia Ecuador El Salvador Honduras Guatemala Nicaragua Change in % Victimized by Crime in Previous 12 Months Source: Author s calculations using LAPOP data. All regressions include dummy variables at the level of the sampling cluster. Dependent variables are indices with rangs from 0 to 100.
20 Figure 3: Effect of Victimization on Trust in Criminal Justice System by Country Effect of Being a Crime Victim on Trust in Criminal Justice System Change in Index(Range: 0-100) Argentina Brazil Chile Colombia Costa Rica Dominican Republic Ecuador El Salvador Guatemala Guyana Haiti Honduras Jamaica Mexico Nicaragua Panama Paraguay Peru Uruguay Venezuela Source: Author s calculations. The plotted figures show coefficients on crime victimization from country-specific regressions of three different indices on crime victimization and other covariates. Regressions include fixed effects at the sampling cluster level. Dependent variables are indices with ranges from 0 to 100.
21 Figure 4: Effect of Victimization on Approval of People Taking the Law into Their Own Hands by Country Argentina Brazil Chile Colombia Costa Rica Dominican Republic Ecuador El Salvador Guatemala Guyana Haiti Honduras Jamaica Mexico Nicaragua Panama Paraguay Peru Uruguay Venezuela Effect of Being a Crime Victim on Approval of People Taking the Law into Their Own Hands Change in Index (Range: 0-100) Source: Author s calculations. The plotted figures show coefficients on crime victimization from country-specific regressions of three different indices on crime victimization and other covariates. Regressions include fixed effects at the sampling cluster level. Dependent variables are indices with ranges from 0 to 100.
22 Figure 5: Effect of Victimization on Belief that Authorities Should Always Respect the Rule of Law by Country Effect of Being a Crime Victim on Belief that Authorities Should Always Respect Rule of Law Change in Index (Range: 0-100) Argentina Brazil Chile Colombia Costa Rica Dominican Republic Ecuador El Salvador Guatemala Guyana Haiti Honduras Jamaica Mexico Nicaragua Panama Paraguay Peru Uruguay Venezuela Source: Author s calculations. The plotted figures show coefficients on crime victimization from country-specific regressions of three different indices on crime victimization and other covariates. Regressions include fixed effects at the sampling cluster level. Dependent variables are indices with ranges from 0 to 100.
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